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Original Drawing 
BY Franz Masereel 


Collorlhw Rpnnrt 


Regardless of their political views, the following declare this 
document to be of decisive importance for intellectual liberation: 

V ranee 










United States: 














iy^m rJ34 l>y Univ.rNi.m-naechurc.l. All rSn^^tn reserved. 



Statement ... 



• -•' 4 

WRi'jn':RS ^ 

* . 6 

Scientists ^ 




• 25 

Soldiers of the Future ^ 


' ' " • ' • 29 


"W7E speak here to you for whom the concepts of progress, culture, and humanity 
W are more than amiable, convenient resting places for non-commital emotions. 
We speak to you who, all over the world, in everyday life, fight agamst lies and 
stupidity, against the wild preparations for war, and against all that which seeks 
through violence and suppression to arrest progress. 
"We speak to you and ask you to listen " 

The collective authors did not wish to excite mere helpless pity for their col- 
leagues, tormented and persecuted and murdered by German Fascism Eftective 
action is the aim of their writing^the honest action suggested m the closing Imes 

of the text. ^ .. . . v • u 

Warning and clarification are the further aims. Implicit m every Ime is the 
caution,- to you readers, in the democracies of the world, this too may come, un- 
less you join together to make it impossible. No one who has lived and worked in 
Germany can subscribe to the idea that the "German people"^^are barbarians by 
nature, or backward, any more than are the "American people." 

The theme of Brains Behind Barbed Wire is neither foreign nor tar ott. i ua 
agitur~^k concerns yourself! Under this motto the report was prepared and 
d. The forces of repression and reaction and enslavement which have reached 


their uhimate and final concentration in the Hitler regime, are not confined to Ger- 
many Here in America, they are at work, supported, as they were m Germany, 
by powerful and ruthless interests. Every week brings fresh evidence of the selt- 
assured activity in our midst of the known representatives and propagandists of the 
particular brand of Fascism which put these brains behind barbed wire and under- 
ground. The native forces of reaction are all present diffused, localized, and 
amorphous as yet, but concentrating under the influence of the same conditions ot 
chronic economic breakdown, preparing to crystallize into forms no less ierocious and 
Bloodily repressive than those of German, Austrian, and other fascist regimes. 
Those forces are operating here, in England, in France-in the great democra- 

cies of the world." tit. 

These writers— uncompromising fighters with their pens and talents— liave 
earned the right to tell their colleagues and readers in the rest of the world, how 
great Is the danger, and from which directions it comes, and how it is to be 

"We . . . who (lid not permit ourselves to he lulled to sleep by the 
specious contrast, democracy^fascism, we, who prophesized for years what 
has now taken place, were fought with censorship and imprisonment." 

They were objects of slander, scorn, and threats. They were called extremists 
and seekers for trouble. But now they are not plunged into confusion or seized 
by helpless despair as they contemplate the catastrophe of all real cu ture m the 
country whose hterature and art they enriched. Nor have they been silenced The 
finest literature being producd in the German language-fiction, poetry, drama, 
renort^Re,^comes from the pen of these political emigres They arc the guardians 
and inheritors of the bfst tradition of German letters. The writmg, produced and 
piibhshrd inuiiT tlu' Hirlcr regime, fias attainrd drpihs oi stupidity, sycophancy, 
.,,uf irrrl.-vaii.r ta rvrry rnilily of hfr. 


Culture ^ has nothing to do with politics. The intellectual worker should not 
mix in political affairs . . . against such facile platitudes, argued and worked the 
brain workers who wrote this pamphlet, and many of those whose fates are de- 
scribed in it. 

Now, for all to see with terrible distinctness, is apparent that "pohtics" has 
everything to do with culture, and the intellectual worker has every reason to con- 
cern himself in deadly and enlightened earnestness, with the drift of political affairs. 
For — "under the bloody flag of fascism, the inhuman debasement of labor has a 
necessary counterpart in the destruction of all cultural values, and in the extermina- 
tion of all those intellectuals who dared to think through to the bases of true 
democracy . . .^' 

It is hardly necessary to point out that the cases here reported are those of 
intellectuals of many different political beliefs and affiliations: pacifists, militant 
defenders of democracy, socialists, anarchists, communists, and even those who 
would be called loosely "liberals." Fascism did not confine its terror to hte "Marx- 
ists", nor to the Jews. Among the twenty-odd cases which follow, are men who 
were hy birth and ancestry Protestant, Catholic, Jew; who were by conviction free- 
thinkers, deists, agnostics, atheists, or what not. 

This is no protest which falls into the deliberate ruse set by the Nazis: it does 
no confine itself to Hiderite mistreatment and starvation of Jews. For this perse- 
cution, though coldly ferocious and deliberately calculating, is only part of a largers 
program of repression, terror, and militarization which is an inseparable part of the 
Nazi dictatorship on behalf of the armament industry and the biggest of Big 
Business. As the German original of this pamphlet was going through the press, 
the authors wrote: 

**The more the former mass support of the fascist government dwindles 
away as a result of the self -exposure of social and nationalistic demagog:y 
of the Hitlerite leaders, the more does the fascist dictatorship have to depend 
on police, its court, penitentiaries and concentration camps and naked, brutal 
violence as the last resort. The fight between National Socialism and the 
churches has resulted in numerous victims among the middle and lower 
clergy who today fill the concentration camps. The bestial sadism of the 
,Storm Troop gangs is vented on these clergymen and priests, just as on 
the Jews and Marxists." 

For them all, protest must be made, powerful, insistent, repeated protests. 

To inspire this protest, and elicit material aid for the minds now tormented 
to insanity behind Hitler's barbed wire, is dedicated this pamphlet and the labors 
of all who have helped to make it, 

Herbert A. Klein 



/V M O N G those who recognized most clearly that the road followed 
-^^ by the German Republic led to the bitter end of Fascism, were many 
German writers. These were persecuted by the venal reactionary majority 
of their fellow writers, no less than by the state officials. They were 
criticized with condescending patronage or arrogantly neglected by the 
professional Hterary critics. They were slandered and threatened by the 
Nazis as "traitors to Germanic Culture/* Yet in the f<ice of all this they 
fought their fight for freedom of mind and freedom for artistic work. 

The stupid auto da fc, which was carried out May loth, 1933, in all 
the cities of Germany, this destruction of hundreds of books labeled "un- 
German" by the Xazis, was the conclusion of a development for years past 
clearly visible to the eyes of those wh(; would see. Many, very many, 
of the middle class authors whose works were burned had fought for 
years against those who contended there was no choice but socialisin or 
decline into barbarity. And when, not only Communists, but also ivory 
towered estetes and moderate, middle of the road, democrats were banned 
or consigned to the fire — this constituted a bitter justification for those 
writers who had recognized the social function of all art and had decided 
for themselves to carry out, regardless, the social tasks which the awaken- 
ing working class demanded of art. 

No fewer than 132 writers were removed from public libraries as 
*'un-German/' Many of these authors emigrated to foreign countries, and 
even today cannot understand w^hat has happened to them. Others, how- 
ever, carry on the fight for the workers, side by side with the workers. 
Many are incarcerated in prisons and concentration camps. 


When complaints were made that the calibre of German political pub- 
licists was low as compared with the journalistic culture of other countries, 
when their superficiality and prejudice was criticized — there was always 
one name excepted from such reproaches — Carl von Ossietzky. In the 
person of this man the last eminent publicist of German bourgeois culture 
is exposed to the cruelties of his jailors in the notorious Sonnenburg con- 
centration camp. 

In twenty years of political activity Carl von Ossietzki remained stead- 
fastly true to himiself. In the Welt am Montag; in the Berliner Folks- 
settling, in the Tagelnich, and finally in the Welthnehne, Carl von Ossietski 
was always the one who made the publication worthy of being read; the 
one whose uncompromising selection, whose disci ])line of language and 
clean cnl thought became exam])lr atid slandnnl. Idic political joiiriinlism 
(d" llic Gcrnuui [Republic is utilliinkabli' wilbout (':iil von Osstct/.ki. 

_ It was he who devoted himself and his reputation to exposing the 
tearful "Feme" murders carried on by the reactionaries in Germany. It 
v.-as he, first of- all, who dared to trace out and tear the devilish threads 
of underground German military policy. lie was the head of the indepen- 
dent jury of referees which investigated the events of May ist, 1929.1 
In the battle against the political partiality of German justice, he fought 
m the front rank. The criminal, secret armaments for the war which was 
to be forced on the German people by their generals, had in him an 
adversary who did not fear to drag them into the light and seek to destroy 
them. On hardly any other German citizen was vented such a flood of 
slander and abuse. 

Courts of the Republic handed down sentences against him because he 
called murder by its right name even when it was tolerated and approved 
by members of the General Staff of the Reichswehr (German Army). 

He wanted^and this should be, must be, said in connection with 
the German tragedy— a clean, just, peace-loving and socially constructive 
middle class democracy. These are demands which cannot be realized 
on this earth, because one excludes the other. 

He^was a man who raised his great voice to warn: ''Republic, be 
strong!", who summoned the republicans to be courageous in their own 
house,^ a man wdio in the last analysis could not understand why the 
republicans could not summon this courage. He did not understand it 
because he saw events apart from the great, extraordinary, essential 
struggle which was going on for 15 years within the boundaries of Ger- 
many^the struggle of socialism with capitalism for power in Germany. 

And so we see him for 15 years fighting a lost cause against the right 
(reaction) and against the "ultra-left" (ultra, according to his opinion)-^ 
fighting for a social Republic which should advance peacefully toward 
Iiumanity and happiness for all. History itself has proved that this line 
of ^^dvance is impossible— and Carl von Ossietzki himself has become 
a victim of this proof. 

At the end of 193 1, Carl von Ossietzki was finally sentenced to a year 
and a half imprisonment for betrayal of military secrets. In his magazine, 
Die Weltbuehne, an aviator wrote an article dealing with preparations for 
war in the German aviation inckistry. In the face of threatened punish- 
ment, the writer fled out of Germany. Ossietzki stood trial. Months in 
succession attempts were made to induce the responsible authorities to 
grant amnesty to Ossietzki. All the great organizations of writers ad- 
fkossed themselves to President von Hindenburg begging him at least to 
grant a pardon which would change the penitentiary sentence to an 
honorable detention in a fortress. But Hindenburg who had just been 
n-elected president w^ith the help of the Social Democrats, didn't even 
<■( insider worthy of an answer these petitions signed by hundreds of thou- 
■mUkIs of people. 

11 was not mitil the end of 1932 that Ossietzki was released from the 
ictii.iindrr i>{ bis scracncc, on llic l)asis of a general amuesly. Only a few 

I. /n.-i/Mrlu-l':. 'Mil.Mulv IM" 

lirlnvv M'rnOli 


months later the Nazis arrested him again, and fairly outdid themselves m 
malicious triumph because the ''traitor to his country", Carl von Ossietzki, 
was incarcerated in the concentration camp of the penitentiary Sonnen- 
burg Courage, honor, uprightness, and whole-hearted participation of the 
individual in struggle— qualities which the Nazis habitually, and worddy, 
praise as highest virtues of the German man^these count for less than 
nothing in Germany today. ^ 

Foreign journaHsts who tried to speak to Ossietzki, found in bonnen- 
burg a broken man who silently stood ^'in military posture" before their 
questions The reporters conld only learn that in the concentration camp 
Carl von Ossietzky had no time for mental work. Military drill and 
rigorous gymnastic exercises under the command of the guards of his 
prison, make up the existence of the last great republican journahst of 


In 1929 appeared in the feature page of the famous Frankfurter 
Zeitwtg a novel which excited extraordinary attention, and thereafter 
was translated into the languages of all civilized nations War! was its 
name. It is well known what power and what effect this book had m all 
countries. So straightforward was the achievment of this author, and so 
clearly did his work stand by itself and speak for itself, that there was 
little question as to what kind of a man carried the name, Ludwig Kenn 
Finally it was discovered that this assumed name hid a former Imperial 
officer ex-Captain Arnold Vieth von Golssenau, and that he, son of an 
old German noble family, was a Communist ! This created a stir among 
the reactionaries, for the manly attitude, the unsentimental and un-melo- 
dramatic heroism of this book was being contrasted with the novel of 
Remarque, ''All Quiet on the Western Front''; and the Nazis m particular 
valued the qualities of the Renn novel. . -r, 1 

A Ion- and difficult way had led Ludwig Renn^born m Dresden, 
i888^to Communism. In 191 1 the young officer entered the War Aca- 
demy, went to the front in 1914 as head of a company became regimental 
adjutant, battalion leader, and finally teacher of the Field War College 
fFeldkriegsschule). He was a superb soldier, a model Disciplined as 
leader, as confident of his comrades and disciplined even down to the very 
least of his o-estures. After the war he was selected as leader by the 
Safety Troops {Sicherheitstruppe) of Dresden. In 1920 he quit this 

^"'^His'^'existence was restless, tormented, burdened with impressions of 
the war which he could not absorb and assimilate. Ludwig Renn studied 
all branches of knowledge. He wandered through Italy Greece Tiirkey 
and E£^ypt-^an uprooted feudal aristocrat, a soldier who could not find 
himself in the complications and injustices of the everyday world. 

"I sc'irdicd Un- pen]>k^ with whom T hiid aims in common, and Unmd 
„„>„, nowh.n.. Th. only way wnvamlug to mc was bamnl by the pn-.,u.lur 
'vhirh I hni f-K fc.r Suri.lism. As a .ohl..-r 1 n.rlnr.-,lly h.ul nothu,,- I'n. .on 
,,.,,,|, |.„ ,1,, ..nv.inUinrr.. ul tl.r SnM.l h-ildns." 

The events of July 15th, 1927, the tremendous explosion of mass in- 
dignation in Austria, the burning of the Palace of Justice in Vienna— 
which Renn experienced at first hand— wrought the decision in him. He 
returned to Germany and became a Communist. 

The same penetration, the same power of literary creation which 
made his novel ''War" a world-wide success, are also to be found in 
Renn's second work "Post^War" {Nachkrieg) in which Renn pictures the 
progress of his sergeant through the confusion of the post-war time, to 
socialism. This ^'deserter", who had examined passionately the founda- 
tion of his social class and found it wanting and pronounced it ready for 
destruction, was a thorn in the side of the ruling powers of Germany. 
The first opportunity was seized to take vengeance on him : In October, 
1932, Ludwig Renn was arrested in one of the lecture rooms of the 
Berlin Marxist Workers School, in the midst of a lecture he was giving 
on the history of military science. The outline for his lecture, a cool, 
scientific summary which he carried in a pocket, was seized upon as an 
excuse for a charge of high treason. For months Ludwig Renn was 
imprisoned awaiting trial. After a few days of freedom, he was once 
again arrested on the day after the burning of the Reichstag. 


With a group of his new friends, the young Association of Proletarian- 
Revolutionary Writers of Germany {Bund proletarisch-revolutionaercr 
Schriffsteller Deutschlands, which has prepared this study) Renn Ijcgan 
to publish the magazine Linkskurve (Curve to the Left), which aimed to 
call into life a revolutionary workers literature and to direct it critically. 
Not a sentimental ''poor people" literature; not mere social problem lite- 
rature which only describes existing conditions^xit a revolutionary fight 
on the side of the Communist Party ; such was the aim and the content 
of the literature of these young men who, for the most part, were them- 
selves workers. Their literary activity had often begun with the writing 
of factory reports for the revolutionary press which had organized them 
and spurred them on to further writing. 

Among the promising beginning of this species of literature, one liook 
had justly excited particular interest: the novel "N. & K. Machine Works" 
by Willi Bredel. Here, for the first time in the history of German litera- 
ture, a factory was used not merely as a technical phenomena, nor, so to 
speak, as a bit of landscape scenery exploited and misrepresented— rather 
the social function of the factory was shown and, from a new point of 
view, the role of the laborers at their daily work, in political fights, and in 
society as a whole. 

The situation of the worker presented in this book may be illustrated 
iiu'st aptly by the fact that the worker-author, Willi Bredel, wrote his 
iH.vd while in prison! On the basis of the grotesque, judicial fiction of 
"lili'rary high treason", to which dozens of editors, journalists, and even 
Iviic poets were sacrificed, Willie Bredel was sentenced in 1927 to two 
years of detention in a fortress. He had begun to occupy himself with 

literary work for the first time as he was sentenced to im|)riRonment 
on account of his political activity. 

Though continually threatened by the anti-worker decisions of the 
German court and by the noiseless operation of police censorship, this 
literature grew up and spread. It is nnderstandable that in it a new and 
harder note is sounded ; understandable, too, that these militant books lack 
some of the qualities which make the great work of bourgeois literature 
seem so harmonious and iridescent. 

The life of the proletarian revolutionary author, Willi Bredel, makes 
clear the origin and atmosphere of such literature more than any long 
academic study could do : — 

Son of a socialist cigar worker in Hamburg, he was thrust during the 
war into a munitions factory as apprentice at the lathes. Grown up in the 
tradition of the old Social-Democratic party, the young man soon took 
part in political life. lie worked on the docks, went to jail, worked again 
in a machine shop, became worker-correspondent, wrote articles, was sen- 
tenced, went to jail, worked again— in short he led the life of those hun- 
dreds of thousands of nameless fighters who all over the world risk free- 
dom and life to work for the realization of socialism. 

A short time after the burning of the Reichstag, Willie Bredel was 
arrested and thrust into a concentration camp, No news of his fate has 
reached the outside world. 


This is an entirely new type of writer : diametrically opposite to the 
petty bourgeois picture. He has become hard and disciplined. Today in 
a cellar he edits an illegal newspaper-^on leave from death. Tomorrow he 
composes political couplets. The day after tomorrow he prints them or 
pastes them on walls and in the midst of all this he sees the material 
which will form the basis of a novel or a great piece of reporting. No 
theatrical first night resotmds with ovations for this author. No^ prizes 
are awarded to him. No big royalties are accumulated for the likes of 
him. No newspapers blazon his name. Or if at all, then in small type from 
some official government news service, a notice:— 

July 14th — Fram Braun, editor of the news- 
paper, Peoples Guardian, of Stettin, found dead in 
his celL . . . 
And on the next dav, some one else takes his place. 
What does the world know of Franz Braun? Very little. He is one of 
many who some fine day bob up out of the obscurity of the working class 
carrying under his arm a manuscript in fine clean handwntmg : a novel 
which depicts the development of a young Catholic worker to freethmker 
and class conscious worker. The young Catholic worker— that is himself, 
Franz Braun ; it is his own life which he describes. This novel appears on 
the feature page of a freethinkers newspaper, and Franz Braun remains 
in the group ni revohuionary writers, organizes, writes short stories nnd 
articles, Iranis. mihI is arfive here and there; he lives in one (rf r.rrlm's 
suburbs; lie fM.<'s huuyjy: :nid when he wmiis to attend a lih'i;nv rvvu\, 


"V to go to a meeting of fellow writers, he has to walk for hours, because 
he hasn't the money for a street car ride. 

And on July 14th the official Nazi news services sent out a notice : 
Pran^ Braun, Editor of the ncuK^ paper, People's 
Guardian, of Stettin, found dead in his cell, . . . 

And the fight goes on. Another springs into the gap which Braun 
has left. We do not write this simply l)ecause we assume it to be true. 
No, we know it is so. The illegal literature printed on hektographs or 
mimeographed, the newspapers and pamphlets reproduced by means of 
photography and the press^all testify to this. The stream continues ! 

In our youth, Emit Zola's "'/'accuse" was for all of us the very essence 
of a writer's heroism. He accused the lieads of society ; he exposed him- 
self to the danger of being sent to jail for months^ perhaps even for 
several years. 

But see how severe are the demands which life today makes on the 
heroism of the anti-fascist writer! If he is captured at his work, no public 
opinion can raise its voice, no release pending trial, no long-winded 
court proceedings, no sentence of a dozen or so months of political arrest. 
Only a short report in the official Nazi news service; 
Franz Braun found dead in his cell . . . 

In the world outside of Germany there is something called pub-ic 
0]Mnion. If public opinion once supported Emil Zola in his fight, with 
what force should it today support these Franz Brauns, who in Germany 
— dead men on leave— fling their "Faccusc" in the very face of fasicsm. 


In fascist Germany the truth cannot be told. Could it ever be told 
at any time in the last fourteen years ? Complacent courts, the shamefully 
biased verdicts of the Supreme Court in all matters afifecting the press, 
tlie nih^ble fingered skin of the police system of prohibiting publication, 
and the immediate exploitation of the radio system for the purpose of 
spreading desired news — all this, even during the fourteen years of the 
German Republic, made the utterance of truth a precarious undertaking 
to be paid for with freedom or livelihood. 

And the 'Treedom oi press" guaranteed by the Weimar Constitution 
very soon showed tremendous holes. It was an optional, not an obligatory, 

For example on the rst of May, 1929, the following occured: The 
Social Democrat Zoergiebel, at that time police president (commissioner 
of police) of Berlin determined not to permit the traditional May Day 
drnionstration of Berhn workers. As justification of this measure he an- 
nounced that a disturbance of peace and order was to be feared from the 
d<'nionstration. (Since 1918 the May Day Demonstrations had taken 
filare without any disturbance.) All to no effect were the solemn pledges 
nl nie rcvnhitlonary re])resentatives of the BerHn workers, who guaranteed IK J disliirlKinccs would take place. All withouf eflFect were the warn- 
iiif'.s (if disrrriiiiiji prt.pK- lii.ti ilw licrhii pr(ilr(.-iri;ii would take this ban 
■ iN a itj|ii|i|r[<'!v iiiiiii'.tirM'<i jiiMVoralidii. Tln" (Milirr was ordered ready 


for riot duty, inexperienced 19 year old police recruits were ordered 
to Berlin in great masses. Rifles and cartridges were given out, and by 
means of full utilization of the official news apparatus, an atmosphere of 
nervous tension and antagonistic passion was provoked. . . . 

The acts of a social democratic police president by the name of Zoer- 
giebel cost the population of Berlin 33 dead, 88 severely wounded, and 
several hundred slighty wounded. For three days in succession the work- 
ers' districts in Wedding and Neukoelln were like besieged cities. The 
attempted demonstration on the 1st of May was crushed by abundant use 
of firearms. In all districts, after the coming of darkness, the police shot 
at every person who dared to show himself in the neighborhood. The 
police report told of snipers on the roofs, of attacks with firearms on 
police officers — but these reports did not explain the fact why, in spite of 
these alleged Communist attacks not one single policeman sustained even 
a tiny scratch. Yet women and old people standing at the windows of 
their homes in the fourth and fifth stories were killed by well-aimed shots. 
The enormous embitterment brought into being an impartial court 
before which by means of testimony of witnesses in public proceedings the 
events of the ist of May were probed. 

The findings were: the police had in no case been attacked; and the 
official report that they fired in self -defense was an unquaJiiied lie, 

A few months later appeared a novel with the title "Barricades in 
Berlin." The writer, a young journalist, Klaus Neukrantz by name, of- 
fered to prove that his documented presentation coincided in all points 
with the reality. It was not necessary to give proof of proof since even 
without it everyone was convinced of the historical fidelity of Neukrantz' 

The frightful charges of ''Barricades in Berlin" have never been re- 
futed. The social conscience of Germany was choked by the web of lies 
spun by the official police news-dispensing machine. On the basis of some 
emergency decree or other, the Police President of Berlin prohibited the 
book. Hundreds of protest meetings called together by workers and in- 
tellectuals in all cities of Germany could not alter this. 

Long before Hitler's regime of violence it was dangerous or impossible 
to tell the truth in Germany! 

The writer, Klaus Neukrantz, is one of the hundred thousand prep 
school students who, nearly twenty years ago, enthusiastically marched off 
to war. From the cradle, they had been brought up to see in "a hero*s 
death for the Fatherland" the highest honor and the greatest happiness 
which could come to a man. For years he was in the trenches, did his 
service, became officer, lay in the hospital with gas-rotten lungs. Like 
Ludwig Renn he could not find himself after the war had ended and the 
Republic had begun. Burst was the gaudy bubble of his nationalistic 
thinking; there remained only chaos, stumbling, groping. Only after five 
years did he find in the ideology of revolutionary Marxism, in the com- 
panionship of workers, the solid ground on which it was worth-while to 
go forward for a lifetime. For years on end he worked on newspapers 
which the workers themselves had established. As critic, as reporter, ;is 


novelist, he organized his fellow-writers ; as chairman of the independent 
radio writers and editors of the "Workers' Broadcast" {Arheitersender) 
he stood in the front ranks of those who have fought for years against 
the most modern means of stupefying the people. With sick lungs, which 
reminded him daily that he was a lifelong cripple, which ever so often 
forced him down on his sick bed, he nevertheless performed, regardless 
of consequences, the work of a whole and healthy man. 

Among the first arrests after the burning of the Reichstag was that of 
Klaus Neukrantz. The man who had fought with great heart and pure 
courage for the dwellers in most miserable districts of Berhn, was punished 
by the tyranny of the fascists for his battle against the tyranny under 
the Republic. 

Since the beginning of March, 1933, Klaus Neukrantz, with his gas- 
rotted lungs, languishes in jail. His friends doubt whether he, who has 
made his sacrifice of blood and health "on the altar of the Fatherland," 
will survive jail and concentration cainp. 


There are rebels who reject the existing social order by putting them- 
selves beyond it, by becoming outsiders. The early years of ''going on the 
bum" in the lives of Maxim Gorki and Jack London resulted from this 
kind of attitude. Vagabonding constitutes only an episode in the lives of 
many. Gregor Gog, too, began as a tramp. Pkit even after he had long 
since given it up, he never lost his feeling for the life. One of the de- 
cisive turning points in his life was his trip to the Soviet Union. There 
this romantic anarchist experienced the ascent of world which is built up 
on the basis of scientific Marxism and the struggle of the entire working 

His love for tramps did not diminish. On the contrary, he bent his 
energtes to the task of organizing the homeless. lie founded the "Associa- 
tion of Tramps' {Bund der Vagabunden), held a great Congress of 
Tramps in Stuttgart, and despite the severest material sacrifices, pub- 
lished his paper, "The Tramp" {Der Vagabund). Around this publication 
gathered many people of literary and artistic talent, whom Gog spurred 
on and led to creative production. Two big exhibitions showed important 

Today Gog is in the concentration camp at Neuberg. He is seriously 
ill Last winter he could only get about with the aid of crutches. 

Weak, sick, and sensitive of spirit, will he come alive out of this camp 
m which he is subjected to a concentrated regime of heavy labor, miserable 
food, humiliations, and mistreatment? . . . 


In 1919, as the Soviet government in Munich, Bavaria, was drowmed 
in a sea of blood, among thousands of others the anarchist writers, Gustav 
Laundauer and Erich Muehsam were arrested. Landauer was literally 
trampled to death by Reichswehr soldiers in the Stadelheim prison. He 
dii'd with a curse against "swinish militarism" on his lips. His fellow 

partisan, Erich Muehsam was put on trial and sentenced to U-n years 
penitentiary. His speech before the court, the audacity and sarcasm with 
which he Hung his charges in the faces of the judges, was unforgettable 
for everyone who experienced the trial For six years Erich Muehsam 
was incarcerated in the Bavarian penitentiary before the efforts of his 
friends could win a release for him. ^ . 

These years of imprisonment could not influence Muehsam s attitude. 
This man, who wrote the workers' drama, ''Judas", whose malicious 
satirical poems hit and hit destructively, whose song of the reforniistic 
^'Lamp Cleaner'^ {Lampenputzer) has become an inseparable part of Ger- 
man political literature^took up once again in his magazine, hmal, the 
f^ght exactly at the point where imprisonment had interrupted hun. 

For years in all Berlin s^atherings of cultural, humanitarian, and leftist 
political organizations, the characteristic head of the old anarchist was to 
be seen. His dynamic eloquence and his wild humor were proverbial m 

Berlin. , ^ 

This man was arrested on the night of the Reichstag fire. His captois 
plucked out his beard, cut a swastika in his hair; tor weeks on end they 
thrashed inhumanly this sick man, more than fifty years old, whose body 
was weakened by privation... , j .t r ' . 

In the face of all these atrocities, bought journalists had the face to 
assert that Erich Muehsam was drinking coffee, smoking cigars, and m the 
best of health in prison. Friends who accidentally saw him in Jus con- 
finement, were horror-struck at the sight. In a few months Muehsam 
had become almost completely deaf. 

The iustice of the Nazi Third Keich which has perpetrated the shame- 
less farce of the Reichstag trial, had cooked up against Muehsam an 
accusation which is obviously nonsensical-^they want to hold hrni re- 
sponsible for the execution of bourgeois hostages by the ^ed Army m 
Munich in 1919- Long ago in his trial it was proved definitely that Mueh- 
sam had neither known anything of the original arrest of the hostages 
nor had he anything to do with their execution. He had been arrested 
on .\pril IS 1 919, and not till four weeks later were the hostages executed. 
As these lines are being written, we learn that, a short time ago m 
the Sonneiiberg concentration camp, Erich Muehsam was commanded to 
sin^ the Nazi "Horst Wessel Song". Though the sick old man had 
already undergone the most terrible experiences under the rubber trunch- 
eons of the Storm Troopers, he vahantly refused to obey the order. Finally 
exhausted by the hideous experiences of the day, he collapsed on his straw 
nallet But' in the middle of the night he stood up and sang-^T/t^ 
Internaiionali He sang it through three times. Then his tormentors took 
him off to a mental sanitorium. 

S.O.S.— Help, for Erich Muehsam! 


■~Wrnii,ry .i.d nmrr n-n nd..nnrrs and utnpians alf. ini^l^d In .fr Mir 

make plans for a new one. But since then, a social class has been formed 
which fights for a new society, and the Party has come into being which 
has gathered all the experience of revolutions, and which plans the line 
of march for the next days and years. 

The fronts are consequently clearly defined. But between the armies 
which oppose each other in a permanent and bloody civil war, there are 
individuals. They wish to criticize only from their own standpoint, and 
they fight ''on their own". Erich Muehsam is one of them. Another is 
Kurt Killer, leader of the "Revolutionary Pacifists". Kurt Hiller is a 
many-sided publicist and social worker. Very early and with great energy 
he began to fight for reform of sexual laws. He was publisher of the 
''Goal Annuals" {Ziel Jahrhucchcr), of which the first issue was banned; 
he wrote several books. He gathered around him the "revolutionary 
pacifists", a group of decisive opponents of war, who wanted nothing 
to do with the anemic and deceptive League of Nations and Pan-Eu- 
ropeanism. He was one of the most noted contributors to the weekly 
Wcltbuehne (edited by Carl von Ossietski). 

During the last few years w^e find him in a feud with Marxist Social- 
ism. He dispensed praise and blame — more blame than praise — and gave 
instruction in the high, strained voice of a Avorricd and idealistic individu- 
alist. Fie was at a loss to know what stand to take in the face of the 
elections of September, 1930, and the acceleration of the Nazi movement 
which those elections revealed. He sought for the positive element in 
Hitler's National Social ism^and found it in the anti-materialism, and 
the anti-rationalism preached by the Nazis. 

Be that as it may, there is no doubting the strong intellect and the 
idealistic aims of this writer. Soon after Hitler was put in power, he 
was arrested and brought to Spandau prison. After he was released he 
found that his home had been wrecked, his library stolen, and all his 
manuscripts destroyed. Fie was soon afterward arrested a second time 
and is today in a concentration camp. 


To Mr. State Attorneys' Coundllor Dr. Mittelbach, 

Berlin Police Headquarters, Section I, 2. 218. 

With reference to the prisoner Erich Baron 

(at present in the Prison at Lehrterstrasse 3) 

Filed by the daughter of the prisoner, Marianne Baron. 

During today's visiting- period I found uiy father Erich Baron in an alto- 
gether terrifying mental condition — a consequence of his being an utterly 
nervous individual, mentally as well as physically, simply incapable of offering; 
resistance. Consequently, I earnestly request that he be released from confine- 
ment. Since, in this case, protective arrest has certainly not been decreed as a 
strict measure of punishment, which it has turned out to be in my father's case, 
resulting in probably serious internal injury for his whole lifetime, (and 
since) with the present overburdening of the officials, the announced investi- 
gations have not led to any final result^ — therefore I file the urgent plea for 
liberation, or at least temporary leave of absence from imprisonment, for 
my fatlier in order that he may himself represent his interests before the 
pro}H-r authorities. 



Ij as his daughter, place myself at the disposal of the police as a, ho5tag:ej 
and request to be imprisoned in place of my father until his case is cleared. 
Suspicion that he may attempt to flee, or any kind of political activity on 
the part of my father, is out of the question, and on account of my incar- 
ceration alone would be completely impossible, I ask once again most ur- 
gently that this application be granted, 


Bterlin-Pankow, April 12, 193 3, 
Kavalierstrasse 10. 

The Police President, Berlin 
Section L 
(Seal of the Police) 
Berlin C. Alexanderstrasse, 3-6 
To Miss Marianne Baron, 
Berlin-Pankowj Kavalierstrasse 10. 

Following- your application of 12, 4, 1933 concerning your father, Erich 
Baron, I have caused the appropriate prison doctor to examine whether he is 
able to bear imprisonment. Reasons for (his) release in consequence of any 
newly-developed inability to bear imprisonment do not exist. Furthermore, 
the investigations are continuing. 


State Attorneys Councillor 

i. A. 

The Police President, Berlin, 
Section I. 
(Seal of the Police) 
Berlin C 25, Alexanderstrasse 3-6 
To Mrs. Jenny Baron 
Eerlin-Pankow, Kavaliers Strasse 10. 
Honored, and dear Madam: 

In the enclosure, I respectfully take the liberty of transferring to you, 
with the expression of my personal sympathy, the papers left behind by your 


State Attorneys Councillor 

German Bank and Discoimt Ctimpany (The "D. D, Bank'') 

Cable Address: Deutjura Telephone No. Al Jaeger 0018 

Postal checking account: Berlin 100 
Mrs, Jenny Baron and Miss Marianne Baron 
Paris, France. 6 rue Blaise-DesgofFe, 

Referring to your advice of 27, 5, 193 3 
In answering, please refer to: 
Legal Department Schn. 

Berlin W 8, June 2, 1911. 

To your coniriuniiraliun nf llie 27th iiKsiniit addrcs.HciJ to our dcptwil br.uri-h 

(H. 3 Berlin-Pankow, Brcitcstrasse S-y) wc rcsp.-cl fully reply iImI, !<» om; 

rcj^ret, wc arc not in a puHition to carry out your order to cxcculc -i 1< iitr i>l 


credit of SOO marks for each of you (total 1,000 marks), the same to be charged 
against your joint account carried in our above mentioned branch. At the end 
of May of this year, on the basis of the Law for Seizure of Communist pro- 
perty of May 26, 193 3, at the Instance of the Secret State Police of Berlin, 
the full amount of the money to your credit, was confiscated. 

Most respectfully, 

This is an interchange of official documents in Hitler's Third Reich— 
the tragic course of which finds its significant concktsion as, with ex- 
pressions of personal regret, the widow and orphan of a man driven to 
death while in "protective arrest," are robbed of their last penny. 

On the 26th of April, i933,^the same day that the States Attorney 
found no cause to release from prison a man suffering from critical illness 
of mind — Erich Baron, the editor, with a last effort of will tied a noose 
and hanged himself. He was iifty-one years old. He died with the plea 
that his family and friends might forgive him, since he no longer felt 
capable of carrying on the fight for his life. 

What was Erich Baron's crime in the eyes of the dictators of the 
Third Reich? For a generation he raised his voice in the socialist press 
for a better human order — as editor of the Social-democratic "Branden- 
burg Newspaper", as head of the Workers' and Soldiers' Council of the 
city of Brandenburg in 19 18, as feature writer of the Berlin newspaper 
Freiheit, central organ of the then Independent Socialist Party. 

Since T922, Erich Baron was general secretary of the S-ociety of the 
Friends of the Soviet Union (F.S.U.). In the illustrated magazine, The 
Netv Rtissia, which he edited, he supplied incorruptible testimony of the 
socialist upbuilding of Soviet Russia. He was tirelessly active in forming 
and strengthening cultural bonds between western Europe and the social- 
ist sixth of the world. During the past nine years many hundreds of 
people sat in his office : architects, whose untraditional attitude hampered 
them from using their great talents in Germany; engineers, chemists, 
scientists, whose abilities were lying fallow, and who wished to place 
themselves at the service of Socialism. To all of them, Erich Baron was 
friend and advisor. He made known to the hterary community of Berlin 
many great writers of the new Russia, and was an upright interpreter 
between the new hfe in new Russia and the Western European spirit. 

In the Third Riech there is no place for such a person. Dr. Goebbels' 
Ministry for Propaganda, with its white-guardist experts, has drawn 
nightmarish, lying pictures of the Soviet Union. In its money-collecting 
scheme known as ''Brothers in Need", ostensibly for the benefit of Ger- 
man-speaking settlers on the Volga, the Propaganda Ministry makes use 
of photographs taken during the Russian famine of 1921 : it does this 
in order to keep within bounds of law and order the real hunger in a 
bogus socialist nation (National "Socialist" Germany), by means of 
bogus stories of hunger in a really socialist nation. 

hh-icli Baron was imprisoned on the morning after the burning of the 
l\«'i(hs1ajLf. We shall never be able to learn what horror finally caused 


his voluntary death. Was it bodily torture? Was it the mental torment 
of hard solitary confinement, absoiute separation from the outside world 
for an indeterminate period? The mouth which could tell us and accuse 
the tormentors, is silenced for ever. Erich Baron,— one of the many done 
to death behind the impenetrable prison walls of the Third Reich, Hitler's 


The flight into sterile metaphysics and mystical philosophy— the sole 
escape which fascism leaves open to men of intellect — is the very opposite 
of strict, disciplined scientific thought. The present rulers of the German 
people— "the people oi poets and philosophers"— recognized from the 
very beginning that that kind of thinking and unprejudiced scientific work, 
shook the very foundations of their regime of compulsion and violence. 

The campaign of destruction which is now being carried on in Ger- 
many, expresses itself in various forms. Ranging all the way from the 
expulsion of inconvenient professors in universities, to sheer murder, not 
one single nuance of stupidity is left out of this scale of methods for 
fighting science. Hundreds of scientists and scholars fell victims to the 
Nazi fight against "liberal thought" — among them such world-renowned 
arthorities as Einstein and the great physicist, Frank. 

From the standpoint of the Nazis, this destruction of scientific work 
is completely justified. It is not a matter of unconsidered action, or oc- 
casional excesses. The type of the modern scientist and researcher is not 
that of the comic-strip figure with which the Nazi theoreticians of brute 
force seek to defame thinkers and researchers. The totality toward which 
modern science tends, and the attainment of which is hindered by the 
present social order, is diametrically opposed to the sort of "totality" 
preached by fascism. Today a contradiction exists between the material 
results of the application of natural and social science on the one hand, 
and the dominant idealistic philosophy on the other hand. Fascism tries 
to "vanquish" this contradiction by its totalitarian principle of "vSoul, 
Feeling, and Race". To fascism, genuine scientific investigation becomes 
a form of activity hostile to the State. 


Among those arrested ^-he morning after the Reichstag blaze, was the 
man who, in the consciousness of broad layers of the German working 
class, probably personified most clearly the type of the man of learning,-^ 
Dr. Hermann Duncker. With his lean figure, his benevolent blue eyes, 
and his mild face illuminated by spirit, he was externally the type of the 
old time German savant ; but his intellectual Avork is of the kind which 
followed that fundamental principle: "Theory will become material force 
when it takes hold of the masses." 

More than a generation ago Hermann Duncker studied under ihi 
economist Buecher and the philosopher Wundt. Philosophy, history, mv\ 
economics, the three pillars which support the thought-structures of 
dialectic materialism, the materialistic interpretation of history, and so- 

ciafism— all these led the young scholar onward to the labor movement. 
And in the front ranks of that movement he stood for more than a 

As teacher, lecturer, and theorist of the old Social-Democratic Party 
of Germany, as instructor in economic history and economics at the Party 
School in BerHn, Hermann Duncker was privileged to instill the methods 
of strict scientific thought into thousands of workers athirst for the 
future. The transformation of theory into political practice was no 
problem for him — it was the presupposition and the essential content of 
all his scientific work. 

What Flermann Duncker accomplished during more than a decade as 
editor, teacher, and travelling lecturer, will never be lost. Fie was editor 
of the famous Marxist "Basic Books" (Elementar Buecher), which were 
spread in hundreds of thousands of copies in all German-speaking regions. 
There is hardly a city in Germany in which Hermann Duncker has not 
hammered with his tireless passion the basic theses of scientific socialism 
into young workers and students — in courses filled to overcrowding. The 
ambitious and impressive organization of the Marxist Workers' Schools, 
attended by countless German workers, and unqualifiedly recognized in 
their importance to learning even by educators of contrary political views, 
came into being largely as a result of Hermann Duncker's initiative. 

In fascist states, fruitless speculation, metaphysical juggling with empty 
concepts, is the only form of human activity which can be tolerated. The 
persecution of "Marxism"^or whatever it is that the Nazis believe this 
name represents— began first of all against those very men whose thorough 
knowledge of Marx's writings threatened to conflict with the vital interests 
of the new rulers. One of these men was Hermann Duncker. 

Eyewitnesses report a scene which occurred in the Berlin Police Head- 
quarters on Alexanderplatz, the morning after the Reichstag fire. Herr 
von Levetzow — formerly a Corvette- Captain (naval rank) in the Kaiser's 
Imperial Navy, later made an Admiral under the Republic, and now head 
of the Berlin police for the Nazis — looked over the arrested as they 
stood lined up in long rows in the corridors of the police headquarters. 
''Stand Straight!" he bellowed at Hermann Duncker, sixty years old, 
suffering from heart disease, and tormented by asthma. And since the 
imsture of the scientist still did not satisfy the drill-sergeant eye of the 
police president, Hermann Duncker was thrust into solitary confinement, 
and kept there. 


There was a time, not so long ago, when a historical work from the 
11 of Dr. Karl August Wittfogel was hailed as "monumental'', as "mas- 
tvv]y'\ as "fascinating" by the entire press, regardless of pohtical direction. 
i University professors who today have long since made their private peace 
with the fascist regime, vied with each other in recognition of the scientific 
.irhicvemcnt of Wittfogel. Today this man is incarcerated in a prison in 
I'lankfurt on the Main. 

A])prfciation of [lie forces which have shaped world history in the 


past, means at the same time recognizing and supporting the tendencies 
which will form the future. But the sort of task now assigned to the 
German historian — namely, sublimation of Prussian militarism as the 
meaning and substance of world events, of the dizzying intoxication of the 
national myth, of the childish egocentricity of the Nazis— all signifies 
complete destruction of sound methods of scientific thought. 

Slowly, very slowly, outside of the state universities system, a historic 
point of view began to win through in Germany, which took over the 
latest results of the thought of all other branches of science, and tried to 
bring the knowledge of the past into a meaningftil relation with the vital 
forces of the present. To the historical works of this time belong the 
writings of young Wittfogel — -"Primal Communism and Feudalism" {Ur- 
kommunisnms imd Fetidcdismiis) ; "History of Bourgeois Society" {Ge 
schichte der buergerlichen GeseUschaff) , and "Science of Bourgeois So- 
ciety" {Die Wissenschaft der buergerlichen Gesellschaft). 

This man, descendant of an old family of teachers and preachers, 
seemed called to personify a dying epoch's ideal of the student. His 
road through doubts, recognitions, and scientific achievements, into the 
concentration camp, is symptomatic of the development followed by the 
best portion of the bourgeois youth of Germany in the last two decades. 
An awakening and despairing generation, filled with a romantic and 
rather musty youthful instinct for revolt, made for itself an outlet in 
the Youth Movement. The name of Karl August Wittfogel has a good 
ring in the history of the German Youth Movement. It was he who 
brought to a close the most important epoch of this Movement. His 
flaming speech on the "Hohen Meissner" introduced the decay of the 
old forms and the activizing and politicalizing of the intellectual youth ; 
in point of fact it represented the end of the bourgeois Youth Movement. 

■WittfogeFs studies in Germanics and history, to which were added 
early the study of Sinology (China), did not lead him into the well- 
trodden bourgeois careerism. Already in 1920 he had overcome in himself 
the last remainder of such personal ambitions. From this time forth he 
stood in the workers' movement. During only one stage of his life did 
he receive a regular, assured salary: He taught in a public high school 
(Volkshochschule). His entry into the German Communist Party brought 
this to a speedy end. The combination of theory and practice, usually 
the ever-distant aim of a Hfe devoted to science, was his from the very 
beginning. In innumerable, brilliant and learned reports, given all over 
Germany, Wittfogel always and again called on the intellectual workers 
to unite their fight for cultural progress with the political struggle of the 
advancing working class. In addition to infinite burdening with such 
tasks, in addition to speeches in mass meetings, travels, and educational 
courses, Wittfogel managed to find enough time for his own scientific 

In his special field, the history of Eastern Asia, the young historian 
who is today only thirty-seven years old, early reached a summit. Editing 
of the writings of' vSun Yat Sen was followed by the work which made 
Wittfogel's name and achievement known and acknowledged far beyond 


limited circles of specialists— the book was "Economy and Society of 
China" (Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas). It is a monumental 
achievement of history writing on which dozens of specialists in all lands 
and languages are building their own works. Wittfogel is a Marxist, a 
consistent Marxist. In a time in which, with all conceivable means Marx- 
ism is being defamed or sneered at as madness, it is doubly significant 
that the Marxist method of thought which is the foundation and pre- 
supposition of Wittfogel's work, had to be recognized only a few months 
ago even by non-Marxist and anti-Marxist specialists, as convincing, in- 
contestable, and productive of new, basic historical knowledge. 

The political geographer (Geopolitician), Professor Haushofer, whose 
"World-political Survey" is now broadcast every month by all radio 
stations of fascist Germany, wrote without reservations of the "brilliant, 
basic knowledge" and of the "uncompromising, captivating presentation, 
clear as woodcut" of this great work of Wittfogel. Yet not a voice was 
raised among all the scientists and savants of Germany to save the 
historian, Karl August Wittfogel, from the most bestial humiliations of 
the concentration camp. 

At the beginning of 1933 Wittfogel had arranged to make a journey 
of several years duration in China. He had the ticket in his pocket, but 
he continually postponed his departure. It seemed unworthy to him to 
desert the German workers at that moment when the critical fight against 
fascism was coming, A few weeks after the Reichstag fire he was arrested 
and put in the concentration camp in Heuberg. The newspapers reported 
laconically, "A Communist agitator by the name of Wittfogel has been 


On t4ie 26th of February, 1933, the noted clairvoyant, Erich Hanussen, 
opened his new and elegant Berlin home. In the seance which he held as 
part of the entertainment for his prominent guests, he saw "a big building 
burning". The next day "the big building" known as the Reichstag was 
burned. On the 5th of February, 1933, this same clairvoyant, Hanussen, 
on the occasion of a performance he was giving in Hanover, had predicted 
from the stage : 

"A scholar, very well known in Hanover, and who is much talked about 
in Hanover, will suffer death during this year." 

On the 30th of August, 1933, the "scholar, very well known in Han- 
nover" suflfered death. But by no means a normal death from natural 
causes. Theodore Lessing sat in his workroom, in his room of refuge, 
his back toward the window. This back served as a broad target for the 
Nazi murderers. Was this Erich Hanussen a genuine clairvoyant? Not 
a bit of it ! Otherwise he w^ould have foreseen his own murder at the 
hands of Nazi agents. But he was the intimate friend of the head of the 
Storm Trnnji in l^ciiin. Count Helldorf. Hanussen was, according to a 
i"l^'' luiirfii in I'.t'i-lin, not a clairvoyant, but a "Helldorvoyant". And 
III'-" <"Mni liK'iid of his, who counted so heavily In the inner circles of 


Nazi intrigue, knew, and could tell, without being a clairvoyant, just 
which "big buildings" were scheduled to be burned, and which '"well 
known scholars" were going to be targets for Nazi bullets. 

The revolver which fired the bullet into the body of Professor Theodore 
Lessing, was loaded in the Nazi headquarters. 

What drew down on this scholar from Hannover the hate of tlie 
rulers of the Third Reich? '"Love is there, nothing but love and sympathy 
for all creatures . . . one can't help being reminded of St. Francis of 
Assisi. Are we to believe that such a man is a 'disintegrator', a corrupter 
of the people and of youth?" These words were written in 1926 in an 
essay on Theodore Lessing by the philosopher Hans Driesch. 

But the Technical University in Hannover, like other universities of 
the Weimar Republic, would not tolerate in its faculty any instructor who 
ventured to make a criticism of General Field Marshall von Hindenburc^ 

"One can say: 'Kather a zero than a, Nero!' But nnfortunatelv history 
shows that behind the zero, a future Nero always stands hidden." 

These words were written by Lessing in 1925 concerning Hindenbnrg's 
candidacy for President of the German Republic. Hindenburg was the 
zero. And the history of the last year and a half has shown that so 
many years ago Lessing was right. The zero which was and is Hinden- 
burg, hid the Nero which is Hitler and the Nazi regime. 

In 1872 Theodore Lessing was born, the son of a doctor. His youth 
was embittered and tormented. Thougli a radical in his early 
days at school he — descendant of Jews and would-be assimilationist— 
was repelled by the brutal antisemitism of his fellow-students in the uni- 
versity. He renounced Protestantism and became a Jew. He wrote many 
poems, short stories, criticisms. .Uncertainly he groped about in the 
world, lived as travelling teacher, lecturer, elocutionist, recitor, publicist. 

In 1904 "I sought and found a position as teacher in Dresden", he 
writes in his Autobiography, ''At once I threw myself into social work, 
founded the first study courses for workers, joined with the S'ocial- Demo- 
crats, worked with the trade unions, fought for women's rights, for 
elimination of officially-systematized prostitution, for abstinence from 

alcohol, for peaceful understanding between nations, for dress reform 

never in later life did I take part in so many 'Congresses', 'sessions', 
'mandates', 'resolutions' as during these, my most miserable years.'' But 
for all these congresses, sessions, mandates and resolutions, Lessing re- 
mained an outsider. He did not become a Marxist. His years of teaching 
and learning left no real trace in his philosophical works. 

''My secret aim, however, was to get a place on the faculty of a German 
university." And in 1908 he hnally attained this aim. He became an un- 
paid instructor^ at the LIniversity of Hannover^and remained cuie for 
fully eighteen years: eternally instructor, eternally withont a ccnl of 

His most important i>liilos()i)bical works were: "V^-r I ■ nln ,/(i,i,f th-f 


Erde an Cnsf". "\< hopmhaitcr, Wagner, Nietssche'\ "PhUosophie ah 
Taf\ "Gesriiichtr als Slnih/clnmg des Sinnlosen' ..^ 

The bill [el I'm CI I [[1(1) him by the Nazi gunman was not aimed at ProL 
Lessing the idcnlislic thinker. It was aimed at Theodore Lessing, the 
Jew who (1,-irrd call a zero Nero, though that zero was a "General Field 
Marshal von I liitd('nburg"™a zero "behind whom a future Nero always 
stands hidden". 


The i>ut^rile dogma of the superior value of the "Germanic" race has 
resulted in the inhuman principle that physical and mental weaknesses 
cannot be justified. For years past, among reactionary doctors, arose 
voices demanding a radical cancellation of all social insurance legislation 
so that the state might no longer step in to regulate when tlie weak were 
in danger of being forced under in the struggle 'for life. 

Medical "racial biologists" called the army of millions of jobless "in- 
ferior" and explained that it would be in the interests of society if they 
were to die out. 

And in the same way, the basis was laid for the Nazi doctrine that 
the Marxists — Socialists and Communists— were "sub-men", while the 
Aryan "supermen" were Adolf Hitler, the Nazi leaders, the leading 
captains of industry, and in fact all those who had got somewhere in this 
society — excepting only the Jews. University professors of social hygiene 
delivering solemn lectures on the occasion of taking up their work,^ dared 
assert that the task of their science was to determine how the govern- 
ment could cut down still further its social budget, without greatly injuring 
the condition of the people as a whole. 

Many thousands of German doctors who dared, despite the petrified 
animosity of official medical teaching, to attack the slavery of medical 
science to pharmaceutical Big Business,^ were fiercely persecuted. In all of 
the "Chambers of Doctors" there were strong groups who openly pro- 
claimed themselves as socialists. Since the state public health care failed 
to provide for certain very vital needs, private organizations of doctors 
were formed to fight against tuberculosis, to bring 'about sexual reforms, 
to care for cripples, and for other medicinal and humane functions. 

After the Reichstag fire, hundreds of doctors were arrested. The mere 
fact that a doctor in his professional capacity had worked to secure the 
physical welfare of the destitute, or that he had fought against the barbaric 
Paragraph 218 of the German statutes,^ was sufficient cause for the Nazis 

2. "The Spiritual Decline of the World," . . . "Philosophy as Deed," "History 
as Imparting Meaning to Meaninglessness." 

1. The formal speech which a newly appointed professor delivers on assuming 
his chair, 

2. In particular the monster Chemical Trust (L G. Farhen Konzern) and its 

1. Paragraph 218 directed against abortions. Against its inhuman and unsocial 
rffcctH jirotested prog-ressive and enlightened doctors, social workers, sociologists, edu- 
(MlorN, h-aders of women^s organizations and workers^ organizations. The famous 
|«hiywi't/vht Frecdrich Wolff wrote a powerful drama, Cyankaliy ag-ainst it,' 


to have him seized without giving cause, and to drag him off to a prison 
or a concentration camp for an indeterminate time. University professors 
of medicine were deprived of their chairs as teachers and their research 
laboratories. The results of their efforts were no longer consistent 
with the social policy of the new rulers who held that the life of the 
individual was of no account. The offices of the State Sickness Insurance, 
tmder Nazi influence, refused to pay Jewish doctors for professional 
services they had rendered to the members of the Sickness Insurance. 
Many thousands of existences were ruined. Suicides on the part of 
German doctors were frightfully numerous. And the number continues 
to grow. In other cases inconvenient doctors were simply murdered. 
And at the same time in the hospitals of Berlin secret wards were or- 
ganized under the leadership of Nazi doctors, and there the victims of 
the medieval torture and terror methods of the Nazis were treated by 
^'politically dependable'' doctors. 

Finally, dozens of cases, substantiated by documentary evidence, 
ill which compliant Nazi doctors filled in the death certificate with some 
harmless sounding ailment as cause of death, when a worker, an intel- 
lectual, a Jew had been murdered by Nazis. Medical science has been 
degraded to a will-less tool of an inhuman state system. For the time 
being, a Nazi aim has been attained. 

Among those doctors who were arrested in Berlin immediately after 
the Reichstag fire were : Dr. Schminke,^ Municipal Doctor of Heukoelln, 
a section of Berlin; Dr. Klauber, head of the specialist doctors' group; 
Dr. Felix Boenheim,^ pacifist, and eminent hospital physician; and Dr. 
A-Iax Hodann,* expert in social hygiene. The crimes for which they were 
to atone consisted in having given more than mere lip service to the 
aims of their profession, and in having attempted to track down and 
combat sickness to its very itltimate, social causes. 


Dr. Richard Schminke, for instance... He came from a peasant back- 
ground. He began his medical work as a lodger in a tiny furnished room 
in Wedding, a working-class section of Berlin, The problems of this 
class-conscious district of Berlin became his problems, his program. He 
investigated the misery of the workers' tenements, concerned himself 
greatly with questions of housing and children's hygiene. He associated 
himself with the Communist movement. In 1928, on the basis of his 
accomplishments in social hygiene, he was elected municipal doctor for 
public health in Berlin-Neukolln (another famed working-class district). 
His first act was to introduce the eight-hour day for the entire hospital 

2. Dr. Richard Schminke has been released from concentration since these lines 
were first written in German. 

3. Dr. Felix Boenheim is now out of Germany; according to late reports, in 

4. Dr. Max Hodann was released at the same time as Dr. Schminke. Br. llnd;irm's 
many popularly unstandable books on social and sexual medical ])rnl)h-itni .uf 

noteworthy in their field. 


Staff. The I II '.I 

In the i^ ( .iliuclle trial in Luebeck, against the doctors whose irre- 
sponsibU', cs|h-i luu^nt resulted in the death of more than fifty children, 
Dr. Richard Schminke testified as expert. There he said: "The respon- 
sibility of the dnrlnrs is great, but is the real guilt not on the government 
and the adinini'.t ration of the city of Luebeck which fought tuberculosis 
with vaccint's and serums instead of seeing to it that housing and nourish- 
ment were inipruved, and so gettitig at the root of the evil?" 

Dr. Schminke suffers from a serious and painful eye trouble. During 
the last few years he has been forced to undergo various operations. 

And what is his condition now? Today it is more difficult to get news 
of those who are sitting behind the walls of prisons and concentration 
camps in Germany, than news of the natives of innermost Africa. 


We know, though, how Dr. Alfred Kantorowicz, the 54-year old pro- 
fessor of llie medical faculty of Bonn University, is forced to spend his 
time,— he digs peat in a concentration camp in Mecklenburg. Professor 
Kantorowicz is known all over the medical world as the founder of the 
''Bonn System" of dental care in schools. First in his field, he recognized 
the necessity of systematically caring for the teeth of children of school 
age. He wrote the most widely recognized text book of dental science. 
He made his clinic the dental clinic of Germany. 

But Professor Kantorowicz was a Jew, and a Socialist. Moreover, he 
showed a keen interest in and understanding for the social hygienic efforts 
of the Soviet Union. 

Today he— the aging scientist — cuts peat. And when he isn't cutting 
peat, he is forced to stand at attention or go through military drills. 



Through fearful tortures Dr. Ernst Eckstein, lawyer and one of the 
founders of the Socialist Workers Party,i was driven to commit suicide 
in the concentration camp in Breslau. Edmund Heines, Hitler's Police 
President of Breslau, himself convicted of political murders, gave out 
the laconic notice : Dr. Eckstein had died of "incipient insanity". 


Because he committed the crime of defending Social Democratic work- 

1, The Bureau for Martial Counsel {Eheberatungstelle) sought to prevent martial 
incompatibility and unhappiness by dispensing scientific information and advice, psy- 
chological as^vell as medical, to married people who soug:ht their aid. 

1. So%iaUsUsche Arhekerfartei^ a left-wing; group of Social Democrats who op- 
posed the party leadership's famous "the lesser evil" attitude and the policy of toleration 
toward the Brnening rej?ime. They were expelled by the Social Democratic leaders 
and fonn.'d a small numerically unimportant group. Another leader was Dr. Kurt 
R(mciifclil, tmtrd Brrlin attorney, who worked together with Dr. Hans Litten in 
.in hidmr. ami l:iHciHt workers .-iR-niuKt f i:inif-up3. 


ers in the courts of the German Republic, the young Berlin attorney, Dr. 
Joachim, was literally beaten to death over a period of several days in 
the Storm Trooper Barracks known as "Ulap". A dying man whose 
face had been mutilated beyond recognition by blows, cuts, and kicks, 
was delivered to the police hospital, and shortly afterwards died, in 
horrible pain. 


Among the forty-three who have already been "shot while trying 
to escape" in the Dachau concentration camp near Munich, are four 
lawyers from Munich and Nurnberg. From Essen, Dortmund, 'Dues- 
seldorf, Stuttgart, Chemnitz, and Koenigsberg are reported murders of 
lawyers, to whom the profession and name of attorney-at-law meant more 
than an empty decoration. 


Why many men in Germany gladly and as a matter of course re- 
linquished every chance of a career which would bring them wealth, and — 
in the eyes of the bourgeois world — honor, may be exemplified by the 
life story of an attorney who is now held captive in a concentration camp, 
an infirm, broken man. He is Hans Litten. In a trial against a young 
Berlin worker who had slapped the face of Herr Zoergiebel, the Social- 
Democratic Police President of Berlin, Litten, the youthful defender of 
the prisoner, stood up and accused the high official of having instigated 
murder in thirty-three cases by his decree ordering the Berlin police to / 
shoot on May rst, 1929. 

Unforgettable — the excitement in the Felseneck case which filled the 
columns of the newspapers for weeks. The court made every attempt 
to exclude from the trial this embarrassing attorney who had exposed the 
brazen, malicious bias of an ambitious State's Attorney, Litten's objections 
and motions were rejected in court, he was insulted, police spies were 
sent into his office, Storm Troopers lay in wait for him and tried to put 
him out of the way— but in the end the accused workers had to be ac- 
quitted on the charge of having killed a National Socialist. 

Unforgettable— when the attorney Hans Litten collapsed weeping in 
the midst of his congratulating friends, when the word came that he 
had won out and saved from tlie death sentence the nine young workers 
from Charlottenburg. 

A few weeks ago a brief item appeared in the fascist press of Germany, 
that the former attorney Hans Litten had been removed from the police 
hospital to appear as witness in a trial, but had refused to testify on the 
around that he was suflfering from deficiencies of memory as a result of 
severe injuries to his head. An ailing, broken man^-?Jof yet 30 years old! 
Hans Litten is one of those who soon saw the necessity for going 
too-ether with the workers. As son of a Xationalist university professor 
of'^law, he learned to look behind the facade of legal structure. The 
revehUi'nn of the hoUowness and class subservience of liandcd-fldwii Ii7',-i1 


concepts became crushingly apparent to him, engendered a wild opposi- 
tion, and drove the scion of a bourgeois family to anarchism. 

This man became dangerous : his immense legal knowledge en- 
abled him to lay bare what had been going on under the cover of 
shadow, to dismember stubborn witnesses in court, whether they were 
ministers, high officials, or even Chancellors, and to force them to reveal 
the truth in spite of themselves — all this made him suspect to the rulers 
of Germany. His moral seriousness and the flowing irony, his philosoph- 
ical superiority and the political aggressiveness of his speeches forced 
even his enemies to recognize his calibre. The personal integrity of this 
ascetic, whose round, pale face radiated so much gullible childishness and 
fanatical devotion, could rot be doubted ; in order to defame him per- 
sonally, his enemies had to resort to the hypothesis that he was a madman. 

The day after the Reichstag was burned he was arrested together with 
his legal associate, Dr. Barbasch. During those days Storm Troopers 
bore placards through the streets of Berlin with the inscription: "Down 
with Litten !'' He was dragged ofif to Spandau and from there to the Son- 
nenburg penitentiary which seemed to the fascist masters very well suited 
for a concentration camp. 

Criminals had at their mercy the incorruptible lawyer who had fallen 
into their murderous hands. Days and weeks of despicable tortures passed 
before Litten's friends outside could even learn where he was being kept. 
After a desperate attempt at suicide, Litten's case was taken up by 
foreign journalists, and a Nazi State's Attorney in whom some feeling 
for human dignity and humanity still survived, had the broken man 
brought to the police hospital where Hans Litten now waits for the hour 
of his liberation. 



This young lieutenant in the Reichswehr, Richard Scheringer, is 
310 writer. He is the son of an officer who fell in the World War; he 
grew up in the old Prussian militarist tradition, and was sucked into the 
whirlpool of' national socialist activity at the time of the occupation of 
the Ruhr by the French in 1923. He became an officer like his ancestors. 
Nothing predestined him to deviate from the narrow, well-worn groove 
of his class — ^but his militant desire for truthfulness, a deep detestation 
of the falsity of the Nazi phrases. 

He is no writer^ — ^this young soldier. But he became suspect and 
dangerous to the ruling powers of Germany because of the written word, 
because he uttered a dangerous truth, which reacted directly and un- 
favorably on the delicately adjusted mechanism of the German military 

The name Richard Scheringer was heard for the first time in a sen- 
sation rd trial for high treason. Together with two other officers of his 
garrisf)n in Ulm, Scheringer w^as accused of having formed Nazi groups 
wilhiii 1h(" German army, in order to paralyze the army in any fight against 


the Nazis, and to make it an instrument of the Nazi policy. He and his 
comrades were condemned in 1930 to one and a half years of detention 
in a military fortress. After a few weeks the story appeared in the Ger- 
man press that Richard Scheringer, in his detention, had gone over to 
Communism ! 

In continual discussion with imprisoned Communists the young Nazi 
had become aware of the entire hollowness and deceit of Hitler's propa- 
ganda. Scheringer secured a leave of absence from his detention, travelled 
to Berlin, and asked Dr. Joseph Goebbels ^ for information and directions 
how he should seek to counteract the understanding of scientific, Marxian 
Socialism, which was rushing in upon him. The gigantic structure of ideas 
formulated by Marx and Lenin amazed and dismayed him. 

But National Socialism had less than nothing to give him. Goebbels 
took him along to Munich to visit Hitler, In naive pride of possession. 
Hitler had led Sdieringer around the Brown House in Munich, pointed 
out to him this and that trivial detail of the architecture, promised him 
a good position in the Storm Troops after his release from detention — ■ 
and had no answer to make to many of the questions Scheruiger asked 
him. Confused, despairing, the young officer had run about in Munich 
from one Nazi official to another — and everywhere heard resounding, 
hollow phrases, everywhere saw the same panic-stricken fear of clear 
logic, everywhere mystification^ fog, deceit. 

So Richard Scheringer had returned to his confinement in the military 
prison — and announced his allegiance to Communism. 

This announcement unloosed a flood of newspaper articles, letters, tele- 
grams... None of his old Nazi comrades were willing to believe that 
the news was true. And those who were willing to accept the possibility 
of this change of mind, yet wanted to see in them nothing more than 
a consequence of mental strain induced by imprisonment, the expression 
of a temporary depression, of youthful thoughtlessness. But they soon 
were forced to realize that Richard Scheringer's conversion to Com- 
munism was the mature fruit of stringent, merciless and uncompromising 
search for truth. 

In the loneliness of his detention, Richard Scheringer wrote letters, 
hundreds of letters, in which he answered his former co-believers in Hit- 
ler Fascism — answered their doubts, reproaches and questions, and showed 
them clearly, honestly, and in a well-considered way, the reasons which 
had moved him to take this step. And because of these letters, which 
contained his profession of faith in Communism, Richard Scheringer was 
put on trial again. 

The two former officers who had been sentenced together with Scher- 
inger had long since been released and now, within the Nazi party, ascend 
ever higher from rank to rank in the Nazi hierarchy. 

But Richard Scheringer was no sooner released from serving his first 
sentence, than he was thrust into jail again, punished with solitary dark 

1. Then head of the Nazi organization for nordiern Germany; now Ministf^r 
for Propaganda and Enlightenment m the Hitler Cabinet. 


confinemcnl, wilh pinbHiilinn of all visits. A shameless He was fabricated 
against liim. I Ir wmm luHirsed of having attempted to escape with the 
aid of — a (ii^MTu.Hl «cUHnrs. Finally after a new trial he was framed 
for two and ii linll y»'»ifi of detention in a military fortress. 

Since tben ■itillnrMH Ims swallowed up Richard Scheringer. Only once 
again was be !i..uJ ..i .it the end of 1932 it became known that in 
protest again;. I ili< |"i nvm iition and persecution to which he was sub- 
jected, he had tnimnnucil a hunger strike. German workers in protest 
demonstratifjiis <iiid n-Mjliiiions proclaimed their sympathy and solidarity 
with the yoniiK' rn oIIkti. Hie rest of' the German public remained silent. 
For even ]\vUnr lliKn was called to power, the public conscience of 
Germany had Mnnfrd a\u] atrophied to an astonishing extent. Courage 
and faithfuhicss h. ( tnivi^iinns no longer counted for anything. And the 
big newspapers ol I In- Social-Democrats and the Democrats did not feel 
any occasion to t.n-.r I heir voices for Richard Scheringer— his conversion 
to Communism liatl phirrd him, for them, outside the ranks of those men 
who might still lay claiiii to justice in the German Republic. 

Since the triuiupli of (icrman fascism, nothing further has been heard 
of Richard SrlinMifM-f. I hit convenient as may be this deadly silence in 
the case of the f-ical apostate of National Socialism, it cannot prevent 
Richard Scheriti)M'r from remaining for millions a symbol and prototype: 
a Soldier of the f'tdttir! 


The Nazis hcvmt fail to take advantage of every opportunity to pro- 
claim pridcfully llial I he "Revolution" which they have staged, will de- 
termine the Gerntan sjiirit "for centuries to come". Hence it is superflu- 
ous to emphasii^e that education is an essential point of vantage for their 
epidemics of alteration. 


The first official act of the Prussian Minister of Culture, Dr. Rust,^ 
was to double the reading and lending fees of the great Prussian State 
Library in Berlin.^ 

Shortly thereafter followed the repeal of all those rules through which 
the republican school authorities had limited — though by no means 
eliminated — corporal punishment in the German schools. Those articles 
of the German Constitution which directed that youth should be brought 
up in the spirit of international friendship and of peace between peoples, 
have now become mere platonic demands. In sharp contrast to the binding 
form in which these articles are framed, observing them has brought with 
it troubles of various sorts for pacifist pedagogues. 

1, Ur. Rust retired from the German educational system on the ground of insan- 
ity, ill' recently announced that all teachers unfriendly to, or insufficiently enthusiastic 
;ibini(» rho Hitler regime had been expelled from thdr posts. 

2. The fees were, to begin with, too high for all but well-to-do students and 



An official article of the Nazi party pointed out that in the present 
situation, not the pedagogue of wide learning, but the ''drill sergeant'' 
was needed in the schoolrooms of Germany. From then on the last 
remnants of a progressive pedagogy were stamped out in Germany 
officially as well as actually. The results of research in child psychology 
were termed unmanly and sickly drivelling about humanity. The applica- 
tion and observation of the facts of psychoanalysis were termed crimes 
against the soul of the child. And the observance of the binding provisions 
of the Constitution affecting education, has become national treason pure 
and simple. German schools have become military barracks in which youth 
is to be educated in the spirit of the Nazi chauvinism, to be made ready 
for the next World War. 

The bailiffs of the Third Reich by no means omitted the modern 
pedagogues from their proscription lists the night after the Reichstag fire. 

All teachers who at any time drew down on themselves suspicion of 
Marxist, pacifist, or even liberal attitudes were ousted from their posts 
under humiliating circumstances. 

Thus, among others in the jails of the Third Reich were incarcerated 
two practical school reformers who, in their lives and professions, had 
been travelling very different ways: the Berlin Superior Director of 
Education (Oherstudiendirektor) and Social-Democrat, Siegfried Kawe- 
rau; and the Communist delegate to the Prussian Diet, Superior Council- 
lor of Education {Obershidienrat), Dr. Fritz Auslaender. 


Kawefau was the son of a family composed of pastors and scholars 
for^ centuries back. He belonged to the prophets of the unified school 
(Emheitschiile) in Germany. He became head of one of the biggest and 
most modern progressive preparatory schools (Aufbau Gymnasien) in 
Germany. To a certain extent he reahzed the idea of independent co- 
operative work by the students, and the non-authoritative comradeship 
in the relationship between teacher and student. He did not see the realiza- 
tion of the right of the worker's child to advanced education correspond- 
ing to ability, though in his opinion this desiratum could be attained 
within the Weimar Republic. Higher education remained — in the Re- 
public as in the Empire under the Hohenzollerns — reserved for the chil- 
dren of the upper classes of society. This was not altered by the existence 
of the little islands of modern progressive schools like the one conducted 
by Dr. Kawerau. 


The path followed by Dr. Fritz Auslaender was, as we have said, 
another. His fight on behalf of the proletarian child he had to atone for 
with the loss of his position in the school system of the German Republic. 
Thereafter Auslaender influenced school policy from the platform aud 
in the commissions of the Legislature of the Prussian State. Uuflcr llu- 


G()V«'Miiiii Hi of the Social-Democratic Chancellor, Hermann Mueller, 
\\v MMij|(i< hd a fight for "Food for Children instead of Battle Cruisers 
\i\\ \\u IJjvy", which agitated wide circles of the German people,^ 

VVIiiH has happened to the two of them — Kawerau and Auslaender — 
ill lit) it.iikiiess of their prison cells, can only be surmised. Friends who 
h.iil .III (ip|)nrtunity to see Kawerau report that it was impossible to talk 
wilb liiiii he remains silent even to urgent questions, and instead of 
au)nvrHii>* i-hews at his underwear... 


N'inb ;ite the fates or 21 intellectual workers. This constitutes only 
a til IV dM*]) in the ocean of misery being suffered by thousands of other 
iulrlt( I iiial workers and a hundred thousand workers "of the fist", in 

\\u nciitration camps of Hitler Germany. 

100,000 victims in the concentration camps. 
1,400 murdered victims. 

16 executed by decapitation. 

I )('iapitation — their heads chopped off according to the new German 
niaiiin-i preferred by the Nazis: the axe does not strike the back of the 
ueck, Imt falls in front, cleaves from the throat back. Four decapitated 
on Miic morning in Hamburg. Six decapitated on one morning in Cologne. 
The yuuiigest of them was 21, and the ''oldest" — 28. 

Sixty additional sentences of- death have been handed dow^n. Sixty 
youiij', (lerman workers await the hour when Plitler's executioner's axe 
shall flash past their eyes into their throat 

I 'or one Nazi slain in self-defense the Nazis exact not one, not two, 
nuL live — but ten death sentences in revenge. 

No end to the concentration camps. No end to the torments. No end 
to "sboi while trying to escape". No end to the legalized murders. 

< }ii the contrary, the more desperate the situation becomes for the 
Na>^i regime, the more bestially does it command that heads shall roll 
in the sand. 

* ^ * + 


Now that your attention has been drawn to the situation in Germany, 
you, the reader, may turn to us with the question: What shall we do? 

Is all that which has been going on in Germany for more than a year 
a purely German affair which has nothing to do with the social structure 
of other countries, which is essentially alien and impossible for other 
countries ? 

The official statesmen, the politicians, and legislators of your countries 
take the same attitude on the question of fascism as they take on the 
([uestion of war; they exert themselves to prove that neither war nor 
fasi-ism are part and parcel of a bourgeois social system — the social system 
which cxisls not only in Germany, but in all the big western democracies. 

■ ■ ^ tnn rlistinctlv by war and fascism, 

The stench of decay >^pven off too d sunctty y^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ 

they are too obviously en*"*"'f '? ° ,. ^^^.^ them at the moment, 
politician to dare not to d^^^oc ate himse H irom t ^^,^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ 

P On the first page oi our Wtle b°«k J^ °^"7 ^ 'Ifter tomorro^v be 
the events in Germany "-S^^^ »°' °"", ^J^orks of literature, art. 
repeated-on your own persons, on >our owi 

and science. . -„n(,erned when you work in behalf 

Tua res agitur-yonr own =f \' "^'^'^^el persecuted, tormented, 

of the German intellectual ^^^^e who have^^e 1 ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ .^^ 

driven to suicide, by fascism ; and "^^'^''J^^J?!^^^,^, 
t,e of the brutal terror ^^ ^ ^ our o"' country ? That is 
How should you fight against fasc sm n ) ^^^ ^^^^_ 

help our friends in Germany. 

^Vrite^wherever a V^^^ff^f^^Zn, the attention of people! 
^:£^:ZI7^7^X w^th professional colleagues from 

Nazi Germany 1 ^ . ^ representatives of the new 

conventions. ^ .^^ ^^ tortured brothers and 

'^-dirrf NO. » -5 "Lirss? s.?i= » 

earn a cent unless he ^ * enzes ^^^ ^^^ ^^H 

slowly starving. Gather funds and^^^^^^ ^^^ y„, ,end you 

S bS trtSTp 2 s;ld the underground anti-fascist literature. 

tence the fight for culture, for humanity. 



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