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Paying the Professoriate
A Global Comparison of Compensation
Edited by Philip Altbach, Liz Reisberg, Maria
Yudkevich, Gregory Androushchak and Ivan Pacheco
How are professors paid? Can the "best and brightest" be attracted to the
academic profession? With universities facing international competition,
which countries compensate their academics best, and which ones lag
behind? Paying the Professoriate examines these questions and provides
key insights and recommendations into the current state of the academic
A Global Comparison J
Compensation and Contracts
' «i *®£f
Paying the Professoriate is the first comparative analysis of global faculty salaries, remuneration, and
terms of employment. Offering an in-depth international comparison of academic salaries in 28
countries across public, private, research, and non-research universities, chapter authors shed light on
the conditions and expectations that shape the modern academic profession. The top researchers on
the academic profession worldwide analyze common themes, trends, and the impact of these matters
on academic quality and research productivity. In a world where higher education capacity is a key
driver of national innovation and prosperity, and nations seek to fast-track their economic growth
through expansion of higher education systems, policy makers and administrators increasingly seek
answers about what actions they should be taking. Paying the Professoriate provides a much needed
resource, illuminating the key issues and offering recommendations.
Selected Table of Contents
Part 1: Analysis 1. Academic Remuneration and Contracts: Global Trends and Realities 2. Quantitative Analysis: Looking for
Commonalities in a Sea of Differences Part 2: Case Studies 3. Labor Contracts and Economic Incentives for Argentine
University Faculty/ 4. The Academic Career in a Transition Economy: Case Study of the Republic of Armenia 5. Academic
Salaries, Massification, and the Rise of an Underclass in Australia 6. Brazil: The Widening Gap 7. The Organization of Academic
Work and Faculty Remuneration at Canadian Universities 8. A Study on Academic Salary and Remunerations in China 9.
Academic Salaries in Colombia: The Data Tell Only a Small Part of the Story 10. The Czech Republic: High Estimation for the
Academic Profession 11. Salary and Incentive Structure in Ethiopian Higher Education 12. Changing the Rules of the French
Academic Market 13. The Income Situation in the German System of Higher Education: A Rag Rug 14. Academic Salaries and
Career Advancement: Tuning the Professoriate for a Knowledge Economy in India 15. Israel: Academic Salaries and
Remuneration 16. Italy: From Bureaucratic Legacy to Reform of the Profession 17. Working Conditions and Salaries of the
Academic Profession in Japan 18. Academic Salaries in Kazakhstan: Current Status and Perspectives 19. The Academic Salary
System: Conditions and Trends in Latvia 20. Attractiveness of Salaries and Remunerations of Malaysian Academics 21. Mexican
Faculty Salaries Today: Once a Bagger, Always a Beggar? 22. Introducing Market Forces in Academic Remuneration: The Case of
the Netherlands 23. Nigeria: Toward an Open Market 24. Academic Salaries in Norway: Increasing Emphasis on Research
Achievement 25. Russian Higher Education: Salaries and Contracts 26. Faculty Salary and Remuneration in the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia 27. The Unequal Playing Field: Academic Remuneration in South Africa 28. Remuneration of Academic Staff in Turkish
Universities 29. Academic Salary in the United Kingdom: Marketization and National Policy Development 30. The Power of
Institutional and Disciplinary Markets: Academic Salaries in the United States Part 3: Reflections 31. Academic Community and
Contracts: Modern Challenges and Responses
April 2012 | 370 pages | Paperback: 978-0-415-89807-2 | $52.95 $42.36
with discount code ERJ60
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S ^^ Tayiof K Francis Croi;
The Widening Gap
Brazilian legislation assumes that all higher education institutions should evolve
to become full-fledged universities, with well-qualified, tenured, well-paid, and
full-time staff- — doing good-quality teaching and research. In fact, some institu-
tions, particularly in the public sector, are moving in this direction, with some
limitations. However, most of the private institutions, which account for 75 per-
cent of the student enrollment, are not undergoing such changes. Few of their
teachers have advanced degrees; most work part time and have no job stability;
and this reflects a wide gap in salaries and working conditions, -when compared
with those in the first group.
Brazil has a highly differentiated system of higher education, with a relatively
small number of well-funded public institutions and a large number of private,
for-profit, and philanthropic institutions. Brazil is a federation, with 27 states and
more than 5,000 municipalities, and some of the public institutions are main-
tained by the federal government, others by states, and a small number by mu-
nicipalities (Schwartzman 2004).
Traditionally, higher education institutions were organized in the European
tradition, with faculties providing diplomas legally valid as licenses for the learned
professions — medicine, law, engineering, architecture, and dentistry — and later
in new professions such as business administration, psychology, communications,
and pedagogy. In the European tradition, without undergraduate courses in the
North American or English pattern, all students are admitted to professional de-
gree programs. In 1968, new legislation introduced several features of North
American higher education, including regular master's degree and doctoral
T330-003-006.indd 72 1/31/2012 12:48:52 PM
programs, the credit system, the replacement of chairs by academic departments,
and strengthening the role of university rector.
The 1968 reform led to two divergent sectors. Higher education teaching in
public universities became a career in the civil service — with competitive salaries
and other benefits for full-time employment and promotions, based on academic
criteria. Besides lecturing, higher education teachers are expected to do research
and extension work; new graduate education programs were created to grant
the advanced degrees required for these careers (Balbachevsky and Schwartzman
2010). This was followed by the creation or expansion of several research sup-
port agencies, both by the national and state governments. Private institutions,
however, could not adopt the same organization model and career patterns as
the public ones. Public institutions are fully supported with public funding and,
legally, forbidden to charge tuition; private institutions, with very few excep-
tions, cannot receive public subsidies and depend on tuition to survive. Since
public institutions attract the best-qualified students, typically coming from richer
families, private institutions, with some exceptions, have to cater to low-income
sectors that cannot pay much. Most of their students have to work, and, because
of that, most of their courses are provided in the evenings.
This public system did not grow fast enough to accommodate the expanding
demand for higher education, which was mostly absorbed by private institutions
(Durham 2004). Today, about 75 percent of the enrollment in higher education in
Brazil takes place in private institutions. The limited growth of public institutions
can be explained given their high cost, due to the relatively high academic sala-
ries and selective admission of students, based on nutnerus clausus and competitive
entrance examinations for the different course programs. This was different from
what has been happening in most other Latin American countries, where the rule
was open admissions and the lack of well-paid careers for the academic staff in
Private institutions, however, could not adopt the same organization model
and career patterns of the public ones. Public institutions are fully supported
with budgetary resources and legally forbidden to charge tuition. Private institu-
tions, with few exceptions, cannot receive public subsidies and depend on tuition
to survive. Since public institutions attract the best-qualified students — coming
usually from richer families — private institutions (with some exceptions) have to
cater to low-income sectors that cannot pay much. Most of their students need to
work; and because of that, most of their courses are provided in the evening. The
Brazilian legislation still assumes that all higher education should be organized in
universities or eventually evolve into one — centered on high-quality academic
research and Humboldt's ideal of integration between research and teaching. But
in practice, few institutions — even in the public sector — can meet the standards
of what a research university should be.
Currently, legislation allows for the existence of three main types of institutions:
fully autonomous universities with graduate education and research; autonomous
T330-003-006.indd 73 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
74 Case Studies
"university centers," with no graduate education and research but, supposedly,
good-quality teaching in different fields; and isolated faculties, with limited au-
tonomy to create new courses and expand admission. To become a university, a
private institution must demonstrate the existence of graduate education pro-
grams and research, among other criteria. Public universities, however, can be cre-
ated by law. Formally, no difference exists in the standing of the degrees provided
by these different types of institutions, once they are allowed to function. There
are also a small number of technical institutes supported by the federal govern-
ment, but Brazil never developed an extended system of technical, shorter higher
education programs, such as the French Institutes Universitaires de Technologic
In recent years, this picture has been changing in many ways. In the public
sector, the federal government has been pressing public institutions to admit more
students and to open evening courses. A program provides additional resources for
federal universities willing to expand, many institutions are introducing quotas for
low-income or minority students, and private universities are granted tax exemp-
tion if they admit a certain number of low-income students for free (MEC 2010).
For some years, a tendency has been under way for the public sector to bring in
more students from low-income sectors, in less competitive careers, and for some
private institutions to cater more to richer students.
According to the Ministry of Education, in 2008 there were 2,252 institutions,
90 percent private, 5.1 million students in regular first-degree courses, and 75 per-
cent in private institutions. Of these institutions, 183 had university status and
1,911 were isolated, nonuniversity institutions. The size of these institutions var-
ies enormously. A small, isolated institution would have about 1,700 students on
average — a university, 15, 000. The largest private universities, with locations scat-
tered in many cities, may enroll above 200,000; the largest public university, the
University of Sao Paulo, has about 55,000 graduate (undergraduate) and 25,000
postgraduate students in 11 locations.
In 2009, there were 88,286 students in master's degree programs, 53,237 stu-
dents in doctoral programs, and 9,122 students in professional master's degree
programs. Of the 150,000 graduate (undergraduate) students, 80 percent were
in public universities, one-third of them in the state of Sao Paulo. Some gradu-
ate programs are offered by public research institutes that are usually not classi-
fied as higher education institutions — such as the Institute of Applied and Pure
Mathematics in Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian Center for Physics Research, or the
Oswaldo Cruz Institute in public health.
In 2008, there were 338,900 higher education teaching posts in the country, or
about 15 undergraduate (first university degree) students per teacher, -with large
variations among sectors: 10.6 students per teacher in the public sector and about
17.3 in the private sector. Approximately 76 percent of the academics in public
T330-003-006.indd 74 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
Table 6.1 Academic posts and contracts in higher
Number of faculty 119,368
Source: Ministry of Education, Higher Education Census (MEC, INEP 2008).
Note: Data refer to teaching posts, not persons. The same person can have multiple posts.
institutions had full-time contracts, compared with just 18 percent in the private
sector (see Table 6.1)
In federal universities, the academic career is comprised of five ranks —
auxiliary, assistant, adjunct, associate, and full professor (auxiliar, assistente, ad-
junto, associado, titular). Each of these ranks, up to full professor, is divided into
four levels. In principle, access to a university career should require a doctoral
degree and success in an open formal competition (concurso). However, in federal
institutions, a doctoral degree is not required for the first two rank levels. In the
past, many teachers with just a first university degree were hired through pro-
visional contracts, which were later transformed into permanent appointments.
Promotion up to associate level is achieved by seniority and also by the acquisi-
tion of graduate degrees; promotion to full professorship, in principle, should
also depend on success in an open competition. The government has stimulated
academics in public institutions to get higher degrees by improving their salaries
and, in the private sector, by including academic qualifications of the staff as a
criterion in assessment procedures.
In the state universities of Sao Paulo the ranks are auxiliary, assistant, doctor
professor, associate, and full professor (auxiliar, assistente, professor doutor, associado,
titular). A doctorate is required for the doctor professor's rank. To be promoted to
associate professor, it is necessary to pass a livre docencia exam, reminiscent of the
German Privatdozent exam. To be promoted to a full professorship, it is necessary
to pass a competitive exam. Other states have similar career structures, except for
livre docencia, which is a peculiarity of the Sao Paulo institutions.
Most private institutions do not have career ladders, but salaries are paid ac-
cording to the academic degree held by the faculty member. Salaries vary accord-
ing to academic qualification and seniority. In public institutions, job stability
applies to all teachers, regardless of their formal qualification or rank. In the
private sector, there is no stability; anyone can be dismissed at any time according
to the employer's will, under the private-labor legislation.
Although in principle it is necessary to have a doctorate to teach in higher edu-
cation, only 22 percent of the teachers have it, ranging from 48. 1 percent in public
universities to 8.3 percent in private institutions, and there are still a few teach-
ers without a higher education degree at all. The best situation is in the public
T330-003-006.indd 75 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
76 Case Studies
universities in the state of Sao Paulo, where 86 percent of the academic staff hold
doctoral degrees. The presence of a large number of teachers without a university
degree is usually interpreted as a provisional condition, to be corrected as the
qualifications of Brazilian academics improve and the old generation is replaced
by the new. In the meantime, lesser degrees, such as a master's and specialization or
training certificates, are accepted by the institutions as academic credentials.
Currently, Brazilian universities graduate about 10,000 PhDs a year — a very
significant number but still small compared with the need to fill in the 287,000
teaching positions still staffed by lesser-qualified personnel. Moreover, since pri-
vate, low-cost teaching institutions are not able to pay for full-time staff with
advanced degrees, this picture is not likely to change in the foreseeable future.
In public institutions, beside the basic salary, remuneration may include benefits
related to academic degrees and current or past administrative activity. Full-time,
exclusive-dedication academics cannot have other regular employment but may
receive research fellowships and additional payment for research and technical
activities done within the university. Many public universities have established
autonomous foundations that are used to sign research and technical-assistance
contracts with public and private agencies and firms that pay additional money
for researchers involved in their projects. This practice is not allowed in other
branches of the civil service but has been tolerated in the universities. Finally,
the actual income of an academic may be increased by court decisions regarding
acquired rights affected by changing legislation.
A full-time contract usually means 40 hours of work per week, which should
be dedicated to teaching, research, and class preparation. Part-time contracts can
be half time or less, for teaching and other activities; per-hour contracts pay only
for the number of classes actually delivered by the teacher, not allowing time for
class preparation, office hours, research, or institutional activities. In practice,
union bargaining and jurisprudence have reduced the difference between these
two types of part-time contracts in terms of rights and benefits. In most cases,
teachers with part-time or hourly contracts work in more than one institution
or combine teaching with other professional activities, facilitated by the fact that
most teaching in private universities takes place in the evenings.
Academics in public universities, as civil servants, cannot be dismissed except
for grave misconduct. In the private sector, private labor market legislation allows
the employee to be dismissed at any time, with some limited compensation. Sala-
ries are the same in all federal universities, according to academic qualifications
and rank — regardless of merit, except the acquisition of formal credentials; in the
private sector, in principle, salaries can be negotiated case by case.
In public universities, full-time contracts are usually, but not always, exclusive-
dedication contracts. A full-time contract without exclusive dedication means
T330-003-006.indd 76 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
that, outside an academic's 40 hours in the institution, the teacher can have a
private practice, teach in the evening in another place, or do external consulting.
In principle, none of these external activities are allowed for those with exclusive
dedication. In practice, this rule is not fully implemented.
Table 6.2 gives the range of monthly salaries for academics in full-time, exclusive-
dedication contracts in federal universities; it ranges from R$36,000 to R$153,000
(reais) a year (about US$20,000 to US$87,000, based on an exchange rate of
R$1.75 = US$1.00). State universities have their own pay scale. In the state of
Sao Paulo, the corresponding range is from R$3,435 to R$10,216 per month,
or between US$25,000 and US$76,000 per year. The admission procedures, pro-
motion rules, and benefits in state universities are similar to those of the federal
Although pay scales are the same in all federal universities, there is no national
academic mobility; each person is attached to the institution -where he or she
works. One consequence of this system is little mobility of teachers from one
institution to another and no mechanisms for public universities to compete for
talent in the country or abroad. There are resources for paying visiting professors
for short periods, but it is difficult, although not impossible, for a public univer-
sity to hire a foreign-born academic for its permanent staff.
Most private institutions do not publish their salary levels or career paths.
However, an informal enquiry among several private institutions showed that
they pay between R$20 and R$50 per hour for teaching (US$11-US$28), de-
pending on the teacher's academic degree. This means, for a 20-hour, part-time
job between US$260 and US$590 a month; but many teachers work only 12 or
even fewer hours per week in an institution, which means that they have to work
in different institutions or combine teaching with other professional activities to
reach a reasonable income.
Table 6.3 presents the main data on income, based on the National House-
hold Survey of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE 2008).
The figures refer to monthly income in Brazilian reais in 2008. The estimated
number of teachers in the survey is much smaller than the figures reported by the
Higher Education Census — 96,000 in the public sector against 119,000 in the
census; and 112,000 in the private sector against 219,000 in the census (MEC,
INEP, n.d.). One possible explanation for the differences is that the census gives
information on posts, while the household survey gives information on people
who may hold one or more teaching posts; and there may be also sampling errors.
As one could expect, this difference is much higher in the private sector, -where
part-time contracts are the rule.
These data do not distinguish between civil service at the federal, state, or
municipal levels. Although most higher education teachers in public institutions
T330-003-006.indd 77 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
78 Case Studies
Table 6.2 Academic monthly salaries in federal universities in Brazil, 2010
Graduation Training Specialization MA Doctoral Degree
Full professor 4,786.62 5,221.96 5,580.63 7,818.69 11,755.05
Associate 7,448.09 11,424.45
Adjunct 3,945.91 4,241.00 5,793.14 7,913.30
Assistant 3,275.82 3,525.01 3,730.17 4,985.00
Auxiliary 2,814.48 3,001.80 3,190.30
Source: Ministry of Education, Higher Education Census (MEC, INEP 2011).
Note: Values in Brazilian reals (US$1.00 = RJ1.75).
Table 6.3 Mean income of teachers in higher education
% of income Number
Main work All activities from main work of cases
Public sector, civil servant R$ 4,358.80 R$ 4,967.37 87.7 65,756
Private sector, regular
All public sector
All private sector
Source: Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, National Household Survey (IBGE, PNAD
Note: Values in Brazilian reais (US$1.00 = R$1.75).
are civil servants, and most of those in the private sector have private working
contracts, there are many exceptions to these rules. About 17 percent of those
working in the public sector do not have a formal job contract, and 12.6 percent
are hired according to the private-law legislation. There is no additional informa-
tion about the kind of jobs they hold, but they may be, for instance, graduate
students working as research or teaching assistants or replacement teachers with
temporary contracts, or they may work in municipal institutions that do not have
civil service careers. In the private sector, about 9 percent of the higher education
teachers do not have a regular working contract. Incomes of those in the public
sector are higher than those in the private sector, and incomes of those with
regular contracts are higher than those without these contracts. Also, for the civil
servants in the public sector, their main salary represents 87.7 percent of their
income from all activities; while for those -with regular contracts in the public
sector, it is only 82 percent, -with another 18 percent coming from other sources.
One-fourth of the teachers who hold civil servant status earn additional income
from a secondary job; for those with private-law contracts, 32 percent do. This
T330-003-006.indd 78 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
Table 6.4 Mean income in higher education, via occupation groups
Medical doctors 5,836.52
Analysts, operation engineers 5,290.66
System analysts 4,044.02
Teachers in higher education, 3,762.73
Administrator, business adviser 3,542.71
Police officer 3,365.51
Lawyer, attorney, judge, prosecutor 3,296.23
Teachers in the private sector 3,207.21
Architects, civil engineers 3,082.18
Total with higher education 2,780.04
Source: Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, National Household
Survey (IBGE, PNAD 2008).
Note: Monthly salaries in Brazilian reais (US$1.00 = R$1.75).
proportion is likely to be still higher, given the propensity of persons not to fully
report the income earned outside their main job.
Table 6.4 compares higher education teacher salaries with those of other se-
lected groups of higher education. To be a higher education teacher in Brazil
means to have income above average for persons with higher education. For those
in the public sector, the income is not as good as that of medical doctors, top-level
engineers, and of those in business; but is better than the income of those in other,
less prestigious occupations. Earnings for those in the private sector are closer to
the average for persons in higher education, similar to architects, civil engineers,
and data-processing specialists. It allows for comfortable middle-class lifestyle, par-
ticularly if there are two higher education salary earnings in the family.
Distribution of Academic Activities
This section deals with what the academics actually do with their time in terms
of teaching, research, and other activities. The information comes from the Inter-
national Comparative Survey on the Academic Profession, carried out in Brazil
in 2007 (Balbachevsky and Schwartzman 2009; Balbachevsky et al. 2008). The
sample of 1,200 respondents included academics in public and private institu-
tions as well as in nonuniversity scientific research centers and institutes. For the
T330-003-006.indd 79 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
80 Case Studies
Table 6.5 Hours worked per week in different activities, by type of institution
Type of institution
Source: Balbachevsky et al. 2008.
"Preparation of instructional materials and lesson plans, classroom instruction, advising students, read-
ing and evaluating student work.
''Reading literature, writing, conducting experiments, fleldwork.
'Services to clients and/or patients, unpaid consulting, public or voluntary services.
d Committees, department meetings, paperwork.
'"Professional activities not clearly attributable to any of the categories above.
analysis, the respondents were divided on five strata, based on the characteristics
of the institutions in which they worked — public, research-intensive universities;
other public universities; private, elite institutions; other private institutions; and
research institutes (see Table 6.5).
Teachers generally devote half of their time to teaching and related activities,
with the heaviest teaching load at private institutions. Research-related activities
consume half of the time in research centers but less than 6 percent in private in-
stitutions. The third activity is administrative work, about 5 percent of the time;
and other activities take another 2 to 3 percent of the time.
In public universities, full-time contracts assume that the teachers will spend
half of their time on research. As Table 6.6 shows, the percentage reported by the
teachers is closer to 10 hours, or 25 percent of their time, except at research insti-
tutes. Still, there are many indications that only a fraction of those reporting to do
research are actually engaged in research activities.
Table 6.6 shows that, in the private sector, most teachers have a secondary
job; and even among those in the public sector, 18.3 percent have an additional
job, either in another teaching institution, a nongovernmental organization, or in
private practice. Since the salaries in public institutions are fairly satisfactory, why
would those teachers look for additional work? One explanation is the natural
desire of every person to raise his or her standard of living; the other is that the
demand on one's time in a public university is not very high, creating a space and
a longing for other activities.
Given the expectation that all academics should do research and publish,
the number of persons reporting to have done research and published is rela-
tively high in all groups. However, in research centers and research-intensive
T330-003-006.indd 80 1/31/2012 12:48:53 PM
Table 6.6 Teachers holding second jobs (%)
Public, research Public, Private, Private, Research Total
intensive other elite others institutes mean
Additional work or job
Teaching or research
Autonomous, self- 6.6 11.8 21.6 19.8 2.0 15.2
Source: Balbachevsky et al. 2008.
universities, research is done with external funding, more articles are published in
international publications and in peer-review journals, and international collabo-
ration is more frequent. In nonresearch public and private institutions, external
funding is much more limited, most of the publications are in Portuguese, and
international cooperation is much reduced.
This overview of the academic salaries in Brazil shows that there are two main
types of higher education institutions in the country — public and private. Public
institutions operate within limitations and policies set by the government and are
supported with public funds; private institutions may be for profit or not and de-
pend mostly on tuition fees. Within the public sector, it is possible to distinguish
research-intensive institutions from those that are mostly teaching places. There
is little research done at private institutions, but it is also possible to distinguish a
small number of private, elite institutions, catering to high-income groups, from
a larger sector of low-cost, teaching-only institutions, which comprises the bulk
of higher education in Brazil today.
The salary conditions of teachers working in public and private institutions are
quite different. Salaries in the public sector are higher, and there are more fringe
benefits and a lighter teaching load. Most contracts are full time, but the teachers
also have the possibility of earning additional income by participating in research
projects, doing consultancy, and other activities — even when their work contract
is for exclusive dedication. Teachers in public institutions cannot be fired or
move to other institutions, and promotion is based primarily on seniority and ac-
quired credentials. Salaries are the same for all federal universities and for all state
universities within a state and cannot be negotiated individually. It is difficult for
T330-003-006.indd 81 1/31/2012 12:48:54 PM
82 Case Studies
a non-Brazilian to enter the university career in a public institution, although it
is allowed by legislation.
In the private sector, most contracts are part time, income is lower, and teach-
ers have to work in more than one place to make ends meet. In all institutions, it
is assumed that teachers in higher education should do research, but, in practice,
most of those in nonresearch institutions do not receive external support for their
projects and are not linked to international research networks.
Compared -with other groups, teachers in public institutions are relatively well
off, while teachers in private institutions, although earning relatively less, are still
above the country's average income for persons with higher education degrees.
Balbachevsky, Elizabeth, and Simon Schwartzman. 2009. "The academic profession in
a diverse institutional environment: Converging or diverging values and beliefs?" In
The changing academic profession over 1992—2007: International, comparative and quantita-
tive perspectives, ed. University of Hiroshima's Research Institute for Higher Education,
145—64. Hiroshima,Japan: Hiroshima University Press.
Balbachevsky, Elizabeth, and Simon Schwartzman. 2010. "The graduate foundations of
research in Brazil." Higher Education Forum (Research Institute tor Higher Education,
Hiroshima University) 7 (March): 85-100.
Balbachevsky, Elizabeth, Simon Schwartzman, Nathalia Novaes Alves, Dante Filipe Felgue-
iras dos Santos, andTiago Silva Birkholz Duarte. 2008. "Brazilian academic profession:
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Quantitative Perspectives, RIHE International Seminar Reports 12 (September): 327—44.
Durham, Eunice. 2004. "Higher education in Brazil: Public and private." In The challenges
of education in Brazil, ed. C. Brock and S. Schwartzman, 147—78. Oxford, UK: Triangle
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