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Full text of "Communist and Workers' Parties' manifesto adopted November-December, 1960; interpretation and analysis. Hearings before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-seventh Congress, first session."

COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANI- 
FESTO ADOPTED NOVEMBER-DECEMBER, 1960 
INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS 



HEARINGS 

BEFORE THE 

SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE 

ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY 

ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS 

OF THE 

COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

UNITED STATES SENATE 

EIGHTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



TESTIMONY OF JAY LOVESTONE 
JANUARY 26, FEBRUARY 2, 1961 



Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 




TEXAS TECHNOLOGICAL 

MAR 28 1961 

COLLEGE LIBRARY 



U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
6M43 WASHINGTON : 1001 



COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY 

JAMBS O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 



ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee 
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina 
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina 
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut 
PHILIP A, HART, Michigan 
EDWARD V. LONG, Missouri 
WM. A. BLAKLEY, Texas. 



ALEXANDER WILEY, WlflConrtn 
EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKKEN, Illinois 
ROMAN L. hruska, Nebraska 

KENNETH D. KEATING, New York 
NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 



Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration ok tiiic Intk.knai. Security 
Act and Other Internal Bboubiti Laws 

JAMES 0. EASTLANlt, Mississippi, Chairman 
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman 



OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina 
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas 
SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., North Carolina 



ROMAN HRUSKA, Nebraska 
EVERETT McKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois 
KENNETH B. KEATING, New York 
NORRIS COTTON, New Hampshire 



J. G. Sourwine, Counsel 
Benjamin Mandel, Director of Research 



TEXAS TECH UNIVlli:'.! J Y 




3 1295 00779 3127 



ANALYSIS OF 19G0 MOSCOW MANIFESTO 



THURSDAY, JANUARY 26, 1961 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
administration of the internal security 

Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

of the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.O. 

The subcommittee met pursuant to notice at 10 :45 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd presiding. 

Present : Senators Dodd and Kenneth B. Keating. 

Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, 
research director, and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Dodd. The subcommittee will please come to order. 

STATEMENT OF JAY LOVESTONE 

Senator Donn. Mr. Lovestone, I am glad you are here. I am anx- 
ious to hear what you have to say on this very important matter. 

The Internal Security Subcommittee has asked Mr. Jay Lovestone 
to come here today and testify and give his expert interpretation and 
analysis of the recent statement of the 81 Communist and Workers' 
parties, which met in November and December of 1960 in Moscow. 

Mr. Lovestone has been a student of Communist theory and practice 
for more than 40 years. 

Is that right? 

Mr. Lovestone. Yes. 

Senator Dodd. That is a long time. 

I am certainly glad that you found the time to come here, and I am 
anxious to hear what you have to say. 

Mr. Lovestone. Thank you, Senator Dodd and Senator Keating. 

I appreciate this opportunity to present an evaluation of a confer- 
ence which involves very much the present and the future of our 
country. 

Let me say at the outset that I am speaking here not as an official of 
or in the name of the AFL-CIO, for whom I am working. I am just 
giving you my opinions and evaluations based on my years of study 
and practical experience. 

The recent international Communist conference held in Moscow 
made a number of decisions which affect the most vital interests of the 
American people and the entire free world. Eighty-one parties were 
represented at this highly secret gathering of the top leaders of inter- 
national communism. Twelve of them were ruling parties — that is, 
parties now holding their respective countries under the yoke of to tali- 



2 COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 

tariail dictatorship. The remaining 69 were Communist parties out- 
side the Iron Curtain. 

It is interesting to note that the League of Communists of Yugo- 
slavia was not represented. 

The presence of the Communist Party of the United States makes 
the deliberations and decisions of this conference of direct and imme- 
diate concern to our country, our Government, our labor movement, 
and all our other free institutions. 

And I might say here that the victor, and the father of the decisions 
at this Moscow conference, was none other than Khrushchev, who, on 
January 6, several weeks afterward, made an enormously long speech, 
long even for a Bolshevik leader, in which he amplified what trans- 
pired at this conference. 

And merely to add weight I want to quote one or two lines from him. 
From Khrushchev's report, "For New Victories of the World Com- 
munist Movement," before the party organization of the Higher Party 
School, the Academy of Social Sciences, and the Institute of Marxism- 
Leninism Attached to the Central Committee of the CPSTJ, January 6, 
1961: 

Participating in the conference were prominent leaders of Marxist-Leninist 
parties which are waging under difficult conditions a heroic struggle against 
capitalism, the fighting leaders of the national liberation movement — in other 
words, the elite of the internationalist Communist movement * * *. 

Now this was not a talkf est, my friends, it was a very serious busi- 
nesslike session, and Mr. Khrushchev said : 

It provides the profound analysis of new phenomena in the world arena and 
contains important theoretical and political deductions for the activity of all 
Marxist-Leninist parties. The statement will serve as the true compass in the 
further struggle for the great aim that confronts communism, the working 
class, and the progressive people of all countries * * *. 

Representatives of Communist and Workers' parties exchanged their opinions 
on the present informational situation, discussed the urgent problems of the 
Communist and Workers' movements, or, as comrades figuratively stated at the 
conference, synchronized their watches. Indeed, the Socialist countries and the 
Communist parties must synchronize their watches. When someone's clock is 
fast or slow, it is regulated so that it shows the correct time. Similarly, it is 
necessary to check the time of the Communist movement so that our powerful 
army keeps in step and makes confident strides toward communism * * *. 

Every party will adhere to these decisions in a strict and sacred manner 
throughout its activities. 

That is Khrushchev. 

There has been no international Communist gathering of this size 

or sort since 1935, when the seventh and last World Congress of the 

Comintern was held. Alongside of the 1961 Moscow gathering, the 

[047 Cominform session, under the rule of Stalin, was a loose and 

notly affair, with only nine parties represented. The international 

munist conclave held in Moscow, in November 1957, had 65 Com- 

iiiiininl pari h>s in attendance. Its declaration was signed only by the 

munist parties which had already seized power. The Yugo- 

1 • >•".• of Communists participated in the conference, but did 

I ImmIim Inral ion. However, it did join the other 64 Communist 

• the •<» called "Peace Manifesto." 

I Unit (he statement of policy adopted by the 1960 

" ivnresont 36 million organized Communists, 

11 parties— and I emphasize the "all"— the 



COMMUNIST ANI> WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 6 

lllega] as well as the legal and the Communist parties which are 
..nil : 1 1 1 ring to seize power as well as those which already have power. 
This decla radon laid down the directives which all Communist parties 
1 1 msL follow. Out of this conference there is coming a highly disci- 
pi hied and strongly centralized global Communist apparatus geared 
to waging a greatly intensified drive against the free world and par- 
ticularly against our country, our institutions, and our way of life. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, may I interrupt for just a moment. 

There has been mention made of this manifesto or statement. I 
wonder if the Chair would like to have the text of that in the record 
at this point so that it can precede the statement of the witness % 

Senator Dodd. I think it should be in the record. But I think at 
this point it would be disruptive of his remarks. Wouldn't it be better 
to put it at the end of the statement ? 

Mr. Sourwine. Very good. 

(The text of the document appears as app. I at pp. 53, 76.) 

Mr. Lovestone. This threat is very serious. The Communists have 
recovered much of the ground they lost in the Polish revolt and the 
Hungarian revolution. Their master in the Kremlin is convinced that 
the Soviet military and economic position vis-a-vis our country and 
the free world has become stronger. This accounts for the arrogant 
self-confidence and offensive spirit of the 1960 manifesto. This inso- 
lent conceit was reflected by Pravda on December 7, 1960, when it 
boasted that — 

The international Communist movement is in a great upsurge. It has become 
the most influential political force of our time * * * 

Now some questions come to my mind in examining this problem. 

Why was this 1960 conference shrouded in such great secrecy? 

What were its most important decisions ? Do these decisions help 
or hurt the outlook for world peace ? 

Why did this congress give special attention to the United States? 

How will the conference clarification of the so-called peaceful co- 
existence strategy affect the activities of the Communist Party in the 
United States? And how will this clarification affect the relations 
between Moscow and the newly elected administration of our country \ 

Has this conference settled the differences between Moscow and 
Peiping? Did Khrushchev or Mao win? What do the present 
Sino-Soviet relations portend for American foreign policy ? In the 
light of the policies adopted by this conference, shall our country 
scrap or strengthen its opposition to U.N. membership for the Chinese 
Communist regime? 

Now these are questions which affect us every minute of the day, 
in every day of our lives. 

This conference was organized to clarify the policies and cement 
the ranks of world communism, under the hegemony of the Soviet 
Communist Party, with a view of stepping up the Communist drive 
for conquering the world and remolding it on the Soviet pattern. 

By the way, my friends, when I speak of conquering the world, I 
do not mean to exclude the United States, but first the United States. 

The duration and secrecy of this gathering were dictated by the 
purpose for which it was organized. It has often been the strategy, 
especially of the Soviet Communists, to create an air of secrecy 
about their plans so as to befuddle those whom they would subvert 



•m ' .-iMiM.iiNirii aini> WOHKHKH' PAKT1K8' MAl:i 

and oonquer. When deliberation* ate steeped in saoredy, it la taster 

to make thtor unanimity appear genuine. This helps impress both 

I hose, who ure to carry out the decisions and those against whom the 
decisions are aimed. 

No doubt the Soviet Communist leaders felt that, by holding the 
conference m strictest secrecy, they would find it easier to secure a 
decision, in ironing out their differences with the Chinese Com- 
munists, that would strengthen still further Moscow's control and 
Khrushchev's leadership of world communism. 

The conference was held at a crucial moment in the career of Khru- 
shchev s rise to unchallengeable leadership within the U.S.S.R. and 
m his drive to be the dominant world figure. In this situation very 
careful and secret handling of the problems confronting the confer- 
ence was essential. Khrushchev had too much to lose if anything 
were to go awry for him. Though he faces no danger of effective 
opposition to his leadership of the Soviet Communist Party, there is 
much dissatisfaction among the people over the level of consumption 
continuing to lag badly behind industrial growth. Moreover, anx- 
ious moods grip the Soviet peoples as a result of the collapse of the 
.Paris summit, the sterile negotiations over disarmament, and the de- 
teriorating relations with the United States. 

Finally, by shrouding this conference in secrecy the Soviet rulers 

who ran it sought thereby to create an atmosphere which might lead 

i 1 !?! admmistration in Washington to believe that something new 

and different was coming out of Moscow to facilitate a fresh start in 

Soviet-American relations. 

_ In anticipation, some in our country have already begun to attach 
importance to certain so-called cordial overtures from Moscow. 
Abroach in some European and Asian capitals, such illusions have 
multiplied even faster. These illusions have been stimulated by the 
fact that, at the Moscow conference, Khrushchev was the victor over 
Mao. In the eyes of these observers, Khrushchev represents the 
peaceful and ''moderate" while Mao speaks for the more militant, 
more aggressive, and bellicose brand of communism. In no small 
measure, these assumptions explain why certain circles have been 
blind and silent in regard to Moscow's latest aggressive cold war 
maneuvers in Laos and Cuba and are so prejudiced and indignant 
against American policy toward these countries. 

There is no basis for these pro-Soviet illusions. The manifesto 
which the conference adopted is anything but a document charting 
a course for peace, The victory for Khrushchev is not a victory for 
moderation. Out of this conference, there has come an extremist, 
adventurist program for Communist world conquest. The Moscow 
nniutesto is a clear and unmistakable declaration of war ao-ainst 
I m man freedom, democratic institutions, and the free peoples. Maxi- 
mum Communist consolidation is essential for this offensive The 
manifesto provides for welding the world Communist movement into 
n firmly disciplined body, under Soviet hegemony— a new Communist 
international with an enlarged and active apparatus. We are told 
i'v i tie manifesto that: 

rticularly imperative vigorously to consolidate the world Communist 

I he interests of the Communist movement require solidarity 

'" ' "adherence" is a Latin word for "'action"— "adherence by every 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



( 'ontmimisi Party to the estimates and conclusions concerning the common tasks 
hi the Struggle against Imperialism, for peace, democracy, and socialism jointly 
reached by the fraternal parties at their meetings. 

Senator Keating. Before he turns to the next page, may I make 
B comment, Mr. Chairman? 

Senator Dodd. Yes. 

Senator Keating. On page 2 of your statement you referred, Mr. 
Lovestone, to the fact that "some in our country have already begun 
to attach importance to certain so-called cordial overtures from 
Moscow." 1 have been very much personally interested in the release 
of these two fliers. One of them is a young man whose father lives in 
New York City. And I have been doing everything I possibly could 
through our Department of State to try to bring whatever pressures 
could be brought to bear for his release. 

And I am gratified and grateful and thankful, and the family are, 
that he has been released. 

As an expert on the thinking of the men of the Kremlin, and the 
like, do you look upon this incident as of any significance? And do 
you not feel that it is an overture to the new administration to try to 
soften them? 

Mr. Lovestone. Senator Keating, let me say at the very outset, I 
agree with the remarks of the President as made yesterday in regard 
to the release of the fliers. I want to add, we have to view this in 
the full perspective. First of all, the Russians never had any business 
to have these fliers. This is no concession to us. This is a minor 
rectification by themselves. 

Secondly, they have in cold blood murdered four fliers. They have 
not expressed any regrets — I am not using Khrushchev's term, 
"apology"— they haven't had the decency to express regrets. 

Next, they are holding other American fliers. They have released 
these fliers, and we welcome their release. We welcome the tiniest 
sign of civilization and decency from the uncivilized and indecent. 
We welcome their release, but we must not forget that there are others 
too, and we, must not forget that they were shot down in cold blood 
in waters that were not Russian, in international waters. 

Now, if that will help clear the air or promote some less hostile 
atmosphere, I am all for it. But let's not lose our perspective. Wel- 
come even the tiniest mercies, but do not forget that you are dealing 
with a merciless opponent. 

That would be my answer to you, Senator. 

Let me add about Khrushchev, you know at the last meeting of the 
Central Committee Khrushchev was an expert on agriculture and 
virgin soil; like Stalin was an expert on everything. Now he is an 
expert on watchmaking. In the report of his statement of his view 
of what the Communist movement is and what it has to do he says 
the representative of the Communist workers parties who exchanged 
their opinions on the present international situation and discussed 
the urgent problems of Communist workers parties, must synchronize 
their watches. 

Whom are they watching if they are keeping time ? 

Indeed, the Socialist parties and the Communist parties must synchronize their 
watches. When someone's clock is fast or slow, it is regulated so that it shows 
the correct time. 



(i 



COMMUNIST AND WOUKNUS' PARTIES' MANII-'KilTO 



And Khrushchev is the great regulator. 

Similarly, it is necessary to check the time of the Communist movement so 
that our powerful army keeps in step and makes confident strides toward 
communism. Every party will adhere to these decisions in a strict and sacred 
manner throughout its activities. 

Khrushchev is an eloquent spokesman for a bad cause, but we must 
take very seriously his own evaluations. 

Senator Dodd. What are you reading from now ? 
Mr. Lovestone. I am reading from the address delivered by 
Khrushchev to the top Communist Party leaders in Moscow on Janu- 
ary 6, an address which unfortunately has not been printed in full in 
our press. I don't see how any press can keep up with all the 
speeches he makes, with the length of them. It is not a criticism of 
the press but a criticism of Khrushchev. 

But we must be thankful to him, because he lets the cat out of the 
bag, and it is not always a good cat to look at, so we don't have illu- 
sions. 

Senator Keating. Are you going to deal later in your statement 
with your evaluation of Khrushchev ? 
Mr. Lovestone. Yes. 

The statement of policy adopted by the latest Moscow conference 
is the sharpest declaration of war, ever adopted by any international 
Communist gathering, against the United States, against our way of 
life, and our Nation's role in world affairs. 

In this connection, there is to be noted a very significant contrast 
between the 1960 manifesto and the one adopted by the preceding 
international conclave held in Moscow at the close of 1957. While 
the latest Moscow manifesto bristles with bitterness and abuse against 
the United States as a country — it isn't the question of attacking 
President Eisenhower, or one President or the other, but as a country, 
and the American people as a nation— that means all of us— the 1957 
proclamation aimed its insults only at "the aggressive imperialist 
circles of the United States." _ In 1957, in preparation for the "Spirit 
of Camp David," the international Communist conference directed its 
strongest blows only against "the policy of certain aggressive circles 
in the United States" but not against our country as a whole. In 
1957, the Moscow conference even emphasized that "the solidarity of 
the Socialist states is not directed against any other state." 
Senator Dodd. May I please ask a question ? 
Mr. Lovestone. Please, sir. 

Senator Dodd. Can you give us any idea wiry the Communist world 
in January of I960, would attack us as a nation and as a people as 
distinguished from its approach in 1957 ? 

I want to tell you why I asked the question. It seems to me that 
it would be almost self-defeating. It would be sure to arouse people 
to some extent, it would alarm us. What do you think they did it 
for ? 

Mr. Lovestone. Senator Dodd, let me preface my answer with a 

remark. One of the things for which we have to thank the Lord is 

that the Communists make mistakes. We live on their mistakes to a 

vry groat extent. And I think they do make a mistake when they 

'•'■ in such propaganda. 

l he quesl ion is, why do they do it now? 



COMMUNIST AND WOltKKltS' PARTI KH" MANIFESTO / 

They are drunk with confidence, with conceit, with power. They 
have strengthened their position since 1957; they have recovered from 
the terrible blow they suffered in Hungary, from the setback in 
Poland, from the general lack of magnetism and attraction and en- 
tlcement which the Communist movement suffered right after these 
great historic struggles in opposition to them. Today they feel that 
1 1 icy are strong enough militarily, economically, and politically in 
regard to the so-called neutral countries, that the world position of 
(he Communist countries has reached such heights in comparison 
to ours in the Western World, steeped in dissension and confusion 
and hesitation, that they can speak arrogantly. 

And let's be quite frank and tell the truth. If it hadn't been for 
the United States there wouldn't be a country in the world that could 
exist in freedom. Now, you take India. Do you think India for a 
moment would be able to survive if the Chinese and the Russians 
attacked unless we came in to help them with our great strength? 

And that is the way. They are concentrating on the main target. 
They feel strong today, and they didn't feel that way in 1957. 

Hatred of the United States runs like a red thread throughout the 
analysis and program of action emanating from the world Com- 
munist summit. Why % The Kremlin rulers realize that, despite all 
the mistakes our country may have made in countering the Soviet 
drive and in spite of the weaknesses we have allowed our economy to 
develop, there is, in the last resort, only one force, one real obstacle, 
in the way of their conquering every country in Africa, Europe, Asia, 
or anywhere else : That force is the great American military, economic, 
technological, and moral strength and potential. This explains why 
the latest international Communist statement has denounced our 
country with a viciousness unequaled even in the arsenal of Soviet 
insults and slanders. Eealizing our country's strength and anticipat- 
ing a vitalization of American foreign policy, Moscow made sure to 
have its manifesto call for maximum mobilization of the ranks of 
world communism against the United States. 

And bear with me as I quote a couple of paragraphs: 

The most developed capitalist country has become a country of the most dis- 
torted militarized economy. More than any other capitalist country, the United 
States drains Asia and especially Latin America, of their riches, holding up 
their progress. U.S. capitalist penetration into Africa is increasing. U.S. 
imperialism has become the biggest international exploiter. * * * 

U.S. imperialism involved * * * countries in the arms race, in a policy of 
preparing a new war of aggression and carrying on subversive activities 
against Socialist and neutral countries. * * * The imperialists form military- 
political alliances under U.S. leadership to fight in common against the So- 
cialist camp and to strangle the national-liberation working class and Socialist 
movements. * * * 

U.S. imperialism is the chief bulwark of world reaction and an interna- 
tional gendarme * * * it has become an enemy of the peoples of the whole 
world. 

My friends, the content and the intent of this declaration has far 
more permanent meaning than the recent release of the fliers, though 
we welcome their release. 

This is Khrushchev's olive branch to the United States for 1961. 
The principal architect of the aforementioned abuse is none other 
than Khrushchev, who has been talking so much about peaceful 
coexistence. 



8 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



These lines are Kremlin commands to its world Communist ap- 
paratus, its saboteurs, spy rings, dupes, and fellow-travelers to wage 
an all-out campaign against the United States as the biggest barrier 
to Soviet world domination. Here are instructions and plans for 
more Castros and more Cuban-type Soviet dependencies in Latin 
America where Communist propaganda and subversive activities are 
to be enormously expanded. Thus, after his recent return from 
Moscow and Peiping, Maj. Ernesto Guevara, director of the Cuban 
National Bank, said on January 7, 1961, in regard to the Castro 
dictatorship : 

We can be considered a bright example for the understanding of revolution 
and its development; coming to power, destroying institutionalism ; and stay- 
ing in power, promoting the revolution to its present state. 

This is the language of the Kremlin. 

The Communist Party of the United States and the various camou- 
flaged front outfits it is now breeding and building, including the 
Fair Play Committee for Cuba, or including the Unfair Play Com- 
mittee Against the United States, if 1 may be more accurate, are 
playing and will play a prominent and dangerous role in supporting 
the Castro cause against the American cause — not only within our 
Nation's borders but throughout Latin America. 

Let no one say that this international Communist declaration has 
no significance for Soviet foreign policy. Some people might say 
this is propaganda. Propaganda is poisonous, especially wdien it is 
handed out by a machine of that sort. Documents emanating from 
Communist gatherings — national as well as international— are often 
important forecasts of, and guides to, evolving Kremlin foreign 
policy. The Kremlin rulers inspire and dictate these declarations. 
For example, more than a year before the Stalin-Hitler pact was 
signed in August 1939, the underground Communist Party of Ger- 
many way reported to have held a convention. It issued a manifesto 
calling upon its "blood enemy," the Hitler government, to live in 
peace and friendship with the Soviet Union. By September 1939, 
after the Commu-Nazi butchery of Poland, the Soviet Foreign Min- 
ister spoke of the Nazis and Communists as "blood brothers"— sort 
of a dialectic transformation. 

Had the Western statesmen paid attention to and understood the 
why and wherefore of this German Communist Party manifesto echo- 
ing Moscow's aims, they would have been less surprised by and more 
prepared for the StalinTIitler pact and for Moscow's subsequent 
praise of Nazi Germany as "peace loving" and denunciation of 
Britain and France as "imperialist aggressors" responsible for the 
world war. 

Today, a careful study of the latest. Moscow manifesto will help the 
leaders of public opinion in the free world see clearly the intentions of 
the Soviet rulers and their use of the international Communist move- 
ment for furthering the interest of Communist imperialism and world 
conquest. Such understanding is a paramount prerequisite for sound 
democratic foreign policy. 

1 BtflBSB this point because very often you hear statesmen say, "We 
do n<>! know (he intentions of the Kremlin." That is one thing the 
K i 'in I in always tells you, is its intentions. It is up to us to know it. 

Lei Pew words about peaceful coexistence. 






COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



9 



In their conference declaration, the Moscow manifesto manufactur- 
ers have let a number of cats out of the bag— particularly in regard to 
the real meaning of the Kremlin strategy of so-called peaceful co- 
existence. The manifesto piously proclaims that: "Peaceful coexist- 
ence of countries with different social systems" is "the alternative" 
to war today. But, in spelling out what this policy means to the Soviet 
regime and international communism, and its agents in the United 
States, the declaration emphasizes that : 

Peaceful coexistence of states does not imply renunciation of the class struggle, 
as the revisionists claim. The coexistence of states with different social systems 
is a form of class struggle hetween socialism and capitalism. 

In conditions of peaceful coexistence, favorable opportunities are provided for 
the development of the class struggle in the capitalist countries and the national 
liberation movement of the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries * * *. 
It implies intensification of the struggle of the working class, of all the Commu- 
nist parties, for the triumph of Socialist ideas. But the ideological and political 
disputes hetween states must not be settled through war. 

What does international communism expect to gain by pursuing this 
policy ? The manifesto answers : 

This policy strengthens the positions of socialism, enhances the prestige and 
international influence of the Socialist countries and promotes the prestige and 
influence of the Communist parties in the capitalist countries * * * 

Senator Keating. In other words, peaceful domination would be a 
better term than peaceful coexistence? 

Mr. Lovestone. Well, as to the peaceful nature of that, Senator 
Keating, I am going to deal with that a little later when 1 take up the 
question of violence, because the Communists have a very clear theory 
of violence, the essence of which is, "Don't resist me, if you do I will 
punish you, you will be guilty of violence." 

Senator Keating. In other words, they prefer to dominate you by 
peaceful means rather than war? 

Mr. Lovestone. No. Like all conquerers, they would like to get 
the loot without the fight. Hitler wanted the same thing. I want 
to remind you, when the so-called phony war began, Hitler sent a 
message to the French, "Now if you will resist us, we will fire on 
this village, and on the next one, and why destroy these beautiful 
villages? Let's live in peace" — on his terms. That is the gimmick. 

One might ask: Why has the conference found it necessary to go 
into such a full explanation? The Kremlin rulers and their lieu- 
tenants of world communism seek to make sure that no Communist 
should make the mistake of believing that this strategy calls for a 
policy which is either peaceful or coexistence in the basic relations 
between the free world and the Communist empire. All Communist 
parties are to engage energetically in political, economic, ideological, 
and sundry other subversive activities in order to prepare the final 
blow against the free nations. Obviously, those in the free world 
who want to surrender peacefully will be given the chance to go 
"freely" into the Communist slave system. 

All too often, people in the democratic countries pay, at best, very 
lilllc attention to the one-sidedness of Moscow's so-called coexistence 
policy, As Moscow sees it and insists, its so-called coexistence policy 
will fissure all Communists and their organizations in the democratic 
Countries full freedom of propaganda and the untramme.lod right to 
i ; .n in subversive activities against Iheir freely elected govern- 



10 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



ments and aU other free institutions. However, on the basis of the 
same Moscow-Peiping concept of "peaceful coexistence" no rights 
whatever, let alone equal rights, are to be accorded to democratic 
persons or prodemocratic groups in the Communist countries for 
propagating their ideals or promoting their cause. Inside the Com- 
munist empire, the proponents of Western democracy, dissident Com- 
munists or even critics of Khrushchev or Mao Tse-tung within the 
Soviet or Chinese Communist Party leadership are to be ruthlessly 
denied all rights and possibilities to state their viewpoint— let alone 
to struggle for their ideas. This is a one-sided deal. 

What the Communists are saying to us essentially is, "We demand 
full freedom in the name of your principles, but we deny to you any 
freedom in the name of our principles." 

This is no philosophy of "live and let live." This is the Commu- 
nist philosophy of "let me live, so that I can kill you and prepare to 
bury you." 

Clearly, coexistence as elaborated, explained, and advocated in the 
Moscow manifesto is not a goal of genuine peace ; it is only a treach- 
erous weapon to be employed for furthering the interests of Soviet 
imperialism in its drive for world conquest and Communist enslave- 
ment of the entire human race. 

Hungary has shown that Moscow is firmly opposed to genuine 
peaceful coexistence with another country which might have a social 
system even slightly different from the Soviet pattern. 

The smoldering Berlin crisis shows that Khrushchev will not per- 
mit even two cities with differing social systems— actually two parts 
of one city — to coexist for long in peace. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Lovestone, do you have any ideas as to why the 
Soviet Union has permitted Austria to escape ? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is a very interesting question, Senator. Aus- 
tria is of greater value to the Kussians in its so-called neutralized form 
than it would be if we were quarreling over it. The so-called con- 
cession they made to Austria— it would seem to me they did what they 
were supposed to do without any argument— was made at a moment 
to have a profound effect on Germany. For a while inside Germany 
there developed a big school, particularly among the Social Demo- 
crats, which said for a while, "Why can't we go with Austria «" 
It was a bait for confusion. 

And incidentally, I might say to you, Senator, that in my opinion, 
the neutralization of Austria as arranged has had a profoundly 
bad effect on the Socialist Party of Austria, which is no longer as 
healthy and virile an opponent of communism— it is still anti-Com- 
munist, it is democratic— as it was before the neutralization. And 
that was a price the Russians could pay, it wasn't something they 
gave up, so that they could say, "Look how good we were to Austria." 
If Germany were to accept that status, you might ask me, would the 
Kussians accept it? 

Only for a moment, because Germany is not Austria, because Ger- 
many is too big and important to be neutralized, they don't want a 
neutral Germany, they want a Communist Germany. 

But the neutralization of Austria was a means for confusing and 
neutralizing certain forces so as to promote their main objectives in 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



11 



Senator Dodd. I think we should discuss these things, because many 
people are interested in your views. j. T A*«ir 

Mr Lovestone. That argument will be used, Senator. But 1 thinK 
we have to learn one thing from the Communists: the Communists 
never tire of repeating the untruth. Let us never tire of repeating 

the truth. 
Let me say a few words about Berlin and Germany. 

The extremely bitter outburst against the United States reflects 
Khrushchev's rage over American help to the people of West Germany 
and over their splendid achievements in building a healthy democracy 
and reviving and strengthening their economy. The Soviet dictator- 
ship is intensely angered by the unbreakable determination of the 
German people to achieve national unity in freedom. Ine Kremlin 
rulers do not hide their fury at democratic Germany's readiness to 
assume its share of responsibility in the defense of free Europe. 
Khrushchev's agony and arrogance over these developments are tnus 
revealed with ominous significance in the Moscow manifesto : 

West Berlin has been transformed into a seat of international provocation. 
The Bonn state has become the chief enemy of peaceful coexistence, disarma- 
ment, and relaxation of tension in Europe. nnnnaa * »™ th«, 
The aggressive plans of the West German imperialists must be opposed by the 
united might of all peace-loving countries and nations of Europe. 

An especially big part in the struggle against the aggressive designs of the 
West German militarists is played by the German Democratic Republic. Ihe 
meeting regards it as the duty of aU — 
and I emphasize the "all" — 

the countries of the Socialist camp and all of the peace-loving peoples to defend 
the German Democratic Republic— the outpost of socialism in Western Europe 
and the true expression of the peace aspirations of the German nations. 
"Let me say a few words about this, because this is a very significant 
statement in the light of history of Germany since the war. 

These orders should be taken very seriously by our country and its 
NATO allies. From Lenin down through Khrushchev, Germany has 
played a pivotal part in the history of world communism. Lenin had 
the highest hopes for the worldwide triumph of communism through 
the Communist conquest of Germany. His successors have operated 
on the same premise. They have felt that if they had all Germany 
under Commimist control, then all Europe would soon be theirs. That 
is why Lenin risked his costly and historic defeat at the gates or 
Warsaw in July 1920. To Lenin, Warsaw was the gate to Berlin and 
Germany and, therefore, to the communization of all Europe. The 
reasoning of these Communist dictators was simple: Once all of 
Europe was in their grip, the world could not for long remain free 
from their yoke. - ' 

Khrushchev, like Stalin, is also in the thrall of this grandiose Len- 
inist strategic conception. His attitude is reflected in the highly 
complimentary terms of the manifesto for the Soviet puppet regime 
in Pankow. 

Consequently, the Berlin crisis and the German situation still are 
and \vi 1 1 continue to be the gravest source of danger for a world war— 
regari I less of how much shooting there may bo in the Congo, Laos, and 
over Quemoy and Matsu. The Berlin crisis is Ear mom important 

than the Soviet noise, made in the United Nations m behalf <>l Mao 
Tse bung and against the u.N. Secretary General, Eo fact, the Mum 



12 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



cow manifesto does not even mention Taiwan or the U.N. as problems 
of world tension. 

The only way to prevent Khrushchev from seizing Berlin, grabbing 
all Germany and plunging mankind into world war III is to con- 
vince him that we will militarily not permit any Communist adven- 
ture in this most pivotal area. Khrushchev is a pastmaster in bluster, 
bragging, and bulldozing. But he also knows his own strength — and 
ours too. He will not risk a world war, once he is convinced that our 
country and its allies will fight to preserve free Berlin and free Ger- 
many — and thus free Europe and the free world. 

And here I want to say that the President of the country rendered 
a great service to the cause of peace in his recent brief message to this 
publication, Berliner Illustrierter, where he said, "We will fight for 
Berlin." I think that will make Khrushchev think twice before he 
talks, let alone acts. 

Let me say a few words about the differences between Moscow and 
Peiping, which touches the very heart of the Communist plans for our 
country. 

In recent months, the Chinese Communist Party leadership has 
begun to develop some ideological differences with and grievances 
against the Soviet party ruling group. These differences and griev- 
ances have never been officially acknowledged or fully admitted. 
Nonetheless, they were there, though often exaggerated or misunder- 
stood, especially in the non-Communist world. 

To the extent that there have been or still are, such differences 
between the Chinese and Soviet Communist Parties, they are impor- 
tant because of the size of Mao's organization, the area and population 
under its iron heel, the strategic position of the Chinese mainland, 
and the particular appeal which the Chinese Communist movement, 
being nonwhite, might have among the people of the industrially 
underdeveloped areas. However, in evaluating these or any other 
differences between Communist parties, we must, first of all, keep 
uppermost in our mind that whether they be rhetorical, tactical, or 
doctrinal differences, Communist parties are bound together by an 
all-important, overriding goal— and that is Communist conquest and 
transformation of the world, and the first prerequisite for this is the 
destruction of the United States. 

Here we must guard against the temptation to resort to historical 
analogies. Since Communist Russia and Communist China are bound 
together by this overriding common objective, it would be dangerously 
false to equate their difference or jealousies with the hostility and 
clash of interests between Czarist Russia and pre- World War I 
China. 

Moreover, in the specific Sino-Soviet case, the differences have 
not been of such a character as to eliminate, change vitally or soften 
in the least the hostile policies of either Moscow or Peiping toward 
tin- United Slates and the rest of the free world. Moscow and 
Peiping always have been, and are today, in full agreement on their 
basic aim lo bury us, though they may, at one time or another, disagree 
over certain details of the funeral arrangements they would like to 
make for Utf. 

For that we can be thankful, T think, after we are dead, providing 

it is only after ire are dead and not. before. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



13 



Actually, the differences between Moscow and Peiping involve 
not so much "ideology" as a power struggle within the international 
Communist movement. Peiping has become a great power center in 
Asia, and, therefore, in the world. This development was bound to 
have an important impact on the relationships within the world 
Communist movement. But whatever grievance or jealousy Peiping 
has had or still has, its capacity for counter-action or independent 
moves is limited by its own economic, technological and military 
weaknesses in comparison with the Soviet Union. Peipmg cannot 
risk any serious military undertaking— unless it is first assured full 
Soviet military, economic, political and diplomatic support. For 
example, Mao could never have waged the war in Korea without such 
Russian support. 

The conference was called upon to clarify and resolve any differ- 
ences which may have arisen between Moscow and Peiping in regard 
to the attitude toward the non-Communist nationalist forces in the 
countries which recently won or were still struggling for their in- 
dependence. It has also been said that, according to Peipmg, com- 
munism could conquer the world only through a world war, while 
Moscow wants and plans to have world communism triumph peace- 
fully. This approach to the Sino-Soviet differences is a vulgar_ over- 
simplification. It reminds us of the costly error made by some m the 
Western World during the great struggle for power between Trotsky 
and Stalin. . . 

And I ask you to bear with me. This is a very important point 
that I want to bring home. , . ,'«'•! 

At that time some held that Trotsky wanted international Social- 
ist revolution, while Stalin wanted socialism in one country. On the 
basis of this alleged "profound ideological difference" between the 
two would-be dictators of world communism, people were urged to 
reject Trotsky as the more dangerous and to back Stalin as the less 
dangerous enemy of world democracy. 

I name no names of correspondents; my friends are acquainted with 
the New York Times and other publications. 

History has shown how completely wrong this evaluation was. 
The "more dangerous" Trotsky did not endanger the peace and free- 
dom of the world; he died in exile— Mexico— murdered by a paid 
agent of the "more moderate" Stalin. My authority is Khrushchev. 

On the other hand, the so-called less dangerous Stalin, headed the 
Soviet dictatorship which deported, starved, and murdered millions 
of its own citizens— and signed a "pact of peace and friendship" with 
Hitler to give the green light to the Nazis launching World War II. 

Let's not be in such a hurry as to pick preferences among and have 
favorites among the Communist criminals. Who would be more 
violent and who will be less violent depends on the target at the 
moment. 

Now, the question of violence and more violence. 

The Communists of all countries have always maintained that they 
\v:ml to dike full power without resorting to violence. Actually, no 
Communist Party has ever taken full power peacefully, Of course, 

after resorting to violence on its road to power, the Communist Party 
always denounces those resisting Hie establishment of its dictator 
lnp as the ones guilty of using violence, Though Khrushchev and 



14 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Mao prefer to get the loot of conquest without having to go to war 

for it, as heads of Communists states, they place great reliance on 
military power as an instrument of their international policy. Thev 
continually arm themselves for aggression and adamantly oppose ef- 
fective international inspection of their offensive military establish- 
ments. They stealthily and openly provide arms to Communist 
.Parties fighting to seize full power through military action Thev 
arm one state against another to aggravate political tension. To hide 
their own plans and preparations for military subversion and ag- 
gression, the Communist states and parties continually denounce as 

enemies of peace" and "imperialists" all nations which strive to be 
strong enough to deter and defeat Communist conquest. 

Chinese Communist Party statements have revealed that, in its 
eflorts to advance communism, the Peiping regime was more readv 
than Moscow to risk a general— nuclear— war. This difference in 
attitude grew out of a number of factors. When Mao looks at the 
Asian countries against which he would be waging war, he finds that 
they are industrially and militarily much weaker than Communist 
^nina. Mere, Peiping would be waging war with conventional weap- 
ons— and likely fightng only on a local scale. But when Khrushchev 
looks at the countries the U.S.S.R. would face on the field of battle 
were he to go to war, he sees highly industrialized opponents equipped 
with the most modern, sophisticated— nuclear— weapons and with a 
retaliatory power which could wipe Soviet industry off the face of 
the earth and turn the U.S.S.R. into one gigantic wasteland. Then 
because of the comparative backwardness and great dispersal of its 
economy, Commmunist China would not be as much of a target se- 
lected for nuclear attack as the far more industrialized US S R 
would be. * ' 

Furthermore, because of its enormous population, Communist China 
could stand much more easily than the U.S.S.R. the heavy losses that 
would be incurred in a nuclear war. Communist China would, there- 
tore, be m a more advantageous population position for survival and 
postwar reconstruction. 

Now, the Russians are very consicious of that, and they are realists 
And I can cite to you the recent declaration of Maj. Gen. Nicolai 
lalensky in the October 1960 issue of International Affairs, the lead- 
ing Communist organ on international problems. The major general 
said i 

y»^tT S ?° d ° Ubt ^ at ' in J he case of a new war > capitalism will be finally 
wnr ;„ ^ U „;f« a V ne £ raW *S? conclusion f rom this that the casualties of the 
war no matter how heavy they were, would be justified? This would be a 
harmful and antihumanitarian point of view. 

As a result of the new war, the population "of the world would, in the final 
analysis, be reduced by half, and, in addition, it would be the most active 
competent, and civilized part of humanity which would perish * * * ' 

The process of development of the technique for destroying people has led to 
such a situation that it is impossible to use weapons for deciding poliHcal ques- 
tions as it used to be for thousands of years. Nuclear rocket wlr is eSemeTy 

agSoThimL^ f ° r the SidG WMch iS attacked ' but is ^cidal for the 

The Russians are fighting their war or their political struggle on 
encf erent terrain than the Chinese, and that accounts for the differ- 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



15 



Under the circumstances, it is easy to understand why ^, ■ '„ 
taken one position and Khrushchev another m regard to rr JJL 
general war. Under these circumstances, it is also easy to jF * 
the Western and even Asian Communist parties would not g £ 

with Mao and why the Khrushchev attitude prevailed at the ) UB ^ U 

Conference. . miotino- 

Senator Dodd. When you read as you did a few minutes ago 'I «=> 
General Talensky, I think it would be a good idea to say V 
said it and where he said it and where it may be found, so that r 
reading this record can look it up. , m i,nskviii 

Mr. Lovestone. I took that from an article by General Tal ^ cen i ral 
the October 1960 issue of International Affairs, which is the 
organ on foreign affairs published by the Communist Part}/ 
Soviet Union. . . „ over 

The difference of opinion between Moscow and Peipu^ 
"war" as a weapon of world revolution was not as serious J _ . 
have concluded. The manifesto indorses such threadbare CoiJ , 
cliches as "war is a constant companion of capitalism and ■ f, 
as imperialism exists, there will be soil for wars of aggi • 

But, according to the Moscow manifesto, there is only one rea? J 

"war is not fatally inevitable today." And that is importMp N 
is only one reason why, "war is not fatally inevitable today, 
what reason is it, according to Moscow? . # ., 

The reason is that those whom Moscow and Peiping praisP ^ ' "* 
"peace-loving Socialist forces" have become strong enough " I , 
vent the so-called imperialists from waging war— m othei' . ' 

we are the ones who want to go to war, and the only reason tlieie 
no war is that Moscow is too strong to let us go to war ! , 

This, according to the unanimously adopted manifesto is f" B u ^ 
hope for averting world war "even before socialism achieV®» £" 
plete victory on earth with capitalism still existing in part? 
world." S1 - 7P fu R 

Significantly, this formulation does not^-and I empha^, JJr 
"not"— include the problem of local wars. Obviously, th^J?*"" 
hood of Communists launching or provoking such wars ln y„ i" f 
parts of the world (Laos, Congo), is by no means excluded. xn Iact ' 
the manifesto stresses that — 

experience shows that it is possible to combat effectively the local wa£ 
by the imperialists and to stamp out successfully the hotbeds of such * 

Years before Khrushchev or Mao Tse-tung was an intportaf ^f? 11 ** 6 
on the stage of international Communist power politics and j nt rigue, 
Stalin— who was the teacher of them all— in his book "1^ 5 ie ™~ 
of Communism" dealt with the question of the "inevitability ot war 
as follows : 

In the more remote future, if the protelariat is victorious in the P°^ , ^ 
portant countries, and if the present capitalist encirclement is ret 
Socialist encirclement- 
It has been — 

a "peaceful" path of developments is quite possible for certain ca P ita, l S it U ation" 
tries, whose capitalists, in view of the ''unfavorable" international io t l 
will consider it expedient "voluntarily" to make substantial conc^ 
the proletariat — 



iim-i:i »i 



u\ 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



which means to Moscow — 

Yes, more than three and one-half decades ago, Stalin clearly 
formulated the idea that — under the condition of greatly increased 
Communist power— world war is not a "fatally inevitable" prerequi- 
site for the triumph of international communism. In doing so, Stalin 
was only echoing Lenin who had first developed this conception. The 
so-called more moderate Khrushchev did not pioneer this notion. 
And the bellicose Moscow manifesto only aggravates world tension 
and hurts the prospects for world peace when' it thus reaffirms Stalin's 
line of 35 years ago. In other words, if the free world wants peace, 
all it has to do is to surrender to Moscow. 

Today, with Soviet imperialism vastly strengthened, it is the free 
world that faces encirclement. On this basis, Mao and Khrushchev 
no doubt feel that the chances of "peaceful. surrender" to them are 
better than in Stalin's time— and, I might add, as subsequently 
sharpened by Khrushchev in his address of January 6. 

Let me say a few words about national liberation and colonialism. 

There has been much misunderstanding even in highly placed 
circles in our country as to the real meaning of the differences between 
Moscow and Peiping in regard to Communist tactics in the under- 
developed areas. Such misunderstanding can be very costly to Amer- 
ican foreign policy. 

Chinese Communists have differed from the Soviet Communists in 
their attitude and emphasis regarding the tactics to be employed for 
hastening the triumph of communism in the countries which recently 
won their national independence or are slill fighting to shake off the 
yoke of colonialism. This di fference of approach is rooted in the very 
history and experience of the Chinese and Soviet Communist Parties. 
The Chinese Communis! Party grew as an organization and came to 
power largely through frontal infiltration and subversion of a non- 
Communist government in a country which for years had been sub- 
jected to a semicolonial status. The Chinese Communists gained 
much from their membership in the Kuomintang. Under Mao, 
Chinese Communist armed forces, with gigantic Soviet help, marched 
toward military and political victory in their country. Mao would 
have essentially the same tactics employed today for speeding the 
triumph of communism in the countries which have recently won or 
are still fighting for their national independence. The experience of 
the Eussian Communists before and since the October revolution was 
entirely different. The story of their growth is entirely different. 

Moreover— and keep this in mind— in most of the African and 
Asian countries, the Communist parties are either weak or nonexist- 
ent. In such a situation, the emphasis placed by Mao on frontal tactics 
could hardly lead to fruitful results for communism. On the other 
hand, Khrushchev's policy of nursing, helping, infiltrating, patiently 
subverting through economic aid and various other ways, has certainly 
gotten substantial results for the Kremlin. The influence of the 
Soviet. Union and world communism in the underdeveloped areas has 
in recent years grown. In this situation it is clear why Khrushchev's 
position in regard to working with the so-called independent national 
democracies prevailed over that of Mao. 

Some American observers would have us believe that the position of 
Khrushchev is the more moderate one. They are wrong. The Khru- 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



17 



shchev tactics have proved to be far more effective in advancing ( 'oin- 
munist imperialism and mobilizing the peoples of the underdeveloped 
countries against the United States. 

In the light of Khrushchev's role in Cuba, Laos, and the Congo^-a 
role fully endorsed by Peiping — one wonders why so much signifi- 
cance has been attached by some to their differences in respect to the 
non-Communist nationalist forces in the lesser developed countries, 
some of which only recently won or are still struggling to win their 
independence. The fact of the matter is that neither Mao nor Khru- 
shchev ever underestimated the great opportunities for activity and 
advance provided to Communists by those who practice and defend 
the old colonialism. 

Nor did Khrushchev ever fear any competition from Mao in ex- 
ploiting this field so generously presented to world communism by 
the colonialists in Algeria and elsewhere. 

Communist China does not have the technical or economic resources 
to match the Soviet effort and influence in wooing the underdeveloped 
countries still under the control of or recently freed from the old 
colonialism. Moscow feels so sure of itself in this realm that, on 
occasion, it puts Chinese Communists in the forefront, particularly 
when and where the Kremlin wants to put on a mask of politeness and 
sweet reasonableness or when and where violent race hatred against 
a white people best serves its own sordid interests. This sinister and 
deliberate division of labor between Khrushchev and Mao in Africa, 
Asia, and Latin America should never be mistaken as an ideological 
difference or clash of interest between them. 

I don't want to go into it now, but one might examine the question 
of so-called political physics on the nature and direction of projectile 
missiles, and you will get an insight into Communist tactics. 

Apparently the difference over the "national liberation move- 
ments'' — that is, the national bourgeoisie, as they are called-— has also 
been grossly exaggerated. Communists have for years recognized that 
the non- Communist nationalists have a role to play — for a while — in 
their country's struggle for independence. But the Communists have 
always placed their trust in a worker-peasant alliance under Commu- 
nist Party leadership. The manifesto thus reaffirms this conception : 

The alliance of the working class and the peasantry is the most important force 
in winning and defending national independence, accomplishing far-reaching 
democratic transformations, and inspiring social progress. This alliance is 
called upon to be the basis of a broad national front. 

However, at the 1960 Moscow conclave there was presented a some- 
what new formula, if not approach, for dealing with this problem. 
For the first time, there appears in Communist literature the expres- 
sion "independent national democracy." Such a "national democracy 
is considered as a transition stage to a 'people's' democracy" which in 
turn is a transition stage to a full-blown Communist society. It is 
like the Russian doll. The doll in a doll, within a doll. 

This new formulation indicates that under Moscow's orders and 
direction the Communists will, if necessary, move more carefully in 
countries like Cuba, Ghana, and even India. Yet, despite pledges to 
give "every support" to such regimes, the Moscow manifesto does not, 
hesitate to criticize sharply I he i United Arab Republic, the Sudan, and 
Iraq tor "mistreatment" oi their < lommunisl pari Lea. 



18 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



In this connection let me say that only the other day the Egyptian, 
or the UAR Government, arrested some of the top leadership of the 
Communist Party, which is underground in the UAR. 

The inclusion of this criticism very likely represents a concession 
by Khrushchev to the viewpoint of the Chinese Communist Party. 
This criticism reflects the disappointments of Communists in Moscow, 
Peiping, and elsewhere. The Kremlin, in particular, had counted 
on continuous generous treatment of its fifth column by the govern- 
ments of countries receiving Soviet political and economic support. 
They expected that. But while ready to accept economic help from 
Moscow, the rulers of these countries, like Egypt or Iraq, have come to 
realize that the Kremlin-controlled Communist parties are working 
fanatically to take over full power for themselves and then do some 
head chopping of the non-Communist leaders. And no matter what 
criticism you make of General Kassem or Nasser, they would rather 
see somebody else's head chopped off than their own, which is an un- 
derstandable instinct in politics and elsewhere. 

Senator Keating. Let me ask you a question. In your appraisal 
of the situation, are we less likely to have war provoked— as we all 
know, it will never be provoked by us— are we less likely to have it 
if Khrushchev remains strong, or if he starts to become weak? 

Mr. Lovestone. The weaker our enemy is the better the chance for 
peace, Senator. 

Senator Keating. I am speaking of Khrushchev himself, not his 
country. In other words, we have seen in the past in history some- 
times that a leader, when he felt his power was slipping, felt that in 
order to consolidate his power he must engage in aggression outside 
his own country. 

Mr. Lovestone. I think there is a lot in what you say, Senator. 
Khrushchev is an adventurer; he is far less patient and methodical 
than Stalin was, far less cool. And there is no guarantee that in a 
moment of rage he may not do certain things when he sees power 
slipping, that he may even attack us. 

And then the question arises, What shall we do? My only answer 
would be what we should do and what we shouldn't do. 

First of all, we should do this. We should, first of all, be so strong 
that not even the maddest adventurer could get away with it, or even 
have hopes. 

Secondly, we should not do anything to help any dictator consoli- 
date his power, his machine or instrument of oppression over his 
own people, because then we lose in the end : they are not our friends 
they may lose their power, and there is no assurance that if we help 
them we would not be encouraging their appetite for adventure 

Let me digress a moment, Senator Keating, and say this to 'you. 
I he Western World gave the Soviet Union from 1919 to 1939 in 
various forms, credits, sales, so on, $8i/ 2 billion of industrial machin- 
ery. The theory was that it would become more moderate, that 
conditions would be better, it would then become more peaceful It 
turned out to be wrong. 

Germany was a very highly developed country, technically speak- 
ing, and had many scientists and philosophers and a high rate of liter- 
acy. But when you have power fall into the hands of a desperate 
despot, we had war regardless of the culture of the people and the edu- 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES* MANIFESTO 



19 



cation and technology. But we are now facing the same thing in the 
Soviet Union. 

Now, we could have stopped Hitler when he started to march into 
the Ehineland in 1936 ; if a couple of French divisions had mobilized, 
Hitler would have been stopped, and he would soon be pushing 
daisies — I don't know what he is pushing now. But on the basis, 
not only of study — I know the quality of these people — there is one 
thing they respect, and that is the fist. 

I don't say that you should push it in their face all the time. You 
have to have some respect for your fist, but you have to have your fist 
so that they will understand it. If you have a big enough fist they 
will be nice to you. They may even release the seven fliers that they 
say they haven't got. 

Let's keep that in mind. 

Senator Keating. Do you place any reliance on some of these new 
reports that Khrushchev is giving up one-man control of the world 
Communist organization ? 

Mr. Lovestone. Senator, absolutely not. It becomes second or 
third nature, in the Communist movement to have this development. 
When the movement began there was a certain amount of idealism, 
romanticism, sincerity — let's grant that— and Lenin ruled more by 
authority and prestige, his having been the father of a victorious 
revolution. Later on that degenerated from prestige to power and 
authority in Stalin. And Stalin, well, nobody depends on Stalin's 
methods' of rule today, not even his most apt nupils. 

But under Stalin you still had an opposition, for a while Trotsky 
opposed him, there was a platform, and the world knew what it was. 
Now Khrushchev in 1957 eliminated the top hardware all at one blow, 
more at one blow than Stalin did, Malenkov. Molotov, Kaganovich, 
Bui ganin, and Shepilov. And what happened ? 

He never even allowed the world to see their platform. He told 
them, "You're an antiparty group," and he condemned them, and that 
is all. 

Now, if you ask what happened in the last Central committee meet- 
ings of the Communist Party, it was like a teacher giving an oral exam- 
ination to children. No matter who said anything about pigs, about 
corn, about oats, Khrushchev always interrupted and told them how 
to do it. And every party leader said, "Yes, Comrade Khrushchev, 
you are right." And those who didn't say it won't be saying things 
very long, or maybe they would be saying them where nobody will 
hear them. 

The situation is such that you don't need Russian mass terrorism any 
more. The people have become so malleable that they even don't need 
any threats today. 

By the way, that decision to abolish mass terrorism was made under 
Stalin. Khrushchev introduced the resolution at the party congress 
in 1939, and they spoke very openly and said: the historic use of 
mass terrorism has been ended. Tomorrow they may revive it. 

I want to make one general conclusion. As I see it, Lenin repre- 
sented the worst in Marxism. Stalin represented the worst in Lenin- 
ism. Khrushchev represents the worst in Stalinism, in the sense that 
he gets everything the way Stalin got it through such methods as 
making one a BO&pegO&t, bul he doesn't have to press continually any 



30 



roMMUNTST AND WORKERS' PARTIES* MANIFESTO 



more, because everybody has been conditioned— I don't want to use 
the words "Pavlov's theory," because I don't want to compare the 
mi! Ion to i dog and the people to animals in the laboratory— but it is 
I reflei art ion, almost, with them in Russia today; nobody would dare 
say anything, because they know the dictatorship is absolute— they 
don t have to think to know, it is in their heads, it is in their breath, 
they have been accustomed and trained to it. 

The test in any totalitarian system as to whether there is a lib- 
eralization or whether there is progress toward democracy is only one: 
Is (he control of the one and only party which has had a monopoly of 
power beinjr weakened or strengthened ? If it is being weakened, and 
there is a diffusion of power, then they are moving toward liberaliza- 
tion or democracy. If the power is being central ized in the party, then 
the trend, regardless of pleasant faces— regardless of dropping certain 
harsh methods which modern industrial life cannot allow— you cannot 
have modern production with certain brute methods, you have to 
soften the way it is being diffused or how it is being strengthened. 

And Khrushchev has done this. He has strengthened the power of 
the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, because under Stalin it was 
beginning to corrode with himself as the dictator in an individual 
sense. He had the party machinery revitalized. To that extent he 
has served communism. And to the extent that he has served commu- 
nism, he has served interests opposed to us, and we have to regard 
him as the worst. 

§ Senator Dodd. Wouldn't it be accurate to say that abandoning terror 
is really a policy matter? It isn't really abandoning it, it certainly 
hasn't been abandoned in Hungary, has it ? 

Mr Lovestone. You see, power is the ability to dictate decisions 
and to eliminate those who oppose those decisions. Even if you 
adopted the policy of those you opposed, once you take over their pol- 
icy you have got to get rid of them. 

Senator Dodd. My point is this. From what I heard you say I don't 
think you meant to say the Communists have abandoned the use of 
terror as an instrument of power. 

Mr. Lovestone. The Communists have not given up the right to use 
terror or the ability to use terror, or the readiness, but they don't have 
to uso mass terror today, because the people are submissive. 

Senator Dodd. So it, is just a matter of policy ? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is right, a matter of' technique. I assure you 
it tomorrow there should be the slightest resistance or the slightest 
quesl ion ol the regime in Eussia, blood will flow. They might not pub- 
licize this very much, nor do they publish their airplane accidents or 
their automobile accidents, they just don't publicize it that is their 
method. 

Senator Dodd And every once and a while one reads what happens 
to someone like Pasternak's secretary. 

Mr. Lovestone. The collaborator, yes, you read about that 

Senator Dodd. And that is certainly the use of terror, isn't it? 

Mr. Lovestone That is right. That is a form of reminder to the 
people. That little Pasternak incident, so-called little, is a reminder 
to the people, stay in line, if you don't, nothing will save you 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



21 



Bttt Moscow cannot provide the help Peiping needs so urgently 
and, at the same time, lend hundreds of millions of dollars to non- 
< nmniunist regimes like the United Arab Republic, Indonesia, and 
Ghana. To further its global strategy, Moscow seeks to subvert 
these countries through its economic "aid." In this situation, it is 
entirely understandable that the Peiping ruling clique should resent 
inadequate Soviet help occasioned by Kremlin aid to the national bour- 
geoisie. This resentment was expressed by Li Fu Ch'un, head of 
the state planning committee and member of the Politburo of the 
Chinese Communist Party, who went so far as to raise the slogan 
of "revival through our own strength." In the lied Flag (August 16, 
11)60) , he outlined a six-point program of the general line and eco- 
nomic policy of the Peiping government and significantly 
emphasized : 

The directive we must adhere to for a long period in the construction of 
socialism is revival through our own strength, building the country in diligence 
and thrift. In the construction of socialism, we do our best to obtain foreign 
aid, but the party is consistently of the view that our mainstay is revival 
through our own strength. LOur emphasis.] 

He hammered home his point with no little resentment by say- 
ing: "This was so in the past; it is so today; and in the future it will 
he so." [Our emphasis.] Peiping has cloaked this grievance with 
an ideological cover of critical allusions to those who place too much 
confidence in the "national bourgeoisie" of the countries which re- 
cently won or are still fighting for their national independence. Re- 
flecting the same critical attitude, Peiping set the pace in denouncing 
the UAR for persecuting its Communist Party. This Chinese Com- 
munist resentment cannot get Peiping very far. 

Mao has also expected more effective help from Moscow in over- 
coming Peiping's present inferior world position — its exclusion from 
the United Nations and summit negotiations. In his all-out drive 
to meet their grievance, Khrushchev "belched forth" his venomous 
insults against our country and the United Nations at its 15th Gen- 
eral Assembly in the fall of 1960. It can be expected, in line with 
the latest Moscow manifesto, that Khrushchev and the entire world 
Communist movement will step up their drive to win free world 
diplomatic recognition and treatment of the Communist Chinese dic- 
tatorship as a great world power. 

Despite the unanimous adoption of the Moscow manifesto, it is 
open to question whether the differences between Moscow and Pei- 
ping — especially in regard to war and the national liberation move- 
ments — have really been eliminated. Certainly, the grievances have 
not been overcome. The conference statement cites only the Soviet 
Union as "successfully carrying out the full-scale construction of a 
Communist society." It refers, without naming, to some countries 
as having "already entered the period of construction of a developed 
Socialist society. This certainly is not to the liking of Mao who 
stated, in 1957, that socialism was already established, though not 
yet in perfect form, in China. 

In this connection, we can cite as evidence of Peiping's real mood 
after the unanimity at the Moscow Conference, the December 16, 
I960, issue of Red Flag, the biweekly organ of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party Central Committee. It emphasized that Peiping was 






niMMUNIKT AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



always wholeheartedly for avoiding a world war and assuring peace, 
Bui, it made a careful selection of the portions of the Moscow state- 
ment, Cor its readers and an equally careful and significant omission 
of the paragraphs it saw fit and chose to omit. In short, it wrote 
about the Moscow statement in a manner calculated to hide Mao's set- 
back at the hands of Khrushchev. 

Communist China would have to be much stronger in its economic 
and military capacities and achievements before it could do anything 
effective about its grievances or seriously challenge Soviet hegemony 
within the Communist world. By now, the whole world knows that 
grave economic difficulties and mass starvation are gripping the Chi- 
nese mainland. 

But it would be wrong to assume that the Soviet Union does not at- 
tach the greatest importance to its close partnership with Peiping. 
The enormous importance of this partnership is thus underscored in 
the Moscow manifesto : 

The people's revolution in China dealt a crushing blow at the positions of im- 
perialism in Asia and contributed in great measure to the balance of world 
forces changing in favor of world socialism. By giving a further powerful 
impetus to the national liberation movement, it exerted tremendous influence on 
the peoples, especially those of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

We cannot emphasize too strongly that the differences between Mos- 
cow and Peiping are variations in approach, in regard to propaganda 
forms, and not over principles. Peiping is in absolute agreement with 
Moscow over the ultimate goal of world Communist domination. Chi- 
nese Communist slogans and tactics may now and then appear to be 
more harsh, more rigid, and more aggressive. Communist China is 
in an earlier stage of revolutionary development than Khrushchev's 
Russia. However, this difference too is disappearing, as Moscow be- 
comes stronger militarily and economically, it will become more con- 
temptuous of Western hesitation and vacillation and resort to harsher 
propaganda and even more violent abuse, especially against our coun- 
try. This is confirmed by the language and battle cries of the latest 
Moscow manifesto. 

Of course, neither our country nor any other nation can ignore the 
existence of a country with the population, area, strategic importance, 
and Communist aims and activities of Mao Tse-tung's China. Our 
national security demands that we do not ignore it, but be ever vigilant 
against its subversive efforts and ever stronger to meet its potential 
aggression. In this light, our Government has negotiated with Chi- 
nese Communist representatives in Korea, Poland, and Switzerland. 
But this has not required our Government to accord the Peiping re- 
gime diplomatic recognition. Even if Communist China were to be- 
come a signatory along with other powers, let us say, to an international 
disarmament treaty, that would not require our Government granting 
Peiping diplomatic recognition. Lest we forget, years before our 
Government recognized the Soviet Union, we did not ignore it and 
signed jointly with it and others the Kellogg Pact on Disarmament. 

It would be a catastrophe for our country — on the basis of such 
differences between Moscow and Peiping — to do anything which 
would, in effect, help reduce, let alone eliminate, the irritations or 
overcome the disputes between Moscow and Peiping. Recognizing 
Communist China, voting it into U.N. membership, or providing it 






COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



23 



with the technological and economic assistance which Moscow cannot 
provide, would strengthen Peiping and thus seriously weaken our 
country's international position and prestige. Such steps would only 
help remove the friction and jealousies between the two Communist 
giants and weld their ranks and strengthen their vast armies geared 
for further aggression. ,. 

Tor some time, our Government has been extending substantial eco- 
nomic assistance to the Tito regime of Yugoslavia. Only recently, 
our country extended additional generous help to this Communist 
dictatorship. The Moscow manifesto evaluation of the Tito regime 
is, therefore, of real interest to our country. 

The manifesto categorically condemned Tito's Yugoslavia. I Ins 
denunciation shows Moscow's intense hostility towards a Communist 
state which varies somewhat in form from the Russian type and 
which is against being completely subservient to the Kremlin. This 
heavy assault against Tito suprised many. In 1957, the Moscow 
declaration did not condemn Tito's League of Yugoslav Communists, 
though the latter had refused to sign it. During the 3 years that 
elapsed, the Yugoslav Government has supported Moscow loyally 
and consistently on the vital issues of the international crisis in the 
U.N", and elsewhere. What is more, even after the latest denuncia- 
tion of him, Tito turned all his cheeks to the Russian dictator and 
stated, on December 26, 1960, that the "aggravation" of the interna- 
tional atmosphere is the fault of certain bellicose people, especially m 
the West, "who still adhere to the position of power policy in the 
settlement of international problems and are, therefore, against the 
easing of international tension." 

In spite of such abject, but not total, Yugoslav Communist sub- 
servience, the Communist summit found it necessary to brand Tito's 
Communist dictatorship as a "variety of international opportunism, a 
variety of modern revisionist theories in concentrated form," guilty 
of "betraying Marxism-Leninism" and making Yugoslavia "depend- 
ent on so-called aid from the United States" and, thereby, having 
"exposed the Yugoslav people to the danger of losing the revolu- 
tionary gains achieved through a heroic struggle." This Moscow 
manifesto even shouted that : 

The Yugoslav revisionists carry on subversive work against the Socialist 
camp and the world Communist movement. Under the pretest of an extra- 
bloc policy, they engage in activities which prejudice the unity of all the peace- 
loving forces and countries * * *. Further exposure of the leaders of the Yugo- 
slav revisionists, and active struggle to safeguard the Communist movement 
and the working class movement from the anti-Leninist ideas of the Yugoslav 
revisionists, remains an essential task of the Marxist-Leninist -parties. [Our 
emphasis.] 

How enlightening ! While denouncing Tito for taking American 
economic help, Khrushchev and Mikoyan continue their efforts to 
get $2 billion of long-term credits from the U.S. Government and 
Wall Street with which to modernize the generally backward Soviet 
electronics, automation machinery, and chemical industries. Neu- 
trals, like India, Ghana, and the United Arab Republic should— es- 
pecially on this scores — ponder very seriously this Soviet condemna- 
tion of Tito. 



24 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS* PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



25 



The Moscow conference attitude towards Tito reflects Khrushchev's 
feeling of new strength. The Kremlin resents Tito's influence and 
organizing role in the camp of the so-called neutrals. Chinese Com- 
munist pressure may also account for some of the extreme sharpness. 
But there is another and more decisive factor. It is in the very 
nature of Soviet communism not to permit any Communist Party 
to have even the slightest degree of real independence from domina- 
tion by the CPSU which the 1960 manifesto characterized as "the 
main force," as "the most experienced vanguard," as "the universally 
recognized vanguard of the world Communist movement," as "the 
most experienced and steeled contingent of the international Com- 
munist movement." 

Even the slightest concession towards independence, and away 
from total control by the Soviet Party might serve as an example 
for other parties to ask the same or even greater liberties. It would 
be fatal for Moscow to grant that. It would jeopardize the highly 
centralized and airtight Soviet control of "international" commu- 
nism. Without such total control by the Soviet Party, the world- 
wide Communist movement could never serve as the unswerving tool 
of the Kremlin. We stress this point, because it applies with equal 
force to the U.S. Communist Party which is more than ever an ab- 
ject and total tool of the Kremlin rulers. 

The Moscow manifesto's overall approach to the world crisis is 
rather sinister. It pits the Communist, or what it calls the "Social- 
ist," world as against the democratic world which it disdainfully 
brands as "capitalist" and "imperialist." More than that. The 
signers of the manifesto arrogate for themselves the right and duty 
to speak in the name of a whole new world. Here the Communist 
"wave of the future" is already battering the entire free world. 

In part, this insolent pretension to analysis and prophecy is based 
on glaring falsehoods, bluff, and self-deception, in part, on the in- 
creased economic and military strength of the Iron Curtain empire; 
in part, also on the complacency, confusion, and divisions in the 
Western World. And yes, in no small part, on the economic reces- 
sion which has gripped our country. The Communist leaders attach 
the greatest significance to our steel production hitting a 22-year 
low and to several million Americans being unemployed. The Mos- 
cow manifesto gives the following economic basis for the Communist 
worldwide offensive : 

The world capitalist system is going through an intense process of disintegra- 
tion and decay. * * * The decay of capitalism is particularly marked in the 
United States of America, the chief imperialist country of today. 

Of one thing we can be sure. The Communist Parties of all coun- 
tries and particularly the Communist Party of the United States of 
America will prepare the necessary plans and engage in every possi- 
ble activity to take advantage of these difficulties. 

Here is the significance of Moscow's call to the Communist Parties 
to step up their penetration of the free trade unions. Under Mos- 
cow's direction, world communism will seek to exploit such issues as 
unemployment, automation problems, tax and armament burdens, in 
order to subvert our social fabric and strengthen the Soviet world 
position. New "united front" maneuvers are being prepared by the 
Kremlin-operated so-called World Federation of Trade Unions 



(WFTU) to infiltrate and disrupt the International Confederation 
of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). Particularly, in the ranks of free 
labor will the Communists be tireless advocates of unilateral dis- 
armament by the Western Powers, so-called general disarmanent 
without international inspection, the elimination of Western over- 
seas bases, and the entire fraudulent Soviet peace program which aims 
only to cripple and destroy the democratic countries' resistance to 
aggression. 

The Communist Parties will step up their efforts to establish so- 
called united fronts with democratic Socialist parties. The Commu- 
nists will go to every length to penetrate the pacifist organizations and 
exploit sincere nonresistants, conscientious objectors, test-ban com- 
mittees, and peace-loving intellectuals and scientists — under the false 
flag of promoting peace but actually serving the aims of Soviet 
aggression and domination. 

The Communists in our midst will promise everything to anyone 
who wittingly or otherwise is prepared to join with them on any 
specific issue which they can exploit for their own subversive pur- 
poses to advance the interests of Soviet imperialism. 

The manifesto emphasizes the determination of the Communist 
Parties already in power and those still aspiring to power to expand 
their activities in the countries which recently gained their national 
independence or are still struggling to win it. This drive will be con- 
ducted under two flags: (1) direct Soviet economic intervention and 
(2) bitter racialist propaganda. As shown in the Congo, the Com- 
munists will engage in "hate the whites" agitation and a drive against 
"neocolonialism" in order to discredit and sabotage all economic, edu- 
cational, and technological assistance provided by the democracies. 
Since our country has been the most generous contributor to the efforts 
of the newly established nations to develop their economies and raise 
their living standards, the Moscow manifesto calls upon all Commu- 
nist parties especially in the underdeveloped countries to make Amer- 
ica the main target of such attacks. 

The stepped-up Soviet economic action abroad and further indus- 
trial development at home should not be taken as a shift by Moscow 
to reliance on so-called peaceful economic rather than military weap- 
ons. For Communists, there is no either/or. Communists always 
combine their weapons. Besides, the stronger Soviet industry is, the 
more powerful and aggressive the military machine Moscow can build ; 
the more Soviet economic penetration abroad, the better can the ground 
be prepared for the infiltration, subversion, and conquest of the 
"aided" lands. In Communist strategy, the Red flag follows trade. 
With doctrinal leadership and organizational control of the inter- 
national Communist movement very firmly in the hands of the Soviet 
Communist Party, Khrushchev will be the principal strategist and 
undisputed leader in extending and deepening the cold war. Moscow 
will concentrate its heaviest fire against efforts by the free world to 
cooperate in defense and economic undertakings. ^ This manifesto, 
patterned and tailored by Moscow for national and international civil 
war in the nuclear and space age, will undoubtedly be indorsed by the 
next, the 22d, Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. 



26 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



27 



Our country and all other freedom-loving peoples will have to meet 
this Communist strategy directly and actively. Passivity, compla- 
cency, and lack of vigilance can lead only to national surrender and 
suicide. The challenge hurled at the free world— particularly at our 
country by the 1960 Moscow declaration does not stop at dividing and 
disarming us by means of one or another ruse. The manifesto does not 
insult or threaten us over the exclusion of Communist China from the 
United Nations. In fact, this problem— along with the entire role of 
the United Nations— is not even mentioned in the manifesto. The 
implications of the challenge and threat are even more serious, as thus 
emphasized : 

In our time, when communism is not only the most advanced doctrine but an 
actually existing social system which has proved its superiority over capitalism 
conditions are particularly favorable for expanding the influence of the Com- 
munist Parties, vigorousy exposing anticommunism * * * and winning the 
broadest sections of the working masses for Communist ideas. 

There is much to be done in order to meet this challenge and defeat 
the threat. First of all, we must realize and make clear to the people 
that the world crisis today is not one over markets, profits, spheres of 
influence, or forms of economic structure and organization. The 
world struggle today is not between "capitalism" and communism in 
the classical sense of the word, but between human freedom and 
totalitarian tyranny, between democracy (with all its imperfections) 
and Communist dictatorship. At the present juncture of world his- 
tory, every policy which serves and strengthens freedom is, ipso facto, 
positively anti-Communist. 

Totalitarian communism must be fully exposed as an ultrareaction- 
ary order. Communism masquerades as a progressive social order ; in 
reality, it is a gigantic fraud employed to take away from the people 
the gams and advances in liberty and individual dignity secured 
through centuries of uphill struggle. 

We can and should systematically and continually expose the 
weaknesses and inequities inherent in communism as a totalitarian 
economy. We must show that our free economy, with all its short- 
comings, is far more humane, far more socially progressive, and does 
much more than the Soviet economy to make life fuller and happier 
lor the people. 

The policies of the Moscow manifesto are the binding instructions 
and imperative directives for the Communist Party in the United 
States for some time to come. Only by understanding fully the 
sinister aims of the Moscow manifesto— in all its implications— can 
we counteract and defeat the Communist enemy within and its master 
in the Kremlin. 

Senator Dodd. Mr. Lovestone, I must interrupt. We will have to 
recess. The Senate will be in session at 12 o'clock. I hope this will not 
inconvenience you. Your statement is very interesting. 

Mr. Lovestone. I will be glad to adjust myself to your time and 
schedule. 

Senator Dodd. Is 2 o'clock or 2 :30 all right with you? 

Mr. Lovestone. I will be here at 2 or 2 :30, as you set the time. 

Senator Dodd. You see, we cannot sit when the Senate is in session 
unless we ask for permission. We will ask for permission. I think 



it is important that we hear you fully. I have questions, and I think 
Senator Keating will have questions. 

Two thirty. 

(Whereupon, at 12 o'clock noon, a recess was taken until ^:oU 

p.m., of the same day.) 

AFTERNOON SESSION 

Senator Dodd. The hearing will come to order. 

Mr Lovestone, I wonder if we may ask you to return on another 
day to complete your testimony. The storm has kept many people 
away from the Capitol, including some who have expressed a desire 
to hear you. , 

Of course, I shall order, and do so order, that your statement in 
full be included in the record of this hearing but, as I said earlier, 
I have some questions and I think Senator Keating and perhaps other 
members of the subcommittee will have some questions and therefore 
I should like to have you return the first of next week. I have other 
engagements Monday but perhaps you could come on Tuseday. We 
will get in touch with you about a mutually agreeable date. 

Mr. Lovestone. I shall be very^ glad to come back whenever you 
desire. I should appreciate a little advance notice. Thank you, 

Senator Dodd. The hearing then will be postponed to a date to be 

announced later. , . . , 

(Whereupon, at 2 :45 p.m., the hearing was adjourned to be resumed 

at the call of the Chair.) 



ANALYSIS OF 1960 MOSCOW MANIFESTO 



THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1961 

U.S. Senate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate 
the Administration of the Internal 
Security Act, and Other Internal Security 

Laws, op the Committee on the Judiciary, 

Washington, D.O. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 :50 a.m., in room 
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska pre- 
siding. 

Present: Senators Hruska and Johnston. 

Also present : J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel ; Benjamin Mandel, re- 
search director, and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator. 

Senator Hruska. The subcommittee will come to order 

This is a continuation of a hearing which had been previously sched- 
uled, but because of the severe natural elements which came along one 
afternoon we turned up short of a reporter, and we were compelled to 
put the hearing over until today. 

Because of the illness of Senator Dodd, who was expected to pre- 
side this morning, the Senator from Nebraska will conduct the 
hearing. 

Mr. Lovestone, it is good of you to adjust your schedule to accom- 
modate this changed order of things, and we are glad to have you here. 

Now, as I understand it and as I remember it, you had completed 
most of your statement before we had adjourned the last time, and 
there remained only two or three or four pages, maybe five, which 
had not been read, but they are included in the record as though they 
had been read. So we are now in the process of having you respond 
to such questions as might be put by counsel or by the members of the 
committee. 

And I should like to start, Mr. Lovestone, by asking you to give 
us your views on the news reports that all Communist parties are now 
equal, and that Moscow no longer claims leadership in the movement, 
that Moscow no longer claims the predominant position. Would you 
like to give us your views on that subject ? 

Mr. Lovestone. This problem is as old as the entire concept of the 
world Communist organization, Senator. At the very foundation of 
the Comintern, Lenin always insisted that "we are all equal." And, 
of course, as you know, some can be more equal than others. And 
(hat has been the situation in the history of the Communist Interna- 
tional where, in various forms and different stages, the principle of 
I he relationship of subservience of all parties to the Eussian party 
lias been maintained. 

29 



30 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Let me examine it as it has been raised most recently. The argu- 
ment was made first of all that the manifesto adopted in November 
and ^December of last year in Moscow uses the term "vanguard" but 
not head . Well, this is a rather weak argument, because "van- 
guard represents a more "moral" approach, and so-called "head" is 
mechanical. 

And the Soviet leadership under Khrushchev has tried very hard 
to put a cover of politeness on its terms of reference to other parties 
and its terms of cooperation with other parties. 

^ Thl ^i! S ^ n ^ em ^ so t0 sa y> to restore the days of Lenin, when 
tne authority of the Russian Communist Party was based primarily 
on its great moral prestige as the victor, rather than in the days of 
fctalin, when the base of ^respect"— if I may use that term in quota- 
tion marks— for the Russian Party was Stalin's power. 

Now, another argument is made that they have only annual con- 
ferences today, they don't have a regular party machinery, which 
shows that everybody is alike. This is a hollow argument, because 
the membership that has remained in the Communist movement all 
these y^ears and the new type of membership that is being attracted 
today is a type which is very pliable, very malleable; they don't need 
anything more than an annual conference to remind them as to who 
is the real authority. 

> Now, the Russians themselves want to hide and cover their dom- 
ination. They need it for the legal protection of their Communist 
parties. Can you imagine the effect on the American party in court 
it you could bring m or I could bring in or any citizens could bring in 
a statement that "Khrushchev states this is my party, this is mv 
auxiliary r ^ It is silly, They wouldn't do that. They are not that 
loolish. They make mistakes, but not that type of mistakes 
Senator Heuska. Isn't it true, Mr. Lovestone, that Khrushchev said 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union does not lead other parties 
there are no superior and subordinate parties in the Communist move- 
ment, it is impossible to lead all Socialist and Communist parties from 
a single center " _ Isn't that what you are saying, namely, that they 
seek to cover their position of real leadership? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is right. Nobody can lead mechanically from 
any center. But what you have is a center where you get the signals 
where you get the orders. And no one alive, no correspondent or any 
newspaper or press agency, can show a single instance where a single 
Communist Party or a single leader of any single Communist Party 
has differed from Moscow and hasn't been given the gate. And by 
gate I mean the gate to a cemetery and not the gate to a walk in the 
woods. 

Let me go a little further. There is a new element in the entire 
relationship today. People talk a lot about the cold war, but nobody 
has bothered to define what the cold war is. Up to a certain point in 
the history of the Communist International you have a sort of dichot- 
omy: the Soviet Government was legal, formal, it stealthily and 
quietly financed the Communist parties, but didn't openly organize 
revolutions, didn't openly engage in subversive activities, didn't 
openly plead for the overthrow of governments with which it had 
diplomatic, peaceful, friendly relations officially. 






COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



31 



But after the war, when Russian power became much greater, the 
Soviet Government entered a new stage of its foreign relations. It 
began in regard to China. It signed a pact of peace and friendship 
with the Chiang Kai-shek government. 

Under cover of that "peace and friendship" pact they organized a 
subversion of the government with which they were dealing. Under 
cover of that diplomatic arrangement they gave military assistance 
to overthrow the government. And more and more today we have 
what is called the cold war, which simply means that in addition 
to the Communist International, to the Communist parties, in addi- 
tion to the stealthy arrangement by the Soviet Government as to 
financing them and directing them, there is an open revolutionary, 
subversive role by the Soviet Government. 

No truly friendly government does that. That is the cold war. 
And in such a situation the Communist International and the rela- 
tionship between the parties take on new forms. 

Let me read you a very interesting formulation given by the Red 
Star, which is the official organ of the Red army. It is given by 
Chernov, who is a political man. And he says : 

Under the complicated conditions of World War II the old organizational 
forms of the International Communist movement proved to be unworkable. 
Therefore, in May 1943, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comin- 
tern adopted the decision to dissolve the Communist International. 

You see, it proved to be unworkable, they had to get new forms of 
organization. 
Mr. Chernov continues : 

This naturally did not mean that, as N. S. Khrushchev put it so well, the 
Communists could all go to their national "quarters" and retreat into their 
shells * * *. 

* * * the basis of unity and cohesion is the observance by every party of the 
jointly decided evaluations and conclusions concerning the joint tasks of the 
struggle against imperialism, for peace, democracy and socialism * * *. 

Now, this is their approach. And they don't deny it one bit. 

And by the way, let me say to you, at the last Moscow conference 
the Russians thanked the other parties for calling them leaders. And 
they thanked the other parties for being appreciative of their work. 
They say, "it means a lot of difficulties for us, hard work." They 
don't mind that, because as long as they can call the signals the game 
is theirs, and that is the game they are playing. 

And I want to emphasize that the game they are playing is not for 
marbles but for tombstones. It is a game for keeps and not for fun. 

Mr. SotrawiNE. Mr. Lovestone, you quoted Chernov there. What 
were you quoting from, an article or a speech ? 

Mr. Lovestone. This is an article. I will tell you the exact date. 
It appeared in the Red Star on January 13, 1961, this year. 

Mr. SotJuwiNE. Under the name of Chernov? 

Mr. Lovestone. Under the name of Chernov. The Red Star is the 
official political policy organ of the Red army. And it gives an 
explanation of why they changed forms of relationship, outward 
forms, for different periods in the activities and structure of the 
world Communist movement. 

You have raised a very important question here, Senator. I have 
read in the New York Times and other papers a statement that since 
the Moscow conference at the end of November and beginning of 

0544a— 81 I 



32 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS* PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



33 



December, Khrushchev has changed his line. He now wants negotia- 
tions. The conference didn't want negotiations. 

I want to say this to you, without making any personal attacks on 
anybody, I couldn't disagree more with any statement that has been 
in the press. 

First of all, the Moscow manifesto, it is said, did not call for nego- 
tiations. 

Mr. Sourwine. You say "this one." I take it you are referring to 
the New York Times article by Harrison Salisbury on January 29, 
1961? J * ' 

Mr. Lovestone. That is exactly the one I am referring to, January 
29, this year. 

Mr. Sourwine. And that is the article in which Mr. Salisbury has 
stated that Khrushchev "has 'resigned' as head of what the Commu- 



nists have been calling 'the invincible camp of Socialist countries' ?" 

rESTONE. That is correct. That is the one I am referring to, 



Mr. Lovestone 
and that is the one I want to take issue with and document my reply. 

The Moscow conference adopted two documents, one a manifesto, a 
program of action, and the other a peace appeal. In the manifesto 
there was very little said about negotiations, because that is a program 
for the Communist Parties and not for governments. In the peace 
appeal, which was issued to everybody, they specifically emphasized 
support for the Soviet Union in regard to its negotiations with other 
powers. 

Let me just read you one or two paragraphs of this peace appeal to 
show that the story as reported in the press has no foundation in fact. 

The manifesto — the "peace" appeal, rather, says : 

The peoples have welcomed the Soviet proposals for total and completely con- 
trolled disarmament which were warmly supported by all Socialist countries. 
Who is opposed to the implementation of these proposals? The governments of 
imperialist states led by the United States, instead of controlled disarmament, or 
proposing controls over armament, are trying to make the disarmament talks 
futile. 

The same peace appeal continues: 

Calling upon the peoples of the governments, the struggle for the relaxation 
of international tension — 

this is from the Moscow manifesto, Khrushchev didn't say anything 
new or different in his January 6 speech. As a matter of fact some 
of the formulations of Khrushchev in the January 6 speech are even 
sharper than the manifesto. The peace appeal continues — 

demand the conclusion of the peace treaty with the two German states and the 
conversion of West Berlin into a demilitarized free city. 

Here is where they deal with the problem of negotiations. 

Let me go further. There has just been held a meeting of the 
Central Committee of the Soviet Communist Party. That meeting 
adopted the policy for the Soviet Party. That meeting adopted the 
resolution proposed by Khrushchev. That meeting could not do any- 
thing else except what Khrushchev wanted, and Khrushchev will not 
do anything else except what that meeting decided. And here is 
what the resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist 



Party of the Soviet Union, as released on January 18, says as to the 
conference : 

The results of the 1960 conference, the most representative in the history of 
the world Communist movement, constitute a visual manifestation of the un- 
breakable cohesion of the Communist workers parties on the basis of Marxism 
Leninism, of their firm resolve to continue guarding as the apple of their eye 
the international proletarian solidarity, unity, and fraternal relationship. 

Now "solidarity, unity and fraternal relationship" sound very 
pious, but in the arsenal of communism it is anything but piety. 

Mr. Sourwine. If you will pardon me, there is another quotation 
from Mr. Salisbury's column in the New York Times of January 29. 
I want to be sure that your comment covers this also. 

He wrote, quoting Mr. Khrushchev : 

"It Is impossible to lead all the Socialist countries and Communist Parties 
from any single center," Mr. Khrushchev declared. "It is impossible and what 
it more it is not necessary." 

Mr. Lovestone. I couldn't agree more with Mr. Khrushchev. It is 
physically impossible to lead, m a detailed mechanical sense, from a 
single center, a world organization. They have found in Russia that 
it is even physically impossible to lead the economic system of Russia 
from a single center in Moscow, and they have had to engage in some 
decentralization. But overall, there is a centralizer of the decentrali- 
zation. And that centralizer is, as Khrushchev himself said when he 
talked about the watches in the January 6 speech, that you have got 
to synchronize the clocks of the different movements. 

And if one party goes too fast you bring it up to the right time, and 
if another party goes too slow you bring it up to the right time. He 
didn't say who brings up and who sets the clocks, but everybody knows 
that the clock that strikes in the Kremlin is the clock that is listened 
to here, as it strikes over thero it is going to strike us over hero. And 
that is the system of organization. 

Now, they are not going to say they do it that way, they are going 
to deny it. If you examine Stalin's views, Stalin, as far back as 1927, 
when the American delegation asked him, "do you control the Amer- 
ican Communist Party," Stalin said, "No, that is nonsense. The 
American Communists wouldn't allow themselves to be controlled." 

Well, I can tell you that the American Communist Party couldn't 
rent headquarters without the decision and permission of the Commu- 
nist International. Now, at that time it was done by cable, now it is 
done by nod — they don't have even to nod today, it is conditioned, it 
is almost a Pavlov formula, they have become so conditioned that they 
don't wait for a nod, it is almost instinctive. And if Mr. Salisbury 
don't see that, perhaps a few sessions at the Lenin Institute might 
teach him. 

Mr. Sourwine. In the same newspaper article Mr. Salisbury says : 

The Soviet Union's withdrawal from its position as "head of the Socialist 
cnnip" involves a deep and longstanding personal dispute between Mr. Khru- 
shchev and Mao Tse-tung, head of the Chinese Communist Party. 

And he continues: 

At the November 1960 meeting, Mr. Khrushchev insisted that this formulation 
be dropped. 

Now, what is your comment on that? 



34 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Mr. Lovestone. That is absolute nonsense. Let me quote to you 
from a resolution adopted by the Central Committee of the Soviet 
Party, the resolution dealing with the Moscow conference. And I 
quote the Khrushchev resolution : 

The plenum of the Soviet Union Central Committee notes with deep satisfac- 
tion the unanimous appraisal by the participants in the conference of the serv- 
ices of our party to the international Communist movement, the recognition of 
its activities as an example — 

I emphasize that — 

as an example of the practical applications of the revolutionary principles of 
proletarian internationalists. 

This is the basis of their work. 

Now, as a matter of fact the Communist Party of China has time 
and again spoken of the Russian party as the head of the International, 
not the vanguard. And the Communist Party of China would not 
think, as much as maybe they might like to, they would not think of 
any open challenge to the Russian party in its leadership of the 
International. 

And examination of the manifesto and the program adopted in Mos- 
cow shows clearly that the Russian party line was the one which was 
accepted, and accepted unanimously ; and they stress in the manifesto 
adopted, the unanimity of the decisions and the binding character. 
And now, what else do you expect from leadership ? 

Leadership doesn't mean that Khrushchev is going to tell the un- 
dertaker how to bury Mr. Dennis. Leadership doesn't mean that Mr. 
Khrushchev is going to tell the secretary of the Communist Party of 
the United States what to eat for breakfast. He may help pay for his 
breakfast m an underground, stealthy way, but he doesn't give anv 
menu details. b J 

Leadership means giving the direction in which the party is to travel 
and seeing to it that the party echoes and supports every move made 
by the Russians. 

TT^ r \i S £F EWIN]B ; Mr - Khrusll chev told the Communist Party of the 
United fetates when and with whom to replace Mr. Dennis while he 
was still alive, didn't he ? 

+ t. M tt ^vestone. If M r. Khrushchev tells the Communist Party of 
tne United fetates to eat grass and say they are eating banana short- 
cake, they will eat grass and say they are eating banana shortcake 

.there is nothing that anybody in the Communist Party of this 
country or elsewhere can do to challenge Mr. Khrushchev, or the 
party which he leads; there isn't the slightest chance in the world 
ihey cannot challenge him; but I want to remind you, Mr. Khru- 
shchev is so busy denying through some correspondents, or some cor- 
respondents denying for him, that he leads the Communist Party of 
this country or the others that in his address of January 6 he went so 
tar as to discuss details of the situation in the American Communist 
Party, mentioning some nondescript, third-rater like Gates as a re- 
visionist whom you have to punish. 

What was Gates' crime? He raised the possibility of some inde- 
pendent opmion. He raised the question of a critical attitude in an 
anemic way. 

On he went. And Mr. Khrushchev, who is so busy telling the 
Russian fanners how to raise pigs, telling his commissars in the 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



35 






Ukraine how to prevent the situation which he admits did happen- 
more than half the crops in the Ukraine being stolen from the field— 
ho is so busy, yet he finds time to go into the details of the situation in 
the American Communist Party. t , 

Mr. Sourwine. I have one more question to ask about this Salis- 
bury article. He wrote : 

In the same direction, Moscow describes the November meeting as a "forum" 
rather than as a congress. The term "forum" implies a gathering at which a di- 
vergency of views can be expressed without the necessity of establishing com- 
plete uniformity. 

Would you comment on that ? 

Mr. Lovestone. You know, they have forums in Moscow, and they 
have a right to a difference of opinion in Moscow, and they 
have a right to have a difference of opinion to some extent in the 
Communist Party of the United States, but the -difference of opinion 
in both cases revolves only around how to carry out the instructions 
or the orders given, and nothing more. 

Now, there was a forum, and there were instructions at that con- 
ference, surely. Let me say this to you. The Communist movement 
is a movement with inhuman objectives, but it consists of people. And 
as long as you have people you will have differences. The problem 
is not whether they have differences, the problem is whether the dif- 
ferences are permissive, whether the differences are encouraged from 
the point of view of amending or correcting policy, or having a say as 
to how policies should be adopted. 

Let me also answer by merely quoting from the manifesto itself 
as adopted, with Khrushchev's initiative and support. 

I now read from the December 7 issue of Pravda. 

The Communist and Workers' Parties unanimously declare that the Commu- 
nist Party of the Soviet Union has been and remains, the universally recog- 
nized vanguard of the world Communist movement, being the most experi- 
enced and steeled contingent of the international Communist movement. The 
experience which the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has gained in the 
struggle for the victory of the working class, in Socialist construction and in 
the full-scale construction of communism, is of fundamental significance for 
the role of the world Communist movement. 

The example of the Soviet Communist Party and its fraternal solidarity 
inspire all the Communist parties in their struggle for peace and socialism, 
and represent the revolutionary principles of proletarian internationalism 
applied in practice. 

Mr. Sourwine, What is it that you are reading from ? 

Mr. Lovestone. I am reading from the official Communist Mani- 
festo adopted in Moscow as proposed by Mr. Khrushchev and the 
Soviet Communist Party. 

Mr. Sourwine. I have two more questions concerning the news 
articles, and then I will leave this subject. 

These two questions deal with a news story which appeared in 
the Washington Post of January 20, written by Mr. Henry Shapiro. 
This article reports that Khrushchev "is giving up one-man control 
of world communism," and that "all Communist parties are equal 
and that Moscow no longer claims leadership of the movement." 

Would you comment on that ? 



86 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Mr. Lovestone. Th^ only comment I could make is that every 
official statement of policy adopted by any gathering of Communists 
in any part of the world refutes that. 

Secondly, that every action of every Communist Party outside the 
Soviet Union refutes that, and that the conception of leadership or 
domination in the sense of one individual sitting and giving orders 
mechanically or pushing buttons is a false conception; that is not 
leadership in an organization. That cannot be the leadership. Lead- 
ership m an organization is: who calls the tune, who pays for the 
operation, who has the veto power over operations, who has the last 
word m deciding who shall be leaders of parties, who has the last 
word in deciding what policy a party in any part of the world 
should follow. And there I say, if you examine the facts, you will 
nnd that this report you mentioned is a fanciful report, it is, at best, 
wishful thinking— and I emphasize the words, "at best"— and I can 
say without questioning the motives of any correspondent, that 
nothing they could write or do could serve the interests of Commu- 
nist imperialism more than such falsehoods being peddled in our 
papers. 

Mr. Sourwine. I want to ask you for comment on just one final 
quotation from Mr. Shapiro's article : 

The Communist Party of the Soviet Union does not lead other parties There 
is no superior and subordinate party in the Communist movement. 

Mr. Lovestone. Well, if that were true, Tito would never have 
been out. _ And if that were true Tito could have come back. Why 
doesn't Tito come back? Because he is afraid the moment he comes 
back they will cut his throat. 

Now, I have no objection to one Communist cutting another Com- 
n i u 1 1 1 st a 1 1 1 mat. Perhaps, if they were busy doing that, it would save 
the world a lot of trouble. But Tito is engaged in self-preservation 
here. He won't go back because he knows that will happen to him. 

Oh, he will be made the equal of Khrushchev, sure. Equal to what ? 
One corpse equals another corpse, except that Khrushchev is no corpse 
But Tito, politically— and I am putting that generously, it might 
even be physically— would become a corpse once he were to join. The 
entire history of the Communist movement under its various forms of 
organization and stages fortifies that conclusion. The manifesto and 
everything I have read to you refute the Shapiro analysis. 

Mr. Sourwine. Do you equate or see a parallel between the osten- 
sible breakup of the Comintern and the present situation with a dis- 
claimer of world leadership ? 

Mr. Lovestone. There is a lot in what you suggest. The 1943 dis- 
solution, so-called dissolution, was made in order to satisfy the Allies, 
Britain, our country— Russia was desperately in need of help, and it 
gave a good talking point to certain types of, well, do-gooders, and soft 
hearts, and also soft heads. 

You see, Russia has changed. There is no doubt in my mind that 
it, in the interests of Soviet imperialism, it were necessary for Khru- 
shchev to come out and say "There is no international Communist or- 
ganization, there is no international Communist movement," he would 
do it tomorrow. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



37 



He can say anything he wants to in order to further his own inter- 
ests, and those are the interests of Soviet imperialism. I have no 
doubt that if they felt they could hoodwink the administration of 
our country, the new administration, into giving them concessions on 
Berlin, they would say : "Well, Berlin is worth such a statement." 
But it doesn't mean a thing, it wouldn't mean a thing, because the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union is the example, it is the van- 
guard, it is the steel contingent. . ; ■ . 

And let me say this to you. The Chinese Communists have raised 
some questions, and they were vanquished— despite all the peace pleas, 
and despite the fact that the Soviet Union needs Communist China 
very badly ; the important fact is that if Communist China were no 
longer Communist and a free China, you would have an entirely new 
world picture. , 

Despite that, they have had to knuckle under and take it; and they 

resent it, but they take it. , 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Lovestone, in that connection there are re- 
ports of widespread famine in China. Will that have any effect on 
the Soviet-Chinese relationships ? _ 

Mr. Lovestone. Yes. It only emphasizes the fact that the Chinese 
Communist Party is weaker, so much weaker than the Russian party, 
and that makes it a little less equal than the Russian party. You can 
rest assured that Khrushchev will not give any aid even to Commu- 
nist China unless he is asked, and when he does that it wiU not be tor 
humanitarian reasons or that he is interested in saving Chinese lives, 
but for political reasons only because he is interested in tightening 
his grip on Chinese policy. 

And the famine, in my opinion, is much more serious than the 
people here realize. 

And incidentally, if I may digress, in a way, for a moment about 
newspaper reporting. The other day I read the Montreal French 
paper. One of its leading correspondents had spent 6 weeks m 
Communist China, and he came back with the most glowing pic- 
ture, "no more famines, no more floods, no more fleas, no more flies. 
But scarcely had the paper gone on the newstand when the Communist 
Chinese regime itself admitted that they were having all these trou- 
bles with flood and drought. . ,. . 

Of course, they blame everything on nature, they didn't blame it 
on man, they didn't blame it on their Commune system, which is a 
very crude operation— the Russians criticize it themselves by saying 
"you are going too fast." • 

But the Russians didn't mind if they were being weakened by the 
Commune system, they didn't care. 

Mr. Sourwine. They may not have blamed it on the Commune 
ystem, but they have just turned back millions of Chinese from the 
( Commune system to individuals tilling the land. < # 

Mr. Lovestone. They had to do it. But they didn't do it officially. 
They always say the party line is right, the people who carry out the 
pa rty 1 ine are wrong, and they are made scapegoats. 

The Commune system was a disaster. I am not saying that there 
were no natural elements involved, there were. But th& role of the 
elements in the calamity which has befallen the Chinese people is 
only one footer. The decisis facto* ta the breakdown in fche com- 






38 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



39 



munes due to their mistakes and due to their phony industrializa- 
tion — which, by the way, they are giving up, they are slowing down, 
they can't take it. 

Senator Hruska, Have the Chinese made requests yet for assist- 
ance of Russia on account of this famine ? 

Mr. Lovestone. I don't think they have publicly. In my opinion 
there must be negotiations going on to give them some help, because, 
you see, the Chinese Communists, while they are starving their peo- 
ple, they are not worried by their people, 50 million Chinese do not 
mean anything to the Mao Tse-tung regime — they continue to export 
certain types of food from their country. But they are getting food 
from Canada, Australia, and Russia. However, Russia has a very 
serious food problem too. 

Let me express this. The bankruptcy of the Khrushchev agricul- 
tural policy is stark and clear. If a political leader in a democracy 
responsible for a policy would have the policy fail as dismally as 
Khrushchev did in the agrarian field, he would be in political limbo. 
But not in Russia. In Russia he goes after his acquaintances, and 
when he is through with his acquaintances he goes after his friends 
and makes them scapegoats. 

The Russians are not in a position to give their Chinese comrades 
too much, because it is the policy of the Soviet Government to keep 
an enormous reserve in case of a war. 

And that they would scarcely touch even for their strong partner, 
Mao Tse-tung. They may put out feelers to us, they might release 
the fliers, and then there will be a movement to give food from here, 
we might then get that request. And if I may be so bold, Senator, as to 
make a suggestion, I suggest that in case we get such a request — I am 
in favor of giving them help, but you know how ? Under the formula 
of Herbert Hoover, you set up an independent agency, an American 
agency goes in there and gives food to the people regardless of the 
political opinion and party affiliation. But that they will never allow. 

Senator Hruska. In fact they didn't allow it in Russia during the 
war when they had the lend-lease program. 

Mr. Lovestone. That is right. 

Senator Hruska. Nor the postwar lend-lease. 

Mr. Lovestone. You are absolutely correct, they did not allow it. 
And they won't allow it today. 

But we can say, "Gentlemen, you are supposed to be followers of 
Lenin, why don't you adopt the Lenin policy in the matter of accept- 
ing famine relief?" 

They wouldn't dare, because they don't trust us. But they trust their 
own people even less, because their own people know them better than 
we do. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Lovestone, in your opinion where and under 
what issues will the Communist Party in the United States concen- 
trate in the coming months in accordance with the Moscow Manifesto, 
and where will they put their chief activity and their emphasis ? 

Mr. Lovestone. First of all, economic unemployment. And sec- 
ondly, the so-called peace issue of banned tests. And thirdly, they 
will say, "Let's stop the cold war, we are tired of the cold war, let's be 
friends." And in this way they will penetrate quite a number of well- 
meaning intellectual circles, and public spirited groups, because every- 



body wants peace and everybody is tired of the cold war. But they 
will never say that the Soviet Government as a government should 
i op subversive activities. That they will never say. They will deny 
( hey have subversive activities; and yet you can produce their own 
literature, and I can produce it here, where they admit that they are 
engaged in subversive activities, and where they admit that the whole 
"peaceful coexistence" operation is for subversion. 

So I think we ought to watch the unemployment situation, this 
atomic testing, and the general peace business and disarmament. They 
will make their appeals along these lines. 

And if and when Khrushchev comes here in March I think he will 
give them new signals, he won't sent a letter of instruction, "Dear Mr. 
X, Y. Z, these are my orders to you." That is not the way it is done, 
to oblige correspondents. He just makes a speech, and they know 
what Khrushchev says is law. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Lovestone, in that regard, what can we ex- 
pect will be the Soviet policy during the coming months in the United 
Nations, upon what points will they concentrate ? 

Mr. Lovestone. In my opinion they will concentrate upon disrupt- 
ing the United Nations — I don't think Khrushchev will take his other 
shoe off right away, that is not coming — they are going to try to 
nurse and nurture illusions as to our new administration, a new ar- 
rangement, a new opportunity. But they will give us nothing. 

Senator Hruska. Will they attack, for example, the Secretary Gen- 
eral again? 

Mr. Lovestone. Yes, they will, they will not let up on that and they 
will absolutely work for his destruction. 

And I will tell you why I say it. The Soviet Government was sure 
it had the Congo, and the Congo slipped through its fingers. And 
they blame some of the United Nations actions, Hammarskj old's lead- 
ership in getting so-called neutrals in the Afro -Asian bloc at that 
moment. They will never forgive that. 

And the next thing, they cannot possibly allow the present relation- 
ship of forces in the United Nations to continue, because they feel that 
they are stronger now with the help of neutrals and so-called neutrals 
in the United Nations, and they want to grab control. And if they do 
that, that is the end of Hammarskjold. Some people may agree or 
disagree on a particular question with the Secretary General of the 
United Nations, but I think we can all agree that he wants to preserve 
his own life as the head of United Nations. He will never be reelected 
again, the Russians won't put him in, unless he were to go over to 
them. But that is not in sight, so I think they will continue their 
bitter hostility and fierce opposition to him. 

I want to say with that : I don't think they will open up with curs- 
ing, I think they will open up with loving. But you know what is 
said about the bear's embrace: the bear's embrace is most dangerous 
when it is closest and firmest to you. And that is what we have to be 
on guard against in Washington. 

But they will give us nothing, get that straight, they will give us 
soft words and soft soap, and then they want to hang us out on the 
washlino, but we have got to hang, not they. And that they will 
itand by. 

Senator Johnston. What should be our position? 



40 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Mr. Lovestone. That is quite a big question, Senator. I will tell 
you what I would, say. First of all, it is not a question of competing 
with the Kussians in insults. I would treat them with very polite 
words, but I would give them nothing. 

Secondly, I would make demands on them. For example, you take 
the colonial question. They have picked up some weaknesses in our 
armor or some of our allies. Of course, we get the blame for the 
whole thing. I would take the colonial question and turn it on them : 
Who is the biggest colonial power in the world today? Who has 
satellites, who exploits them? Who occupies countries, who has so 
many bases without the permission or the vote of the people? And 
I would take the offensive against them on that score. 

The next thing, we now have a new USIA head, and we have a new 
administration. I think the time has come for us to take the offensive 
on the economic field. The American unemployed worker gets more 
than the fully employed skilled Russian worker. All this talk about 
austerity and honesty in Russia must be exposed, and we must expose 
the corruption and the curse of bureaucracy in that system. We 
should show to the world, not only propagandawise, but through facts 
and figures that our system is a superior system as a free system. 

Next, if you want to have any effective or any possibility of effec- 
tive negotiations with the Russians, you have to deal with them on 
the basis of them being convinced that you have superior strength, 
:ui(l you don't have it merely in your filing cabinet; you are ready if 
necessary to go to the firing field. I wouldn't abuse them, I wouldn't 
insult them, it is unnecessary. First of all, we can't win a contest of 
insults and abuse with these fellows, they were born abusers and then 
t hey g<>( special I raining. But 1 would just be firm and forceful and 
powerful on various positions. 

Take the case of Berlin. I wouldn't give, them a half an inch in 
Berlin, because if you give them a half inch, the insects come in, and 
once the termites get in, well, we are out. You take the finest bowl of 
soup and you can serve it in the finest bowl, and all you need is one 
little Communist hair in it, or one little Communist bug, and the soup 
is inedible. 

Senator Heuska. Now, there has been a proposal made, hasn't there, 
in regard to Berlin, that the United States cut its forces in half, and 
that the U.S.S.R. cut its forces in half. Would that alleviate things 
now? 

Mr. Lovestone. I think, Senator, that would be a catastrophe. Let 
me go into that a moment. 

You see, that is like going into a sausage factory and saying that 
the sausage consists of two equal parts, one horse and one rabbit. But 
they are not so equal, as you know. 

No. 1, they would have the biggest force left right in the proximity; 
all they have to do is cross the border and they are right there, whereas 
we have the ocean between us. 

Secondly, psychologically, it would have a disastrous effect on all 
of Europe, because the Europeans would then say, "This is only the 
beginning." 

Thirdly, if we leave only a handful, then you know what could 
happen to us? The East (jrermans could have some sort of a police 
action taken, and one fine morning we would wake up to the announce- 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



41 



ment, "East German police today surrounded the 1,500 or 2,000 Amer- 
ican soldiers, and everybody is peaceful, and the people are working 
and it is all over." What could we do then ? We would be faced with 
an accomplished fact, the horses stolen from the stable. We could say 
it will never happen again, but there is only one Berlin, and only one 
Germany, and only one Europe, and they are all organically tied up. 
So I think that proposal would be absolutely disastrous for us. 
Senator Johnston. I think you hold the same view about the Berlin 
situation that I do, that Berlin today is really the heart, so to speak, 
of all Europe. Should you weaken the heartbeat in Berlin you would 
weaken the whole of the European nations as far as their being with 
the West is concerned. Isn't that true ? 

Mr. Lovestone. I agree with you completely, you would weaken 
them fatally. And I will tell you why. 

When the Korean war started, and we were losing at the beginning, 
the trend in Europe was disastrous. But when we began to hit back 
and we were winning, we showed firmness and determination, the 
trend in Europe was reversed completely. And American prestige 
was at its high point at that time when we were winning. If we yield 
Berlin, the people of West Germany will say, "Today it is Berlin. 
Tomorrow it is Frankfort." And the people of Paris will say, "To- 
day it is Frankfort. Tomorrow it is Paris." And the people of 
London will say, "We would rather live under the Kremlin than be 
in a crematorium." 

Let's be realists about it. Our allies respect us as long as we merit 
the respect of the enemy. And the respect of the enemy means 
fear by the enemy. And I repeat that Khrushchev knows his strength 
and his weaknesses and our strength and our weaknesses much better 
than we do. And as long as he realizes that he has got to face the 
risk of his own country being wiped off the map economically, he 
will not attack Berlin. He will nibble; he will pressure, but he won't 
make the attack. But if we let him nibble and we encourage him 
and we say to him, "You can just bite off a little piece here, but don't 
bite more," and he has got his teeth in it, he will continue biting. 
If you then try to take his teeth out you are in a worse position than 
you were before. 

Senator Johnston. So your position, then, is that we must hold 
onto Berlin and not weaken in the least, because if we do we are liable 
to lose all of Europe ; isn't that true ? 

Mr. Lovestone. I will go further than that. If we weaken we are 
not "liable" to lose it ; we are very likely to lose it. 

Senator Johnston. And we wouldn't be long about it? 
Mr. Lovestone. No ; it wouldn't be long, because it is like a snow- 
ball ; it is like an avalanche. Some people say, "You have got to be 
realists," and "realists" means you have got to yield to the other fel- 
low ; you have got to accept the other fellow's position when you want 
to avoid an issue. 

Senator Hrttska. Don't we have a little bit of that in connection 
with the admission of Reel China to the United Nations right here in 
this country! What are your views on the admission of Red China 
to the United Nations, Mr." Lovestone? 



42 



COMMUNIST AND WORKEKS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



43 



Mr. Lovestone. I think it would be a major disaster for our coun- 
try if we were to admit Red China to the United Nations, if we were 
to allow it to be admitted— and I will tell you in a moment why. 
There is an Afro- Asian bloc there. That bloc doesn't have a very 
effective leadership. That bloc is divided. In that bloc there is an 
enormous amount of influence exercised by Tito, who, though he sup- 
ports Moscow on every practical question, still is a sort of a warning 
to Nasser: "Listen, be careful; you know you can do business with 
Khrushchev but be a little careful." 

If Communist China comes in, Communist China becomes the 
leader of the Afro- Asian bloc. And, let me say to you, the first coun- 
try where we would be weakened enormously is Japan, which is still 
the most important country in the Far East from the standpoint of 
economic and potential military strength. 

What would happen to the smaller countries, Burma, Nepal, 
Afghanistan, let alone countries like Malaya, Ceylon, or Indonesia ? 
They will say, "If the United States has thrown in the sponge, why 
should we stick around and get socked % There is no point in being 
hostile." 

And there would be, not a breadline but a pushing line of every- 
body wanting to do business and submitting to Mao Tse-tung. 

Mr. Sourwine. You say we must not allow China in the United 
Nations. Do you mean we should not give up our opposition to it, 
or do you have in mind that there is some way in which we alone can 
literally stop it? 

Mr. Lovestone. I will tell you what I wouldn't do. I wouldn't 
announce in advance that Communist China is sooner or later coming 
into the United Nations. I think that sort of talk is useless, even 
if that were the case. It would be useless, really dangerous. 

Senator Hrtjska. Is it harmful % 

Mr. Lovestone. It is harmful. You hurt your own case and cause, 
assuming that is our case and cause, that we are opposed. If we are 
not, I think we ought to say so openly. But the argument has been 
made that you cannot ignore the existence of a country with this 
population. And here I beg leave to read a page or so that I haye 
on lliis question in my original report, because I think that covers it: 

NHHhm- our country »or nny oilier nnlion can ignore the existence of a 
country wiiii tht population, area, strategic importance, and Communist aims 
mill M.iiviiifH of Mno Tm Iuuk'h Obina. Our national Becurlty demands that we 
do •'"< Ignore it. but l>»> ever vigilant against Its subversive efforts and ever 
■tronger to meet Iti potential aggression. In this light, our Government has 
negotiated with Chinese Communist representatives in Korea, Poland, and 
Switzerland. But this has not required our Government to accord the Peiping 
regime diplomatic recognition. Even If Communist China were to become a 
signatory along with other powers, let us say, to an international disarmament 
treaty, that would not require our Government granting Peiping diplomatic 
recognition. Lest we forget, years before our Government recognized the Soviet 
Union, we did not ignore It and we signed, jointly with it and others, the 
Kellogg Pact on Disarmament. 

It would be a catastrophe for our country — on the basis of such differences be- 
tween Moscow and Peiping — to do anything which would, in effect, help reduce, 
let alone eliminate, the irritations or overcome the disputes between Moscow 
and Peiping. Recognizing Communist China, voting it into U.N. membership, 
or providing it with the technological and economic assistance which Moscow 
cannot provide, would strengthen Peiping and thus seriously weaken our coun- 
try's international position and prestige. Such steps wou' ■ - * - -^ remove 



the friction and jealousies between the two Communist giants and weld their 
ranks and strengthen their vast armies geared for further aggression. 

And I maintain that it should be the policy of our Government 
not to eliminate, not to soften, not to do anything which would 
remove those contradictions and irritations, but rather pursue a 
course which would promote the contradictions in the enemy camp, 
just as they do against us. 

Now, you will say to me, what do you say we must do at all costs f 

I will tell you what I would do positively. I would say to every 
ally, and I would say to every country in Europe : "We consider the 
admission of Communist China a blow to our most vital interests, and 
we insist, and we will take note of your conduct, that you vote against 
or do not vote for;" bring it down that way; instead of yielding to 
the pressure of some of our weaker allies and announcing in advance 
that we are going to admit them anyway, they are going to come 
in anyway sooner or later, I would stand firmly, and I would work 
for this position. 

Mr. Sourwine. You say that with the knowledge, of course, Mr. 
Lovestone, that this Government has taken the view that the admis- 
sion of Red China is a matter of representation and, that it is a ques- 
tion of whose credentials are to be accepted, and this must be decided 
at the General Assembly and, by vote, isn't that correct? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is a very interesting question you are raising. 
And it involves, I think, a need for a fundamental reexamination of 
some of the principles of diplomacy. It has been said that effective 
controls by the government of any country is the test for recognition, 
not the mere credentials, but effective control. Now, I maintain that 
that was all right in the days of Grotius. and that was all right even 
up to World War I. But something has happened in the world 
which invalidates that. And what is that? Today the test of effec- 
tive control is no longer valid, because Communists in any country 
can get the assistance of a foreign government to establish a dic- 
tatorship and rule by terror, and that means effective control, and it 
no longer means representation but repression of the people. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Lovestone, I am sure I didn't get my point 
across. I believe you are talking about recognition in the sense that 
one nation recognizes another. I was referring to your statement 
that we should do this thing, I paraphrase you, to coerce our allies 
into voting against the admission of Red China in the United Nations. 

Mr. Lovestone. I say convince them. 

Mr. Sourwine. Yes. Now, you know that the United States has 
taken the position, has accepted the view that getting Red China into 
the United Nations is not a matter of admitting a new country to the 
United Nations, but is a matter of saying, Red China is truly China, 
China is in the United Nations, we will recognize the credentials of 
the Red Chinese, we will put Mao Tse-tung in, he is China, that is 
the present situation, is it not? 

Mr. Lovestone. There is a division of opinion on that. I know 
what you say is true— — 

Mr. Sourwine. Well, if it were not a matter of representation, of 
credentials to accept, if it were a matter of letting the new nation 
in, it would go before the Security Council, would it not, and we 
have a veto in the Security Council, and if It WW8 a matter of letting 



44 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES* MANIFESTO 



45 



a new nation in, we could use that veto to keep Red China out with- 
out going through this rigamarole you were talking about of con- 
vincing others to get their votes, because if we lose — if there are two- 
thirds in favor of letting them in in the General Assembly, then they 
are in. 

Mr. Lovestone. It is a question of what you consider the problems 
to be, procedural or substantive. If they are substantive, we have 
the^ veto power. If they are procedural, we can get licked on a 
majority basis. 

Mr. SouHwiNE. Even though a number of years ago an American 
Secretary of State said that this was a procedural problem, as you 
call it, is there any reason why this coimtry couldn't reverse its stand, 
if it is a matter of national importance as you say it is, and declare 
that this is a matter of substance, and that it must be passed on by the 
Security Council? 

Mr. Lovestone. I think this country not only can, but must take 
the position that this is the most substantive question that can face 
United Nations, and it should take the position that no government or 
no regime is eligible for membership in the United Nations which (a) 
was imposed upon a country with the help of a foreign power; and 
which, (b) is against the principles of the United Nations; and (c) 
which is at war with the United Nations— as the Mao Tse-tung regime 
is today. There has never been an end to the war, there has been 
an armistice, a shaky one. And I think, on those three grounds, our 
Government should take the position that this is the most substantive 
matter that can confront us in the United Nations. 

Senator Hruska. Mr. Lovestone, in regard to China, there is an 
economic pressure there at the present, is there not, an agricultural 
crisis ? 

Mr. Lovestone. A very deep one. 

Senator Hruska. Will that in any way impair the effectiveness — 
is there any possibility, not of collapse, but of impairing its effective- 
ness ? 

Mr. Lovestone. No, I don't think there will be any political col- 
lapse or collapse of the regime. There will be more pressure, more 
purges, until all possible political opposition has been destroyed, and 
there is ao one who has a chance to do anything effective against the 
government. And what is more, Mao Tse-tung may decide on another 
policy of so called moderation for a few weeks, let another hundred 
flowers bloom, and then the people who take seriously any liberal 
pretentions, the moment they come up, the moment the heads of the 
flowers come up, he will chop them off as he did before. I don't think 
there will be any political collapse of that regime at all. 

Senator Hruska. We have observed through the years that there 
is emphasis placed by the Moscow Communists, that the leadership of 
the U.S.S.E. — that there will be emphasis first by way of a ruckus in 
the Near East and, then there will be something in the Indonesian 
area, and then something in Berlin, and so on. What will the pattern 
be in your judgment as to a new focus of trouble, in the immediate 
future ? 

Mr. Lovestone. The strategy of the world Communist movement in 
the period when the most powerful government administration is in 
their hands, the Soviet Government, when that Government is the 



open leader of Communist subversion, the strategy will be to keep 
things popping in different places and different times. And the strat- 
egy may occasionally be to divert our attention from a more intensely 
acute situation to a mere noisy explosion. They will plan something 
in Asia, they will start something in Africa, they will go a long way 
in Africa to make trouble. But they are in no position logistically 
speaking to do more than make trouble in Africa. 

Where I think we are going to face the real danger is over Berlin 
and Germany. That is a decisive factor, no matter how much noise 
is made and how much powder is exploded elsewhere. And I willtell 
you why : because, you see, Khrushchev gave that ultimatum. That 
was a mistake he made. How long is he going to wait with his ulti- 
matum ? He is going to have to deliver sometime. 

For example, he broke up the summit conference with the excuse of 
the U-2, because he felt that he couldn't deliver. He had to find some 
way to escape from his own ultimatum. 

And I would just say that he will try to talk us out of Berlin, he will 
try to put us to sleep in regard to Berlin, to try to cheat us, he will try 
to threaten us with rockets. 

But what happened yesterday with the Minuteman and Little Ham, 
believe me, the Russian rulers understand much better than our own 
people do, because they live on sputniks and luniks, they live on the 
noise and prestige they get from their concentration in that area. 
Khrushchev said at one meeting of the Central Committee that 
"people are complaining, 'we have got sputniks but we can't get pil- 
lows.' " Yes, that is one of the reasons they can't get pillows, because 
they have sputniks. In our country we can get pillows and sputniks, 
and we are doing it. And that has a big effect. The peoples of the 
world depend upon the strength of our country, and the loyalty and 
cooperation of our allies with us depend upon our strength first and 
foremost. 

The respect that our opponents and adversaries have for us depends 
on our strength politically and morally. We are living in an age in 
which there is only one way to peace,_ power. 

Senator Hruska. The previous international conference in Mos- 
cow was about 3 years ago, as I remember, which was not too long 
after sputnik, was it? Now, has world communism become stronger 
in the past 3 years, or has it become less strong, relatively speaking. 

Mr. Lovestone. I must say they have become stronger, they have 
consolidated their ranks. And let me give you this background. 

The 1957 conference was a very small affair. It was held imme- 
diately after the revolt in Hungary, where the Red Army had to 
inarch in and crush it, and the troubles in Poland, the various strikes 
in Poland; everywhere there was discontent, even in Russia. 
Khrushchev himself took the leadership in getting the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union to order the Red Army to march in and 
crush Hungary. The 1957 conference met right after the overcoming 
of (his opposition, but they were not yet fully consolidated. The 
manifesto they adopted then was very mild in comparison with what 
they have adopted now. Since that time they have developed their 
missile power, they hare developed their economy, with all its faults, a 
honger industrial potential, and they have increased the total mili- 
tary strength of their alliance. I might add that they have deepened 



46 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



some of the divisions in the ranks of the West. They are living 
psychologically and politically, in a measure, on the recession in our 
country. And they feel very bold and brazen. Today they are 
stronger; without any doubt m my mind the international Commu- 
nist movement today is stronger and more dangerous. They have 
made gains in Africa— they don't have to organize Communist Parties, 
Senator, they don't need a Communist Party in the Congo yet, but 
they have to be in a position where they can use other people, they 
have got to be in a position where they can get other governments, 
they have to be in a position where they can have aggression by proxy 
or subversion by proxy. And that is what counts. And I say, they 
are more dangerous today than they were 3 years ago. 

Senator Hrtjska. Are they stronger in America ? 

Mr. Lovestone. I would say they may not be numerically stronger 
in this country ,_ but they have recouped their lines and reorganized 
their forces inside the unions and among intellectuals, and quite a 
number of people have forgotten the word "Hungary." Three years 
ago if you said "Hungary" the Communists would run. Today no- 
body bothers about mentioning it. We forgot Hungary. We forget 
their crimes. We are a forgiving Christian people. 

Senator Hrtjska. We haven't forgotten the crime of having taken 
those fliers illegally and then releasing them and expecting something 
m return for something they should not have done in the first place. 

Mr. Lovestone. They no doubt expect to get paid for it. You 
know, we have no real record of all the Americans they hold besides 
the fliers. They hold others as well. And so do the Chinese. 

Senator Hrtjska. Mr. Lovestone, you have followed the ways and 
the status of public opinion here in this country pretty well. What 
impact do you think that the release of these fliers will have on the 
American public insofar as the standing and the prestige of the Soviet 
Government is concerned in this country ? 

Mr. Lovestone. ^ I think there will be many Americans who will say, 
"This is a good sign, the Russians are having a change of heart, we 
have got to discuss things with them." 

And, secondly, they will say, "Let's start afresh and anew and talk 
with them." 

But I don't think it will have a lasting effect. I think the Ameri- 
can people are more foolproof today than they have been in many a 
year. 

Senator Hrtjska. I certainly hope so. 

Mr. Lovestone. I don't want to criticize the Senate or the House 
or any branch of the Government, but I want to say that I think the 
American people have got a better nose for these things than a lot of 
our political people have, because they have an instinctive hatred of 
despotism and aggression and what the Russian regime has been do- 
ing. So momentarily it might tend to soften some people, and it 
will be picked up by the fellow travelers and the dupes and the sincere 
people who want peace at any price, but I don't think it will have any 
lasting effect, because, in the last resort, k the Russians will give us 
nothing. 

Senator Johnston. But you do reach this conclusion, I think, that 
there probably will be a good many people who might be lulled to 
sleep and think that Russia might not be so bad after all, since they 
let the fliers out. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



47 



Mr. Lovestone. You are right, Senator. This is one of those sleep- 
ing pills administered to us as a part of the Russian strategy. If you 
will examine Russian strategy even in the Czar's days it was a feature 
of Russian diplomacy to give you hot and cold, and they vary it all 
the time. And they operate on a psychological principle. It a fellow 
kicks you all the time, when he stops kicking you, you are thankful. 
If a friend helps you all the time and he stops for some reason or 
other, you begin to question his friendship. And they maneuver that 

Senator Hrtjska, Is there any percentage in us treating them dif- 
ferently and being a little softer, a little more conciliatory, because of 
the release of these fliers in the hope that we will be able to start anew 
and be able to get a fresh hold here and make some progress toward 
disarmament and appeasement and the nuclear test, and so on? 

Mr Lovestone. I think that we should always be ready to 
negotiate. But I think we should always be well prepared for 
negotiations. We can't refuse to negotiate, and we shouldn't refuse. 
And there are issues over which we should force them to negotiate. 
I will mention an issue in a moment. I have no objection to negotia- 
tions. I don't think we have to say, "Mr. Khrushchev, you are a mur- 
derer," we can say "Mr. Khrushchev, you voted for this resolution 
which meant the execution of so many millions of people." You 
know what I mean ? You don't have to be abusive and insulting, but 
you have got to be clear cut in your own demands. 

So I would like to suggest that we negotiate with him over the 
question of carrying out the agreements which were made at Yalta 
for free and secret elections in the countries liberated from the Hitler 
yoke. We should take the initiative. He made agreements to allow 
free secret voting — we should raise that question. 

We could raise with him a number of questions as to bases that he 
has in a number of countries— what is he doing with those bases ? He 
always raises this question with us, and we ought to place issues before 

For example, on the entire question of cultural exchange I think 
we are being sold a lemon, and it is not a good lemon— it is not a 
usable lemon. It is bad enough to be given a lemon for a gold nugget, 
but we are being given a rotten one. 

Senator Hrtjska. In what way? t 

Mr. Lovestone. ISTo Russian comes here of his own tree will, he 
comes here as a selected Russian. But we have Americans going m 
new, whom they watch, of course; and I would say cultural exchange 
should remove the obstacles to Russians leaving their country. I 
would enter into an agreement that any American that wants to go to 
Russia can go and any Russian who wants to come to America can 
also come. They will never accept that. 

Senator Hruska. The fact is, that they do not have cultural ex- 
change. They send well-trained emissaries here to do the jobs as- 
signed to them when they have this so-called cultural exchange, isn't 
that about it? , . 

Mr. Lovestone. Yes, they send the trained seals, and we send inno- 
cents quite often. Itisnotan American vdrtue or vice, Theaverage 
human is innocent, without ulterior motive. They wouldn'1 allow jusl 
anybody boeome here, and they couldn't afford to. They aai 
laws against leaving the count i \ 
0544» ~4H— ■* 



48 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS* PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



49 



_ Third, I might add that anybody who comes here and goes back and 
gives a favorable report is in trouble. I don't have it here, but I 
can give you the names of distinguished artists who got into trouble 
because they said something nice about the United States after they 
returned. They had to serve several years in jail for that. 

The whole cultural relations program is a one-sided affair. It is 
not a fair deal, it is a loaded proposition. 

Senator Johnston. So you think it is a bad thing to have, is that 
right? ' 

Mr. Lovestone. Well, I wouldn't put it in that form, Senator. I 
would have a cultural exchange from people to people. And there 
can be no people to people in this situation, because their people have 
no right to mix with each other and discuss things even in their own 
country, so how could they come over here and discuss things with 
us in a strange land ? It just can't work. 

Senator Hkuska. Getting back to this situation of whether there 
should be steps in this country to be conciliatory and treat the Soviets 
with a softer attitude, as it were — more specifically, when these two 
fliers came back we put a ban on any interviews of the press with 
them. Now I don't know what the basis of it is. If it is to spare 
them and their families undue interrogation by the press, that is one 
thing. On the other hand, if it is done from the standpoint of sparing 
the emphasis to the public, the emphasis of their illegal seizure in the 
first place, and so on, that is something else. 

In that same connection as a result of that and several other things of 
that nature, we bad a radio show, a TV show, suppressed just yester- 
day. It was canceled, it was postponed, obviously or ostensibly be- 
cause of the attitude of some officials that we should be conciliatory, 
we shouldn't do anything to offend them, and so on. So the TV show 
that was entitled, "The Spy Next Door," was canceled for last night. 

Now what about incidents of that kind ? Is there anv percentage in 
that? J fe 

Mr. Lovestone. I think such incidents, even if they were not moti- 
vated by a desire or so-called desire not to rock the boat, have a very 
dangerous effect on the position of the United States, its Government, 
m relation to the Russians, because the Russian regime then thinks 
and becomes still more convinced that all they have to do is give us 
just, a little smile, and then we give them the substance. I think those 
are dangerous things to do. 

Now as to the fliers, I can only surmise that the Government is tryino- 
to avoid the mistakes resulting from inexperience which we had in 
the XJ-Z affair when everybody was talking and everybody was being 
interviewed and the wife was being interviewed and the father was 
being interviewed. I think there is a certain amount of protection re- 
quired here. The average American newspaperman, with all due 
allowance for his sincerity and intelligence, is looking for a story. 
And he may get something out of the flier, the flier may in all 
innocence say something which might be of some help to the enemy. 
I think we should be on guard against that. 

But I don't place that on the same level with the suppression or 
the withdrawal, even temporarily, or what not, of this television pro- 
gram. That is a bad mistake. You know, you can negotiate you 
can be critical, you don't have to insult, but you should never give up 



your own ideological position, and you should never give up your 
rio-ht to indict their system as one of tyranny and subversion, ine 
moment you yield to that you are yielding your own right to exist as 

51 S e enator°liRUSKA. Of course, the fliers have been released by the 
Russians, so that presumably they have their freedom. And yet it 
they are not in a position to talk to whom they please, or to be inter- 
viewed by whom they please, is that complete freedom I 

Mr Lovestone. No, I am only assuming that this is a temporary 
condition to try to avoid some of the mistakes which were made in the 
handling, due to inexperience, in the U-2 affair. I am not assuming 
that they are shut up for life. The first thing you know, you might 
find that they are engaged in writing a series of articles lor some 
magazine. I am assuming that this is only a momentary security 
arrangement, no more. . ... 

Senator Hkuska. It is a good old-fashioned custom, writing maga- 
zine articles. That is part of our freedom, isn't it? 

Mr Lovestone. Yes. I have no criticism of it at all, 1 thin* tliey 
might write a series of stories to bring the facts out But 1 might 
suggest that since they are military people they should make doubly 
sure that nothing which they say would be of any military value to the 
enemies of our country. But otherwise— I am assuming that this is 
a temporary arrangement requested by the Government and m view 
of the tense international situation I would go along with it. I hat 
doesn't mean that we give up in the least our ^8 h t to criticize, to 
expose; there are plenty of ways that we have to do that through the 
press, the radio, and television. , 

Senator Hkuska. I don't know what that connection there was be- 
tween withholding from the press the right to mtervie w these fliers 
and, for ©sampler the cancellation of this TV show "The Spy Next 
Door" I have an idea that there was a pretty close connection, 
because this was an official act and an official policy which was ac- 
tually exercised in the situation, first of all, by holding secret the 
substance of the negotiations between Ambassador Thompson and 
the Soviet authorities and second, because there was secrecy imposed 
upon the fliers. I presume that that official declaration in policy, that 
Government and administration policy, reflected itself in the can- 
cellation of this show last night. I have an idea it did But 1 
don't know. But to that extent it might be harmful, might it not 

Mr Lovestone. Millions of Americans will arrive at the same con- 
clusion that you have just given. And therefore I think the admin- 
istration would be well advised— I don't speak for it, I am only 
using the occasion to speak to it— the administration would be well 
advised to act in some way to make sure that this is not the real 

51 Senator Hruska. I want to say for the record that I read the 
script of that show, "The Spy Next Door," last week before it was 
canceled. In fact, when it was scheduled. And pursuant to the tor- 
mat of that show I was asked to comment at the conclusion of that show 
upon their program and make observations on it, in view of my work 
here on the Inicn.nl Security Subcommittee. And it is a well-wntten 
S( . t .j,,i h, the Light oi my knowledge about the type <>l subyersww 
ftn d espionage in this country, it is authoritative, it n authentic it 



50 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



was well written after conference with governmental authorities here 
that are in a position to know. And while the names are fictitious, 
the procedures and the things which are described and portrayed 
there are an excellent lesson for the American people to get. And 
I, for one, regret very greatly that the show was canceled and it is 
my hope that it will not be canceled permanently but only postponed 
to some early date in the future. 

Mr. Lovestone. Senator, the withdrawal of that television will 
encourage the Russian rulers in the Kremlin to think that through 
barking, through threatening to bite, they can exercise a certain 
amount of censorship over our own media of communication. 

Senator Hruska. Are there any further questions ? 

Senator Johnston, have you any further questions ? 

Senator Johnston. No further questions. 

Mr. Sourwine. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman, but 
before the record is closed, I have several insertions. 

First, is an item from the Worker of January 29, 1961, page 3. 
The national committee of the Communist Party, U.S.A., receives a 
report on the meeting of the 81 Communist and workers parties 
from Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and James E. Jackson, Jr., which 
reports were approved. 

(The article was marked Appendix II and is printed at p. 97.) 

Mr. Sourwine. Second, from the Worker of November 13, 1960, 
page 12, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and James E. Jackson, Jr., watched 
the 43rd anniversary parade of the October revolution in Moscow. 
This celebration was the ostensible purpose for the visit of Commu- 
nist Party delegates from all over the world. 

(The article was marked Appendix III and is printed at p. 99.) 

Mr. Sourwine. Third, from the Worker of December 11, 1960, 
pages 1 and 3, the report on the meeting of 81 Communist and 
Workers parties. 

(The article was marked Appendix IV and is printed at p. 99.) 

Mr. Sourwine. And, fourth, from the Worker, December 18, 1960, 
page 3, an editorial calling the statement of the 81 Communist 
and workers parties a "call to struggle for peace." 

(The article was marked Appendix V and is printed at p. 103.) 

Senator Hruska. Without objection the inserts will be received 
for the record in the fashion indicated. 

Mr. Sourwine. Mr. Chairman, one question of the witness. 

In analyzing this manifesto, you used the text, did you not? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is right, sir. 

Mr. Sourwine. As printed in the New York Times ? 

Mr. Lovestone. That is right. 

Mr. Sourwine. Since then a text called an authorized text has 
been printed in Political Affairs for January. I have not had time 
to analyze the two, but there are some differences. They appear to 
be small, perhaps minor, but not insignificant, such as, for example, 
Tass refers to "Our time, whose main content is the normalization," 
while Political Affairs says, "Our time, whose main content is the 
transition." Tass refers to the "great October revolution." The 
Political Affairs text says, "the struggle between the two opposing 
Socialist systems." I believe it would be well if the text of the mani- 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



51 



festo as it appears in Political Affairs be printed in the appendix of 
this hearing along wth the Tass text. Future scholars might want 
to analyze it. 

Senator Hruska. Without objection, it will be so ordered. 

(The material referred to appears on p. 76.) 

Senator Hruska. The subcommittee will stand adjourned, subject 
to the call of the Chair. . 

(Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned subject 
to the call of the Chair. ) 



— 



APPENDIX 



Appendix I 
[From the New York Times, pp. 14-17, Dec. 7, 1960] 
Wnllowina is the text of a statement issued by the conference of 
represenmives of CommJnist parties held in Moscow last month, as 
provided in English by Tass, Soviet press agency: 
Representatives of the Communist and workers parties have discussed at 
thS metung Sent problems of the present international situation and of the 
furfhS ^sSuggS for peace, national independence, democracy and socialism 
?hfmeeuS has shown unity of views among the participants on the issues 
discussed The Communist and workers parties have unammously reafflrmed 
iheiraTlegiance to the declaration and peace manifesto adopted in 1957 These 
SJmToc^enta of creative Marxism-Leninism determined the funtomenta 
osftioSs of the international Communist movement on the more important 
iZStf our time and contributed in great measure toward uniting the efforte 
rf the Communist and workers parties in the struggle to achieve common goals. 
They remain the banner and guide to action for the whole of the international 

° ThTomfrse oTefents in the past 3 years has demonstrated the correctness of 
the^nalyYis of Z international situation and the outlook for world develop- 
ment ? as given in the declaration and peace manifesto, and the great scientific 
fnropnnd effective role of creative Marxism-Leninism. 

tL chief Result of these years is the rapid growth of the might and interna- 
tional influence o f \ he world socialist system, the vigorous process of dismtegra- 
to^of me colonial system under the impact of the national liberation movement 
fh« i^P^ification of class struggles in the capitalist world, and the continued 
Seel n decay of Oie worldlapitalist system; the superiority of the forces 

of socialism over those of imperialism, of the forces of peace over those of war, 
Id hpcoming ever more marked in the world arena. 

Neverthfless, imperialism, which is intent on maintaining its positions sabo- 

tiS disarmament seeks to prolong the cold war and aggravate it to the utmost, 

md nerstste S ^preparing a new world war. This situation demands ever closer 

toint eff oSs and resolute actions on the part of the socialist countries, the inter- 

ationS worSng class, the national anti-imperialist movement, all Proving 

mntries and alt peace champions to prevent war and assure a peaceful life for 

c'le It demands the further consolidation of all revolutionary forces in the 

light against imperialism, for national independence, and for socialism. 

STBUGGLE OUTLINED BETWEEN TWO SYSTEMS 

Our time, whose main content is the normalization from capitalism to social- 
ism initiated by the great October revolution, is a time of struggle between the 
i , ".cial systems, atoe of socialistic revolutions and ^^^nM^^ 
.•••volutions, a time of the breakdown of imperialism, of the abolition of the 
colonial system, a time of transition of more peoples to the socialistic position, 
Of I ho triumph of socialism and communism on a worldwide scale. 

II is the principal characteristic of our time that the world socialist system 
, ibecomina the decisive factor in the development of society. 
The stnUlh and invincibility of socialism have been demonstrated in recent 

,,,1,1* in titanic battles between the new and old worlds. Attempts by the 

1, morlaltsts and theE shock force -fascism- -to check the coarse of Historical 

:;..,::„;,'„, by force ol arms ended in failure imperialism proved powerless 

to stop the socialist revolutions in Europe and Asia. Bociattsm became ■ world 

,,.„', The imperialists tried i<> tamper the economic profrew cd the socialist 

08 



54 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



countries, but their schemes were foiled. The imperialists did all in their 
power to preserve the system of colonial slavery, but that system is falling 

apart. . ,. , .. ,. 

As the world socialist system grows stronger, the international situation 
changes more and more in favor of the peoples fighting for independence, 
democracy and social progress. 

Today it is the world socialist system and the forces fighting against imperial- 
ism, for a socialist transformation of society, that determine the main content, 
main trend and main features of the historical development of society. What- 
ever efforts imperialism makes, it cannot stop the advance of history. A reliable 
basis has been provided for further decisive victories for socialism. The com- 
plete triumph of socialism is inevitable. 

The course of social development proves right Lenin's prediction that the 
countries of victorious socialism would influence the development of world 
revolution chiefly by their economic construction. Socialism has made unprece- 
dented constructive progress in production, science and technology and in the 
establishment of a new, free community of people, in which their material and 
spiritual requirements are increasingly satisfied. 

The time is not far off when socialism's share of world production will be 
greater than that of capitalism. Capitalism will be defeated in the decisive 
sphere of human endeavor, the sphere of material production. 

The consolidation and development of the Socialist system exert an ever- 
increasing influence on the structure of the peoples in the capitalist countries. 
By the force of its example, the world Socialist system is revolutionizing the 
thinking of the working people in the capitalist countries ; it is inspiring them 
to fight against capitalism, and is greatly facilitating that fight. In the capitalist 
countries the forces fighting for peace and national independence and for the 
triumph of democracy and the victory of socialism, are gaining in numbers and 
st re 11 £* t li . 

The world capitalist system is going through an intense process of disintegra- 
tion and decay. Its contradictions have accelerated the development of monopoly 
capitalism into state monopoly capitalism. 

By tightening the monopolies' grip on the life of the nation, state-monopoly 
capitalism closely combines the power of the monopolies with that of the state 
with the aim of saving the capitalist system and increasing the profits of the 
imperialist bourgeoisie to the utmost by exploiting the working class and 
plundering large sections of the population. 

But no matter what methods it resorts to the monopoly bourgeoisie cannot 
rescue capitalism. The interests of a handful of monopolies are in irreconcilable 
contradiction to the interests of the entire nation. The class and national 
antagonisms, and the internal and external contradictions of capitalist society, 
have sharpened greatly. Attempts to prop the decayed pillars of capitalism by 
militarism are aggravating these contradictions still further. 

Never has the conflict between the productive forces and relations of produc- 
tion in the capitalist countries been so acute. Capitalism impedes more and 
more the use of the achievements of modern science and technology in the in- 
terests of social progress. It turns the discoveries of human genius against 
mankind itself by converting them into formidable means of destructive warfare. 

CONTRADICTIONS LAID TO CAPITALIST SYSTEM 

The instability of capitalist economy is growing. Although production in 
some capitalist countries is increasing to some degree or other, the contradictions 
of capitalism are becoming the more acute on a national as well as international 
scale. Some capitalist countries are faced with the threat of new economic up- 
heavals while still grappling with the consequences of the recent economic crisis. 

The anarchical nature of capitalist production is assuming unprecedented 
dimensions, and monopoly profits and superprofits are growing. Monopoly 
capital has greatly intensified the exploitation of the working class in new forms, 
above all through intensification of labor. Automation and "rationalization" 
under capitalism bring the working people further calamities. Only by a stub- 
born struggle has the working class in some countries succeeded in winning a 
number of its pressing demands. 

In many capitalist countries, however, the standard of life is still below pre- 
war. Despite the promises made by the bourgeoisie, full employment was pro- 
vided only in some of the capitalist countries, and only temporarily. The domi- 
nation of the monopolies is causing increasing harm to the Interests of the broad 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 55 

which, moreover, continue to expand. bourgeois ideologists and revi- 

These ^V^h^effe^ttat modern capftahsThas become Vrfe's capl- 
( Sl ?w. Thai it ^haseStohed a so^aued welfare state capable of over- 
ZSXEi thfanarchfoi ^production and economic crises and assurmg well-bemg 
'°iSa"S 8 cEr.f development of capitaiism is conUnuousi^anglng the 

mSfimong thl "biggSf capftaUst combines of penetration b y stronger un- 

S2SS™tffl£»5Sf t'oT^te^nTownershlp was a longstanding tradition 

HISTORIC CHANGES LAID TO SOCIALISM 

t„ thf* course of Socialist construction this alliance of two classes of working 
n^omf wS constitutes the political foundation of the Socialist system develops 
people, wnicn corai".""* t u ' h people's rule under the leadership of the 
^rkiT class ana IZmZZe^foSSist reorganization of agriculture in accord- 
Ince w!th the a Leminist principle of voluntary cooperation of «J* peasantry- 
PTicJoric changes have taken place in the social structure of society. The 
Historic changes udv. f . n | t lon exist in the people's democracies. 

S? nSitmal^onscioifsness and maturity have increased. Socialism has deliv- 
l J h1 ninXSv from age-long poverty and has made it an active force in 
Jnrfal oroerets AnS TsSlsUntelligentsia, flesh of the flesh of the working 
neople "s arfsing^ An citizens have free access to knowledge and culture 
H' S hnT thus created not only political but material conditions for the 
Cultural ^eveLpmelt of society, for the all-round and complete development of 
Se gifts and Sties of man. The standard of life of the people is improving 

"^iSSiSte X^TtS working people of all nationalities has formed 
and has Vein consolidated in multinational Socialist states. The triumph of 
Marxist LenSiist national policy in the Socialist countries, genuine equality of 
SSSfillffSd toelr economic and cultural progress serve as an inspiring 
ovnmnle for the peoples fighting against national oppression. 

in The peopled ^democracies, Socialist ideology has achieved notable successes 
in ft« strSe against bourgeois ideology. It is a long struggle that will go on 
Snttl tCKS manic&tion of the minds of people from the survivals of 

,,0 Th?moraranfpolitical unity of society, which for the first time in history has 
<.omo into existence and firmly established itself in the Soviet Union, is grow ng 
n.rin^tne other Socialist countries as well. This makes it poss ible to use the 
'■r^tive energy of free workers most effectively for promoting the growth of 
i \u' nroductive forces and the prosperity of socialist society. 

1 oc in "t s™ otv is improving steadily and becoming more and more mature 

daVaftS -day n gives rise to b Communist attitude to Labor and other elements 

n . i ire Obmmunlst society. The method! of Socialisl economic manage 

Sent and I eWoic planning are steadily Improving. Boctaltaj democracy con- 

tKSes to developi the masse! are playing .... Increasing r In din nlo 



56 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



and cultural development; certain functions of the State are being gradually 
transferred to public organizations. 

Today the restoration of capitalism has been made socially and economically 
impossible not only in the Soviet Union, but in the other Socialist countries as 
well. The combined forces of the Socialist camp reliably safeguard every Socialist 
country against encroachments by imperialist reaction. Thus the rallying of 
the Socialist states in one camp and the growing unity and steadily increasing 
strength of this camp insure complete victory for socialism with the entire 
system. 

MARX-LENINIST DUTY TO USE OPPORTUNITIES 

Thanks to the heroic effort of the working class and the peasantry and to the 
tremendous work of the Communist and workers parties, most favorable ob- 
jective opportunities have been provided in the past years for the further rapid 
development of the productive forces, for gaining the maximum time and achiev- 
ing victory for the Socialist countries in peaceful economic competition with cap- 
italism. The Marxist-Leninist parties heading the Socialist countries consider 
it their duty to make proper use of these opportunities. 

Having achieved major victories and withstood serious tests, the Communist 
Parties have gained ample and varied experience in directing Socialist con- 
struction. 

The Socialist countries and the Socialist camp as a whole owe their achieve- 
ments to the proper application of the general objective laws governing Social- 
ist construction, with due regard to the historical pecularities of each country 
and to the interests of the entire Socialist system. They owe them to the efforts 
of the peoples of those countries, to their close fraternal cooperation and 
mutual internationalist assistance, and above all, to the fraternal, international- 
ist assistance from the Soviet Union. 

The experience of development of the Socialist countries is added evidence 
that mutual assistance and support, and utilization of all the advantages of 
unity and solidarity among the countries of the Socialist camp, are a primary 
international condition for their achievement and successes. Imperialist, rene- 
gade and revisionist hopes of a split within the Socialist camp are built on sand 
and doomed to failure. All the Socialist countries cherish the unity of the So- 
cialist camp like the apple of their eye. 

The world economic system of socialism is united by common Socialist rela- 
tions of production and is developing in accordance with the economic laws of 
socialism. 

Its successful development requires consistent application, in Socialist con- 
struction, of the law of planned, proportionate development, encouragement of 
the creative initiative of the people, continuous improvement of the system 
of international division of labor through the coordination of national economic 
plans, specialization and cooperation in production within the world Socialist 
system on the basis of voluntary participation, mutual benefit, and vigorous 
improvement of the scientific and technological standards. 

It requires study of collective experience, extended cooperation and fraternal 
mutual assistance, gradual elimination, along these lines, of historical differences 
in the levels of economic development, nnd the provision of a material basis for a 
more or less simultaneous transition of all the peoples of the Socialist system to 
communism. 

Socialist construction in the various countries is a source of collective ex- 
perience for the Socialist camp as a whole. A thorough study of this experience 
by the fraternal parties, and its proper utilization and elaboration with due 
regard to specific conditions and national peculiarities are an immutable law 
of the development of every Socialist country. 

COMMUNISTS ISSUE ECONOMIC CHALLENGE 

In developing industrial and agricultural production in their countries at a 
high rate in keeping with the possibilities they have, the Communist and work- 
ers parties of the Socialist countries consider it their internationalist duty to 
make full use of all the advantages of the Socialist system and the internal re- 
sources of every country to carry out, by joint, effort and as speedily as pos- 
sible, the historic task of surpassing the world capitalist system in overall in- 
dustrial and agricultural production and then outstrip the economically most 
developed capitalist countries in per capita output and in the standard of 
living. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



57 






To carry out this task, it is necessary steadily to improve political and eco- 
nomic work, continuously to improve the methods of economic management and 
to run the Socialist economy along scientific lines. This calls for higher produc- 
tivity of labor to be achieved through continuous technical progress, economic 
planning, strict observance of the Leninist principle of providing material in- 
centives and moral stimuli to work for the good of society by heightening the 
political consciousness of the people, and for control over the measure of labor 

and consumption. *».■„■■* * 

To provide a material basis for the transition of the Socialist countries to 
communism, it is indispensable to achieve a high level of production through 
the use of the latest techniques, electrification of the national economy, and 
mechanization and automation of production, without which it is impossible to 
provide the abundance of consumer goods required by a Communist society. 
On this basis, it is necessary to develop Communist social relations, vigorously 
promote the political consciousness of the people and educate the members of the 
new, Communist society. 

DECLINE EMPHASIZED IN ECONOMY OF UNITED STATES 

The decay of capitalism is particularly marked in the United States of 
America, the chief imperialist country of today. U.S. monopoly capital is clear- 
ly unable to use all the productive forces at its command. The richest of the 
developed capitalist countries of the world, the United States has become a 
land of especially big chronic unemployment. Increasing undercapacity opera- 
tion in industry has become permanent in that country. Despite the enormous 
increase in military appropriations, which is achieved at the expense of the 
standard of life of the working people, the rate of growth of production has been 
declining in the postwar years and has been barely above the growth of popula- 
tion. Overproduction crises have become more frequent. 

The most developed capitalist country has become a country of the most 
distorted, militarized economy. More than any other capitalist country, the 
United States drains Asia, and especially Latin America, of their riches, holding 
up their progress. U.S. capitalist penetration into Africa is increasing. U.S. 
imperialism has become the biggest international exploiter. 

The U.S. imperialists seek to bring many states under their control, 
by resorting chiefly to the policy of military blocs and economic "aid." They 
violate the sovereignty of developed capitalist countries as well. The dominant 
monopoly bourgeoisie in the more developed capitalist countries, which has 
allied itself with U.S. imperialism, sacrifices the sovereignty of their countries, 
hoping with support from the U.S. imperialists to crush the revolutionary 
liberation forces, deprive the working people of democratic freedoms and im- 
pede the struggle of the masses for social progress. U.S. imperialism involves 
those countries in the arms race, in a policy of preparing a new war of ag- 
gression and carrying on subversive activities against Socialist and neutral 
countries. 

The pillars of the capitalist system have become so decayed that the ruling 
imperialist bourgeoisie in many countries can no longer resist on its own the 
forces of democracy and progress which are gaining in scope and strength. 
The imperialists form military-political alliances under U.S. leadership to fight 
in common against the Socialist camp and to strangle the national-liberation, 
working-class, and Socialist movements. 

International developments in recent years have furnished many new proofs 
df the fact that U.S. imperialism is the chief bulwark of world reaction and an 
international gendarme, that it has become an enemy of the peoples of the whole 
world. 

WEST'S MILITARY BLOCS DECLARED WEAKENING 

The system of military blocs set up by the United States is being weakened 
both by the struggle going on between their members ami as a result of the 
Struggle which the people are waging for the abolition of these blocs. Thi 
imperialists seek to strengthen aggressive blocs, which can > ed fell i 

mice on the pari of the people. 

The United Slates remains the main economic, financial, and mill! 

of modern Imperialism, although Its share In capitalist <■ 

The British and French Imperialists are mnklnii shihlm i llit'li 

positions. The monopolies of West Qermouj and ■ 
their might and which are closely Linktd with Lb« > 



58 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



up expansion. The West German monopolies, in pursuing their imperialist 
policy, seek more and more to exploit the underdeveloped countries. 

The peoples are rising with growing determination to fight imperialism A 
K reat struggle is getting underway between the forces of labor and capital of 
democ?acy g f nd relctionfof freedom and colonialism. The victory of the popular 
revolution in Cuba has become a splendid example for the peoples of Latin 

An anticolonial movement for freedom and national independence is expanding 
irresistibly in Africa. The anti-imperialist national uprising in Iraq has been 
crowned with success. A powerful movement of the people against the Japanese- 
United States military alliance, for peace, democracy, and national independence, 
is underway in Japan. Vigorous actions by the masses in Italy in defense of 
democracy show the militant resolve of the working people. The struggle for 
democracy, against the reactionary regime of personal power, is gathering mo- 
mentum in France. There have been big working-class strikes in the United 
States, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, India, Britain, Canada, Belgium, and other 
capitalist countries. • , 

The actions of the Negro people in the United States for their fundamental 
rights are assuming a mass character. There is a growing desire to unite the 
national forces against the Fascist dictatorships in Spain and Portugal, and 
the democratic movement is gaining strength in Greece. Tyrannical military 
regimes have been overthrown in Colombia and Venezuela, a blow has been dealt 
to frankly pro-American puppet governments in South Korea and Turkey. A 
national-democratic movement, directed against the U.S. imperialists and their 
flunkeys, is developing in South Vietnam and Laos. The Indonesian people are 
doing away with the economic positions the imperialists still retain in that 
country, particularly the positions held by the Dutch colonialists. The mass 
movement in defense of peace is gaining ground in all continents. 

All this is graphic evidence that the tide of anti-imperialist, national- 
liberation, antiwar and class struggles is rising ever higher. 

NEW STAGE DEPICTED IN CAPITALIST CRISIS 

A new stage has begun in the development of the general crisis of capitalism. 

This is shown by the triumph of socialism in a large group of European and 
Asian countries embracing one-third of mankind, the powerful growth of the 
forces fighting for socialism throughout the world and the steady weakening 
of the imperialists' positions in the economic competition with socialism, the 
tremendous new upsurge of the national-liberation struggle and the mounting 
disintegration of the colonial system, the growing instability of the entire world 
economic system of capitalism, the sharpening contradictions of capitalism re- 
sulting from the growth of state monopoly capitalism and militarism, the in- 
creasing contradictions between monopolies and the interests of the nation 
as a whole, the curtailment of bourgeois democracy and the tendency to adopt 
autocratic and Fascist methods of government, and a profound crisis in 
bourgeois politics and ideology. 

This stage is distinguished by the fact that it has set in not as a result of the 
World War, but in the conditions of competition and struggle between the two 
systems, an increasing change in the balance of forces in favor of socialism, 
and a marked aggravation of all the contradictions of imperialism. It has taken 
place at a time when a successful struggle by the peace-loving forces to bring 
about and promote peaceful coexistence has prevented the imperialists from 
undermining world peace by their aggressive actions, and in an atmosphere of 
growing struggle by the broad masses of the people of democracy, national 
liberation, and socialism. 

All the revolutionary forces are rallying against imperialist oppression and 
exploitation. The peoples who are building socialism and communism, the 
revolutionary movement of the working class in the capitalist countries, the 
national-liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples and the general democratic 
movement — these great forces of our time are merging into one powerful cur- 
rent that undermines and destroys the world imperialist system. The central 
factors of our day are the international working class and its chief creation, 
the world socialist system. They are an earnest of victory in the struggle for 
peace, democracy, national liberation, socialism, and human progress. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 

SOCIALISM SAID TO ENTER NEW ERA OF CONSTRUCTION 



59 



A new stage has begun in the development of the world socialist system. The 
« t-S nSf u ^iiccessfullv carrying on the full-scale construction of a Com- 

™£i-^rt?tv Othef countries of the socialist camp are successfully lay ng 
irfounSoJs o?focmSm,ana some of them have already entered the period 

° f TTSS SSrSKSS^S SeTdecisive victories These victories 
sig^fy t£ Triumph of Marxism-Leninism; they show clearly to all the people, 
wf^ are under the domination of capital that a society based on this doctrine 
opens upTmnieusI opportunities for the fullest development of economy and 
cSre?? oJtte provision of a high standard of living and a peaceful and happy 

U The's^vie^people, successfully carrying out the 7-year economic development 
plan are rapidly building up a material and technical basis for communism 
Soviet science hL us nered in what is virtually a new era in the development 
rf world SSitton^ it has initiated the exploration of outer space, furnishing 
impressive evidence of the economic and technical might of the socalist camp. 
The Soviet Union is the first country in history to be blazing a trail to communism 
SalmnS. It is the most striking example and most powerful bulwark 
for the peoples of the world in their struggle for peace, democratic freedoms, 
national independence and social progress. •««„«# 

The people's revolution in China dealt a crushing blow at the positions of 
imperialism in Asia and contributed in great measure to the balance of the 
roruilorcSs changing in favor of socialism. By giving a further powerful im- 
petus to the national liberation movement, it exerted tremendous influence on 
the neonles especially those of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. 

The People'^ democratic Republics of Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, the German 
Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, China, the Korean 
pSSSs Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Poland, Rumania and the Czechoslovak 
Socialist Republic, which, together with the great Soviet Union, form the mighty 
soSSSt^m^h^e within a historically short period made remarkable progress 
in socialist construction. ..-siAif,, 

People's government in these countries has proved its unshakable solidity. 
Socialist relations of production predominate in the national economy, the exploi- 
tation of man by man has forever been abolished or is being eliminated success- 
fully The success of the policy of socialist industrialization has led to a great 
economic upsurge in the socialist countries, which are developing their economy 
much faster than the capitalist countries. All these countries have established 
a developed industry. Agrarian in the past, they have become, or are becoming, 
industrial-agrarian countries. ," „ u . .. . - M OTW , 

The socialist camp is a social, economic and political community of free and 
sovereign peoples united by the close bonds of international socialist solidarity, 
bv common interests and objectives, and following the path of socialism and 
communism It is an inviolable law of the mutual relations between socialist 
countries strictly to adhere to the principles of Marxism-Leninism and socialist 
internationalism. Every country in the socialist camp is insured genuinely 
equal rights and independence. Guided by the principles of complete equality, 
mutual advantage and comradely mutual assistance, the socialist states improve 
their all-round economic, political and cultural cooperation, which meets both 
the interests of each socialist country and those of the socialist camp as a whole. 

GREATER UNITY OBSERVED ■UNDER SOCIALISM 

One of the greatest achievements of the world socialist system is the practical 
confirmation of the Marxist-Leninist thesis that national antagonisms diminsh 
with the decline of class antagonisims. 

In contrast to the laws of the capitalist system, which is characterized by 
antagonistic contradictions between classes, nations, and states leading to armed 
conflicts, there are no objective causes in the nature of the socialist system for 
contradictions and conflicts between the peoples and states belonging to it. Its 
development leads to greater unity among the states and nations and to the con- 
solidation of all the forms of cooperation between them. 

Under socialism, the development of national economy, culture and statehood 
goes hand in hand with the strengthening and development of the entire world 
Hocifilist system, and with an ever greater consolidation of the unity of nations. 
The interests of the socialist system as a whole and national interests are harmo- 



60 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



61 



niously combined. It is on this basis that the moral and political unity of all the 
peoples of the great socialist community has arisen and has been growing. Fra- 
ternal friendship and mutual assistance of peoples born of the socialist system, 
have superseded the political isolation and national egoism typical of capitalism. 

The common interests of the peoples of the socialist countries and the interests 
of peace and socialism demand the proper combination of the principles of 
socialist internationalism and socialist patriotism in politics. Every Communist 
Party which has become the ruling party in the state, bears historical responsi- 
bility for the destinies of both its country and the entire socialist camp. 

The declaration of 1957 points out quite correctly that undue emphasis on the 
role of national peculiarities and departure from the universal truth of Marxism- 
Leninism regarding the socialist revolution and socialist construction prejudice 
the common cause of socialism. 

The declaration also states quite correctly that Marxism-Leninism demands 
creative application of the general principles of Socialist construction, depending 
on the specific historical conditions in the country concerned, and does not 
permit of a mechanical copying of the policies and tactics of the Communist Par- 
ties of other countries. Disregard of national peculiarities may lead to the party 
of the proletariat being isolated from reality, from the masses, and may injure 
the socialist cause. 

Manifestations of nationalism and national narrow mmdedness do not disap- 
pear automatically with the establishment of the socialist system. If fraternal 
relations and friendship between the socialist countries are to be strengthened, 
it is necessary that the Communist and workers parties pursue a Marxist- 
Leninist internationalist policy, that all working people be educated in a spirit of 
internationalism and patriotism, and that a resolute struggle be waged to elimi- 
nate the survivals of bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism. 

WORKERS EDUCATED IN INTERNATIONALISM 

The Communist and workers parties tirelessly educate the working people in 
the spirit of socialist internationalism and intolerance of all manifestations of 
nationalism and chauvinism. 

Solid unity of the Communist and workers parties and of the peoples of the 
socialist countries, and their loyalty to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine are the 
main source of the strength and invincibility of each socialist country and the 
socialist camp as a whole. 

In blazing a trail to communism, the peoples of the Socialist countries are 
creating a prototype of a new society for all mankind. The working people of the 
capitalist world are following the constructive effort of the builders of socialism 
and communism with keen interest. This makes the Marxist-Leninist parties 
and the peoples of the socialist countries accountable to the international work- 
ing-class movement for the successful building of socialism and communism. 

The Communist and workers parties see it as their task indefatigably to 
strengthen the great socialist community of nations, whose international role and 
influence on the course of world events are growing from year to year. 

The time has come when the socialist states have, by forming a world system, 
become an international force exerting a powerful influence on world develop- 
ment. There are now real opportunities of solving cardinal problems of modern 
times in a new way, in the interests of peace, democracy, and socialism. 

The problem of war and peace is the most burning problem of our time. 

War is a constant companion of capitalism. The system of exploitation of 
man by man and the system of extermination of man by man are two aspects 
of the capitalist system. Imperialism has already inflicted two devastating 
World Wars on mankind and now threatens to plunge it into an even more 
terrible catastrophe. 

Monstrous means of mass annihilation and destruction have been developed 
which, if used in a new war, can cause unheard-of destruction to entire coun- 
tries and reduce key centers of world industry and culture to ruins. Such a 
war would bring death and suffering to hundreds of millions of people, among 
them people in countries not involved in it. Imperialism spells grave danger to 
the whole of mankind. 

The peoples must now be more vigilant than ever. As long as imperialism 
exists there will be soil for wars of aggression. 

The peoples of all countries know that the danger of a new world war still 
persists. U.S. Imperialism Is the main force of aggression and war. Its policy 
embodies the Ideology of militant reaction. 



The U.S. imperialists, together with the imperialists of Britain, France, and 
West Germany, have drawn many countries into NATO, CENTO, SEATO, and 
other military blocs. Under the guise of combatting the "Communist menace," 
it has enmeshed the so-called "free world," that is, capitalist countries which 
depend on them, in a network of military bases spearheaded first and foremost 
against the socialist countries. 

The existence of these blocs and bases endangers universal peace and security 
and not only encroaches upon the sovereignty but also imperils the very life 
of those countries which put their territory at the disposal of the U.S. militarists. 

WEST GERMANS SCORED AS AGGRESSIVE MILITARISTS 

The imperialist forces of the United States, Britain, and France have made a 
criminal deal with West German imperialism. In West Germany, militarism has 
been revived and the restoration is being pushed ahead of a vast regular army 
uuder the command of Hitler generals, which the U.S. imperialists are equipping 
with nuclear and rocket weapons and other modern means of mass annihilation, 
a fact which draws emphatic protests from the peace-loving peoples. Military 
bases are being provided for this aggressive army in France and other West 
European countries. 

The threat to peace and the security of the European nations from West 
German imperialism, is increasing. The West German revenge-seekers openly 
declare their intention to revise borders established after the Second World 
War. Like the Hitler clique in its day, the West German militarists are 
preparing war against the socialist and other countries of Europe, and strive to 
effect their own aggressive plans. West. Berlin lias been transformed into a 
seat of international provocation. The Bonn state has become the chief enemy 
of peaceful coexistence, disarmament and relaxation of tension in Europe. 

The aggressive plans of the West German imperialists must be opposed by the 
united might of all peace-loving countries and nations of Europe. 

An especially big part in the struggle against the aggressive designs of the 
West German militarists is played by the German Democratic Republic. The 
meeting regards it as the duty of all the countries of the socialist camp and of 
all the peace-loving peoples to defend the German Democratic Republic — the 
outpost of socialism in Western Europe and the true expression of the peace 
aspirations of the German nation. 

The U.S. imperialists are also busy reviving the hotbed of war in the Far 
East. Trampling upon the national independence of the Japanese people and 
contrary to their will, they have, in collusion with the Japanese reactionary 
ruling circles, imposed upon Japan a new military treaty which pursues aggres- 
sive aims against the Soviet Union, the Chinese People's Republic and other 
peace-loving countries. 

The U.S. invaders have occupied the island of Taiwan, which belongs to the 
Chinese People's Republic, and South Korea, and are interfering more and more 
in the affairs of South Vietnam. They have turned them into hotbeds of 
dangerous military provocations and gambles. 

Threatening Cuba with aggression and interfering in the affairs of the peoples 
of Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, the U.S. imperialists strive to 
create new seats of war in different parts of the world. They use such forms 
of regional alliance as, for example, the Organization of American States, to 
retain their economic and political control and to involve the peoples of Latin 
America, in the realization of their aggressive schemes. 

IMPERIALISTS ACCUSED OF CAUSING ARMS RACE 

The U.S. imperialists have set up a huge war machinery and refuse to allow 
its reduction. The imperialists frustrate all constructive disarmament proposals 
by the Soviet Union and other peaceful countries. The arms race is going on. 
Stockpiles of nuclear weapons are becoming dangerously large. Defying pro- 
tests from their own people and the peoples of other countries, particularly in 
I lie African Continent, the French ruling circles are testing and manufacturing 
atomic wcopons. The U.S. militarists are preparing to resume disastrous atomic 
testa Military provocations that threaten serious international conflicts 
continue. 



62 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES* MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



63 



The U S ruling circles have wrecked the Paris meeting of the heads of 
government of the four Great Powers by their policy of provocations and aggres- 
sive acts, and have set out to increase international tension and aggravate the 
cold war. The war menace has grown. *.«„„* 

The imperialist provocations against peace have aroused the indignation and 
resistance of the peoples. U.S. imperialism has exposed itself still more and its 
influence in the world has sustained fresh and telling blows. 

The aggressive nature of imperialism has not changed. But real forces have 
appeared that are capable of foiling its plans of aggression. War is not fatally 
inevitable Had the imperialists been able to do what they wanted, they would 
already have plunged mankind into the abyss of the calamities and horrors of 

But the time is past when the imperialists could decide at will whether there 
should or should not be war. More than once in the past years the imperialists 
have brought mankind to the brink of world catastrophe by starting local wars. 
The resolute stand of the Soviet Union, of the other socialist states and of all 
the peaceful forces put an end to the Anglo-Franco-Israeli intervention in 
Egypt, and averted a military invasion of Syria, Iraq, and some other countries 
by the imperialists. The heroic people of Algeria continue their valiant battle 
for independence and freedom. 

The peoples of the Congo and Laos are resisting the criminal acts ot tne 
imperialists with increasing firmness. Experience shows that it is possible to 
combat effectively the local wars started by the imperialists, and to stamp out 
successfully the hotbeds of such wars. 

The time has come when the attempts of the imperialist aggressors to start 
a world war can be curbed. World war can be prevented by the joint efforts 
of the world socialist camp, the international working class, the national- 
liberation movement, all the countries opposing war and all peace-loving forces. 

The development of international relations in our day is determined by the 
struggle of the two social systems— the struggle of the forces of socialism, peace, 
and democracy against the forces of imperialism, reaction, and aggression— a 
struggle in which the superiority of the forces of socialism, peace, and democ- 
racy is becoming increasingly obvious. 

For the first time in history, war is opposed by great and organized forces: 
the mighty Soviet Union, which now leads the world in the decisive branches 
of science and technology, the entire socialist camp, which has placed its great 
material and political might at the service of peace, a growing number of peace- 
loving countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, which have a vital interest 
in preserving peace, the international working class and its organizations, 
above all the Communist parties, the national-liberation movement of the peo- 
ples of the colonies and dependent countries, the world peace movement, and the 
neutral countries which want to share in the imperialist policy of war and 
advocate peaceful coexistence. 

The policy of peaceful coexistence is also favored by a definite section of the 
bourgeoisie of the developed capitalist countries, which takes a sober view of 
the relationship of forces and the dire consequences of a modern war. The 
broadest possible united front of peace supporters, fighters against the im- 
perialist policy of aggression and war inspired by U.S. imperialism, is essential 
to preserve world peace. Concerted and vigorous actions of all the forces of 
peace can safeguard the peace and prevent a new war. 

PREVENTION OF WAB CALLED PRESSING TASK 

The democratic and peace forces today have no task more pressing than that 
of safeguarding humanity against a global thermonuclear disaster. The un- 
precedented destructive power of modern means of warfare demands that the 
main actions of the antiwar and peace-loving forces be directed toward pre- 
venting war. The struggle against war cannot be put off until war breaks out, 
for then it may prove too late for many areas of the globe and for their popu- 
lation to combat it. .ma 

The struggle against the threat of a new war must be waged now and not 
when atom and hydrogen bombs begin to fall, and it must gain in strength 
from day to day. The important thing is to curb the aggressors in good time, 
to prevent war, and not to let it break out. 

To fight for peace today means to maintain the greatest vigilance, indefatiga- 
bly to lay bare the policy of the imperialists, to keep a watchful eye on the 
intrigues and maneuvers of the warmongers, arouse the righteous indignation 



of the peoples against those who are heading for war, organize the peace forces 
still better, continuously intensify mass actions for peace, and promote co- 
operation with all countries which have no interest in new wars. 

In the countries where the imperialists have established war bases, it is 
necessary to step up the struggle for their abolition, which is an important 
factor for fortifying national independence, defending sovereignty, and pre- 

^The^teuggle of the peoples against the militarization of their countries should 
be combined with the struggle against the capitalist mononopolies connected 
with the U.S. imperialists. Today as never before, it is important to tight 
perseveringly in all countries to make the peace movement thrive and extend to 
towns and villages, factories, and offices. 

The peace movement is the broadest movement of our time, involving people 
of diverse political and religious creeds, of diverse classes of society, who are 
all united by the noble urge to prevent new wars and to secure enduring peace. 

Further consolidation of the world socialist system will be of prime importance 
in preserving durable peace. So long as there is no disarmament, the socialist 
countries must maintain their defense potential at an adequate level. 

In the opinion of Communists the task which must be accomplished first of 
all if peace is to be safeguarded are to stop the arms race, ban nuclear weapons, 
their tests and production, dismantle foreign war bases and withdraw foreign 
troops from other countries, disband military blocs, conclude a peace treaty 
with Germany, turn West Berlin into a demilitarized free city, thwart the 
aggressive designs of the West German revanchists, and prevent the revival of 

^mrtry^afpJSed a great responsibility for warding off anew world war 
first and foremost on the international working class. The imperialists plot 
and join forces to start a thermonuclear war. The international working class 
must close its ranks to save mankind from the disaster of a new world war 

No DOlitieal, religious or other differences should be an obstacle to all the 
for^es^f ne working class uniting against the war danger.. The hour has 
struck to counter the forces of war by the mighty will and joint action of all 
Se contingents and organizations of the world proletariat, to unite its forces to 
avert world war and safeguard peace. . „.„„ 

The Communist parties regard the fight for peace as their Primetasfc They 
call on the working class, trade unions, cooperatives, women's and youth leagues 
and organizations on all working people, irrespective of their political and 
religious T convictions, firmly to repulse by mass struggles all acts of aggression 

%^B^M5e^ maniacs start war, the peoples will sweep capi- 
talism out of existence and bury it. 

SOCIALIST VICTORY PREDICTED IN PEACEFUL COMPETITION 

The foreign policy of the socialist countries rests on the firm foundation of 
the Leninistprmciple of peaceful coexistence and economic competition between 
&e socialist and capitalist countries. In conditions of peace the ^tjj 
tern increasingly reveals its advantages over the capitalist system m all fields of 
economy, culture, science, and technology. „„^„ c . caa 

The near future will bring the forces of peace and socialism new juccegw. 
The USSR, will become the leading industrial power of the woild. China 
will became a mighty industrial state. The socialist system will be turning out 
more than half the world industrial product. The peace «°%T«oS3ltea^ 
working-class movement in the capitalist countries and n ^e national-liberation 
movement in the colonies and dependencies will achieve new victories The dis 
integration of the colonial system will become completed. The superiority of 
1 1 10 forces of socialism and peace will be absolute. mnr u* war 

In these conditions a real possibility will have arisen to f^f^f^ , r 
from the life of society even before socialism achieves complete , victory «gg 
wi.h capitalism still existing in a part of the world. 'II o v. V 1 so Ch lis 
all over the world will completely remove the soda! and national - anses oi 

"Uo'conuMHMisis of nil the world uphold P"^™**"" K^SSX 

I consistently, and battle resolutely for the prevention wn - ;- 

Slats must work untiringly amoiM the mams* to mil ' l.ren . ...ill » of I 

possibility of avertin ■ » •' wn i 

r„i coexistence and, at tha itmt kirns ondtn I it! I "" ' ""' 

km i!t in r. 



64 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



In a world divided into two systems, the only correct and reasonable principle 
of international relations is the principle of peaceful coexistence of states with 
different social systems advanced by Lenin and further elaborated in the Mos- 
cow Declaration and the Peace Manifesto of 1057, in the decisions of the 20th 
and 21st congresses of the C.P.S.U., and in the documents of other Communist 
and workers' parties. J: , , ,, 

The five principles jointly advanced by the Chinese Peoples Republic and tne 
Republic of India, and the propositions adopted at the Bandung conference 
accord with the interests of peace and the peace-loving peoples. 

Peaceful coexistence of countries with different systems or destructive war— 
this is the alternative today. There is no other choice. Communists emphatical- 
ly reject the U.S. doctrine of cold war and brinkmanship, for it is a policy lead- 
ing to thermonuclear catastrophe. ' „ ',. . 

By upholding the principle of peaceful coexistence, Communists fight for the 
complete cessation of the cold war, disbandment of military blocs, and dis- 
mantling of military bases, for general and complete disarmament under inter- 
national control, the settlement of international disputes through negotiation, 
respect for the equality of states and their territorial integrity, independence, 
and sovereignty, noninterference in each other's internal affairs, extensive de- 
velopment of trade, cultural, and scientific ties between nations. 

PEACE IS DESCRIBED AS SOCIALIST ALLY 

The policy of peaceful coexistence meets the basic interests of all peoples, 
of all who want no new cruel wars and seek durable peace. This policy 
strengthens the positions of socialism, enhances the prestige and international 
influence of the Socialist countries and promotes the prestige and influence of 
the Communist parties in the capitalist countries. Peace is a loyal ally of so- 
cialism, for time is working for socialism against capitalism. 

The policy of peaceful coexistence is a policy of mobilizing the masses and 
launching vigorous action against the enemies of peace. Peaceful coexistence of 
States does not imply renunciation of the class struggle, as the revisionists claim. 
The coexistence of states with different social systems is a form of class strug- 
gle between socialism and capitalism. 

In conditions of peaceful coexistence favorable opportunities are provided 
for the development of the class struggle in the capitalist countries and the na- 
tional-liberation movement of the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries. 
In their turn, the successes of the revolutionary class and national-liberation 
struggle promote peaceful coexistence. 

The Communists consider it their duty to fortify the faith of the people in 
the possibility of furthering peaceful coexistence, their determination to pre 
vent world war. They will do their utmost for the people to weaken imperialism 
and limit its sphere of action by an active struggle for peace, democracy, and 
national liberation. 

Peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems does not mean 
conciliation of the Socialist and bourgeois ideologies. On the contrary, it im- 
plies intensification of the struggle of the working class, of all the Commu- 
nist parties, for the triumph of Socialist ideas. But ideological and political 
disputes between states must not be settled through war. 

The meeting considers that the implementation of the program for general 
and complete disarmament put forward by the Soviet Union would be of his- 
toric importance for the destinies of mankind. 

To realize this program means to eliminate the very possibility of waging wars 
between countries. It is not easy to realize, owing to the stubborn resistance 
of the imperialists. Hence, it is essential to wage an active and determined strug- 
gle against the aggressive imperialist forces with the aim of carrying this pro- 
gram into practice. It is necessary to wage this struggle on an increasing 
scale and to strive perseveringly to achieve tangible results — the banning of 
the testing and manufacture of nuclear weapons, the abolition of military blocs 
and war bases on foreign soil, and a substantial reduction of armed forces and 
armaments, all of which should pave the way to general disarmament. 

Through an active, determined struggle by the Socialist and other peace-loving 
countries, by the international working class and the broad masses in all coun- 
tries, it is possible to isolate the aggressive circles, foil the arms race and war 
preparations, and force the imperialists into an agreement on general dis- 
armament. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



ARMS RACE ASSAILED AS THE PATH TO WAR 



65 



The arms race is not a war deterrent, nor does it make for a high degree of 
employment and well-being of the population. It leads to war. 

Only a handful of monopolies and war speculators are interested in the arms 
race. In the capitalist countries the people constantly demand that military ex- 
penditures be reduced and the funds thus released be used to improve the liv- 
ing conditions of the masses. 

In each country it is necessary to promote a broad mass movement for the use 
of the funds and resources to be released through disarmament for the needs of 
civilian production, housing, health, public education, social security, scientific 
research, etc. Disarmament has now become a fighting slogan of the masses, 
a pressing historical necessity. By an active and resolute struggle the im- 
perialists must be made to meet this demand of the peoples. 

The Communist and workers' parties of the Socialist countries will go on 
consistently pursuing the policy of peaceful coexistence of states with different 
social systems and doing their utmost to spare the peoples the horrors and ca- 
lamities of a new war. They will display the greatest vigilence toward im- 
perialism, vigorously strengthen the might and defense capacity of the entire 
Socialist eamp and take every step to safeguard the security of the peoples 
and preserve peace. 

The Communists regard it as their historical mission not only to abolish ex- 
ploitation and poverty on a world scale and rule out for all time the possibility 
of any kind of war in the life of human society, but also to deliver mankind 
from the nightmare of a new world war already in our time. The Communist 
parties will devote all their strength and energy to this great historical 
mission. 

National-liberation revolutions have triumphed in vast areas of the world. 
About 40 new sovereign states have arisen in Asia and Africa in the 15 post- 
war years. The victory of the Cuban revolution has powerfully stimulated 
the struggle of the Latin American peoples for complete national independence. 
A new historical period has set in in the life of mankind : the peoples of Asia, 
Africa, and Latin America that have won their freedom have begun to take 
an active part in world politics. 

The complete collapse of colonialism is imminent. The breakdown of the 
system of colonial slavery under the impact of the national-liberation move- 
ment is a development ranking second in historic importance only to the forma- 
tion of the world Socialist system. 

The great October socialist revolution aroused the East and drew the 
colonial peoples into the common current of the worldwide revolutionary move- 
ment. This development was greatly facilitated by the Soviet Union's victory 
in the Second World War, the establishment of people's democracy in a num- 
ber of European and Asian countries, the triumph of the Socialist revolution in 
China, and the formation of the world Socialist system. 

The forces of world socialism contributed decisively to the struggle of the 
colonial and dependent peoples for liberation from imperialist oppression. The 
Socialist system has become a reliable shield for the independent national 
development of the peoples who have won freedom. The national -liberation 
movement receives powerful support from the international working class 
movement. 

CREDIT IS CLAIMED FOR NEW NATIONS 

The face of Asia has changed radically. The colonial order is collapsing in 
Africa. A front of active struggle against imperialism has opened in Latin 
America. Hundreds of millions of people in Asia, Africa, and other parts of 
the world have won their independence in hard-fought battles with imperialism. 

Communists have always recognized the progressive, revolutionary significance 
of national-liberation wars; they are the most active champions of national 
Independence. The existence of the world Socialist system and tlm weakening 
of the positions of imperialism have provided the oppressed peoples with B8W 
opportunities of winning Independence. 

The peoples of ili< i colonial countries win their Independence both through 
armed struggle and by nonmilltary methods, depending on th< i-on 

ditions in iii« v country concerned. They ■«" lurable vletorj I hi 

Cul national-llberatloi vement The colonial powoi n 

the colonial peoples and oevor lenv< of their ow will LI untrli i lh«»j 

are exploit Ing, 



66 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



The United States is the mainstay of colonialism today. The imperialists, 
headed by the United States, make desperate efforts to preserve colonial 
exploitation of the peoples of the former colonies by new methods and in new 
forms. The monopolies try to retain their hold on the levers of economic control 
and political influence in Asian, African, and Latin American countries. These 
efforts are aimed at preserving their positions in the economy of the countries 
which have gained freedom, and at capturing new positions under the guise of 
economic aid, drawing them into military blocs, implanting military dictator- 
ships and setting up war bases there. 

The imperialists endeavor to emasculate and undermine the national sover- 
eignty of the newly free countries, to misrepresent the principle of self-determina- 
tion of nations, to impose new forms of colonial domination under the spurious 
slogan of "interdependence," to put their puppets in power in these countries 
and bribe a section of the bourgeoisie. They resort to the poisoned weapon of 
national strife to undermine the young states that are not yet strong enough. 
They make ample use of aggressive military blocs and bilateral aggressive mili- 
tary alliances to achieve these ends. The imperialists' accomplices are the most 
reactionary sections of the local exploiting classes. 

The urgent tasks of national rebirth facing the countries that have skaken 
off the colonial yoke cannot be effectively accomplished unless a determined 
struggle is waged against imperialism and the remnants of feudalism by all 
the patriotic forces of the nations united in a single national-democratic front. 

BASIS OF UNITY STATED FOR PROGRESSIVE FORCES 

The national democratic tasks on the basis of which the progressive forces 
of the nation can and do unite in the countries which have won their freedom, 
are : the consolidation of political independence, the carrying out of agrarian re- 
forms in the interest of the peasantry, elimination of the survivals of feudalism, 
the uprooting of imperialist economic domination, the restriction of foreign 
monopolies and their expulsion from the national economy, the creation and de- 
velopment of a national industry, improvement of the living standard, the 
democratization of social life, the pursuance of an independent and peaceful 
foreign policy, and the development of economic and cultural cooperation with 
the socialist and other friendly countries. 

The working class, which has played an outstanding role in the fight for 
national liberation demands the complete and consistent accomplishment of the 
tasks of the national, anti-imperialist, democratic revolution, and resists re- 
actionary attempts to check social progress. 

The solution of the peasant problem, which directly affects the interests of the 
vast majoriy of the population, is of the utmost importance to these countries. 
Without radical agrarian reforms it is impossible to solve the food problem 
and sweep away the remnants of medievalism which fetter the development of 
the productive forces in agriculture and industry. 

The creation and extension on a democratic basis of the state sector in the 
national economy, particularly in industry, a sector independent from foreign 
monopolies and gradually becoming a determining factor in the country's economy, 
is of great Importance In these countries. 

The alliance of the working class and the peasantry is the most important 
force in winning and defending national independence, accomplishing far- 
i eaching democratic transformations and insuring social progress. This alliance 
is called upon to be the basis of a broad national front. 

The extent to which the national bourgeoisie participates in the liberation 
struggle also depends to no small degree upon its strength and stability. A big 
role can be played by the national patriotic forces, by all elements of the nation 
prepared to fight for national independence, against imperialism. 

In present conditions the national bourgeoisie of the colonial and dependent 
countries unconnected with imperialist circles is objectively interested in the 
accomplishment of the principal tasks of anti-imperialist, antifuedal revolution, 
and therefore retains the capacity of participating in the revolutionary struggle 
against imperialism and feudalism. In that sense it is progressive. But it is 
unstable, thought progressive, it is inclined to compromise with imperialism and 
feudalism. 

Owning to its dual nature, the extent to which the national bourgeoisie 
participates in revolution differs from country to country. This depends on con- 
crete conditions, on changes in the relationship of class forces, on the sharpness 
of the contradictions between imperialism, feudalism and the people, and on 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



67 



the depth of the contradictions between imperialism, fuedalism, and the national 
bourgeoisie. 

After winning political independence the peoples seek solutions to the social 
problems raised by life and to the problems of reinforcing national independence. 
Different classes and parties offer different solutions. Which course of develop- 
ment to choose is the internal affair of the peoples themselves. 

As social contradictions grow the national bourgeoisie inclines more and more 
to compromising with domestic reaction and imperialism. The people, however, 
begin to see that the best way to abolish agelong backwardness and improve 
their living standard is that of noncapitalist development. Only thus can the 
peoples free themselves from exploitation, poverty, and hunger. The working 
class and the broad peasant masses are to play the leading part in solving this 
basic social problem. 

DEMOCRACY DEFINED FOR COMMUNIST CAMP 

In the present historical situation, favorable domestic and international con- 
ditions arise in many countries for the establishment of an independent national 
democracy ; that is, a state which consistently upholds its political and economic 
independence, fights against imperialism and its military blocs, against mi litary 
bases on its territory, a state which fights against the new forms of colonialism 
and the penetration of imperialist capital, a state which rejects dictatorial and 
despotic methods of government, a state in which the people are insured broad 
democratic rights and freedoms (freedom of speech, press, assembly, demon- 
strations, establishment of political parties and social organizations), the oppor- 
tunity to work for the enactment of an agrarian reform and other democratic 
and social changes, and for participation in shaping government policy. 

The formation and consolidation of national democracies enables the countries 
concerned to make rapid social progress and play an active part in the peoples' 
struggle for peace, against the aggressive policies of the imperialist camp, for 
the complete abolition of colonial yoke. 

The Communist parties are working actively for a consistent completion of 
the anti-imperialist, antifeudal, democratic revolution, for the establishment 
of national democracies, for a radical improvement in the living standard of 
the people. 

They support those actions of national governments leading to the consolida- 
tion of the gains achieved and undermining the imperialists positions. At the 
same time they firmly oppose antidemocratic, antipopular acts and those meas- 
ures of the ruling circles which endanger national independence. 

Communists expose attempts by the reactionary section of the bourgeoisie to 
represent its selfish, narrow class interests as those of the entire nation; they 
oxpose the demagogic use by bourgeois politicians of socialist slogans for the 
same purpose ; they work for a genuine democratization of social life and rally 
;ill the progressive forces to combat despotic regimes or to curb tendencies 
towards setting up such regimes. 

The aims of the Communists accord with the supreme interests of the nation. 
The reactionaries' effort to break up the national front under the slogan of 
"anticommunism" and isolate the Communists, the foremost contingent of the 
liberation movement, weakens the national movement. It is contrary to the 
national interests of the people and is fraught with the loss of national gains. 

The socialist countries are true and sincere friends of the peoples fighting 

COT liberation and of those who have thrown off the imperialist yoke. While 

rejecting on principle any interference in the internal affairs of young national 

itates, they consider it their internationalist duty to help the peoples in 

I n-ngthening their independence. 

They help and support these countries generously in achieving progress, 
creating a national industry, developing and consolidating the national econ 

and training national personnel, and cooperate with them In the stl an 
for world peace, against imperialist aggression. 

The class-conscious workers of the colonial powers, who realised dial no 
nation can be free if it oppresses other nations, Coughl consistent!} Cor the 
determination of the nations oppressed by the Imperialist 

Now thiii these nations are taking the path of national Indopi ndi the 

Internationalist duty of i he workers and nil demon m 

developed capitalist countries to ai Is! tl v\ oroiiNlj In Mich i 

the Imperialists, tor national Indopondti in II 



68 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



them in effectively solving the problems of their economic and cultural jebirth. 
In so doing, they defend the interests of the popular masses in their own 
conn tries 

COMPLETE ABOLITION OF COLONIALISM URGED 

The entire course of the world history of recent decades prompts the com- 
plete and final abolition of the colonial system in all its forms and manifesta- 
tions All the peoples still languishing in colonial bondage must be given every 
support in winning their national independence. All forms of colonial oppression 
must be abolished. The abolition of colonialism will also be of great impor- 
tance to easing international tension and consolidating universal peace. 

This meeting expresses solidarity with all the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latm 
America, and Oceania who are carrying on a heroic struggle against imperial- 
ism. The meeting hails the peoples of the young states of Africa who have 
achieved political independence—an important step toward complete emancipa- 

10 The meeting extends heartfelt regards and support to the heroic Algerian 
people fighting for freedom and national independence, and demands an im- 
mediate cessation of the aggressive war against Algeria. It wrathfully con- 
demns the inhuman system of racial persecution and tyranny in the Union ot 
South Africa (apartheid) and urges democrats throughout the world to actively 
support the peoples of South Africa in their struggle for freedom and equality. 

The meeting demands noninterference in the sovereign rights of the peoples 
of Cuba, the Congo, and all the other countries that have won their freedom 

All the socialist countries and the international working class and Communist 
movement see it as their duty to render the fullest moral and material assist- 
ance to the peoples fighting to free themselves from imperialist and colonial 
tyranny. 

NEW OPPORTUNITIES SEEN FOB COMMUNISTS 

The new balance of world forces offers the Communist and Workers parties 
new opportunities of carrying out the historic tasks they face in the struggle 
for peace, national independence, democracy, and socialism. 

The Communist parties determine the prospects and tasks of revolution in 
keeping with the concrete historical and social conditions obtaining m their 
respective countries and with due regard for the international situation. They 
are waging a selfless struggle, doing everything already in present conditions, 
without waiting until socialism triumphs, to defend the interests of the working 
class and the people, improve their living conditions, and extend the democratic 

rights and freedoms of the people. .. ' ■ i L , 

Knowing that the brunt of the struggle for the liberation of its people from 
capitalist oppression rests upon it, the working class and its revolutionary van- 
guard will with increasing energy press forward its offensive against the 
domination of oppressors and exploiters in every field of political, economic and 
ideological activity in each country. In the process of this struggle, the masses 
are prepared and conditions arise for decisive battles for the overthrow of capi- 
talism, for the victory of socialist revolution. _ 

The main blow in present conditions is directed with growing force at the 
capitalist monopolies, which are chiefly responsible for the arms race and which 
constitute the bulwark of reaction and aggression, at the whole system of state 
monopoly capitalism, which defends their interests. 

In some non-European developed capitalist countries which are under the 
political, economic and military domination of U.S. imperialism, the working 
class and the people direct the main blow against U.S. imperialist domination, 
and also against monopoly capital and other domestic reactionary forces that 
betray the interests of the nation. In the course of this struggle all the demo- 
cratic patriotic forces of the nation come together in a united front fighting 
for the victory of a revolution aimed at achieving genuine national independence 
and democracy, which create conditions for passing on to the tasks of socialist 
revolution. . , , 

The big monopolies encroach on the interests of the working class and tne 
people in general all along the line. The exploitation of working people is gam- 
ing in intensity, so is the process in which the broad peasant masses are being 
ruined. At the same time, the difficulties experienced by the small and middle 
urban bourgeoisie are growing more acute. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



MONOPOLIES ACCUSED OF CONTRADICTIONS 



69 






The oppression of the big monopolies is becoming increasingly heavier for all 
sections of the nation. As a result, the contradiction between the handful of 
monopoly capitalists and all sections of the people is now growing more pro- 
nounced, along with the sharpening of the basic class contradiction of bourgeois 
society — that between labor and capital. 

The monopolies seek to abolish, or cut down to a bare minimum, the demo- 
cratic rights of the masses. The reign of open fascist terror continues in some 
countries. In a number of countries, fascism is expanding in new forms : dicta- 
torial methods of government are combined with fictitious parliamentary prac- 
tices that have been stripped of democratic content and reduced to pure form. 
Many democratic organizations are outlawed and are compelled to go under- 
ground. Thousands of fighters for the working-class cause and champions of 
peace are in prison. 

On behalf of all the Communists of the world, this meeting expresses prole- 
tarian solidarity with the courageous sons and daughters of the working class 
and the fighters for democracy, languishing behind prison bars in the United 
States of America, Spain, Portugal, Japan, West Germany, Greece, Iran, Pakistan, 
the United Arab Republic, Jordan, Iraq, Argentina, Paraguay, the Dominican 
Republic, Mexico, the Union of South Africa, Hie Sudan and other countries. 
The meeting urges launching a powerful worldwide campaign to secure the re- 
lease of these champions of peace, national independence and democracy. 

The working class, peasantry, intellectuals and the petty and middle urban 
bourgeoisie are vitally interested in the abolition of monopoly domination. Hence 
there are favorable conditions for rallying these forces. 

Communists hold that this unity is quite feasible on the basis of the struggle 
for peace, national independence, the protection and extension of democracy, 
nationalization of the key branches of economy and democratization of their 
management, the use of the entire economy for peaceful purposes in order to 
satisfy the needs of the population, implementation of radical agrarian reforms, 
improvement of the living conditions of the working people, protection of the 
interests of the peasantry and the petty and middle urban bourgeoisie against 
the tyranny of the monopolies. 

These measures would be an important step along the path of social progress 
and would meet the interests of the majority of the nation. All these measures 
are democratic by nature. They do not eliminate the exploitation of man by 
man. But if realized, they would limit the power of the monopolies, enhance 
the prestige and political weight of the working class in the country's affairs, 
help to isolate the most reactionary forces and facilitate the unification of all 
the progressive forces. As they participate in the fight for democratic reform, 
large sections of the population come to realize the necessity of unity of action 
with the working class and become more active politically. It is the prime 
duty of the working class and its Communist vanguard to head the economic and 
political struggle of the masses for democratic reforms, for the overthrow of 
the power of the monopolies, and assure its success. 

Communists advocate general democratization of the economic and social scene 
and of all the administrative, political and cultural organizations and institu- 
tions. 

COMMUNISTS SET APART IN DEMOCRATIC STRUGGLE 

Communists regard the struggle for democracy as a component of the struggle 
for socialism. In this struggle they continuously strengthen their bonds with 
the masses, increase their political consciousness and help them understand the 
tasks of the socialist revolution and realize the necessity of accomplishing it. 

This sets the Marxist-Leninist parties completely apart from the reformists, 
who consider reforms within the framework of the capitalist system as the 
ultimate goal and deny the necessity of socialist revolution. Marxists- Leninisls 
are firmly convinced that the peoples in the capitalist countries will in the course 
of their daily struggle ultimately come to understand that socialism alone Ih ii 
peflil way out for them. 

Now thai, more seel ions of the population arc Joining in AD active pill (TUB 

,ir, ii is of the iii ii i os i Importance thai Oommunliti should extend 1 1 nrl 

in trade unions ami cooperatives, among the peasantry, the youth, I ha won 
in sportl Organisation!, and, (lie unorgnnl'/.ed ncHIomn nf Mir population I'lli " 

are new opportunities now to (haw the yo\ torn I to ii" Ini Ii foi 

peace and democracy! and foi the great Ideal ot ww il in '• 



70 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



^WlS^SSSSrade union associations fought in common in the greatest 

and will work perseveringly to bring it about. 

In those countries where no trade union democracy exists in practice tne strug 
gle fo7 trade union unity calls for continuous efforts aimed aU^mg trade 
finirtTi indenendence and recognition and observance of the trade union ngms 
rfi?w^^SSe"thoat political and any other discrimination. 

JOINT ACTION ADVOCATED TO ACHIEVE PEACE 

Tt \k also essential to peace and social progress that the national and interna- 
HonVl nnTtv of all the other mass democratic movements be restored. Unity 
among the mas^ ^organizations may be achieved through joint actum jn the 
strSe for peace national independence, the preservation and extension of 
demSratk ? rights the improvement of living conditions and the extension of the 

^T^^el^St^g^ of the popular masses of capitalist countries 
for^tSe ^fcSlSSitS ttelTtaaks is played by the alliance of the working 
cLss and X P working peasantry, which represents the main motive force of 

S °ThlspnUntSe ranks of the working class, which the ruling cla^tterigM- 
wing social-democratic leadership and reactionary trade union leaders are m- 
rerelted to mSnSin on a national and international scale .remains the pnncipal 
obstacle to the accomplishment of the goals of the working class. Communists 

*^^$Z8^£S^ in various countries -sort along with 
means of bui Predion to means of deception and bribery in order to split and 
Ssrupt the JSuESJ of the working class. The events of the last few years 
have again Confirmed that this split undermines the positions of the working 
fin«c! and i<? advantageous only to imperialist reaction. . . 

S^ J&SS55? soc!al-democratic leaders have openly adopted imperialist 
vieC defend The capitalist system and split the working class. Owing to their 
hosttl ty to communism and their fear of the mounting influence of socialism 
in world affairs, they are capitulating to the reactionary conservative forces. 
In some countries the right-wing leadership has succeeded m making the social- 
democratic parties adopt programs in which it openly disowned Marxism, the 
class struggle and the traditional socialist slogans. 

Thereby they have again done a service to the bourgeoisie. Resistance to 
this policy of the right-wing leaders is mounting in the social-democratic par- 
ties The opposition also embraces a section of the social-democratic party 
functionaries. The forces favoring joint action by the working class and other 
working people in the struggle for peace, democracy and social progress are 
growing The overwhelming majority in the social-democratic parties, particu- 
larly the workers, are friends of peace and social progress. 

Communities will continue to criticize the ideological positions and right- 
wing opportunist practices of the social-democrats, they will continue activities 
aimed at inducing the social-democratic masses to adopt positions of consistent 
class struggle against capitalism, for the triumph of socialism. The Commu- 
nists are firmly convinced that the ideological differences obtaining between them- 
selves and the social-democrats must not hinder exchanges of opinion on tne 
pressing problems of the working-class movement and the joint struggle, es- 
pecially against the war danger. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COOPERATION DECLARED NECESSARY FOR PROGRESS 



71 









Communists regard social-democrats among the working people as their class 
brothers They often work together in trade unions and other organizations, 
and fight jointly for the interests of the working class and the people as a whole. 

The vital interests of the working-class movement demand that the Com- 
munist and social-democratic parties take joint action on a national and inter- 
national scale to bring about the immediate prohibition of the manufacture, 
testing and use of nuclear weapons, the establishment of atom-free zones, gen- 
eral and complete disarmament under international control, the abolition of 
military bases on foreign soil and the withdrawal of foreign troops, to assist, 
the national-liberation movement of the peoples of colonial and dependent coun- 
tries to safeguard national sovereignty, promote democracy and resist the facist 
menace improve the living standards of the working people, secure a shorter 
working week without wage cuts, etc. Millions of social-democrats and some 
social-democratic parties have already in some form or another come out in 
favor of solving these problems. It is safe to say that on overcoming the split 
in its ranks, on achieving unity of action of all its contingents, the working 
class of many capitalist countries could deliver a staggering blow to the policy 
of the ruling circles in the capitalist countries and make them stop preparing 
a new war, repel the offensive of monopoly capital, and have its daily vital 
and democratic demands met. , 

Both in the struggle for the improvement of the living conditions of working 
people, the extension and preservation of their democratic rights, the achieve- 
ment and defense of national independence, for peace among nations, and also 
in the struggle to win power and build socialism, the Communist parties advo- 
cate cooperation with the socialist parties. The Communists have the great 
doctrine of Marxism-Leninism, a doctrine that is consistent, scientifically sub- 
stantiated and borne out by life, and rich international experience in socialist 
construction. They are prepared to hold discussions with social-democrats, for 
they are certain that this is the best way to compare views, ideas, and experience 
with the aim of removing deep-rooted prejudices and the split among the work- 
ing people and of establishing cooperation. 

The imperialist reactionaries, who seek to arouse distrust for the Communist 
movement and its ideology, continue to intimidate the masses by alleging that 
the Communists need wars between states to overthrow the capitalist system 
and establish a Socialist system. 

The Communist parties emphatically reject this slander. The fact that both 
world wars, which were started by the imperialists, ended in socialist revolu- 
tions by no means implies that the way to social revolution goes necessarily 
through world war, especially now that there exists a powerful world system 
of socialism. Marxists-Leninists have never considered that the way to social 
revolution lies through wars between states. 

CHOICE OF SOCIAL SYSTEM CALLED A BASIC RIGHT 

The choice of social system is the inalienable right of the people of each 
country. Socialist revolution is not an item of import and cannot be imposed 
from without. It is a result of the internal development of the country con- 
cerned, of the utmost sharpening of social contradictions in it. 

The Communist parties, which guide themselves by the Marxist-Leninist doc- 
trine, have always been against the export of revolution. At the same time, 
they fight resolutely against imperialist export of counterrevolution. They con- 
sider it their internationalist duty to call on the peoples of all countries to unite, 
to rally all their internal forces, to act vigorously and, relying on the might of 
the world socialist system, to prevent or firmly resist imperialist interference 
in the affairs of any people who have risen in revolution. 

The Marxist-Leninist parties head the struggle of the working class, I lie 
masses of working people, for the accomplishment of the Socialist revolution 
and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in one form or 
another. The forms and course of development of the Socialist revolution will 
depend on the specific balance of the class forces in the country concerned, on 
the organization and maturity of the working class and its vanguard, and on 
l he extent of the resistance put up by (be ruling classes. 






72 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



Whatever form of dictatorship of the proletariat is established, it will always 
signify an extension of democracy, a transition from formal, bourgeois democ- 
racy to genuine democracy, to democracy for working people. 

The Communist parties reaffirm the propositions put forward by the declara- 
tion of 1957 with regard to the forms of transition of different countries from 
capitalism to socialism. 

The declaration points out that the working class and its vanguard— the 
Marxist-Leninist party— seek to achieve the Socialist revolution by peaceful 
means. This would accord with the interests of the working class and the people 
as a whole with the national interests of the country. 

Today in a number of capitalist countries the working class, headed by its 
vanguard, has the opportunity, given a united working class and popular front 
or other workable forms of agreement and political cooperation between the 
different parties and public organizations, to unite a majority of the people, 
win state power without civil war and insure the transfer of the basic means 
of production to the hands of the people. 

Relying on the majority of the people and resolutely rebuffing the opportunist 
elements incapable of relinquishing the policy of compromise with the capitalists 
and landlords, the working class can defeat the reactionary, antipopular forces, 
secure a firm majority in parliament, transform parliament from an instrument 
serving the class interests of the bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the 
working people, launch an extraparliamentary mass struggle, smash the re- 
sistance of the reactionary forces and create the necessary conditions for peace- 
ful realization of the Socialist revolution. 

CLASS STRUGGLE STRESSED AS PATH TO REFORM 

All this will be possible only by broad and ceaseless development of the class 
struggle of the workers, peasant masses, and the urban middle strata against 
big monopoly capital, against reaction, for profound social reforms, for peace 
and socialism. 

In the event of the exploiting classes' resorting to violence against people, the 
possibility of nonpeaeefnl transition to socialism should be borne in mind. 
Leninism teaches, and experience confirms, that the ruling classes never relin- 
quish power voluntarily. In this case the degree of bitterness and the forms 
of the class struggle will depend not so much on the proletariat as on the re- 
sistance put up by the reactionary circles to the will of the overwhelming 
majority of the people, on these circles' using force at one or another stage of 
the struggle for socialism. 

The actual possibility of the one or the other way of transition to socialism 
in each individual country depends on the concrete historical conditions. 

In our time, when communism is not only the most advanced doctrine but 
an actually existing social system which has proved its superiority over 
capitalism, conditions are particularly favorable for expanding the influence 
of the Communist parties, vigorously exposing anticommunism, a slogan under 
which the capitalist class wages its struggle against the proletariat, and winning 
the broadest sections of the working masses for Communist ideas. 

Anticommunism arose at the dawn of the working-class movement as the 
principal ideological weapon of the capitalist class in its struggle against the 
proletariat and Marxist ideology. As the class struggle grew in intensity 
particularly with the formation of the world Socialist system, anticommunism 
became more vicious and refined. 

Anticommunism, which is indicative of a deep ideological crisis in, and extreme 
decline of bourgeois ideology, resorts to monstrous distortions of Marxist doctrine 
and crude slander against the Socialist social system, presents Communist poli- 
cies and objectives in a false light and carries on a witch hunt against the demo- 
cratic peaceful forces and organizations. 

COMMUNIST OBJECTIVES FOR MASSES OUTLINED 

To effectively defend the interests of the working people, maintain peace and 
realize the Socialist ideals of the working class, it is indispensable to wage a 
resolute struggle against anticommunism — that poisoned weapon which the 
bourgeoisie uses to fence off the masses from socialism. 

A greater effort is required in explaining the ideas of socialism to the masses, 
to educate the working people in a revolutionary spirit, to develop their revolu- 
tionary class consciousness and to show all working people the superiority of 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



7:s 



Socialist society by referring to the experience of the countries of the world 
Socialist system, demonstrating in concrete form the benefits which socialism 
will actually give to workers, peasants, and other sections of the population in 
each country. 

Communism assures people freedom from fear of war, lasting peace, freedom 
from imperialist oppression and exploitation, from unemployment and poverty, ( 
general well-being and a high standard of living, freedom from fear of economic 
crises, a rapid growth of the productive forces for the benefit of society as a 
whole, freedom from the tyranny of the moneybag over the individual, all- 
around spiritual development of man, the fullest development of talent, unlimited 
scientific and cultural progress of society. 

All the sections of the population, with the exception of a handful of ex- 
ploiters, stand to gain from the victory of the new social system, and this must 
be brought home to millions of people in the capitalist countries. 

The world Communist movement has become the most influential political 
force of our time, a most important factor in social progress. As it fights bitterly 
against imperialist reaction, for the interests of the working class and all 
working people, for peace, national independence, democracy, and socialism, 
the Communist movement is making steady headway is becoming consolidated 
and steeled. 

COMMUNIST GROWTH HAILED AS VICTORY 

There are now Communist parties active in 87 countries of the world. Their 
total membership exceeds 36 million. This is a signal victory for Marxism- 
Leninism and a tremendous achievement of the working class. 

Likeminded Marxists are rallying in the countries which have shaken off 
colonial tyranny and taken the path of independent development. Communist 
parties consider it their internationalist duty to promote friendship and solidarity 
between the working class of their countries and the working class movement of 
the countries which have won their freedom in the common struggle against 
imperialism. 

The growth of the Communist parties and their organizational consolidation, 
the victories of the Communist parties in a number of countries in the struggle 
against deviations, elimination of the harmful consequences of the personality 
cult, the greater influence of the world Communist movement open new prospects 
for the successful accomplishment of the tasks facing the Communist parties. 

Marxist-Leninist parties regard it as an inviolable law of their activity stead- 
fastly to observe the Leninist standards of party life in keeping with the prin- 
ciple of democratic centralism. They consider that they must cherish party unity 
like the apple of their eye, strictly to adhere to the principle of party democracy 
and collective leadership, for they attach, in keeping with the organizational 
principles of Leninism, great importance to the role of the leading party bodies 
in the life of the party, to work indef atigably for the strengthening of their bonds 
with the party membership and with the broad masses of the working people, not 
to allow the personality cult, which shackles creative thought and initiative of 
Communists, vigorously to promote the activity of Communists, and to encourage 
criticism and self-criticism in their ranks. 

The Communist parties have ideologically defeated the revisionists in their 
ranks who sought to divert them from the Marxist-Leninist path. Each Com- 
munist party and the international Communist movement as a whole have become 
still stronger, ideologically and organizationally, in the struggle against re- 
visionism, rightwing opportunism. 

The Communist parties have unanimously condemned the Yugoslav variety of 
international opportunism, a variety of modern revisionist theories in concen- 
t rated form. After betraying Marxism-Leninism, which they termed obsolete, the 
leaders of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia opposed their anti-Leninist 
revisionist program to the declaration of 1957, they set the League of Communists 
of Yiigoslavia against the international Communist movement as a whole, severed 
I heir country from the Socialist camp, made it dependent on so-called aid from 
United States and other imperialists, and thereby exposed the Yugoslav people 
to the danger of losing the revolutionary gains achieved through a heroic 
struggle. 

SUBVERSION CHARGED TO YUGOSLAV REDS 

The Yugoslav revisionists carry on subversive work agalnsl the Socialist camp 
iukI iik> world Communis* movement Under the pretext of an extra bloc policy, 
they engage In activities which prejudice the unity of nil the peace-loving l 
ii mi countries. Further oxpoi ur« of ths loaders ol toe \ Ufotlav revisionists, and 



74 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



75 



active struggle to safeguard the Communist movement and the working-class 
movement from the anti-Leninist ideas of the Yugoslav revisionists, remains an 
essential task of the Marxist-Leninist parties. 

The practical struggles of the working class and the entire course of social 
development have furnished a brilliant new proof of the great all-conquering 
power and vitality of Marxism-Leninism, and have thoroughly refuted all modern 
revisionist theories. 

The further development of the Communist and working-class movement calls, 
as stated in the Moscow declaration of 1957, for continuing a determined struggle 
on two fronts — against revisionism, which remains the main danger, and against 
dogmatism and sectarianism. 

Revisionism, rightwing opportunism, which mirrors the bourgeois ideology 
in theory and practice, distorts Marxism-Leninism, emasculates its revolutionary 
essence and thereby paralyzes the revolutionary will of the working class, disarms 
and demobilizes the workers, the masses of the working people, in their struggle 
against oppression by imperialists and exploiters, for peace, democracy and 
national liberation, for the triumph of socialism. 

Dogmatism and sectarianism in theory and practice can also become the main 
danger at some stage of development of individual parties, unless combated 
unrelentingly. 

They rob revolutionary parties of the ability to develop Marxism-Leninism 
through scientific analysis and apply it creatively according to the specific con- 
ditions, they isolate Communists from the broad masses of the working people, 
doom them to passive expectation or leftist, adventurist actions in the revolu- 
tionary struggle, prevent them from making a timely and correct estimate of the 
changing situation and of new experience, using all opportunities to bring about 
the victory of the working class and all Democratic forces in the struggle against 
imperialism, reaction and war danger, and thereby prevent the peoples from 
achieving victory in their just struggle. 

UNITY HELD ESSENTIAL AGAINST IMPERIALISTS 

At a time when imperialist reaction is joining forces to fight communism, it is 
particularly imperative vigorously to consolidate the world Communist move- 
ment. Unity and solidarity redouble the strength of our movement and provide 
a reliable guarantee that the great cause of communism will make victorious 
progress and all enemy attacks will be effectively repelled. 

Communists throughout the world are united by the great doctrine of Marxism- 
Leninism and by a joint struggle for its realization. The interests of the Com- 
munist movement require solidarity in adherence by every Communist party to 
the estimates and conclusions concerning the common tasks in the struggle 
against imperialism, for peace, democracy, and socialism, jointly reached by the 
fraternal parties at their meetings. 

The interests of the struggle for the working-class cause demand ever closer 
unity of the ranks of each Communist Party and of the great army of Com- 
munists of all countries, they demand of them unity of will and action. It is 
the supreme internationalist duty of every Marxist-Leninist party to work con- 
tinuously for greater unity in the world Communist movement. 

A resolute defense of the unity of the world Communist movement on the prin- 
ciples of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and the preven- 
tion of any actions which may undermine that unity, are a necessary condition 
for victory in the struggle for national independence, democracy and peace, for 
the successful accomplishment of the tasks of the Socialist revolution and of the 
building of socialism and communism. Violation of these principles would im- 
pair the forces of communism. 

NEED OP FLEXIBILITY IN COMMUNIST PARTY POLICIES 

All the Marxist-Leninist parties are independent and have equal rights, they 
shape their policies according to the specific conditions in their respective coun- 
tries and in keeping with Marxist-Leninist principles, and support each other. 
The success of the working class cause in any country is unthinkable without the 
internationalist solidarity of all Marxist-Leninist parties. Every party is respon- 
sible to the working class to the working people of its country, to the international 
working class and Communist movement as a whole. 

The Communist and workers parties hold meetings whenever necessary to 
discuss urgent problems, to exchange experience, acquaint them selves with each 



others views and positions, work out common views through consultations and 
coordinate joint actions in the struggle for common goals. 

Whenever a party wants to clear up questions relating to the activities at im 
other fraternal party, its leadership approaches the leadership of the party 
concerned. If necessary, they hold meetings and consultations. 

The experience and results of the meetings of representatives of the Com mi i 
nist parties held in recent years, particularly the results of the two major meet- 
ings—that of Novemher, 1957, and this meeting—show that in present-day 
conditions such meetings are an effective form of exchanging views and experi- 
ence, enriching Marxist-Leninist theory by collective effort and elaborating a 
common attitude in the struggle for common objectives. 

The Communist and workers parties unanimously declare that the Communist 
party of the Soviet Union has been, and remains, the universally recognized van- 
guard of the world Communist movement, being the most experienced and 
steeled contingent of the international Communist movement. The experience 
which the Communist party of the Soviet Union has gained in the struggle for 
the victory of the working class, in Socialist construction and in the full-scale 
construction of communism, is of fundamental significance for the whole of the 
world Communist movement. 

The example of the Soviet Communist Party and its fraternal solidarity in- 
spire all the Communist parties in (heir struggle for peace and socialism, and 
represent the revolutionary principles of proletarian internationalism applied in 
practice. 

The historic decisions of the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist party are 
not only of great importance Cor the Soviet Communist Party and Communist 
construction in the U.S.S.R., hut bare Initiated a new stage in the world Com- 
munist movement, and have promoted its development on the basis of Marxism- 
Leninism. 

All Communist and Workers' parties contribute to the development of the 
great theory of Marxism-Leninism. Mutual assistance and support in relations 
between all the fraternal Marxist-Leninist parties embody the revolutionary 
principles of proletari mi i Internationalism applied La practice. 

IDEOLOGICAL ISSUES TERMED SPECIALLY SIGNIFICANT 

Ideological issues are of especial significance today. The exploiting class tries 
to counteract the achievements of socialism by exerting ever greater ideological 
pressure on the masses as it seeks to keep them in spiritual bondage to bourgeois 
ideology. 

Communists regard it as their task to launch a determined offensive on the 
ideological front, to work for the emancipation of the masses from the spiritual 
bondage of all types and forms of bourgeois ideology, including the pernicious in- 
fluence of reformism, to disseminate among the masses progressive ideas making 
for social advancement, the ideas of democratic freedom, the ideology of scientific 
socialism. 

Historical experience shows that the survivals of capitalism in the minds of 
people persist over a long period even after the establishment of a Socialist sys- 
tem. This demands extensive work by the party on the Communist education of 
the masses and a better Marxist-Leninist training and steeling of party and gov- 
ernment cadres. 

Marxism-Leninism is a great integral revolutionary doctrine, the lodestar of 
the working class and working people of the whole world at all stages of their 
great battle for peace, freedom and a better life, for the establishment of the 
most just society, communism. 

Its great creative, revolutionizing power lies in its unbreakable link with life, 
in its continuous enrichment through a comprehensive analysis of reality. On 
the basis of Marxism-Leninism, the community of Socialist countries and the in- 
ternational Communist, working class, and liberation movements have achieved 
great historic successes, and it is only on its basis that all the tasks facing the 
Communist and Workers' parties can be effectively accomplished. 

The meeting sees the further consolidation of the Communist parties on the 
basis of Marxism-Leninism, of proletarian internationalism, as a primary condi- 
tion for the unification of all working class, democratic, and progressive forces, 
at a guarantee of new victories in the great struggle waged by the world Commu- 
nist and working-class movement for a happy future for the whole of mankind, 
Cor the triumph of the cause of peace and socialism. 



76 COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 

Appendix I-A 

[From Political Affairs, January. 1961] 

Statement by 81 Marxist-Leninist Parties 

Representatives of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties consulted to- 
qether for an extended period of time in November, 1960. t On December 
5 1960 these Parties unanimously adopted a Statement; this historic docu- 
ment is printed in full in the following pages in an authorized transla- 
tion. — The Editor. _ . ,. , , 
Representatives of the Communist and Workers' Parties have discussed at 
this Meeting urgent problems of the present international situation and or 
the further struggle for peace, national independence, democracy and socialism. 
The Meeting has shown unity of views among the participants on the issues 
discussed. The Communist and Workers' Parties have unanimously Reaffirmed 
their allegiance to the Declaration and Peace Manifesto adopted in 1957. Inese 
program documents of creative Marxism-Leninism determined the fundamental 
positions of the international Communist movement on the more important issues 
of our time and contributed in great measure toward uniting the efforts of the 
Communist and Workers' Parties in the struggle to achieve «^™ g°Sd 
They remain the banner and guide to action for the whole of the international 

C Th^ U course"of "eTents in the past three years has demonstrated the correctness 
of the analysis of the international situation and the outlook for world develop- 
ment as given in the Declaration and Peace Manifesto, and the great scientific 
force and effective role of creative Marxism-Leninism. — 

The chief result of these years is the rapid growth of the might and inter- 
national influence of the world socialist system, the vigorous process of disinte- 
gration of the colonial system under the impact of the "*»^****" 
movement, the intensification of class struggles m the capitalist world, and the 
TZinued decline and decay of the world capitalist system ™ejuperior«y 
of the forces of socialism over those of imperialism, of the forces of peace over 
those of war, is becoming ever more marked in the world arena. 

Nevertheless, imperialism, which is intent on maintaining its positions, sabo- 
tages disarmament, seeks to prolong the cold war and aggravate it to the ut- 
St and™ ists n preparing a new world war. This situation demands ever 
Soser joint efforts and resolute actions on the part of the socialist countries, 
the international working class, the national anti-imperialist movement, all 
peace-loving countries and all peace champions, to prevent war and assure a 
peaceful £fe for people. It demands the further consolidation of an revolu- 
tionary forces in the fight against imperialism, for national independence, and 
for socialism. 

Our time, whose main content is the transition from capitalism to socialism 
initiated by the Great October Socialist Revolution, is a time of struggle between 
the two opposing social systems, a time of socialist revolutions and nationa - 
deration revolutions, a time of the breakdown of imperialism «f the aboli- 
tion of the colonial system, a time of transition of more peoples to the socialist 
nath of the triumph of socialism and communism on a world-wide scale. 

n\Tme principal characteristic of our time that the world socialist system 
in becomino the decisive factor in the development of society. 

TrSrength and invincibility of socialism have been demonstrated in recent 
decades in titanic battles between the new and old worlds. Attempts by the 
fmperSlists and their shock force-fa scism-to check the course of historical 
d^Smentbv force of arms ended in failure. Imperialism proved powerless 
t^o stopThe socLust revolutions in Europe and Asia. Socialism ^ame a world 
Astern The imperialists tried to hamper the economic progress of the socialist 
countries but Mr siemes were foiled. The imperialists did all in their power 
tTmSSve the system of colonial slavery, but that system is falling apart 
As Se^ld wciaStsystem grows stronger, the international situation changes 
more and more Tn favor of the peoples fighting for independence, democracy 

"rotfSf 1 ifis^tte world socialist system and the forces lighting «£»* «£ 
nerialism for a socialist transformation of society, that determine the main 
IZTtmaZ trend and main features of the historical ^SS^wLSrt^L 
Whatever efforts imperialism makes, it cannot slop the advOn* <•! Mttory. a 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



77 



reliable basis has been provided for further decisive victories for MotaUffH. 'In- 
complete triumph of socialism ts inevitable TAnin's nrediction that the 
ThP course of social development proves right Lenin s prediction uuov 

But no matter what «^» "^^ ^^df u %? monopolies are in irreconcilable 

ss?sssJ^s«^Ssffiffiius™ of — sm by 

militarism are aggravating :^^adicSonssWI totter. ^ _ 

"SflS&S"? SLli»t ---j^ySSSi. Xr"t?e conSKoS 
some capitalist countnes is increasing to some degree or otne , lllternatl0Ml 

° f &VS2 cartStTonnttiS arelaced^tttte ttreat of new economic 
*"£ C -irwhS sUl graZ^ing with the consequences of the recent economic 

K T ^ W ^SHSm?^piSe U ^r^^SrmZS 

Capitalist concentration is assuming unpreceae *u*u u ' atly intensified 

class in some countries succeecteu in wi«u s ^ pre-war. 

In many capitalist countries .however the *»*™^£g&i^ was provided 

Sra^S'^S^I^^^SSu appalling, and these. , , 

over, continue to expand. w hirh bourgeois ideologists and n> 

• TheSe . ta ^^Z^^t^tm^e^J^^^ became »peo 

jjff^jas^Jftsra «■ 



78 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



inner-state organizations ^^^fA^St^S 
actually lead to increased j»tag«*«> .*** stniggte bjg~ «» uTmarfcet 

aSnglne &? r ^^^m«1^^ * *-&- imperialist 
states of the economy of their weaker ^tn e rs gtateg of 

unable to use all the productive forces at *s commana ^ America - 

^f^ps^^^^ 

,ng chiefly to the policy of military blocs and economic ^J*M*^J 
sovereignty of developed capitalist ™uMries « ™ L M h h ame( j ltseU 

^rr ra^LrofTepaSn! ^w waTofTggression and carrying on 

fight in «J«*^^^t£SS ?«C» in re- 
tion, working-class and socialist movements. %' .. f f that jj #. imperialism 

" ^syXnTof S^ffiT^T** United States Is being ^weahened 
both by the strnggle going on between thei r ^Yuon of these ^ blocs Xne 

ssssi KtssBsasSK ass AS«sa 

^Tnf^oS'a^Sg'^ib growing determination to fight imperialism A 

Sfn ImSa An anti-colonial movement for freedom and national independ- 
I,atin America, ivu a Africa. The anti-imperialist national up- 

nioole The struggle for democracy, agaiust the reactionary regime of per- 
people. ^.""oThPrin^ momentum in France. There have been big working- 
sonal power, is %lff™Z m0 ™™S a Uruguay, Chile, India, Britain, Canada, 
BeffiumTnd 1 other ^^l^T&zt Ihe'kctions of the Negro people in 
fh ffitodStaS f or their fundamental rights are assuming a mass character. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



79 



There is a growing desire to unite the national forces against the fascist dic- 
tatorships in Spain and Portugal, and the democratic movement is gaining 
strength in Greece. Tyrannical military regimes have been overthrown in 
Colombia and Venezuela, a blow has been dealt to frankly pro-American puppet 
governments in South Korea and Turkey. A national-democratic movement, 
directed against the U.S. imperialists and their flunkeys, is developing in South 
Vietnam and Laos. The Indonesian people are doing away with the economic 
positions the imperialists still retain in that country, particularly the positions 
held by the Dutch colonialists. The mass movement in defence of peace is 
gaining ground in all continents. All this is graphic evidence that the tide of 
anti-imperialist, national-liberation, anti-war and class struggles is rising ever 

higher 

A new stage has begun in the development of the general crisis of capitalism. 
This is shown by the triumph of socialism in a large group of European and 
Asian countries embracing one-third of mankind, the powerful growth of the 
forces fighting for socialism throughout the world and the steady weakening 
of the imperialists' positions in the economic competition with socialism; 
the tremendous new upsurge of the national-liberation struggle and the mount- 
ing disintegration of the colonial system; the growing instability of the 
entire world economic system of capitalism ; the sharpening contradictions of 
capitalism resulting from the growth of state-monopoly capitalism and militarism ; 
the increasing contradictions between monopolies and the interests of the 
nation as a whole; the curtailment of bourgeois democracy and the tendency 
to adopt autocratic and fascist methods of government; and a profound crisis 
in bourgeois politics and ideology. This stage is distinguished by the fact that 
it has set in not as a result of the world war, but in the conditions of competi- 
tion and struggle between the two systems, an increasing change in the balance 
of forces in favor of socialism, and a marked aggravation of all the contradic- 
tions of imperialism. It has taken place at a time when a successful struggle 
bv the peace-loving forces to bring about and promote peaceful co-existence has 
prevented the imperialists from undermining world peace by their aggressive 
actions, and in an atmosphere of growing struggle by the broad masses of the 
people for democracy, national liberation and socialism. 

All the revolutionary forces are rallying against imperialist oppression and 
exploitation. The peoples who are building socialism and communism, the 
revolutionary movement of the working class in the capitalist countries, the 
national-liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples and the general democratic 
movement— these great forces of our time are merging into one powerful 
current that undermines and destroys the world imperialist system. The central 
factors of our day are the international working class and its chief creation, 
the world socialist system. They are an earnest of victory in the struggle for 
peace, democracy, national liberation, socialism and human progress. 

II 

A new stage has begun in the development of the world socialist system. 
The Soviet Union is successfully carrying on the full-scale construction of a 
communist society. Other countries of the socialist camp are successfully lay- 
ing the foundations of socialism, and some of them have already entered the 
period of construction of a developed socialist society. 

The socialist system as a whole has scored decisive victories These victories 
sismifv the triumph of Marxism-Leninism ; they show clearly to all the peoples 
who are under the domination of capital that a society based on tins science 
opens up immense opportunities for the fullest development of economy and 
culture for the provision of a high standard of living and a peaceful and 

^^he'so^et^opre, successfully carrying out the Seven-Tear Economic De- 
velopment Plant are rapidly building up a material and technical basis for 
communism. Soviet science ha s ushered in what is virtually a new era in the 
development of world civilization ; it has initiated the exploration of outer space 
furnishing impressive evidence of the economic and technical might of the 
socialist camp. The Soviet Union is the first country in history to be blazing 
a trail to communism for all mankind. It is the most striking example and 
most powerful bulwark for the peoples of the world in their struggle for peace, 
democratic freedoms, national independence and social progress. 



0M4K in 



80 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



The people's revolution in China dealt a crushing blow at the positions of 
imperialism in Asia and contributed in great measure to the balance of the 
world forces changing in favor of socialism. By giving a further powerful 
impetus to the national-liberation movement, it exerted tremendous influence 
on the peoples, especially those of Asia, Africa and Latin America. 

The people's democratic republics of Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, the German 
Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam, China, the Korean 
People's Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Poland, Rumania and the Czechoslovak 
Socialist Republic, which, together with the great Soviet Union, form the mighty 
socialist camp, have within a historically short period made remarkable progress 
in socialist construction. 

People's government in these countries has proved its unshakable solidity. 
Socialist relations of production predominate in the national economy; the 
exploitation of man by man has been abolished forever, or is being abolished. 
The success of the policy of socialist industrialization has led to a great 
economic upsurge in the socialist countries, which are developing tbeir economy 
much faster than the capitalist countries. All these countries have established 
a developed industry ; agrarian in the past, they have become, or are becoming, 
industrial-agrarian countries. 

In recent years all the People's Democracies have solved, or have been success- 
fully solving, the most difficult problem of socialist construction, that of trans- 
ferring the peasantry, on a voluntary basis, from the road of small private 
farming to the road of large-scale co-operative farming on socialist lines. Lenin's 
co-operative plan has proved its great vitality both for countries where the 
peasants' attachment to private land ownership was a long-standing tradition 
and for countries that have recently put an end to feudal relations. The 
fraternal alliance of workers and peasants, which is led by the working class, 
and the maintenance and consolidation of which is, as Lenin taught, a supreme 
principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat, has grown stronger. In the 
course of socialist construction this alliance of two classes of working people, 
which constitutes the political foundation of the socialist system, develops con- 
tinuously, and further strengthens people's rule under the leadership of the 
working class and promotes the socialist reorganization of agriculture in accord- 
ance with the Leninist principle of voluntary co-operation of the peasantry. 

Historic changes have taken place in the social structure of society. The 
classes of landlords and capitalists no longer exist in the People's Democracies. 
The working class has become the main force of society ; its ranks are growing ; 
its political consciousness and maturity have increased. Socialism has delivered 
the peasantry from age-long poverty and has made it an active force in social 
progress. A new, socialist intelligentsia, flesh of the flesh of the working people, 
is arising. All citizens have free access to knowledge and culture. Socialism has 
thus created not only political but material conditions for the cultural develop- 
ment of society, for the all-round and complete development of the gifts and 
abilities of man. The standard of life of the people is improving steadily thanks 
to economic progress. 

An unbreakable alliance of the working people of all nationalities has formed 
and has been consolidated in multi-national socialist states. The triumph of 
Marxist-Leninist national policy in the socialist countries, genuine equality of 
nationalities, and their economic and cultural progress serve as an inspiring 
example for the peoples fighting against national oppression. 

In the People's Democracies, socialist ideology has achieved notable successes 
in its struggle against bourgeois ideology. It is a long struggle that will go on 
until the complete emancipation of the minds of people from the survivals of 
bourgeois ideology. 

The moral and political unity of society, which for the first time in history has 
come into existence and firmly established itself in the Soviet Union, is growing 
now in the other socialist countries as well. This makes it possible to use the 
creative energy of free workers most effectively for promoting the growth of the 
productive forces and the prosperity of socialist society. 

Socialist society is improving steadily and becoming more and more mature; 
day after day it gives rise to a Communist attitude to labor and other elements 
of the future Communist society. The methods of socialist economic management 
and economic planning are steadily improving. Socialist democracy continues 
to develop ; the masses are playing an increasing role in directing economic and 
cultural development ; certain functions of the state are being gradually trans- 
ferred to public organizations. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



81 



Today the restoration of capitalism has been made socially and economically 
impossible not only in the Soviet Union, but in the other socialist countries as 
well. The combined forces of the socialist camp reliably safeguard every socialist 
country against encroachments by imperialist reaction. Thus the rallying of the 
socialist states in one camp and the growing unity and steadily increasing 
strength of this camp ensure complete victory for socialism within the entire 



Thanks to the heroic effort of the working class and the peasantry and to 
the tremendous work of the Communist and Workers' Parties, most favorable 
objective opportunities have been provided in the past years for the further 
rapid development of the productive forces, for gaining the maximum time and 
achieving victory for the socialist countries in peaceful economic competition 
with capitalism. The Marxist-Leninist Parties heading the socialist countries 
consider it their duty to make proper use of these opportunities. 

Having achieved major victories and withstood serious tests, the Communist 
Parties have gained ample and varied experience in directing socialist construc- 
tion. The socialist countries and the socialist camp as a whole owe their achieve- 
ments to the proper application of the general objective laws governing socialist 
construction, with due regard to the historical peculiarities of each country and 
to the interests of the entire socialist system ; they owe them to the efforts of the 
peoples of those countries, to their close fraternal cooperation and mutual inter- 
nationalist assistance, and above all, to the fraternal, internationalistic assist- 
ance from the Soviet Union. 

The experience of development of the socialist countries is added evidence 
that mutual assistance and support, and utilization of all the advantages of unity 
and solidarity among the countries of the socialist camp, are a primary interna- 
tional condition for their achievements and successes. Imperialist, renegade 
and revisionist hopes of a split within the socialist camp are built on sand 
and doomed to failure. All the socialist countries cherish the unity of the 
socialist camp like the apple of their eye. 

The world economic system of socialism is united by common socialist rela- 
tions of production and is developing in accordance with the economic laws of 
socialism. Its successful development requires consistent application, in socialist 
construction, of the law of planned, proportionate development; encouragement 
of the creative initiative of the people ; continuous improvement of the system 
of international division of labor through the co-ordination of national economic 
plans specialization and co-operation in production within the world socialist 
system on the basis of voluntary participation, mutual benefit and vigorous 
improvement of the scientific and technological standard. It requires study ol 
collective experience, extended co-operation and fraternal mutual assistance; 
gradual elimination, along these lines, of historical differences in I lie levels ,.1 
economic development, and the provision of a material basis for :i more or less 
simultaneous transition of all the peoples of the socialist system to communism. 

Socialist construction in the various «•(. unifies is :i source "t collective experi- 
ence for the socialist camp as a whole. A thorough Btudy oi this experience Dy 
the fraternal parties, and its proper utilization and elaboration will, due regard 
to specific conditions and national peculiarities are an Immutable law <>i the 
development of every socialist country. ,,..,.,. , ■ *. „ 

In developing Industrial and agricultural production m their countries at a 
high rate in keeping with the possibilities they have, the Communist and 
Workers' Parlies of Hie socialist countries consider it their internationalist duty 
to make full use of all the advantages of the socialist system and the internal 
resources of every country to carry out, by joint effort and as speedily as pos- 
sible the historic task of surpassing the world capitalist system m overall in- 
dustrial and agricultural production and then outstrip the economically most 
developed capitalist countries in per capita output and in the standard of living. 
To carry out this task, it is necessary steadily to improve political and eco- 
nomic work, continuously to improve the methods of economic management and. 
to run the socialist economy along scientific lines. This calls for higher produc- 
tivity of labor to be achieved through continuous technical progress, economic 
planning, strict observance of the Leninist principle of providing material in- 
centives and moral stimuli to work for the good of society by heightening the 
political consciousness of the people, and for control over the measure of labor 
and consumption. .. . 

To provide a material basis for the transition of the socialist countries to 
communism, It is indispensable to achieve a high level of production through the 
, r • | he titles! techniques, electrification of the national economy, and mecha- 



82 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



nization and automation of production, without which it is impossible to provide 
the abundance of consumer goods required by a communist society. On this 
basis, it is necessary to develop communist social relations, vigorously promote 
the political consciousness of the people and educate the members of the new, 
communist society. 

The socialist camp is a social, economic and political community of free and 
sovereign peoples united by the close bonds of international socialist solidarity, 
by common interests and objectives, and following the path of socialism and com- 
munism. It is an inviolable law of the mutual relations between socialist coun- 
tries strictly to adhere to the principles of Marxism-Leninism and socialist 
internationalism. Every country in the socialist camp is ensured genuinely equal 
rights and independence. Guided by the principles of complete equality, mu- 
tual advantage and comradely mutual assistance, the socialist states improve 
their all-round economic, political and cultural cooperation, which meets both the 
interests of each socialist country and those of the socialist camp as a whole. 

One of the greatest achievements of the world socialist system is the practical 
confirmation of the Marxist-Leninist thesis that national antagonisms diminish 
with the decline of class antagonisms. In contrast to the laws of the capitalist 
system, which is characterized by antagonistic contradictions between classes, 
nations and states leading to armed conflicts, there are no objective causes in the 
nature of the socialist system for contradictions and conflicts between the peoples 
and states belonging to it. Its development leads to greater unity among the 
states and nations and to the consolidation of all the forms of cooperation be- 
tween them. Under socialism, the development of national economy, culture 
and statehood goes hand in hand with the strengthening and development of the 
entire world socialist system, and with an ever greater consolidation of the unity 
of nations. The interests of the socialist system as a whole and national inter- 
ests are harmoniously combined. It is on this basis that the moral and political 
unity of all the peoples of the great socialist community has arisen and has 
been growing. Fraternal friendship and mutual assistance of peoples, born of 
the socialist system, have superseded the political isolation and national egoism 
typical of capitalism. 

The common interests of the peoples of the socialist countries and the interests 
of peace and socialism demand the proper combination of the principles of social- 
ist internationalism and socialist patriotism in politics. Every Communist 
Party which has become the ruling party in the state, bears historical responsi- 
bility for the destinies of both its country and the entire socialist camp. 

The declaration of 1957 points out quite correctly that undue emphasis on 
the role of national peculiarities and departure from the universal truth of 
Marxism-Leninism regarding the socialist revolution and socialist construction 
prejudice the common cause of socialism. The Declaration also states quite 
correctly that Marxism-Leninism demands creative application of the general 
principles of socialist revolution and socialist construction depending on the 
specific historical conditions in the country concerned, and does not permit of a 
mechanical copying of the policies and tactics of the Communist Parties of other 
countries. Disregard of national peculiarities may lead the party of the prole- 
tariat to being isolated from reality, from the masses, and may injure the 
socialist cause. 

Manifestations of nationalism and national narrow-mindedness do not disap- 
pear automatically with the establishment of the socialist system. If fraternal 
relations and friendship between the socialist countries are to be strengthened, 
it is necessary that the Communist and Workers' Parties pursue a Marxist- 
Leninist internationalist policy, that all working people be educated in a spirit 
of internationalism and patriotism, and that a resolute struggle be waged to 
eliminate the survivals of bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism. 

The Communist and Workers' Parties tirelessly educate the working people 
in the spirit of socialist internationalism and intolerance of all manifestations 
of nationalism and chauvinism. Solid unity of the Communist and Workers' 
Parties and of the peoples of the socialist countries, and their loyalty to Marx- 
ism-Leninism are the main source of the strength and invincibility of each 
socialist country and the socialist camp as a whole. 

In blazing a trail of communism, the peoples of the socialist countries are 
creating a prototype of a new society for all mankind. The working people of 
the capitalist world are following the constructive effort of the builders of 
socialism and communism with keen interest. This makes the Marxist-Leninist 
Parties and the peoples of the socialist countries accountable to the international 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



83 



working-class movement for the successful building of socialism and communism. 

The Communist and Workers' Parties see it as their task indefatigably to 
strengthen the great socialist community of nations, whose international role in 
and influence upon the course of world Events are growing from year to year. 

The time has come when the socialist states have, by forming a world 
system, become an international force exerting a powerful influence on world 
development. There are now real opportunities of solving cardinal problems 
of modem times in a new way, in the interest of peace, democracy, and 
socialism. 

The problem of war and peace is the most burning problem of our time. 

War is a constant companion of capitalism. The system of exploitation 
of man by man and the system of extermination of man by man are two 
aspects of the capitalist system. Imperialism has already inflicted two devas- 
tating world wars on mankind and now threatens to plunge it into an even more 
terrible catastrophe. Monstrous means of mass annihilation and destruction 
have been developed which, if used in a new war, can cause unheard-of destruc- 
tion to entire countries and reduce key centers of world industry and culture 
to ruins. Such a war would bring death and suffering to hundreds of millions 
of people, among them people in countries not involved in it. Imperialism spells 
grave danger to the whole of mankind. 

The peoples must now be more vigilant than ever. As long as imperialism 
exists there will be soil for wars of aggression. 

The peoples of all countries know that the danger of a new world war still 
persists. U.S. imperialism is the main force of aggression and war. Its policy 
embodies the ideology of militant reaction. The U.S. imperialists, together 
with the imperialists of Britain, France, and West Germany, have drawn many 
countries into NATO, CENTO, SEATO, and other military blocs under the 
guise of combating the "communist menace" ; it has enmeshed the so-called 
"free world," that is, capitalist countries which depend on them, in a network 
of military bases spearheaded first and foremost against the socialist countries. 
The existence of these blocs and bases endangers universal peace and security 
and not only encroaches upon the sovereignty but also imperils the very life of 
those countries which put their territory at the disposal of the U.S. militarists. 

The imperialist forces of the U.S.A., Britain, and France have made a crim- 
inal deal with West-German imperialism. In West Germany, militarism has 
been revived and the restoration is being pushed ahead of a vast regular army 
under the command of Hitler generals, which the U.S. imperialists are equip- 
ping with nuclear and rocket weapons and other modern means of mass annihi- 
lation, a fact which draws emphatic protests from the peace-loving peoples. 
Military bases are being provided for this aggressive army in France and other 
West-European countries. The threat to peace and the security of the Euro- 
pean nations from West-German imperialism, is increasing. The West German 
revenge-seekers openly declare their intention to revise the border* established 
after the Second World War. Like the Hitler clique in its day, the Wesl- 
German militarists are preparing war against (he socialist and oilier countries 
of Europe, and strive to effect their own aggressive plans. West Berlin has 
been transformed into a seat of Internationa] provocation. The Bonn state 
has become the chief enemy of peaceful coexistence, disarmament, and relaxation 
of tension in Europe. 

The aggressive plans of the West German imperialists must be opposed by 
the united might of all the peace loving countries and nations of Europe. An 
especially big part in the struggle against the aggressive designs of the West- 
German militarists is played by the German Democratic Republic. The Meet- 
ing regards it as the duty of all the countries of the socialist camp and of all 
the peace-loving peoples to defend the German Democratic Republic—the out- 
post of socialism in Western Europe and the true expression of the peace 
aspirations of the German nation. 

The U.S. imperialists are also busy reviving the hotbed of war in the Far 
East. Trampling upon the national independence of the Japanese people and 
contrary to their will, they have, in collusion with the Japanese reactionary 
ruling circles, imposed upon Japan a new military treaty which pursues aggres- 
sive aims against the Soviet Union, the Chinese People's Republic, and other 
peace loving countries. The U.S. invaders have occupied the island of Taiwan, 
which belongs to the Chinese People's Republic, and South Korea and are 
interfering more and more in the affairs of South Viet-Nam; they have turned 
them Into hotbeds of dangerous military provocations and gambles. Threaten- 



84 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS* PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



85 



ing Cuba with aggression and interfering in the affairs of the peoples of Latin 
America, Africa, and the Middle East, the U.S. imperialists strive to create 
new seats of war in different parts of the world. They use such forms of 
regional alliance as, for example, the Organization of American States, to 
retain their economic and political control and to involve the peoples of Latin 
America in the realization of their aggressive schemes. 

The U.S. imperialists have set up a huge war machinery and refuse to allow 
its reduction. The imperialists frustrate all constructive disarmament proposals 
by the Soviet Union and other peaceful countries. The arms race is going on. 
Stockpiles of nuclear weapons are becoming dangerously large. Defying protests 
from their own people and the peoples of other countries, particularly in the 
African continent, the French ruling circles are testing and manufacturing 
atomic weapons. The U.S. militarists are preparing to resume disastrous atomic 
tests; military provocations that threaten serious international conflicts con- 
tinue. . . .. ._ , . 

The U.S. ruling circles have wrecked the Paris meeting of the Heads ot 
Government of the four Great Powers by their policy of provocations and aggres- 
sive acts, and have set out to increase international tension and aggravate the 
cold war. The war menace has grown. 

The imperialist provocations against peace have aroused the indignation and 
resistance of the peoples. U.S. imperialism has exposed itself still more and 
its influence in the world has sustained fresh and telling blows. 

The aggressive nature of imperialism has not changed. But real forces have 
appeared that are capable of foiling its plans of aggression. War is not fatally 
inevitable. Had the imperialists been able to do what they wanted, they would 
already have plunged mankind into the abyss of the calamities and horrors of 
a new world war. But the time is past when the imperialists could decide at 
will whether there should or should not be war. More than once in the past 
years the imperialists have brought mankind to the brink of world catastrophe 
by starting local wars. The resolute stand of the Soviet Union, of the other 
socialist states and of all the peaceful forces put an end to the Anglo-Franco- 
Israeli intervention in Egypt, and averted a military invasion of Syria, Iraq 
and some other countries by the imperialists. The heroic people of Algeria 
continue their valiant battle for independence and freedom. The peoples of the 
Congo and Laos are resisting the criminal acts of the imperialists with increasing 
firmness. Experience shows that it is possible to combat effectively the local 
wars started by the imperialists, and to stamp out successfully the hotbeds of 
such wars. 

The time has come when the attempts of the imperialist aggressors to start a 
world war can he curbed,. World war can be prevented by the joint efforts of 
the world socialist camp, the international working class, the national-liberation 
movement, all the countries opposing war and all peace-loving forces. 

The development of international relations in our day is determined by the 
struggle of the two social systems — the struggle of the forces of socialism, 
peace and democracy against the forces of imperialism, reaction and aggres- 
sion — a struggle in which the superiority of the forces of socialism, peace and 
democracy is becoming increasingly obvious. 

For the first time in history, war is opposed by great and organized forces : 
the mighty Soviet Union, which now leads the world in the decisive branches 
of science technology; the entire socialist camp, which has placed its great 
material and political might at the service of peace ; a growing number of peace- 
loving countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, which have a vital interest 
in preserving peace ; the international working class and its organizations, above 
all the Communist Parties ; the national-liberation movement of the peoples of 
the colonies and dependent countries ; the world peace movement ; and the neu- 
tral countries which want no share in the imperialist policy of war, and advo- 
cate peaceful coexistence. The policy of peaceful coexistence is also favored 
by a definite section of the bourgeoisie of the developed capitalist countries, 
which takes a sober view of the relationship of forces and of the dire conse- 
quences of a modern war. The broadest possible united front of peace sup- 
porters, fighters against the imperialist policy of aggression and war inspired 
by U.S. imperialism, is essential to preserve world peace. Concerted and vig- 
orous actions of all the forces of peace can safeguard the peace and prevent a 
new war. 







The democratic and peace forces today have no task more pressing than that 
of safeguarding humanity against a global themonuclear disaster. The unpre- 
cedented destructive power of modern means of warfare demands that the 
main actions of the anti-war and peace-loving forces be directed towards pie- 
venting war. The struggle against war cannot be put off until war breaks out, 
for thin it may prove too late for many areas of the globe and for their popula- 
tion to combat it. The struggle against the threat of a new war must be waged 
now and not when atom and hydrogen bombs begin to fall, and it must gam in 
strength from day to day. The important thing is to curb the aggressors m good 
time, to prevent war, and not let it break out. 

To fight for peace today means to maintain the greatest Vigilance, mde- 
fatigably to lay bare the policy of the imperialists, to keep a watchful eye on the 
intrigues and maneuvers of the warmongers, arouse the righteous indignation of 
the peoples against those who are heading for war, organize the peace forces 
still better, continuously intensify mass actions for peace, and promote cooper- 
ation with all countries which have no interest in new wars. In the countries 
where the imperialists have established war bases, it is necessary to step up 
the struggle for their abolition, which is an important factor for fortifying 
national independence, defending soverignity, and preventing war. The strug- 
gle of the peoples against the militarization of their countries should be com- 
bined with the struggle against the capitalist monopolies connected with the 
U S imperialists. Today as never before, it is important to fight persevermgly 
in all countries to make the peace movement thrive and extend to towns and 
villages, factories and ofiices. . 

The peace movement is the broadest movement of our time, involving people 
of diverse political and religious creeds, of diverse classes of society, who are all 
united by the noble urge to prevent, new wars and to secure enduring peace. 
Further consolidation of the world socialist .system will be of prime impor- 
tance in preserving durable peace. So long as there is no disarmament, the 
socialist countries must maintain their defence potential at an adequate level. 
In the opinion of Communists the tasks which must be accomplished first 
of all if peace is l<» be safeguarded are to stop the arms race, ban nuclear weap- 
ons their tests and production, dismantle foreign war bases and withdraw 
foreign troops from other countries, disband military blocs, conclude a peace 
treaty with Germany, turn West Berlin into a demilitarized free city, thwart 
the designs of the West German revanchists, and prevent the revival of Japanese 
militarism. „ • ■ •, ,, 

History has placed a great responsibility for warding off a new world war 
first and foremost on the international working class. The imperialists plot 
and join forces to start a thermonuclear war. The international working class 
must close its ranks to save mankind from the disaster of a new world war. No 
political, religious or other differences should be an obstacle to all the forces of 
the working class uniting against the war danger. The hour has struck to 
counter the forces of war by the mighty will and joint action of all the con- 
tingents and organizations of the world proletariat, to unite its forces to avert 
world war and safeguard peace. m 

The Communist Parties regard the fight Cor peace as their prime task. They 
call on the working class, trade unions, co-operatives, women's and youth leagues 
and organizations, on all working people, irrespective of their political and 
religious convictions, firmly to repulse by mass struggles all acts of aggression 
on the part of the imperialists. 

But should the imperialist maniac start war, the peoples will sweep capitalism 
out of existence and bury it. 

The foreign policy of the socialist countries rests on the firm foundation ot 
the Leninist principle of peaceful coexistence and economic competition between 
the socialist and capitalist countries. In conditions of peace, the socialist sys- 
tem increasingly reveals its advantages over the capitalist system in all fields of 
economy, culture, science and technology. The near future will bring the forces 
of peace and socialism new successes. The U.S.S.R. will become the leading 
industrial power of the world. China will become a mighty industrial state. 
The socialist system will be turning out more than half the world industrial 
product. The peace zone will expand. The working-class movement in the 
capitalist countries and the national-liberation movement in the colonies and 
dependencies will achieve new victories. The disintegration of the colonial sys- 
tem will become completed. The superiority of the forces of socialism and peace 

win be absolute, in these conditions a real possibility will have, arisen to cw- 



86 COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 

different social systems advanced by Lemn and further eMOOTatei. 2oft ^ 

^o^^^oSsTS^Set^ol other Communist and 

Workers' Parties. Phinp<5P People's Republic and the 

K e T p^o e r^dt P Sd?» 

SStSft £.«£-* of peace J^ff£!SSSSSS» destructive war- 

=n t V,=^^^ 

complete disarmament unde. ' ;ntemaUona j^ eont rol, the set Ue me ^ ^ 
national disputes through negotiation^ respect ^toi -tee equ j ( ln cach 

^^^^^"S^rA^fS^J^^ and science 

nh« n ^^ 

&■££. ^rspffirnSr saw ^ «, * «*****, ^ 

time is worldng for socialism against capitalism mobnizing the ma sses and 

The policy of peaceful coexistence » aP^£ ^cT PeaSul coexistence of 

launching vigorous action against the enen lies "J^e. the revigionist s claim. 

states does not imply V^Z^S^t^^SS^ *> rm of class struggle 
The coexistence of states ^.Jf^SaSrf peaceful coexistence favor- 
between socialism and , ^^ah^ In condi mns of pea n^ ^ ^ ^ 

able opportunities ; are ' Provided for t^eve P ^ peoples of the 

capitalist countries and the ^a^onai lioerau tnrn the successes of the revolu- 
colonial and ^^ -untrm^ * fethe r turn^th = coexistence . Th 

tionary class and ° atl ?, na ^^%^°? o b f L " t S i f v & e f alth of the people in the possi- 
S^S^lSSTpiSS SSlSSf^oeterndnaaon to prevent world 
bility of furthering p ecu, ^ u neoole to weaken imperialism and limit 

TeaSl coexistence of countries with different social systems , do<* not mean 
coupon »< the -,„ 

pSies n 1rtt a tSum°ph h „f sSfst ideas' But idJo-.ogical and political disputes 

complete disarmament pui jut wu, » realize this program means to 

importance for MedesUmes ^ ^^^^^^^^ it is not easy 
eliminate the very po ss J^yo* StancI of the imperialists. Hence it is essen- 
HnlTo ^a^a^aS o^e^ed^nSS against the aggressive imperialist 
tial to wage an .active i arm program into practice. It is necessary to 

forces with the ain o J™^ ^ al | and to striv e perseveringly to achieve 
wage this struggle -onan ncrea >i *> manufacture of nuclear weapons, 

tangible \^ l ^^^™lSS^i ^rb&ees on foreign soil and a substantial 

SSESKSSss sssattsraMsa 



COMMUNIST AiNTD WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



S7 



and other pern-.- loving eomitttea, by the international working class and the 
brold masses in all countries, it is possible to isolate the aggressive circles, foil 
?Je arms ml.' and war preparations, and force the imperialists into an agree- 

"Sa^Is'^l^^mn^ar-deterrent, nor does it make for a high degree of 
employ h. 1 and well-being of the population. It leads to war. Only a handful 
o?mo> - ics n war speculators are interested in the arms race. In the capi- 
?alSt Zntits the people constantly demand that military expenditures be re. 
ducedTd he fuMs thus released be used to improve the living conditions of 
^ masses In each country, it is necessary to promote a broad mass movement 
for the use of the funds and resources to be released through disarmament for 
the needs of civilian production, housing, health, public education, social secu- 
ritvscmntiflc research, etc. Disarmament has now become a fighting slogan of 
the masses, a pressing historical necessity. By an active and resolute struggle, 
the imperialists must be made to meet this demand of the peoples. 

Tte Communist and Worker's Parties of the socialist countries will go on con- 
sistently ZS the policy of peaceful coexistence of states with different 
soS system^ "and doing their utmost to spare the peoples the horrors and 
Amities of a new war They will display the greatest vigilance towards im- 
pS smf vfgorSy Strengthen the might and defensive capacity of the en ire 
socialSrcamp and take every step to safeguard the security of the peoples and 

^ff^Communists regard it as their historical mission not only to abolish 
exploitation and poverty on a world scale and rule out for all time the pa* 
sibility of any kind of war in the life of human society but also to deliver 
mankind from the nightmare of a new world war already in our time. The 
™2mTnist Parties will devote all their strength and energy to this great 
historical mission. 

National-liberation revolutions have triumphed in vast areas of the world. 
About forty new sovereign states have arisen in Asia and Africa in the fifteen 
post war years. The victory of the Cuban revolution has powerfully stimulated 
the sS-u-gll of the Latin-American peoples for complete national independence. 
A neVhtotorical period has set in in the life of mankind : the peoples of Asia 
Africa and Latin America that have won their freedom have begun to take an 

^E^XTe^m^t eolonialism is imminent. The breakdown of the 
svstem of colonial slavery under the impact of the national-liberation movement 
TsalevelopZnt ranking second in historic importance only to the formation 

*&^t°o££5*3iw Revolution aroused the East and drew the 
colonial peoples into the common current of the world-wide revolutions y 
moment Thfs development was greatly facilitated by the Soviet Onion's 
SctW in the Second World War, the establishment of people's democracy 
S TlZbv ? of European and Asian countries, the triumph of the socialist 
revolution in China, and the formation of the world socialist system. Che 
Krces ot ^world socialism contributed decisively to the struggle of the colonia 
3 f denendent peoples for liberation from imperialist oppression. 'I he son nlisl 
lysten? to ^ become^ reliable shield for the development of the people wl,., ,,,v« 
won freedom. The national-liberation movement receives powerful Wipport 
from the international working-class movement. I|im .„ (r =.. 

The face of Asia has changed radically. The colonial order Ls <■<> losing m 
rne i^e ti H strueale against Imperialism has opened in Latin 

4S^ A HS^!?S5lSKf^ hi Asi!,, MTita and other parts of the 
torid hkve jSSalte ^Sdependenoe & bard-fough< battles with nnperiahsm. 
Communilts have always re?o«iuzed the progressive, revolutionary significance 
of 3Sia?liberXn wars; Ihev are the most active champions of national 
SdependenVe f The exMence of the world socialist system and the weakening 
of thrpositions of imperialism have provided the oppressed peoples with new 

^'Se^^^^S^^^ win their independence both through 

they are exploiting. 



88 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



The United States is the mainstay of colonialism today. The imperialists, 
headed by the U.S.A., make desperate efforts to preserve colonial exploitation 
of the peoples of the former colonies by new methods and in new forms. The 
monopolies try to retain their hold on the levers of economic control and politi- 
cal influence in Asian, African and Latin American countries. These efforts 
are aimed at preserving their positions in the economy of the countries which 
have gained freedom, and at capturing new positions under the guise of eco- 
nomic "aid," drawing them into military blocs, implanting military dictatorships 
and setting up war bases there. The imperialists endeavor to emasculate 
and undermine the national sovereignty of the newly-free countries, to misrepre- 
sent the principle of self-determination of nations, to impose new forms of 
colonial domination under the spurious slogan of "inter-dependence," to put 
their puppets in power in these countries and bribe a section of the bourgeoisie. 
They resort to the poisoned weapon of national strife to undermine the young 
states that are not yet strong enough. They make ample use of aggressive 
military blocs and bilateral military alliances, to achieve these ends. The 
imperialists' accomplices are the most reactionary sections of the local exploiting 
classes. 

The urgent tasks of national rebirth facing the countries that have shaken 
off the colonial yoke cannot be effectively accomplished unless a determined 
struggle is waged against imperialism and the remnants of feudalism by all 
the patriotic forces of the nations united in a single national-democratic front. 
The national democratic tasks on the basis of which the progressive forces of 
the nation can and do unite in the countries which have won their freedom, 
are : the consolidation of political independence, the carrying out of agrarian 
reforms in the interest of the peasantry, elimination of the survivals of feudal- 
ism, the uprooting of imperialist economic domination, the restriction of foreign 
monopolies and their expulsion from the national economy, the creation and 
development of a national industry, improvement of the living standard, the 
democratization of social life, the pursuance of an independent and peaceful 
foreign policy, and the development of economic and cultural co-operation 
with the socialist and other friendly countries. 

The working class, which has played an outstanding role in the fight for 
national liberation, demands the complete and consistent accomplishment of 
the tasks of the national, anti-imperialist, democratic revolution, and resists 
reactionary attempts to check social progress. 

The solution of the peasant problem, which directly affects the interests 
of the vast majority of the population, is of the utmost importance to these 
countries. Without radical agrarian reforms it is impossible to solve the food 
problem and sweeps away the remnants of medievalism which fetter the develop- 
ment of the productive forces in agriculture and industry. The creation and 
extension on a democratic basis of the state sector in the national economy, 
particularly in industry, a sector independent from foreign monopolies and 
gradually becoming a determining factor in the country's economy, is of great 
importance in these countries. 

The alliance of the working class and the peasantry is the most important 
force in winning and defending national independence, accomplishing far-reach- 
ing democratic transformations and ensuring social progress. This alliance is 
called upon to be the basis of a broad national front. The extent to which the 
national bourgeoisie participates in the liberation struggle also depends to no 
small degree upon its strength and stability. A big role can be played by the 
national-patriotic forces, by all elements of the nation prepared to fight for 
national independence, against imperialism. 

In present conditions, the national bourgeoisie of the colonial and dependent 
countries unconnected with imperialist circles, is objectively interested in the 
principal tasks of anti-imperialist, anti-feudal revolution, and therefore retains 
the capacity of participating in the revolutionary struggle against imperialism 
and feudalism. In that sense it is progressive. But it is unstable; though 
progressive, it is inclined to compromise with imperialism and feudalism. Owing 
to its dual nature, the extent to which the national bourgeoisie participates 
in revolution differs from country to country. This depends on concrete condi- 
tions, on changes in the relationship of class forces, on the sharpness of the 
contradictions between imperialism, feudalism and the people, and on the depth 
of the contradictions between imperialism, feudalism and the national 
bourgeoisie. 






COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



89 



After winning political independence the peoples seek solutions to the social 
problems raised in life and to the problems of reinforcing national independ- 
ence Different classes and parties offer different solutions. Which course of 
development to choose is the internal affair of the people themselves. As 
social contradictions grow, the national bourgeoisie inclines more and more to 
compromising with domestic reaction and imperialism. The people, however, 
begin to see that the best way to abolish age-long backwardness and improve 
their living standard is that of non-capitalist development. Only thus can the 
peoples free themselves from exploitation, poverty and hunger. The working 
class and the broad peasant masses are to play the leading part in solving this 
basic social problem. 

In the present historical situation, favorable domestic and international con- 
ditions arise in many countries for the establishment of an independent 
national democracy, that is, a state which consistently upholds its political and 
economic independence, fights against imperialism and its military blocs, against 
military bases on its territory ; a state which fights against the new forms of 
colonialism and the penetration of imperialist capital; a state which rejects 
dictatorial and despotic methods of government; a state in which the people 
are ensured broad democratic rights and freedoms (freedom of speech, press, 
assembly, demonstrations, establishment of political parties and social organiza- 
tions), the opportunity to work for the enactment of an agrarian reform and 
other democratic and social changes, and for participation in shaping govern- 
ment policy. The formation and consolidation of national democracies enables 
the countries concerned to make rapid social progress and play an active part 
in the peoples' struggle for peace, against the aggressive policies of the im- 
perialist camp, for the complete abolition of the colonial yoke. 

The Communist Parties are working actively for a consistent completion 
of the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal, democratic revolution, for the establishment 
of national democracies, for a radical improvement in the living standard of 
the people. They support those actions of national governments leading to the 
consolidation of the gains achieved and undermining the imperialists' positions. 
At the same time they firmly oppose anti-democratic, anti-popular acts and 
those measures of the ruling circles which endanger national independence. 
Communists expose attempts by the reactionary section of the bourgeoisie to 
represent its selfish, narrow class interests as those of the entire nation ; they 
expose the demagogic use by bourgeois politicians of socialist slogans for the 
same purpose ; they work for a genuine democratization of social life and rally 
all the progressive forces to combat despotic regimes or to curb tendencies 
towards setting up such regimes. 

The aims of the Communists accord with the supreme interests of the nation. 
The reactionaries' efforl to break up the national front under the slogan of 
"anti-communism" and Isolate the Communists, the foremost contingent of the 
liberation movement, Is contrary to the national interests of the people and is 
fraught with the loss of national gains. 

The socialist countrles.are true and sincere friends of the peoples fighting 
for liberation and of those who have thrown off the imperialist yoke. While 
rejecting on principle any Interference In the Internal affairs of young national 
states they consider LI their Internationalist duly to help the peoples in 
strengthening their Independence. They help and support these countries gen- 
erously in achieving p a national Industry, developing and 
consolidating the national economy and training, national personnel, and coop- 
erate with them in (lie struggle for world peace, against imperialist aggression. 

The Class-conscious workers Of the colonial powers, who realized that "no 
nation can be free If 11 oppresses other nations," fought consistently for the 
self-determination of the nations oppressed by the imperialists. Now that these 
nations are taking Hie pa lb of national independence, it is the internationalist 
duty of the workers and all democratic forces in the industrially developed 
capitalist countries to assist them vigorously in their struggle against the 
imperialists, for national independence, for its consolidation, and to assist them 
in effectively solving the problems of their economic and cultural rebirth. In so 
doing, they defend the interests of the popular masses in their own countries. 

The entire course of the world history of recent decades prompts the complete 
and final abolition of the colonial system in all its forms and manifestations. A 1 1 
the peoples still languishing in colonial bondage must be given every supporl in 
winning their national independence. All forms of colonial oppression mnsl be 
abolished. The abolition of colonialism will also be of great imporla nee in e 



90 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



international tension and consolidating universal peace. This Meeting expresses 
solidarity with all the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America and Oceania who 
are carrying on a heroic struggle against imperialism. The meeting hails the 
peoples of the young states of Africa who have achieved political independence— 
an important step towards complete emancipation. The Meeting extends heart- 
felt regards and support to the heroic Algerian people fighting for freedom and 
national independence, and demands an immediate cessation of the aggressive 
war against Algeria. It wrathfully condemns the inhuman system of racial per- 
secution and tyranny in the Union of South Africa (apartheid) and urges demo- 
crats throughout the world to actively support the peoples of South Africa in 
their struggle for freedom and equality. The Meeting demands noninterference 
in the sovereign rights of the peoples of Cuba, the Congo and all the other coun- 
tries that have won their freedom. 

All the socialist countries and the international working class and Communist 
movement see it as their duty to render the fullest moral and material assistance 
to the peoples fighting to free themselves from imperialist and colonial tyranny. 



The new balance of world forces offers the Communist and Workers' Parties 
new opportunities of carrying out the historic tasks they face in the struggle for 
peace, national independence, democracy and socialism. 

The Communist Parties determine the prospects and tasks of revolution in 
keeping with the concrete historical and social conditions obtaining in their 
respective countries and with due regard for the international situation. They 
are waging a selfless struggle, doing everything already in present conditions, 
without waiting until socialism triumphs, to defend the interests of the working 
class and the people, improve their living conditions and extend the democratic 
rights and freedoms of the people. Knowing that the brunt of the struggle for 
the liberation of its people from capitalist oppression rests upon it, the working 
class and its revolutionary vanguard will with increasing energy press forward 
its offensive against the domination of oppressors and exploiters in every field 
of political, economic and ideological activity in each country. In the process of 
this struggle, the masses are prepared and conditions arise for decisive battles 
for the overthrow of capitalism, for the victory of socialist revolution. 

The main blow in present conditions is directed with growing force at the capi- 
talist monopolies, which are chiefly responsible for the arms race and which 
constitute the bulwark of reaction and aggression, at the whole system of state 
monopoly capitalism, which defends their interests. 

In some non-European developed capitalist countries which are under the 
political, economic and military domination of U.S. imperialism, the working 
class and the people direct the main blow against U.S. imperialist domination, 
and also against monopoly capital and other domestic reactionary forces that be- 
tray the interests of the nation. In the course of this struggle all the democratic, 
patriotic forces of the nation come together in a united front fighting for the 
victory of a revolution aimed at achieving genuine national independence and 
democracy, which create conditions for passing on to the tasks of socialist 
revolution. 

The big monopolies encroach on the interests of the working class and the 
people in general all along the line. The exploitation of working people is gaining 
in intensity ; so is the process in which the broad peasant masses are being 
ruined. At the same time, the difficulties experienced by the small and middle 
urban bourgeoisie are growing more acute. The oppression of the big mo- 
nopolies is becoming increasingly heavier for all sections of the nation. As a 
result, the contradiction between the handful of monopoly capitalists and all 
sections of the people is now growing more pronounced, along with the sharp- 
ening of the basic class contradiction of bourgeois society — that between labor 
and capital. 

The monopolies seek to abolish, or cut down to a bare minimum, the demo- 
cratic rights of the masses. The reign of open fascist terror continues in 
some countries. In a number of countries, fascization is expanding in new 
forms: dictatorial methods of government are combined with fictitious parlia- 
mentary practices that have been stripped of democratic content and reduced 
to pure form. Many democratic organizations are outlawed and are compelled 
to go underground, thousands of fighters for the working-class cause and cham- 
pions of peace are in prison. 



COMM D WOHKI 



1)1 



On behalf of all the Communists- of tin* world, IIiIm m..iim . |... . . 

proletarian solidarity with the courageous moms and daughters of the working 

class and the fighters for democracy, languishing behind prison bars in the 
USA Spain, Portugal, Japan, West Germany, Greece, Iran, Pakistan, the 
United Arab Republic, Jordan, Iraq, Argentina, Paraguay, the Dominican Re- 
public, Mexico, the Union of South Africa, the Sudan and other countries. The 
Meeting urges launching a powerful, world-wide campaign to secure the release 
of these champions of peace, national independence and democracy. 

The working class, peasantry, intellectuals and the petty and middle urban 
bourgeoisie are vitaUy interested in the abolition of monopoly domination. Hence 
there are favorable conditions for rallying these forces. 

Communists hold that this unity is quite feasible on the basis of the struggle 
for peace, national independence, the protection and extension of democracy, 
nationalization of the key branches of economy and democratization of their 
management, the use of the entire economy for peaceful purposes in order to 
satisfy the needs of the population, implementation of radical agrarian reforms, 
improvement of the living conditions of the working people, protection of the 
interests of the peasantry and the petty and middle urban bourgeoisie against the 
tyranny of the monopolies. 

These measures would be an important step along the path of social progress 
and would meet the interests of the majority of the nation. All these measures 
are democratic by nature. They do not eliminate the exploitation of man by 
man But if realized, they would limit the power of the monopolies, enhance the 
prestige and political weight of the working class in the country's affairs, help 
to isolate the most reactionary forces and facilitate the unification of all the 
progressive forces. As they participate in the fight for dramatic reforms, large 
sections of the population come to realize the necessity of unity of action with 
the working class and become more active politically. It is the prime duty of the 
working class and its Communist vanguard to bead the economic and political 

struggle of the masses for democratic reform*, Cor the overthrow of the power 
of the monopolies, and assure ite success. 

Communists advocate general democratization of tin' economic and social 
scene and of all the administrative, political and cultural organizations and insti- 
tutions. ... T 

Communists regard the struggle for democracy as a component of the struggle 
for socialism In this struggle they continuously strengthen their bonds with 
the masses Increase their political consciousness and help them understand the 
tasks of tin 1 socialist revolution and realize the necessity of accomplishing it. 
This sets the Marxist-Leninist Parties completely apart from the reformists, who 
consider reforms within the framework of the capitalist system as the ultimate 
goal and deny the necessity of socialist revolution. Marxist-Leninists are firmly 
convinced that the peoples in the capitalist countries will in the course of their 
daily struggle ultimately come to understand that socialism alone is a real way 

out for them. .... ,. , 

Now that more sections of the population are joining m an active class 
struggle it is of the utmost importance that Communists should extend their 
work In trade unions and cooperatives, among the peasantry, the youth, the 
women in sports organizations, and the unorganized sections of the population. 
There are new opportunities now to draw the younger generation into the 
struggle for peace and democracy, and for the great ideals of communism. 
Lenin's great behest— to go deeper into the masses, to work wherever there are 
masses, to strengthen the ties with the masses in order to lead them— must become 
a major task for every Communist Party. 

The restoration of unity in the trade-union movement m countries where 
it is split as well as on *the international scale, is essential for heightening 
the role of the working class in political life and for the successful defense of 
its interests. The working people may belong to different trade unions, but they 
have common interests. Whenever different trade-union associations fought in 
common in the greatest class battles of recent years, they usually succeeded, 
precisely because of their unity, in having the demands of the working people 
met. The Communist Parties believe that there are real prerequisites for re- 
establishing trade-union unity, and will work perseveringly to bring it about. 
In those countries where no trade-union democracy exists in practice, the Strug 
gle for trade-union unity calls for continuous efforts aimed at achieving trade 
union independence and recognition and observance of the trade-union rights 
of all working people without political and any other discrimination. 



92 COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 

It is also essential to peaee ^-^SHSS SSSL* 5£ 
£3^«£E&K2S^«*^ aaa tae esteasioa ot 

cial revolution. ,_„„- plfl ™ which the ruling classes, the 

The split in the ranks of ^J2S5?^5bSS>S trade-union leaders 

Right-wing Social-Democratic leadership and ^amoimry ^.^ ^ 

ssassta ssajaJ» f S £■ - «- — ■ ciass - com - 

munists work resolutely to eliminate this spirit t al with 

The imperialists and r^^ 1011 ^^^ 1 ^ bSry in order to split and 
means of suppression, to "JM^fffiST The S^ the last few years 
KM ££2S &?&r^iS£»S the positions of the working 
class and is advantageous only to imper i^eactmn. imperi alist 

Some Right-wing Social-Democratic leaders have opemy i 
views, defend the capitalist system and B pht the 'working £fl uence of Socialism 
hostility to communism and ^ their Jear of ^%^ n ?ry Conservative forces. 
in world affairs, they are capitulating : to _ the ' J e ^ d |' in making the Social- 
In some countries the Right-wing leade rship h ™ ™^*^ lsowned Marxism, the 
Democratic Parties adopt programs in wbteh they ^en^y mso ^ 

class struggle and the traditional ~gJgWns^JJW^ y R . ng 

done a service to '^J»™^ JK££5£ c Partte? The opposition also 
leaders is minting m the Social u^om funct i 0n aries. The forces 

^^Sa^-^srsi&s^gs s&ss»- — «. 

are friends of peace and social progress ideo i gical positions and Right- 

Communists m will continue to crit "^ ^ c ^ eo f^^ll continue activities 
wing opportunist practices of tJeW ^°™ • ^ positions of consistent 
aimed at inducing the Social-Democratic ™f s ^ es .™ f s 0C \ al i sm . T he Communists 
class struggle against ^^^^SSSS^^Lng between them, 
are firmly convinced ^^^gTot hinder exchanges of opinion on the 
pfi^pro^emfo^Tw^ng-el^ movement and the Joint struggle, es- 

£5St S&?S rlnrerof^rtrking class and the people 

as a whole wnrklne-class movement demand that the Com- 

The vital interests of the working ci ass : move national and 

munist and Social-Democratic J^^^^Sn of the manufacture, 
international scale to bring ^^g^^lSS of atom-free zones, gen- 
testing and use o* nuclear weapons, the -g^JS™ 1 control the abolition of 
eral and complete disarmament under 11 it e ma onayom t 

military baselon foreign joUaM the ^raw^f f^ W dependent coun- 
the national-liberation move, ^^« ^^^ZrLn.ocracy and resist the 
tries, to safeguard national sover «g«J' ^ f tl working people, secure a 
fascist menace, ^oveth^ Jiving sta .ular ds of Jew JP^p^^ 
shorter working week wit o^t wa ^e cuts er ^^ ^ ^^ ^^ 

and some Social-Democratic larties nave diieauy overcoming 

£8#2S SMS 5£SSKtww5Sh«. - »«. * «* *»- 

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COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



93 



in the struggle to win power and build socialism, the Communist Parties advocate 
cooperation wit It the Socialist Parties. The Communists have the great doctrine 
of Marxism-Leninism, a doctrine that is consistent, scientifically sustained and 
borne out by lite, and rich international experience in socialist construction. 
They are prepared to hold discussions with Social-Democrats, for they are cer- 
tain that this is the best way to compare views, ideas and experience with the 
aim of removing deep-rooted prejudices and the split among the working people, 
and of establishing co-operation, 

The imperialist reactionaries, who seek to arouse distrust for the Communist 
movement and its ideology, continue to intimidate the masses by alleging that 
the Communists need wars between states to overthrow the capitalist system and 
establish a socialist sytem. The Communist Parties emphatically reject this 
slander. The fact that both world wars, which were started by the imperialists, 
ended in socialist revolutions by no means implies that the way to social revolu- 
tion goes necessarily through world war, especially now that there exists a pow- 
erful world system of socialism. Marxists-Leninists have never considered that 
the way to social revolution lies through wars between states. 

The choice of social system is the inalienable right of the people of each 
country. Socialist revolution is not an item of import and cannot be imposed 
from without. It is a result of the internal development of the country con- 
cerned, of the utmost sharpening of social contraditions in it. The Communist 
Parties, which guide themselves by the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, have alivays 
been against the export of revolution. At the same time they fight resolutely 
against imperialist export of counter-revolution. They consider it their inter- 
nationalist duty to call on the peoples of all countries to unite, to rally all their 
internal forces, to act vigorously and, relying on the might of the world socialist 
system, to prevent or firmly resist imperialist interference in the affairs of any 
people who have risen in revolution. 

The Mafxist-Leninist Parties head the struggle of the working class, the 
masses of working people, for the accomplishment of the socialist revolution and 
the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in one form or another. 
The forms and course of development of the socialist revolution will depend 
on the specific balance of the class forces in the country concerned, on the 
organization and maturity of the working class and its vanguard, and on the 
extent of the resistance put up by the ruling classes. Whatever form of dictator- 
ship of tlio proletariat is established, it will always signify an extension of 
demderacy, a transition from formal, bourgeois democracy to genuine democracy, 
to democracy for working people. 

The Communist Parties reaffirm the propositions put forward by the Declara- 
tion of L957 with regard to the forms of transition of different countries from 
capitalism to socialism. 

The Declaration points out that the working class and its vanguard — the 
Marxist-Leninist Party — seek to achieve the socialist revolution by peaceful 
means. This would accord with the interests of the working class and the 
people as a whole, With the national interests of the country. 

Today in a number of capitalist countries the working class, headed by its 
vanguard, has the opportunity, given a united working-class and popular front 
or other workable forms of agreement and political co-operation between the 
different parties and public organizations, to unite a majority of the people, 
win state power without civil war and ensure the transfer of the basic means 
of production to the hands of the people. Relying on the majority of the people 
and resolutely rebuffing the opportunist elements incapable of relinquishing the 
policy of compromise with the capitalists and landlords, the working class can 
defeat the reactionary, anti-popular forces, secure a firm majority in parlia- 
ment, transform parliament from an instrument serving the class interests of 
the bourgeoisie into an instrument serving the working people, launch an extra- 
parliamentary mass struggle, smash the resistance of the reactionary forces 
and create the necessary conditions for peaceful realization of the socialist 
revolution. All this will be possible only by broad and ceaseless development 
of the class struggle of the workers, peasant masses and the urban middle strata 
against big monopoly capital, against reaction, for profound social reforms, Cor 
peace and socialism. 

In the event of the exploiting classes resorting to violence against people, tlio 
possibility of non-peaceful transition to socialism should be borne in mind 
Leninism teaches, and experience confirms, that the ruling < i.i v nov< 
llnqtiish power voluntarily, In this case the degree of bittevnc i and Llu< I 



94 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANlKKSTo 



of the class struggle will depend not so much on the proletariat as on the re.sisl,- 
ance put up by the reactionary circles to the will of the overwhelming majority of 
the people, on these circles using force at one or another stage of the struggle for 
socialism. , 

The actual possibility of the one or the other way of transition to socialism in 
each individual country depends on the concrete historical conditions. 

In our time, when communism is not only the most advanced doctrine but an 
actually existing social system which has proved its superiority over capitalism, 
conditions are particularly favorable for expanding the influence of the Com- 
munist Parties, vigorously exposing anti-communism, a slogan under which the 
capitalist class wages its struggle against the proletariat, and winning the 
broadest sections of the working masses for Communist ideas. 

Anti-communism arose at the dawn of the working-class movement as the 
principal ideological weapon of the capitalist class in its struggle against the 
proletariat and Marxist ideology. As the class struggle grew in intensity, par- 
ticularly with the formation of the world socialist system, anti-communism be- 
came more vicious and refined. Anti-communism, which is indicative of a deep 
ideological crisis in and extreme decline of bourgeois ideology, resorts to mon- 
strous distortions of Marxist doctrine and crude slander against the socialist 
social system, presents Communist policies and objectives in a false light, and 
carries on a witchhunt against the democratic peaceful forces and organizations 

To effectively defend the interests of the working people, maintain peace and 
realize the socialist ideals of the working class, it is indispensable to wage a 
resolute struggle against anti-communism— that poisoned weapon which the 
bourgeoisie uses to fence off the masses from socialism. A greater effort is 
required in explaining the ideas of socialism to the masses, to educate the word- 
ing people in a revolutionary spirit, to develop their revolutionary class con- 
sciousness and to show all working people the superiority of socialist society 
by referring to the experience of the countries of the world socialist system, dem- 
onstrating in concrete form the benefits which socialism will actually give to 
workers, peasants and other sections of the population in each country. 

Communism assures people freedom from fear of war ; lasting peace, freedom 
from imperialist oppression and exploitation, from unemployment and poverty ; 
general well-being and a high standard of living ; freedom from fear of economic 
crisis • a rapid growth of the productive forces for the benefit of society as a 
whole ; freedom from the tyranny of the moneybag over the individual ; all-round 
spiritual development of man; the fullest development of talent; unlimited 
scientific and cultural progress of society. All the sections of the population 
with the exception of a handful of exploiters, stand to gain from the victory of 
the new social system, and this must be brought home to millions of people m 
the capitalist countries. 

VI 

The world Communist movement has become the most influential political 
force of our time, a most important factor in social progress. As it fights bitterly 
against imperialist reaction, for the interests of the working class and all working 
people, for peace, national independence, democracy and socialism, the Com- 
munist movement is making steady headway, is becoming consolidated and 

There are now Communist Parties active in 87 countries of the world. Their 
total membership exceeds 36,000,000. This is a signal victory for Marxism- 
Leninism and a tremendous achievement of the working class. Like-minded 
Marxists are rallying in the countries which have shaken off colonial tyranny 
and taken the path of independent development. Communist Parties consider 
it their internationalist duty to promote friendship and solidarity between the 
working class of their countries and the working-class movement of the coun- 
tries which have won their freedom in the common struggle against imperialism. 

The growth of the Communist Parties and their organizational consolidation, 
the victories of the Communist Parties in a number of countries in the struggle 
against deviations, elimination of the harmful consequences of the personality 
cult, the greater influence of the world Communist movement, open new prospects 
for the successful accomplishment of the tasks facing the Communist Parties. 

Marxist-Leninist Parties regard it as an inviolable law of their activity stead- 
fastly to observe the Leninist standards of Party life in keeping with the prin- 
ciple of democratic centralism; they consider that they must cherish Party 
unity like the apple of their eye, strictly to adhere to the principle of Party 



MiMMIiNIHT AND WORKERS* PARTI KS' MANIFESTO 



95 



democracy and collective leadership, for they attach, in keeping with the or- 
ganizational principles of Leninism, great importance to the role of the leading 
party bodies in the life of the Party, to work indefatigably for the strengthening 
of their bonds with the Party membership and with the broad masses of the 
working people, not to allow the personality cult, which shackles creative 
thought and initiative of Communists, vigorously to promote the activity of 
Communists, and to encourage criticism and self-criticism in their ranks. 

The Communist Parties have ideologically defeated the revisionists in their 
ranks who sought to divert them from the Marxist-Leninist path. Each Com- 
munist Party and the international Communist movement as a whole have 
become still stronger, ideologically and organizationally, in the struggle against 
revisionism, Right-wing opportunism. 

The Communist Parties have unanimously condemned the Yugoslav variety 
of international opportunism, a variety of modern revisionist "theories" in 
concentrated form. After betraying Marxism-Leninism, which they termed 
obsolete, the leaders of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia opposed their 
anti-Leninist revisionist program to the Declaration of 1957; they set the L.C.Y 
against the international Communist movement as a whole, severed their coun- 
try from the socialist camp, made it dependent on so-called "aid" from U.S. and 
other imperialists, and thereby exposed the Yugoslav people to the danger of 
losing the revolutionary gains achieved through a heroic struggle. The Yugo- 
slav revisionists carry on subversive work against the socialist camp and the 
world Communist movement. Under the pretext of an extra-bloc policy, they 
engage in activities which prejudice the unity of all the peace-loving forces and 
countries. Further exposure of (ho leaders of Yugoslav revisionists and active 
struggle to safeguard I ho Communist movement and the working-class movement 
from the anti-Leninist ideas of the Yugoslav revisionists, remains an essential 
task of the Marxist-Leninist Parties. 

The practical struggles of the working class and the entire course of social 
development have furnished a brilliant new proof of the great all-conquering 
power and vitality of Marxism-Leninism, and have thoroughly refuted all mod- 
ern revisionist "theories." 

The further development of the Communist and working-class movement calls, 
as stated in the Moscow Declaration of 1957, for continuing a determined strug- 
gle on two fronts — against revisionism, which remains the main danger, and 
against dogmatism and sectarianism. 

Revisionism, Right-wing opportunism, which mirrors the bourgeois ideology 
in theory and practice, distorts Marxism-Leninism, emasculates its revolutionary 
essence, and thereby paralyzes the revolutionary will of the working class, dis- 
arms and demobilizes the workers, the masses of the working people, in their 
struggle against oppression by imperialists and exploiters, for peace, democracy 
and national-liberation, for the triumph of socialism. 

Dogmatism and sectarianism in theory and practice can also become the main 
danger at some stage of development of individual parties, unless combated 
unrelentingly. They rob revolutionary parties of the ability to develop Marxian) 
Leninism through scientific analysis and apply it creatively according to the 
specific conditions; they isolate Communists from the broad masses of the 
working people, doom them to passive expectation or Leftist, adventurist actions 
in the revolutionary struggle, prevent them from making a timely and correct 
estimate of the changing situation and of new experience, using all opporl anil ies 
to bring about the victory of the working class and all democratic forces in the 
struggle against imperialism, reaction and war danger, and thereby prevent 
the peoples from achieving victory in their just struggle. 

At a time when imperialist reaction is joining forces to fight communism 
it is particularly imperative vigorously to consolidate the world Communist 
movement. Unity and solidarity redouble the strength of our movement and 
provide a reliable guarantee that the great cause of communism will make 
victorious progress and all enemy attacks will he effectively repelled. 

Communists throughout the world are united by the great doctrine of 
Marxism-Leninism and by a joint struggle for its realization. The int< rests of the 
Communist movement require solidarity i" adherence by every Communist 
Party to the estimates and conclusions concerning the common tasks in the 
struggle against imperialism, for peace, democracy and socialism, jointly 
reached by the fraternal Parties at their meetings. 

The interests of the struggle for the working-class cause demand ever 
closer unity of the ranks of each Communist Party and of the great army of 
Communists of all countries; they demand of them unity of will and action. 

©5443 — 61 7 



96 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



It is the supreme internationalist duty of every Marxist-Leninist Party to 
work continuously for greater unity in the world Communist movement. 

A resolute defence of the unity of the world Communist movement on the 
principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and the pre- 
vention of any actions which may undermine that unity, are a necessary condi- 
tion for victory in the struggle for national independence, democracy and 
peace, for the successful accomplishment of the tasks of the socialist revolution 
and o'f the building of socialism and communism. Violation of these principles 
would impair the forces of communism. ■ 

All the Marxist-Leninist Parties are independent and have equal rights; 
they shape their policies according to the specific conditions in their respective 
countries and in keeping with Marxist-Leninist principles, and support each 
other The success of the working-class cause in any country is unthinkable 
without the internationalist solidarity of all Marxist-Leninist parties. Every 
party is responsible to the working class, to the working people of its country, to 
the international working-class and Communist movement as a whole. 

The Communist and Workers' Parties hold meetings whenever necessary to 
discuss urgent problems, to exchange experience, acquaint themselves with 
each other's views and positions, work out common views through consultations 
and co-ordinate joint actions in the struggle for common goals. 

Whenever a Party wants to clear up questions relating to the activities of 
another fraternal Party, its leadership approaches the leadership of the Party 
concerned ; if necessary, they hold meetings and consultations. 

The experience and results of the meetings of representatives of the Communist 
Parties held in recent years, particularly the results of the two major meetings— 
that of November, 1957 and this Meeting— show that in present-day conditions 
such meetings are an effective form of exchanging views and experience, enrich- 
ing Marxist-Leninist theory by collective effort and elaborating a common atti- 
tude in the struggle for common objectives. 

The Communist and Workers' Parties unanimously declare that the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union has been, and remains, the universally recog- 
nized vanguard of the world Communist movement, being the most experienced 
and steeled contingent of the international Communist movement. The experi- 
ence which the C.P.S.U. has gained in the struggle for the victory of the 
working class, in Socialist construction and in the full-scale construction of com- 
munism, is of fundamental significance for the whole of the world Communist 
movement. The example of the G.P.S.U. and its fraternal solidarity inspire all the 
Communist Parties in their struggle for peace and socialism, and represent the 
revolutionary principles of proletarian internationalism applied in practice. 
The historic decisions of the 20th Congress of the C.P.S.U. are not only of 
great importance for the C.P.S.U. and Communist construction in the U.S.S.R., 
but have initiated a new stage in the world Communist movement, and have 
promoted its development on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. 

All Communist and Workers' Parties contribute to the development of the 
great theory of Marxism-Leninism. Mutual assistance and support in relations 
between all the fraternal Marxist-Leninist Parties embody the revolutionary 
principles of proletarian internationalism applied in practice. 

Ideological issues are of especial significance today. The exploiting class 
tries to counteract the achievements of socialism by exerting ever greater 
ideological pressure on the masses as it seeks to keep them in spiritual bondage to 
bourgeois ideology. Communists regard it as their task to launch a determined 
offensive on the ideological front, to work for the emancipation of the masses 
from the spiritual bondage of all types and forms of bourgeois ideology, including 
the pernicious influence of reformism, to disseminate among the masses progres- 
sive ideas making for social advancement, the ideas of democratic freedom, 
the ideology of scientific socialism. 

Historical experience shows that the survivals of capitalism m the minds of 
people persist over a long period even after the establishment of a Socialist 
svstem This demands extensive work by the Party on the Communist education 
of the masses and a better Marxist-Leninist training and steeling of Party and 
government cadres. . 

Marxism-Leninism is a great integral revolutionary doctrine, the lodestar 
of the working class and working people of the whole world at all stages of their 
great battle for peace, freedom and a better life, for the establishment of the 
most just societv, communism. Its great creative, revolutionizing power lies in 
its unbreakable link with life, in its continuous enrichment through a compre- 
hensive analysis of reality. On the basis of Marxism-Leninism, (he community 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



97 



of socialist countries and the international Communist, working-class and 
liberation movements have achieved great historic success, and it is only on 
its basis that all the tasks facing the Communist and Workers' Parties can be 
effectively accomplished. 

The meeting sees the further consolidation of the Communist Parties on the 
basis of Marxism-Leninism, of proletarian internationalism, as a primary condi- 
tion for the unification of all working-class democratic and progressive forces, 
as a guarantee of new victories in the great struggle waged by the world 
iJommunist and working-class movement for a happy future for the whole 
of mankind, for the triumph of the cause of peace and socialism. 



Appendix II 

[The Worker, Jan. 29, 1961] 

Monopolies Increase U.S. Tensions, Gus Hall Tells CP Leaders' Parley 

The National Committee of the Communist Party, meeting over last weekend, 
mapped a program of action for peace, civil rights, and against the mounting im- 
pact of mass unemployment. 

The line of direction approved unanimously by the committee was advanced in 
the main report to the meeting by Qua Hall, general secretary. 

The meeting was opened by Claude Lightfoot, national vice chairman, in the 
absence of Eugene Dennis, national chairman, who is seriously ill. 

It was the second full meeting of the committee which was elected at the 17th 
convention a year ago. 

The continued growth of the power Of the monopolies and their "subversion of 
Government institutions" is bringing them Into "sharper conflict with the vast 
majority of the people of Mi«- United States," Hall told the gathering. 

minimum program 

This advancing peril must be answered by "unity of the people," embraced in a 
coalition around a minimum program to which all agree, Hall said. 

The Kennedy administration takes over the reins of Government, he said, at 
a "crossroads moment" for the Nation. 

The Communist Party, he said, is "entering a new stage in its development." 
The road to building the Party and its influence lies in expanding its "mass ties," 
especially in the working class, and in identifying itself with the problems of 
the masses. The "most vital" instrument to this end, he said, is the party's 
"united front relations." 

EIGHTY-ONE-PARTY STATEMENT 

Hall opened his report with a discussion of the statement adopted by the 
representatives of the 81 Communist and Workers Parties who met in Moscow 
in November. 

The statement was discussed in detail in reports by Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a 
national vice chairman of the Party, and James EJ. Jackson, member of the na- 
tional secretariat. 

The reports of Hall, Miss Flynn, and Jackson were approved unanimously by 
the meeting. 

The 81-party statement, Hall said, coincided in the main with the perspectives 
which the Communist Party of the United States had adopted at its 17th con- 
vention in late 1959. The statement reflected the "basic change in the relation 
of forces" between the capitalist system and the socialist system on a world 
scale. 

The "new frontiers" which the Kennedy administration has promised to at- 
tain cannot be found along the "cold war road," Hall said. Progress means, in 
the first place, the ending of the cold war. 



TWO DIRECTIONS 



The Kennedy cabinet is headed in "two directions," Hall said. Any «tni 
that develops between these two trends will not he unimportant; il may tlmu 

late mass participation on the part of the people" in deciding Hi tool i the 

issues ill* I he day. 



98 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



The conditions now exist, Hall said, for a "vast upsurge" of the people. 

"Increasing instability," including growing unemployment, is characteristic 
of our economy today, he declared, and "the long range factors of expansion 
are running out." This is the situation in which an "offensive of big business" is 
unfolding. 

The peril confronting mankind, through the threat of a thermonuclear war, 
demands, Hall declared, that the new administration be pressed by the people 
to end the cold war, and to agree to new summit talks with the Soviet Union. 

DISARMAMENT 

He called for dismantling of U.S. overseas bases, abolition of nuclear tests, an 
end to brinkmanship agreement to a program of disarmament, the diversion of 
war funds to useful social purposes, and agreement on a no-war pact with the 
U.S.S.R. 

"Disarmament," Hall declared, is the "prerequisite for peace." He warned 
that while the American people favor peace, and many organizations have acted 
for peace already, the movement as a whole still "lags seriously." 



CIVIL BIGHTS 

He called for immediate action by the Kennedy administration on the civil 
rights front. "There are laws, but they remain on paper," he said. The Presi- 
dent should employ the military forces of the Government to bar the violence 
against the Negro people. Pie urged Executive action by proclamation to guar- 
antee the Negro people the "right to hold office and the right to vote," and 
demanded that as long as the Negro people in the South are denied their civil 
rights, congressional representation from the South should be reduced, in accord 
with the Constitution, in proportion to the number of Negroes denied the right 
to vote. 

The civil rights struggle is growing, but "too slowly," he said. 

After recounting the buildup of anti-Cuba forces in the United States under 
the Eisenhower administration, Hall warned that the action of the people of 
the United States was necessary to guarantee the defeat of the plots against the 
Castro regime. 

He discussed also the developments among the youth in the area of peace and 
civil liberties. 

The Communist Party could report progress during the past year, but still 
had many serious obstacles to overcome. 

The Sunday session of the national committee devoted considerable attention 
to a discussion of documents presented on a legislative program, on the strug- 
gle for civil rights, and on peace. Benjamin Davis, national secretary, pre- 
sented the party's legislative program embodying proposals and tasks in line 
with the main report of Gus Hall. Lightfoot introduced the civil rights pro- 
gram and Arnold Johnson the peace appeal. 

Other actions taken by the national committee were : 

1. Unanimously removed Homer Chase, former district organizer of New 
England, from the national committee for persistent violation of party policy, 
and unanimously affirmed the expulsion of Alexander Bittelman. 

2. Referred draft programs of action on peace, legislation, and civil rights to 
the national exec utive committee. 

3. Elected William Weinstono, veteran Communist leader, to fill a vacancy 
which had occurred since the previous meeting. 

4. Agreed to establish a women's commission of the national committee. 

5. Urged fullest support to the Worker subscription and financial drives. 

6. Approved proposals for nationwide celebrations of the 80th birthday of 
William Z, Poster, the party's honorary chairman. 

7. Greetings were sent to William Z. Foster, honorary chairman; Eugene 
Dennis, national chairman; to Bob Thompson, who could not participate be- 
cause of restrictions under his conditional release; to Henry Winston and Gil 
Green, imprisoned party leaders, and to Dorothy Healey and Pettis Perry, who 
are ill. 

The meeting was attended by 50 of the f>9 members of the committee. Four, 
including Dennis, were prevented by illness from attending. Forty-one persons 
participated in the general discussion on the reports. 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 99 

Appendix III 
[From the Worker, Nov. 13, 1960, p. 12] 
U.S. Visitors See Moscow Parade 

Moscow.— Hundreds of Americans witnessed this year's celebrations of the 
43d anniversary of the October revolution of the Soviet Union. 

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, vice chairman of the Communist Party, U.S.A., and 
James Jackson, editor of the Worker, watched the parade from reviewing stands 
in Red Square. Despite a drizzle and slightly above freezing weather the 
square was packed. 

Special applause greeted exhibits of fabricated housing. 



Appendix IV 

[From The Worker, Dee. 1%, 1961, pp. 1, 3, 10] 

World Communists Pledge All for Peace Struggle 

(By John Pittman) 

' Moscow. — Communist leaders of 81 countries have resolved here to dedicate 
"all their strength and energy to deliver mankind from the nightmare of a new 
world war." 

In a 14,000-word statement published December 6 in Pravda, organ of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Communist representatives reaffirmed 
their support of the 19f>7 declaration and peace manifesto of Communist and 
Workers' Parties, which asserted that world war is "not fatally inevitable." 

This week's statement again declares world war "can be prevented by the 
joint efforts of the world Socialist camp, the international working class, the 
national-liberation movement, all the countries opposing war and all peace- 
loving forces." 

It describes the peace movement as "the broadest movement of our time, in- 
volving people of diverse political and religious creeds, of diverse classes of 
society. 

"No political, religious or other differences should be an obstacle to all the 
forces oi the working class uniting against the war danger," the statement 
declares. "Communists must work untiringly among the masses to prevent un- 
derestimation of the possibility of averting a world war, underestimation of 
the possibility of peaceful coexistence and, at the same time, underestimation 
of the danger of war." 

Besides dealing with the problem of war and peace, the statement contains 
an estimate of the international situation and of the new opportunities for 
bridling I he capitalist monopolies. It restates the postulate of the 1957 declara- 
tion Hut m a number of capitalist countries the Socialist revolution may be 
achieved by peaceful means. 

WORLD APPEAL 

These questions have been for sometime the object of speculation and wishful 
thinking In (lie commercial press and in Western political circles, as sources of 
a split among the Socialist countries. However, agreement by the 81 parties 
on the statement on an "appeal to the world" to be issued later, was re- 
ported to be unanimous. 

According to a communique published in the Soviet press last week the par- 
ticipants wr.c here to attend the celebrations of the 43d anniversary of the 
October revolution which began November 7. Later they convened to consider 
urgent problems of the international situation, "familiarized themselves with 
each other's mows and positions" and "unanimously adopted a statement of 
the Communist and Workers' Parties," the communique asserted 

"Imperialist renegade and revisionist hopes of a split within the Socialist 
camp are built on sand and doomed to failure," the statement said. "All the 
Socialist countries cherish the unity of the Socialist camp as the apple of their 



100 COMMUNIST AND WORKERS" PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



REPRESENTATIVE 

The meeting is believed to have been the most representative assemblage of 
Commit and Workers' Parties ever held. As compared to -the 65 delegates 
which issued the 1957 peace manifesto only 6 of the worlds 87 Commjmrt 
and Workers' Parties, which.have a total membership of more than 37 millions, 
were unable to send representatives. A ,. 

The variety of experiences and viewpoints expressed in the reports and dis- 
euSn was indicated by the fact that representatives came from countries 
with The ^rnost SveSe state systems and historical and cultural backgrounds. 

Delegations from the 12 Socialist countries included chairman of the Ohi- 
r,^ Peonle's Republic Liu Shao-ehi, President Novotny of Czechoslovakia, 
and GenSl Secretary W?adMaw Gomulka of the Polish United Workers' 
Party The Communist Parties of fascist Spain and fascist Portugal were 
represented, as was the Communist Party of the rabidly profascist Union of 
South Africa All the Latin American countries were represented, along 
wlCl4 propeace states of Asia, Africa and the Middle East There were 30 
delegations from imperialist bloc and other capitalist countries. 

U.S. IMPERIALISM 

The statement takes note of the current position of U.S. imperialism. Where- 
as the 1957 declaration had referred to "aims" of the "aggressive imperialist 
circles of the United States," the statement issued this week characterizes "U.S. 
imperialism" as "the chief bulwark of world reaction and an international 
gendarme * * * An enemy of the peoples of the whole world." 

It savs that in relation to Asia, Africa, and Latin America, "U.S. imperial- 
ism has become the biggest international exploiter." It is called "the main- 
stay of colonialism" and the "main force of aggression and war." 

At the same time according to the Communist leaders, "the decay of capital- 
ism is particularly marked in the United States." They point to "especially big 
chronic unemployment," "increasing undercapacity production, and increasing 
frequency of overproduction crises." 

The United States remains the "main economic, financial and military force ot 
modern imperialism," the Communist leaders declare, but they note the fact 
that "its share in capitalist economy is diminishing." And although the state- 
ment makes no reference to recent official U.S. Government reports on the de- 
cline of U S prestige abroad, it declares that "U.S. imperialism has exposed 
itself still more and its influence in the world has sustained fresh and telling 

blows." 

keW stages 

New features of the international situation, as elaborated in the statement, 
are a "new stage in the development of the general crisis of capitalism,' and a 
"new stage in the development of world socialism." _ 

The Communist representatives see world capitalism as going through an 
intensive process of disintegration and decay despite attempts to save it by 
militarism and the development of monopoly capitalism into state monopoly 
capitalism. In this situation, all the class and national antagonisms and the 
internal and external contradictions of society, have sharpened greatly, they 
sav and they emphasize that this deterioration of capitalism is taking place 
within the conditions of competition and struggle between capitalism and 
socialism. 

SOCIALIST GROWTH 

On the other hand, socialist construction has advanced so rapidly, socialist 
relations of production have become so predominant, and the world socialist 
camp has become so strong, that in all socialist countries today "the restoration 
of capitalism has been made socially and economically impossible, the state- 

me in t addftion, the Communist leaders take note that "the breakdown of the 
svstem of colonial slaverv under the impact of the national-liberation movement 
Is a development ranking second in historic importance only to the formation of 

th Tr y rl expTersS t X''with "all the peoples of Asia, Africa, Latin America 
and Oceania who are carrying on a heroic struggle against imperialism. More- 



I'AUTIEB' MANIFESTO 



101 



over, tin- ' I 'i" ibolltlon <>r colonialism will also be of 

great lni| m <i tension and consolidating universal 

peace." 

INI'.W IIM.ANCIC 

Based uii n inn i .nmlll ions, the Communist leaders assert that 

a "new i'ii mi ie ml" being. "There are now real opportu- 

nities i A Ivil mil priililem* of modern times in a new way, in the in- 

teresl iind socialism," they declare. 

Thej 'i I" Inclpnl characteristic of our time" the fact that "the 

world becoming the decisive factor in the development of 

societj I I ho world socialist system and the forces fighting against 

imperial (»l I oclullsl Ira information of society, that determine the main 

content, m I nn<3 main features of the historical development of society. 

What. riii. 1 1 Imperialism makes, it cannot stop the advance of history." 

The OonitnunlMtH predict that "capitalism will be defeated in the decisive 
sphere nl Iiiini.iii endeavor, the sphere of material production." They denounce 
the concept thai socialism and communism may be spread by war, as well as its 
twin Idea concerning the "export" of revolution. Both ideas, they declare, serve 
reaction as pretexts for falsifying and distorting Communist activities and aims^ 
and com I in hug witch hunts against democratic and peace forces. 

reject slander 

"The Communist Parties emphatically reject this slander," they declare, 
referring to the idea that "the C munists need wars between states to over- 
throw the capitalist system and establish a socialist system." The statement 
says: "the fact that both World Wars, which were started by the imperialists, 
ended in socialist revolutions, by no means implies that the way to social 
revolution goes necessarily through world war, especially now that there exists 
a powerful world system of socialism. Marxists-Leninists have never considered 
that the way to social revolution lies through wars between states. 

"The choice of social system is the inalienable right of the people of each 
country. Socialist, revolution is not an item of export and cannot be imposed 
from without II. is a result of the internal development of the country con- 
cerned, of l be utmost sharpening of social contradictions in it. 

"The Communist Parties, which guide themselves by the Marxist-Leninist 
doctrine, have always been against the export of revolution. 

"A I the same time they fight resolutely against imperialist export of counter- 
revolution. They consider it their internationalist duty to call on the peoples 
Of all countries to unite, to rally all their internal forces, to act vigorously and, 
relying on the might of the world socialist system, to prevent or firmly resist 
imperialist interference in the affairs of any people who have risen in revolution." 

In respect to the form of the socialist revolution, this will depend on the 
"specific balance of the class forces in the country concerned, on the organ- 
ization and maturity of the working class and its vanguard, and on the extent 
of the resistance put up by the ruling classes," the statement declares. "Today 
in a number of capitalist countries the working class, headed by its vanguard, 
has the opportunity, given a united working class and popular front or other 
workable forms of agreement and political cooperation between the different 
parties and public organizations, to unite a majority of the people, win state 
power without civil war and ensure the transfer of the basic means of produc- 
tion to the hands of the people. 

"Relying on the majority of the people and resolutely rebuffing the opportun- 
ist elements incapable of relinquishing the policy of compromise with the 
capitalists and landlords, the working class can defeat the reactionary, anti- 
popular forces, secure a firm majority in parliament, transform parliament 
from an instrument serving class interests of the bourgeoisie into an instru- 
ment serving the working people." 



WORKING CLASS STRUGGLE 

The statement continues that the working class can "launch an extraparllfl 
mentary mass struggle, smash the resistance of the reactionary fori < md en 
the necessary conditions for peaceful realization of the Socialist re vol n 



102 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



However, it warns that "in the event of the exploiting classes resorting to 
violence against the people, the possibility of a nonpeaeeful transition to social- 
ism should be borne in mind." 

"The actual possibility of the one or the other way of transition to socialism 
in each country depends on the concrete historical conditions," it asserts. 

NEW CONDITIONS 

Among the new conditions created by the changed balance of forces in the 
world, the Communists take note of opportunities for conducting struggles against 
the big imperialist monopolies. They express solidarity with the "courageous 
sons and daughters of the working class and the fighters for democracy, languish- 
ing behind prison bars in the United States, Spain, Portugal, Japan, West Ger- 
many, Greece, Iran, Pakistan, the United Arab Republic, Jordan, Iraq, Argentina, 
Paraguay, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, the Union of South Africa, the 
Sudan, and other countries. The meeting urges the launching of a worldwide, 
powerful campaign to secure the release of these champions of peace, national 
independence, and democracy." 

TEADE UNION UNITY 

The statement expresses the Communists' belief that "there are real pre- 
requisites for reestablishing trade union unity," and for restoring "the national 
and international unity of all the other mass democratic movements" through 
"joint action in the struggle for peace, national independence, the preservation 
and extension of democratic rights, the improvement of living conditions and 
the extension of the working people's 'social rights.' 

"Communists regard Social-Democrats among the working people as their class 
brothers," the statement says, and they "are prepared to hold discussions with 
Social-Democrats, for they are certain that this is the best way to compare views, 
ideas, and experience with the aim of removing deep-rooted prejudices and 
the split among the working people, and of establishing cooperation." 

REVISIONISM DOGMATISM 

But the statement repeats and elaborates on the 1957 declaration's warnings 
against revisionism and dogmatism. "The Communist Parties have unanimously 
condemned the Yugoslav variety of international opportunism, a variety of mod- 
ern revisionist 'theories' in concentrated form," it declares. It charges that 
"the Yugoslav revisionists carry on subversive work against the Socialist camp 
and the world Communist movement." 

"Dogmatism and sectarianism in theory and practice can also become the main 
danger at some stage of development of individual parties, unless combated un- 
relentingly," the Communists say. "They rob revolutionary parties of the 
ability to develop Marxism-Leninism through scientific analysis and apply it 
creatively according to the specific conditions, they isolate Communists from 
the broad masses of the working people, doom them to passive expectation or 
leftist, adventurist actions in the revolutionary struggle, prevent them from 
making a timely and correct estimate of the changing situation and of new expe- 
rience, from using all opportunities to bring about the victory of the working 
class and all democratic forces in the struggle against imperialism, reaction 
and war danger, and therefore prevent the peoples from achieving victory in 
their just struggle." 

In its concluding paragraphs concerning the consolidation of the unity of the 
Socialist world, and the fraternal relations of the Marxist-Leninist Parties, the 
statement emphasized that the "historic decisions of the 20th Congress of 
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are not only of great importance for the 
CPSU and Communist construction in the U.S.S.R., but have initiated a new 
stage in the world Communist movement and have promoted its development on 
the basis of Marxism-Leninism." 

"All the Marxist-Leninist Parties are independent and have equal rights," 
the Communists declare. "They shape their policies according to the specific 
conditions in their respective countries and in keeping with Marxist-Leninist 
principles, and support each other. The success of the working class cause in 
any country is unthinkable without the international solidarity of all Marxist- 
Leninist Parties. Each party is responsible to the working class, to the work- 
ing people of its own country, to the international working class, and Commu- 
nist movement as a whole." 






II I HI 



LOS 



|| IIHHI. ,. ,t| 



i Worker!' Parties Is a document of 

.irlllll.V. 

ml Imperialist circles in all countries, 

reveals their disappointment that 

HviH s in the socialist camp have been 



Tin' 

m Ill 

lli. 

qoi Ion n| I 

Mni i Li 

snatloi i il 

O.j i 'H columnist, obviously fearful of the impact 

of ih. u clear and emphatic call for peace, urges his 

mni. i | ..i Madison Avenue in reading the document. "If 

one n s thing said means the contrary of what it claims 

tomoun rliM|i -i" er to the truth," he advises, 

B ii rely cannot forget that such advice has often left them 

helpl< i Mined I heir class to policies based on such unreality. Some 

leagues have admitted on other occasions that the "secret 
weapon nl llm Nociallst world consists in the fact that its enemies refuse to 
accept lid ' MiniiiiisLs at their word. 

\\ . i, ,ii comment in the future on the many very Important questions cov- 
ered I ■ statement of the world's Communists. Here we wish to limit our- 

selveu i" what is most important for every man, woman, and child in our coun- 
try, and in every other land— the issue of peace. 

Confirming the correctness <>r the LW7 declaration of peace manifesto of 
the Communist and Workers' Parties, that "war is not fatally inevitable," the 
statement declares that world war "c.-m be prevented by the joint efforts of 
the world socialist camp, the International working class, the national liberation 
movement, all the countries opposing war and all peace-loving forces." 

The world's Communists, basing their position on today's reality, conclude 
that war is aol Inevitable. But they do not minimize the war danger. In fact 
they warn agalnBt both underestimating the "possibility of peaceful coexistence 
and * * * the danger of war." 

The main emphasis is on struggle. Struggle will decide the issue. In this 
connection the peace movement is described as "the broadest movement of our 
lime," a movement that embraces "people of diverse political and religious 
creeds, of diverse classes of society." But such a view of the broad potential 
of I he peace movement does not in the least minimize the great responsibility 
that the working class, and especially the Communists, bear in the fight for 
peace. 

The people of our country who cherish and need peace no less than do other 
peoples, bear a special responsibility in the struggle for peace because it is 
unfortunately true, as the world's Communists conclude, that "U.S. imperialism" 
is I lie "chief bulwark of world reaction * * * the mainstay of colonialism" and 
the "main force of aggression and war." This can be seen in arming the Ade- 
nauer and former Hitler generals with atomic weapons, maintaining in power 
the fascist Franco regime in Spain, intervention in Cuba, or support to the 
Quislings in the Congo. 

Clearly all such policies are against the interests of the people of our country 
and a danger to peace. They are the policies of men who at home also put 
properly rights above human rights and whose policies could blow up the world 
if thev cannot dominate it. 

There can he little doubt that the Eisenhower-Nixon-Dulles brink policy as 
revealed In the U-2 incident was a factor in the defeat of the GOP. It is also 
true that while the people saw no clear alternative on election day in the foreign 
policy pronouncement of the two major presidential candidates, millions voted 
in the belief that by (heir choice they were furthering the cause of peace. 

Now with the new administration about to take over, it is even more neces- 
sary for the American people to make known their urgent desire for peace. 
This, and not speculation on the policy of the Kennedy administration, nor on 
the influence of this or that member of the new State Department team, will 
be decisive. 



104 



COMMUNIST AND WORKERS' PARTIES' MANIFESTO 



The people, instead of waiting, should tell the new administration that they 
want a change, an end to the cold war, they want a policy of peaceful coexist- 
ence, a policy of negotiation and peaceful settlement of all issues. The current 
economic situation confirms that the cold war and armaments are a menace to 
the economic welfare of the people as well as a danger to peace. 

It is especially urgent that the working class which, thanks to the harmful 
policies of the Meany leadership, has not played its necessary role in the struggle 
for peace, should take its rightful place at the head of this movement. In the 
words of the statement of the world's Communists : "No political, religious, or 
other differences should be an obstacle to all the forces of the working class 
uniting against the war danger." 



INDEX 




,,, Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to th« Ii« appearance of the name of an individual or an organization 

In t U _. o 

A Page 

Acad ..i Hnclal Sciences 2 

AFL < 110 1""""""" 42 

ApImmhUx" '(irxl"jrstatemenrof 'Moscow conference of 81 Communist 

A]»|i"tiilVx I X7statement~by 81 Marxist-Leninist Parties, 1960) 76 

Api-cmlix II (article from Worker re Gus Hall)—-—— — -—--—- «< 

A ) HMidlx III (article from Worker, "U.S. Visitors See Moscow Parade ) - 99 
T ,r V~_it_i~ f — m m n A r "Wnriri nrnnmrmists Pledsre All for 

99 

._ 103 

10 



Appendix IV (article from Worker, - worm uuuimuui B i B *.«=«*= « 

Peace Struggle") 

Appendix V (article from Worker, "A Call to Struggle for Peace"). 

Austria 

B 



64 



Bandung conference ~ -g 37 4 q 

Berlin ' ' ' 12 

Berliner Illustrlerter (publication) ^ 

Bittelman, Alexander ^ 

Bulganin 



Castro " " A1 oo 

CENTO fel 'gg 

Chase, Homer 31 

Chernov, Mr . ■ oi 

Chiang Kai-shek government 1QQ 

Chinese People's Republic 

Comintern. (See Communist International.) 

Comintern, Seventh World Congress of tttvrTi 43 44 

Communist China 2b > di > **■' * d ' *J 

Communist conference, international oq~q7 oq q« 

Communist International (Comintern) **>,*i,aa,im 

C ° m Chinese Pa -!- 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 21, 33, 100 

Chinese, Central Committee of— 

Czechoslovakia g 

German ^qq 

Central Committee of 64 88 

20th Congress of at m 

21st Congress of °*»2S 

22d Congress of |00 

Spain |(H> 

Union of South Africa - o"«qIbk m M 

United States 2 > 88 

Communist Party National Committee 

Communists, Chinese 

CPSU. (See Communist Party of Soviet Union. ) 

Cuba 

Cuban National Banfc — — . 



I 
i ., 



106 



INDEX 



D Page 

Davis, Benjamin . 98 

Dennis, Eugene 34, 97, 98 

Department of State ~_ ' 5 

Dodd, Thomas J. (Senator) 29 

E 

Egyptian Government 18 

Eisenhower administration 98 

Eisenhower-Nixon-Dulles brink policy 103 

F 

Pair Play Committee for Cuba , 8 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 50, 97, 99 

"For New Victories of the World Communist Movement" (Khrushchev's' 

report 2 

Foster, William Z I_Z_I !"__.. ~__ 98 

G 

Gates j_ 34 

German Democratic Republic ~~ 11 

Germany "_ ^ 1Xj 12 

Ghana 47 

Gomulka, Wladislaw (general secretary of the Polish United Workers' 

Party) £ 100 

Green, Gil 9g 

Grotius 43 

Guevara, Maj. Ernesto « 



H 

Hall, Gus _ _. 9 7j 98 

39 

98 



Hanimar sk j old . 

Healey, Dorothy 

Higher Party School 

Hungarian revolution 

Hungary 

Hruska, Koinan L. (Senator). 



3 

7,20 
20 



India 

Institute of Marxism-Leninism 

International Affairs (publication) 

International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). 



7,17 

2 

15 

25 



Jackson, Jnmes E., Jr 50 97 

Johnson, Arnold ' 98 

Johnston, Olin D. (Senator) 



29 



K 



Kaganovich 49 

Kassem, General ~ 18 

Kellogg Pact on Disarmament I Z__ZI 22 

Kennedy administration ZZZJLZJL 97 98 

Kennedy Cabinet ~ ' 97 

Khrushchev 2-6, 10, 11, 15-23^25, 30-39, 41, 45, 47 

Kuomintang 40 



Laos 4 

League of Communists of Yugoslavia ~_ 2" 73 95 

League of Yugoslav Communists ZZZ-Z I ' 23 



imi.i \ 



107 



Pag* 

Lenin -— __ 29,38 

- 33 

U Fnl 21 

LI 111 I 97 

Ltu Hlim III 131 sne People's Republic) 100 

1 1-51 

il nl 1-28 

1-51 

M 

l\l:il. 1' 19 

Miiinli'1. I '. • 1 > 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 29 

Mho 1 3, 4, 10-17, 21, 22, 33, 38, 42-44 

Mlko.i nil 23 

Mololoi 19 

Mo "iw 3, 8, 12, 42 

M w conference 4,6,15,24 

Mn wow [ )eclaration and Peace Manifesto, 1957 2, 64, 76, 95 

Moscow Declaration, 1960 26 

Moscow Manifesto 4, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15-17, 21-26 

N 

Nasser 18, 42 

NATO 11, 61, 83 

New York City 5 

New York Times 13, 31-33, 50, 53, 103 

Novotny (President of Czechoslovakia) 100 

P 

Pankow H 

Paris summit . 4 

Peiping __ 3, 8, 12-15, 17, 21, 22, 42 

Perry, Pettis 98 

Pittman, John [ 99 

Poland 7 

Polish revolt 8 

Polish United Workers Party 100 

Politburo 21 

Political Affairs 50, 51, 76 

Pravda 3, 99 

"Problems of Communism" (book) '15 

R 
Red Army 31, 45 

Red Flag (publication) 21 

Red Square 99 

Red Star (official organ of Red Army) 31 

S 

Salisbury, Harrison 88 

SEATO I 61,83 

Shepilov id 

Sino-Soviet cjise 1 | 

Sourwine, J. G 

Soviet 7-Year Economic Development Plan Z_ZZ Z ZZZZZ—ZZZZZ 

Soviet Union 10 1 

"Spirit of Camp David" I 

"Spy Next Door, The" (TV show) 1 1(1 

Stalin 

Stalin- Hitler pact 

Sulzberger, C. L ~ 



108 INDEX 

T Page 

Talensky, Nicolai (major general) 14,15 

Tass - 50, 51, 53 

Thompson, Bob 98 

Tito , 24 

Regime of 23 

Trotsky 13,19 

U 

UAR, Government 18 

United Nations 12, 21 

U.N. Secretary General 11 

U-2 incident 45, 48,49, 103 

W 

Weinstone, William 98 

Winston, Henry 98 

Worker 50, 97-99, 103 

World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) 24-25 

Y 

Yugoslav Government 23 

Yugoslavia 23 

o