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DATE DUE 

11/17/08 



Southwest Taxas Stato Unlvnmlly I 



MM illll III! Ill III '.mi ii in ii mm hi ii 
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t lit- ( ulmn- American National Foundation is an independent, 
ihni profit institution devoted to the gathering and dissemination of 
data about ( uban economic, political and social issues. The Foun- 
dation rapports the concept of a free and independent Cuba based 

the best democratic traditions and seeks to foster an objective 
i f< n of I uba (ind Cubans. The goals' of the Foundation are to in- 
fi rm public opinion on problems of Cuban concern, to fight bigotry, 
\a protet t human rights, and to promote legitimate Cuban cultural 
tnttrfsts, 




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Cuba and the Cubans 

Address by 

AMBASSADOR JEANE J. KIRKPATRICK 

(U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations) 

Before the 
Cuban-American National Foundation 
at a Dinner in her Honor in 
Miami, Florida, October 22, 1982 



The Cuban-American National Foundation, Inc. 

1983 




rill* In one of ft itrin 1)1 pftpm ftpd riprlnti dlitrlbutfd i»v t tie 
( ulntn A < .in Nutlonul I oundi 



Cuba and the Cubans 1 



It is an extraordinary pleasure to be here tonight and to receive 
such a welcome from this audience. Let me begin by thanking Sr. 
Arboleya, by commenting on what an extraordinary privilege it was 
to hear the speech of Sr. Jorge Mas, to meet tonight with the 
distinguished mayor of Miami, and to be with you this evening. I am 
deeply pleased and I thank you for inviting me. 

I am grateful for your invitation, and I am heartened to see this 
group of Cuban-Americans so deeply concerned not only with the 
fate of their homeland, but also with the future of this country. 
I might say that I was not aware before I came that there might be 
among us tonight also Nicaraguans, Guatemalans, Salvadorans, and 
other citizens from Central America and the Caribbean. It is a very 
special pleasure, then, to meet with such a very large group of 
concerned citizens of the Americas, because that is what we all are, 
we are all concerned citizens of the Americas. 

Most of my remarks this evening will be addressed by name to 
the Cubans, because this is an evening for the Cuban-American 
National Foundation, but I should say that their spirit is also 



f From the point indicated by an asterisk (p. 5) this speech was given in Spanish. 
It has been translated into English for this publication. 



3 



profoundly relevant to all the Americas and to all the guests from 
all the Americas. 

Only twenty-odd years ago, most of you in the audience who are 
Cubans were struggling with the difficult and urgent problems that 
daily confront those who escape tyrants and pursue freedom, who 
are compelled to settle in a foreign land. The Cubans who came here 
solved those pressing problems of survival, and more, instead of 
remaining a burden on the communities in which they settled, Cuban 
refugees who have come to the United States have made major, 
indeed extraordinary contributions to the vitality and the growth, 
not only of Miami, not only of Florida, but of the United States, 
and indeed of the Americas. Cubans, as everyone knows, are a 
great American success story. 

Cuba and the United States have always been good friends. 
Leaving aside a few mistakes and a few misunderstandings, Cuba's 
history, like that of the United States, is characterized by commit- 
ment to liberty and justice. Only since Fidel Castro's consolidation 
of power have relations between Cuba and the United States been 
unfriendly, and that only because Cuba's ruling elite made them so. 

The same small ruling group that has made its country into a 
colony of the Soviet Union, turning its back on Cuban history and 
ideals, has set Cuba and the United States at odds with one another at 
precisely the same time that it destroyed Cuba's independence and 
freedom. It is not the first time in our century that a small anti- 
democratic elite has betrayed its country's traditions and friends, 
making refugees out of its people, and enemies of its friends. Similar 
developments occurred in the 1940's in Germany, Italy, Japan. 
Those nations were not our enemies until they had been perverted 
by insidious doctrines and organized in the great war making ma- 
chines. Once those doctrines were repudiated, as history tells, the 
American people reached out in friendship to help those nations 
rebuild, in freedom and independence. Their enemies and our 
enemies were the same. 

Cuba's freedom and independence will be restored too, and that 
imiinn loo will return to its own course, its own goals. Then we will 
have ;t lair chance to test that historic friendship between Cuba and 
the I Jniled States, to test our resolve, as President Reagan has saife 
"to go beyond being a good neighbor to being a true friend and 
Inotlier lo Lnlin America." 



I have no doubt that your English is better than my Spanish, 
but I believe that speaking about cultural pluralism is not enough. 
Cultural pluralism also must be practiced. We have practiced a bit 
of it this fall at the United Nations, when, I believe for the first time 
in our history, a member of our delegation, the mayor of San Juan, 
Hern an Padilla, spoke on behalf of the United States, in the General 
Assembly, in Spanish. It was a historic first. 

Tonight I should like to speak to you in your language, as an 
expression of my high regard for its beauty and your culture.* 

It is also as a citizen of this country that I am proud to be here 
among you, as a citizen of this country whose greatest wealth is in 
the human beings that form part of it. We are largely descendants of 
men and women who came to his land to enjoy freedom, and to 
make use of the opportunities that the nation offered to them during 
those years of growth. 

During the last century, the United States were enriched by the 
arrival of Germans, Italians, and Irish, among others; in this century 
they have been enriched by the presence of millions of men and 
women who speak Spanish. You yourselves, the Cubans, are one of 
the most valuable acquisitions of this country. 

It is most remarkable that in less than one generation you should 
have become so adapted to our way of life. And it is even more 
remarkable that without giving up your love for Cuba, without 
abandoning the hope of returning to your homeland, you have ' 
achieved so many successes in this country. Those of us who are in 
public life are sometimes surprised to see the strength of your 
presence in the business world, in the worlds of science and art, in.' 
the labor force, and in so many other activities. 

It seems to me very natural that, having become so happily 
integrated into our society, you might want to participate in the 
political process. That is one of the rights guaranteed by our Consti- 
tution, and it is one of the pillars that supports our democratic 
tradition. If commerce, industry, labor, and culture have all bene- 
fited from your presence, why should not politics derive the benefit 
of your participation? Just as each one of you chose his own road 
according to his performance and abilities, each one of you will be 
able to choose the candidate who will insure, for you, your children, 
your communities, and for the country as a whole, the course that 



4 



5 



you consider most beneficial. 

AH good Cubans who live here, from the humblest to the most 
fortunate, are a source of pride for the United States. They are an 
asset that could inspire us to write across the sky of Florida those 
words that you know so well: "Thank You, Fidel!" 

I look upon this organization, upon the Cub an- American Na- 
tional Foundation, with great pleasure as it works so effectively to 
inform public opinion, to convey to newspapers and other media, to 
the academic world, to labor and religious organizations, and to 
politicians, the information about Cuban matters that they have 
often sorely needed and not had. 

The Cuban government has invented the most fabulous lies to 
I justify its failures. Besides having demonstrated a total lack of 
' creativity, besides showing that under communism the only thing 
that works well is terror, they have shown us an economy in sham- 
bles, agriculture that does not produce food, industry that manu- 
'. factures few goods, science that does not discover, and education 
\ that does not educate. And every day we see the frustration of 
peasants and workers increase as the future of their country grows 
darker. 

If I were to calculate in dollars and cents the loss that Cuba has 
suffered because so many useful Cubans have left, and because those 
who have remained feel no incentive to work (and thus produce 
less), I am sure that the result would show that the losses would 
amount to ten times more than all the aid that Russia has had to 
extend, for so many years, to the government in Havana. And that 
is in dollars and cents. In human terms, the loss is far greater. 

The history of Cuba is one of the richest in this continent in its 
striving towards freedom. Few lands in America have had to pay so 
much, and to wait so long, in order to be free. Out of all proportion 
In its size and population, Cuba can count among its heroes men like 
( es pedes, Agramonte, Maceo, Gomez, and above all, that pride of 
the continent, Jose Marti. 

We, in English-speaking America, know as well as our brothers 
lo I he South what efforts the Republic of Cuba had to exert to solve 
the problems it inherited from colonial times, and we know as well 
its efforts to establish itself in the world as a free, prosperous, 'and 
democratic country. 

But today we look on with pain as that Cuba that loves freedom, 



democracy and progress is turned into a pawn of the Soviet Union; 
we look on with pain at her people enslaved; we look on with pain 
because that hard-working and prosperous Cuba has dropped from 
third place to one of the last in per capita income among the 
countries in the continent, because it is ruled by an alien ideology 
that has failed even at its very source. Suffice it to say that the index 
of productivity per inhabitant has diminished year by year, and that 
it now stands at a dismal zero point two percent. 

Cuba is today the country that perhaps shows most clearly the i 
failure of the communist system. If the people lived even slightly 
better than they once did, one might look with a certain indulgence 
at the sacrifices that have been demanded of them. But when we see 
terror enthroned, when we see no activity that is not coerced, when 
we see the enormous number of victims (those who have died, those 
who have suffered and still suffer, languishing in jail, and even you 
yourselves, who have been forced to leave your homeland), when 
we see how high the price for so little return, we ask ourselves how 
some can dare speak of communism as a solution for the problems 
of the world. 

Fidel Castro began his rule with a question that undermined the 
very basis of democracy, that cynical question: "Elections? What 
for?" And after twenty-three years of Fidel Castro, the people, if 
they could, would ask him: "Communism? What for?" The answer 
might be: communism, to suffer food and housing shortages; com- 
munism, to endure unconditional servitude to another state; commu- 
nism, to drain off the country's scarce production; communism, to 
squander the lives of Cuban men in absurd expansionist adventures. 
"Communism? What for?" To turn schools into indoctrination 
centers, to reduce culture to an instrument of the Party, to erradicate 
popular customs and beliefs, and to sow Marxism-Leninism in the 
minds of the young. 

Were we to look at the government of Cuba in the light of the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we would see how it has 
violated and continues to violate many of the articles of that con- 
vention. A country that denies basic rights to anyone whose opinions 
diverge from those of the ruling orthodoxy, a country that denies 
all opportunity to such people and exposes them to persecution and 
even to prison, goes against the very essence of the Declaration. 

A country whose constitution openly denies basic human rights 



7 



does not deserve the respect of its citizens or of the international 
community. To begin with, the socialist constitution of Cuba is 
nothing more than a document imposed by a small elite that controls 
the destiny of the country. It is a mockery of the will of the people, 
and contains only what is convenient to those in power, That is why 
it does not limit either the executive or the legislative branch. Instead 
it subjects the people to their will, and the legislative and executive 
branches, in turn, are subject to the will of one man. Dismissing 
the separation of powers as "bourgeois philosophy", the Cuban con- 
stitution concentrates all power in a single individual, which makes 
the system an undisguised tyranny. 

The government of Fidel Castro cannot, for example, allow 
freedom of speech, one of the most important rights included in the 
Universal Declaration on Human Rights, and this absolute control 
over ideas has allowed it to hide for a very long time the abuses it has 
inflicted, and continues to inflict, on the Cuban people. That is why 
Cuban law is so severe on this matter, why it very clearly provides 
that nothing can be said, that nothing can be heard or read, that is 
not in the service of the "Socialist State", that is to say, of whoever 
is in power. 

In Cuba, secondary and higher education are restricted to those 
who follow the party line. This contradicts the principle of the 
Universal Declaration according to which a student's right to edu- 
cation can be conditioned only on his scholastic qualifications, and 
students cannot be discriminated against for any other reason where 
(his right is concerned. Even the fortunate ones who manage to 
attend institutions of secondary and higher education never attain 
the goal of which the Declaration speaks, "the full development of 
[nun. m personality"; quite the contrary, what is achieved there is the 
opposite: their paths are narrowed to conform to dogma, and they 
are deprived of the richest roads of universal culture. 

Since the Cuban government, like all totalitarian regimes, domi- 
nates all activities, one cannot speak of human rights in Cuba, but 
only of violations of those rights — and to speak of all of them 
would make this speech far too long. But in this country we are not 
I > I i i ul in those violations, and we will not be remiss in speaking 
QUI vviuMi necessary, We now have the great joy that Armando 
Valladares, (he poet who dared to incite Castro's anger from his 
w1h-( li hah in jail, will soon be freed. His forthcoming release was 



achieved through the intervention of governments, of international 
press associations, and of intellectuals throughout the world. We 
must denounce human right violations in Cuba, loudly and clearly. 

In speaking about the Cuban situation, we have used the word 
tyranny. And since I am speaking in Spanish, I would like to 
conclude with the oldest definition of that term in the Spanish 
language. I refer to the one given by Alfonso the Wise, the famous 
king of Castille, in the thirteenth century, in his treatise Siete 
Partidas, whose value has been recognized throughout the ages. In 
spite of all the changes that the world has undergone, his judgments 
are still of value. These are the words of the king: "A tyrant is a 
cruel lord who takes a land by force, deceit, or treason. The nature 
of tyrants is such that, after taking the land, they will do anything, 
no matter how harmful to it, in order to keep it. They love to do 
things that are profitable to them rather than to all, since they 
constantly live with the fear that they will lose what they govern." 
And he adds: "The wise men of antiquity said that, to satisfy his 
desires most easily, a tyrant uses three ruses: first, he makes sure that 
those who follow him are fools and live in constant fear, so that they 
will not dare rise against him; second, he does whatever he can to 
ensure that his subjects do not trust one another, because those who 
live in strife will never dare to speak ill of him; third, he keeps the 
people impoverished by submerging them in great projects and 
interminable adventures, so that they will never think of doing any- 
thing against him." 

King Alfonso concludes: "Above all, a tyrant always tries to 
corrupt the strong and to kill intelligence. He forbids his vassals to 
join in any kind of association and watches everything that goes on 
in his land; he trusts foreigners who serve him by choice to give him 
advice and care for his person more than he trusts the natives of his 
land, who serve him by obligation." 

I do not have to point out to you the similarity between the 
tyrant of this definition and the Cuban regime, because the definition 
obviously applies to much of the regime's history. It covers the cult 
of terror and hypocrisy, the absurd production goals, the expan- 
sionist adventures, the handing over of the country's security system 
to foreigners, and all the other tricks that the tyrant uses to maintain 
himself in power. 

With the exception of apprentice tyrants and those who are blind 



9 



to the deceptions being practiced around' them, everyone knows 
these truths, including the long suffering Cubans who live on the 
island. As Abraham Lincoln said: "You can fool all of the people 
part of the time, or you can fool part of the people all of the time, 
but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time." 
Thank you very much. 



10 



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La Cuban-American National Foundation es una institucion 
Independiente y no lucrativa, dedicada a reunir y a diseminar infor- 
mation sobre asuntos sociales, politicos y economicos relacionados 
con Cuba. I, a Fundacion apoya la idea de una Cuba libre y sobe- 
taiui en la me for tradicion democrdtica, y promueve una vision 
nbjctiva en (ox asuntos de su interes. Sus fines son informar a la 
opinion publica sobre los problemas cubanos, luchar contra el 
fandtlsmo, defender los derechos humanos y estimular la cultura 
t§gttlma de Cuba. 



* 



Puffdra obteni rso ejemplares gran's lie estc inibajo en 
i hi • ui , 11. \ iin i n ,ni National Foundation 
1000 rhomai Jtfftrion Straet, N.w., suite mji 

Wtihtiiiuiloii. D.r. 20007 



Cuba y los Cubanos 

Discurso de la 
EMBAJADORA JEANE J. KIRKPATRICK 

(Representante Permanente de los EE.UU. ante la ONU) 

Pronunciado 
en un banquete, en honor suyo, de la 
Cub an- American National Foundation 
en la ciudad de Miami, Florida, el 22 de octubre de 1982 



The Cuban-American National Foundation, Inc. 

1983 



* 



i ltd trftbujo Eorma parte de una serie do eitudios publicados por la 
' Hi', in Am. i ii .in National ' dutlon 



Cuba y los Cubanos 



Mucho me satisface estar esta noche aqui con ustedes, y recibir 
tan calurosa bienvenida. Quiero empezar dandole las gracias al 
senor Arboleya, y destacando el privilegio extraordinario que ha 
sido para mi escuchar el discurso del senor Jorge Mas, saludar al 
distinguido alcalde de Miami y disfrutar vuestra comparna. Me 
siento muy complacida y les agradezco que me hay an invitado. 

Les estoy muy agradecida por su invitation, y me conmueve ver 
este grupo de cubanos americanos tan preocupados no solo por el 
destino de su patria sino tambien por el futuro de este pais. Debo 
aclararles que no sabia, antes de venir aqui, que iba a haber esta 
noche tambien entre nosotros, nicaragiienses, guatemaltecos, Salva- 
dor enos, y debo aiiadir otros ciudadanos de la America Central y 
del Caribe. Es por eso que siento una particular alegria al encontrar- 
me en este grupo numeroso de preocupados ciudadanos de las 
Americas, por que eso es lo que somos todos, ciudadanos preocupa- 
dos de las Americas. 

La mayor parte de mis observaciones esta noche van a estar 
dirigidas a los cubanos, porque este es un acto de la Cuban- 
American National Foundation, pero debo decirles que el espfritu 
de mis comentarios es tambien profundamente de inter es para toda 
la America y para todos los invitados de las Americas. 



t Menos los primeros parrafos, que aqui aparecen traducidos, a partir del asterisco 
(p, 5) este discurso fue leido en espanol. 



3 



Hace unos veinte anos, la mayoria de ustedes estaban luchando 
con los dificiles y urgentes problemas cotidianos que confrontan 
los que huyen de una tirania en busca de libertad, los que se ven en 
la obligation de establecerse en una tierra extranjera. Los cubanos 
que vinieron aqui resolvieron esos problemas para sobrevivir, pero 
hicieron mas que eso: en vez de convertirse en una carga para las 
comunidades, los refugiados cubanos que han venido a este pais han 
hecho una gran contribucion, una contribucion extraordinaria, a la 
vitalidad y al crecimiento no solo de Miami o de la Florida, sino de 
los Estados Unidos y, por supuesto, de las Americas, Como todo 
el mundo sabe, los cubanos constituyen una gran leyenda de triunfo 
en este pais. 

Cuba y los Estados Unidos han sido siempre buenos amigos. 
Dejando a un lado algunos errores y desavenencias, la historia de 
Cuba, como la de los Estados Unidos, se caracteriza por su compro- 
mise con la libertad y la justicia. Solo desde que Fidel Castro se 
aseguro en el poder, las relaciones entre los dos pai'ses han sido poco 
amistosas, y eso porque asf lo ha querido la pequefia minoria de 
cubanos que esta alia en el gobierno. 

Esa pequefia minoria ha convertido a Cuba en una colonia de 
la Union Sovietica, y ha vuelto la espalda a la historia y a los ideales 
cubanos, enemistandonos precisamente en los momentos en que 
destruta la independencia y la libertad de Cuba. No es esta la 
primera vez, en nuestro siglo, que un pequeno grupo anti-democra- 
tico ha traicionado las tradiciones y a los amigos de su pais, con- 
virtiendo en refugiados a su pueblo, y haciendo que este se volviera 
el encmigo de sus amigos. Una situacion semejante se produjo en los 
anos cuarenta en Alemania, Italia y en el Japon. Esas naciones no 
I'uefon nuestros cnemigos hasta que las pervirtieron doctrinas insi- 
diosas y se las transform^ en grandes maquinarias para hacer la 
guerra. Pero, como sabemos por la historia, una vez que esas 
doctrinas se repudiaron, el pueblo amcricano se proyecto como 
aniigo para ayudar, dentro de un marco de libertad e independencia, 
a la rcconstruccion de esos pai'ses: sus enemigos y los nuestros 
mm los mismos. 

Tambien han de volver la independencia y la libertad a Cuba, 
y el la vol vera a su camino, a perseguir sus ideales, y entonces ten- 
th nuns una buena oportunidad para poner a prueba esa ar+iistad 
hisioriea entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos, para poner a prueba 



i 



nuestra disposicion, como ha dicho el presidente Reagan, "de ser 
mas que un buen vecino, y convertirnos en un verdadero amigo y 
hermano de la America Latina." 

No tengo duda de que el ingles de ustedes es mejor que mi es- 
panol, pero yo opino que no es suficiente hablar de pluralidad 
cultural, sino que hay que practicarla. Nosotros nemos tenido esa 
oportunidad en las Naciones Unidas cuando, creo que por vez 
primera en la historia, un miembro de nuestra delegacion, el alcalde 
de San Juan, Hernan Padilla, hablo en espanol ante la Asamblea 
General a nombre de los Estados Unidos. Ese fue un punto de 
partida historico. Y esta noche yo les voy a hablar en espanol como 
una manifestation de mi aprecio por su idioma y su cultura.* 

Es tambien como ciudadana de este pais que me siento orgullosa 
de estar aqui con ustedes; como ciudadana de este pais cuyo tesoro 
mayor es el material humano que lo compone. En buena parte 
somos descendientes de hombres y mujeres que vinieron a estas tie- 
rras a disfrutar de la libertad, y a aprovecharse de las oportunidades 
que les ofrecia esta nation en aquellos anos de crecimiento. 

En el siglo pasado se enriquecieron los Estados Unidos con la 
llegada, entre otros, de los alemanes, de los italianos y de los 
irlandeses; y en este siglo se han enriquecido con la presencia de 
millones de hombres y mujeres que hablan espanol. Y una de las 
mas valiosas adquisiciones de este pais, en nuestros dias, es la de 
ustedes los cubanos. 

Resulta admirable que, en menos de una generation, se hayan 
adaptado a nuestra manera de vivir. Y aun es mas admirable que, 
sin renunciar a su amor a Cuba, sin renunciar muchos a la esperanza 
de regresar a su tierra, puedan contarse entre ustedes tantos triunfa- 
dores. A los que estamos en la vida publica, a veces nos sorprende 
el ver su notable presencia en tantas empresas y negocios, en las 
ciencias y en las artes, en la fuerza laboral y en otras actividades. 

Al haberse integrado de manera feliz a nuestra sociedad, me 
parece muy natural que quieran participar en el proceso politico. Es 
ese uno de los derechos consagrados en nuestra Constitution, y 
tambien es uno de los pilares que sostiene nuestro sistema democra- 
tico. Si el comercio, la industria, la mano de obra y la cultura se 
han beneficiado con ustedes, £por que la politica no se ha de bene- 
ficiar con su participation? Al igual que cada uno, de acuerdo con 
sus preferencias y capacidades, escogio el camino que le parecio 



m&S convenient©, ustedes sabran escoger el mejor programa y a los 
mejores candidates que les ascgurcn, de la manera mas conveniente, 
lo que para sus familias, sus hijos, su comunidad, y para todo el pais, 
consideren mejor, 

Desde el mas humilde hasta el mas afortunado de los buenos 
Ctlbanos que viven aqm, son motivo de orgullo para Norteamerica, 
sou un aetivo valioso por el cual podriamos poner en el cielo de la 
I ; lui Ida, para que se vea bien en Cuba, aquel letrero tan conocido 
por usledes, que dice "jGracias, Fidel!" 

Con verdadero gusto veo a esta organizacion de la Cuban- 
American National Foundation, laborando de manera tan efectiva 
por llcvar a la opinion publica norteamericana, a los periodicos y 
olros medios de comunieacion, al mundo academico, a las organi- 
zaciones obrcras y religiosas, y a los funcionarios de este pais, la 
inlormacion que con tanta frecuencia les ha faltado sobre los 
asuntos cubanos. 

HI gobierno de Cuba ha inventado las mas fabulosas mentiras 
para justifiear sus fracasos. Ademas de haber demostrado gran in- 
capacidad para todo lo creativo, ademas de que ya sabemos que 
bajo el comunismo solo funciona bien el terror, vemos alia desbara- 
tadas la cconomia, la agricultura, la industria, la eiencia y la educa- 
l ioii. Y vemos tambien la frustracion de los obreros y de los campe- 
sinos que cada dia encuentran mas negro el porvenir de su patria. 

Si sc hicicra un calculo, en pesos y centavos, de la perdida que 
lia significado para Cuba el que hayan salido de alia tantos cubanos 
(itlles, y que tantos en la isla no puedan sentir estimulo para trabajar 
1 1 »oi lo que bajan constantemente los rendimientos y la produccion) , 
jco [es puedo asegurar que, si se hiciera ese calculo, la perdida no la 
« * Miipcusarfa diez veces toda la ayuda economica que Rusia ha 
Icniiio t|ue prcstar, durante tantos anos, al gobierno de la Habana. 
Y eso en pesos y centavos, que en valores humanos la perdida es 
l ml a via mayor. 

\a\ hisloria de Cuba es de las mas ricas, en este continentc, en 
sus luohas por la libertad. Pocos territorios de America tuvieron que 
pagar tan cajO, y esperar tanto, para ser libres. En proporcion a su 
gcogralui y a su poblacion, C'uba tiene la gloria de contar entre sus 
homines I'undadores, con figuras como Cespedes, Agramonte, Ma- 
in), Gomez y con ese orgullo de cuantos vivimos en este lado del 
mundo, eon Jose Marti. 



6 



Tanto en la America espanola como en la America inglesa, son 
conocidos los esfuerzos de la Cuba republicana por superar los 
problemas que heredo de la colonia; y tambien son conocidos sus 
esfuerzos por af irmarse en el mundo como un pais libre, democratico 
y prospero. 

Pero vemos hoy con pena aquella Cuba amante de la libertad, 
de la democracia y del progreso, convertida en un peon de Rusia, 
y con sus habitantes privados de toda libertad; aquella Cuba labo- 
riosa y prospera que, por regirse con una ideologia extrana y viciada 
en su mismo origen, ha pasado del tercer lugar en ingresos por ha- 
bitante, en este continente, a uno de los ultimos, donde el promedio 
del mdice de pioduccion nacional por habitante ha disminuido, ano 
por ano, hasta bajar a un cero dos por ciento. 

Cuba es quizas el pais que evidencia hoy, de manera mas clara, 
el fracaso del sistema comunista. Podna hasta verse con alguna 
indulgencia el sacrificio que se les ha impuesto a los cubanos, si se 
hubiera logrado cierto nivel de mejoria para el pueblo; pero cuando 
vemos el terror entronizado, la coercion en toda actividad, con el 
correspondiente caudal de victimas (como son los que han muerto, 
los que han padecido y aun padecen en las carceles, como son esos 
cubanos que alia viven en un Estado policial, y ustedes mismos que 
tuvieron que abandonar su pais), cuando vemos ese precio tan alto, 
cabe preguntarse como se atreven algunos a hablar del comunismo 
como solucion a los problemas de los pueblos. 

Fidel Castro empezo su gobierno con aquella pregunta que 
minaba el fundamento de la democracia, aquella cmica pregunta de 
"^Elecciones? ^Para que?" Y a los veintitres anos de su gobierno, el 
pueblo, si pudiera, le preguntarfa a el, con toda razon, "^Comunis- 
mo? ^Para que?" Y la respuesta no se haria esperar: comunismo, 
para sufrir con la escasez de alimentos y la falta de viviendas; para 
sufrir la servidumbre incondicional a otro Estado; para sufrir el 
drenaje de su escasa produccion; para sufrir la perdida de sus hijos 
en absurdas aventuras expansionistas. "^.Comunismo? ^Para que?" 
Para convertir los centros de ensenanza en lugares de adoctrina- 
miento, para reducir la cultura a un instrumento del Partido, para 
erradicar las creencias y las tradiciones populares y sembrar en la 
mente de los jovenes el marxismo-leninismo. 

Podriamos recorrer la Declaracion Universal de Derechos Hu- 
manos, de las Naciones Unidas, y veriamos como el gobierno de 



7 



( luba ha viol ado y continua violando sus articulos. Un pais donde 
una opinion que no coincida con la ortodoxia oficial resta derechos 
a quicn la sustenta, o ie limita oportunidades en la sociedad, y aun 
lo expone a la persecution y a la carcel, va contra la esencia misma 
do la Declaration Universal de Derechos Humanos. 

No merece el respeto de sus habitantes, ni de la comunidad in- 
Imiaeional, un pais donde su misma Constitution mate, de rnanera 
abierta los derechos fundamentals del hombre. De entrada, la 
< '< institution socialista de Cuba no es mas que un documento im- 
puestO por la pequena elite que dirige los destines de la nation. 

La Constitution socialista de Cuba es asf una burla de la volun- 
tad popular, no es mas que lo que conviene al que manda. Es por 
cso que no limita el poder ejecutivo y el poder legislativo, sino que 
est a sometida a ellos, que a su vez, estan en manos del gobernante. 
Calificando de "filosoffa burguesa" la inteligente separation de 
potleres, los concentran todos en un solo individuo, lo que convierte 
a] si sterna en una tirania. 

El gobierno de Fidel Castro, por ejemplo, no puede permitir la 
lihertad de expresion, tan destacada en la Declaracion Universal 
de Derechos Humanos. El absoluto control sobre las ideas le ha 
permitido ocultar por mucho tiempo los abusos que ha cometido y 
COtnete contra el pueblo cubano. Y por eso las leyes alia son tan 
severas en ese asunto, y determinan de manera bien clara que nada 
puede decirse, ni nada se puede leer o escuchar, si no esta al servicio 
del 'Tistado socialista", que es lo mismo que decir, si no esta al 
8©rvicio de quien ocupa el poder. 

La education secundaria en Cuba, y toda education superior, 
efttl coiulicionada a la actitud polftica del estudiante. Esto contra- 
"lirr el principio de la Delaracion Universal, donde se expresa que, 
sin otra discrimination, solo deben tenerse en cuenta los meritos del 
ftlunmo, Y aim los afortunados que llegan a esos estudios superiores, 
no togfftu aunca la formation integral de que habla la Declaracion, 
r ,c "plcno dcsarrollo de la personalidad humana," sino lo que se 
Ihjm;i i-s pivcisamente lo contrario, la limitation del hombre a un 
dur.ma I'stivcho, y asf se le priva de los mas ricos caminos de la 
euluira universal. 

Dnminaniln loiias las actividades, como hace siempre un regi- 
me n tOtalitario, no se puede hablar con propiedad de derechos 
QUEltnos en ( uba, sino de violaciones de derechos humanos, y estas 



B 



violaciones harian ahora muy largo el recuento. Pero en este pais 
es tamos muy alertas sobre ellas, y no andaremos cortos en denun- 
ciarlas cuando sea oportuno. 

Ahora tenemos la alegria de que pronto estara en libertad 
Armando Valladares, el poeta que desafio la ira de Castro desde la 
carcel, y desde su silla de ruedas. Y eso se ha logrado por denuncias 
de gobiernos, de organizaciones internacionales, de la prensa, y de 
intelectuales y escritores de varios paises del mundo. Hay que de- 
nunciar las violaciones de los derechos humanos en Cuba, todas las 
violaciones. 

Hemos mencionado la palabra tirama al referirnos a la situation 
de Cuba. Y puesto que hablamos en espanol, y para terminar, me 
voy a referir a la mas antigua definition, en esa lengua, de lo que 
es un tirano. Es la que dio en el siglo trece Alfonso el Sabio, el 
famoso rey de Castilla, en su libro de las Siete Partidas, cuyo valor 
jundico se ha reconocido en todos los tiempos. Vemos allf que, con 
tantos cambios que desde entonces ha habido en el mundo, aun 
tienen vigencia sus juicios. Estas son las palabras del rey: "Tirano 
quiere decir senor cruel que se apodera de algun reino o tierra por 
la fuerza, por el engano o la traicion. Los tiranos son de tal natu- 
raleza que, despues de apoderarse de la tierra, aunque sea en dano 
de ell a, aman mas hacer cosas en su provecho que en el de todos, 
por que siempre viven con el temor de perder su mando." 

Y enseguida agrega: "Dijeron los sabios de la antigiiedad, que 
los tiranos, para realizar sus deseos mas facilmente, se valen de tres 
mafias: la primera es que procuran que quienes los sigan sean siem- 
pre necios y vivan asustados, para que no se atrevan a levantarse 
contra ellos; la segunda es hacer lo necesario entre sus stibditos para 
que nadie se fie de nadie, pues los que viven en desacuerdo nunca 
se atreveran a hablar mal de el; y la tercera mafia de que se valen 
es empobrecer al pueblo, y meterlo en grandes proyectos y en aven- 
turas interminables, para que nunca piensen cosa alguna en su 
contra." 

Y concluye diciendo Alfonso el Sabio: "Sobre todo esto, los 
tiranos siempre tratan de corromper a los que tienen fuerza, y tratan 
de matar la inteligencia, y prohlben todo tipo de asociacion entre 
sus vasallos, y vigilan cuanto se hace y cuanto se dice en su tierra, 
y se fian mas de los extranjeros, que los sirven a su voluntad, para 
tomar consejo y cuidar de su persona, que de los naturales de su 



9 



ticrra, que los sirven por obligation." 

No tengo que destacarles a ustedes la coincidencia con el regi- 
men de Cuba, porque ahf esta buena parte de su historia, y esta el 
sembrar la desconfianza, el culto del terror y de la hipocresia; estan 
los planes absurdos de produccion, las aventuras expansionistas, el 
confiar el pcnsamiento y la seguridad del pais al extranjero, y tantas 
Otras mafias de que se vale una tirama para asegurarse el mando. 

A excepcion de algunos aprendices de tirano, o de los que no 
aciertan a descubrir las manas que se insinuan en sus tierras, todo 
H i a undo sabe estas verdades, y las saben los sufridos cubanos en la 
isla, porque como dijo Abraham Lincoln, "se puede enganar a todo 
el pueblo durante algun tiempo; o a parte del pueblo, todo el tiempo; 
pero no se puede enganar a todo un pueblo, todo el tiempo." 

Muchas gracias. 



I 



10 



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