(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Discrimination Against Men"

Pasi Malmi 



Discrimination Against Men 

Appearance and Causes 
in the Context of a Modern Welfare State 



Academic Dissertation to be publicly defended 
under permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Lapland 

in the Mauri Hall 
on Friday 6th of February 2009 at 12 



Acta Electronica Universitatis Lapponiensis 39 



University of Lapland 
Faculty of Social Sciences 



Copyright: Pasi Malrni 

Distributor: Lapland University Press 

P.O. Box 8123 

FI-96101 Rovaniemi 

tel. + 358 40-821 4242 , fax + 358 16 341 2933 

publication@ulapland.fi 

www.ulapland.fi/publications 

Paperback 

ISBN 978-952-484-279-2 

ISSN 0788-7604 

PDF 

ISBN 978-952-484-309-6 

ISSN 1796-6310 

www.ulapland.fi/unipub/actanet 



Abstract 

Malmi Pasi 

Discrimination against Men: Appearance and Causes in the Context of a Modern Welfare State 

Rovaniemi: University of Lapland, 2009, 453 pp., Acta Universitatis Lapponinsis 157 

Dissertation: University of Lapland 

ISSN 0788-7604 ISBN 978-952-484-279-2 

The purpose of the work is to examine the forms of discrimination against men in Finland in a manner 
that brings light also to the appearance of this phenomenon in other welfare states. The second goal 
of the study is to create a model of the causes of discrimination against men. According to the model, 
which synthesizes administrative sciences, gender studies and memetics, gender discrimination is 
caused by a mental differentiation between men and women. This differentiation tends to lead to 
the segregation of societies into masculine and feminine activities, and to organizations and net- 
works which are dominated by either men or by women. The organizations dominated by men will 
tend to develop ideologies and cultures which emphasize the superiority of men over women, whilst 
women's organizations and networks tend to glorify women, and exaggerate the deficiencies of men. 
This bias is likely to evolve in all religions, ideologies, sciences and professions which are dominated 
either by men or by women. The evolution and reproduction of the feminine and masculine biases 
is caused by a feedback loop, in which mental memes such as norms, role expectations, attitudes, 
beliefs and paradigms manifest themselves into cultural memes of masculinity and femininity, such 
as habits, traditions, advertisements, discourses and texts. This reproductive loop is completed by 
the manner in which people interpret and imitate the cultural memes that they recognize around 
themselves. 

The evolution of mental and cultural memes tends to favor simple and attractive memes. The 
attractiveness of memes is substantially affected by their coherence with popular memeplexes, dis- 
courses and paradigms. Those memes that are anomalous to dominant paradigms and memeplexes 
tend to be filtered out in the process of memetic reasoning, which is a chaotic combination of fuzzy 
logic, Chinese whispers, and an intentional twisting of memes. Another consequence of memetic 
reasoning is the tendency of exaggerated, simplified and mutated memes to replace their original 
memetic"ancestors"that have been developed within rational and coherent scientific or political par- 
adigms. This tendency towards mutations makes it possible that two seemingly opposing discourses 
such as sexism and feminism emit memes that recombine into misandric memeplexes such as the 
reverse strategy which considers women better and more valuable than men. In the same fashion, 
some welfare state ideologies such as the general idea of favoring the disadvantaged tend to mu- 
tate and corrupt into misinterpretations which cause harm either to men or to women. An example 
of such corruption is the evolution of the memeplex of reverse discrimination, which proposes the 
wide and practically permanent usage of double standards in favor of women, and which differs from 
the more moderate memeplex of positive action. 



When this is all summed up, we may predict that modern welfare states tend to be simultane- 
ous patriarchies and matriarchies in such a fashion that women have a high chance of being dis- 
criminated in male dominated organizations and fields of activity, while men will be discriminated 
by female dominated organizations and fields of activity. These predictions were evaluated in a study 
that analyzed 1149 complaints and other requests of action sent to the Finnish equality ombuds- 
man's office 1997-2004. In more than one third of the potential or confirmed cases of discrimination, 
the discrimination appeared against men. Men seem to have a two times higher chance of being 
discriminated in issues concerning the treatment of customers, both by private and public organiza- 
tions. Women seem to have a three times higher chance of being discriminated on the labor market 
than men, in general. However, male employees seem to have a 3-9 times higher chance of being 
discriminated in those fields of activity, in which the majority of employees and managers are women 
(e.g. social services and healthcare). 



Contents 

Thanks 15 

1 Topic of Study and the Research Mission 17 

1.1 Topic of Study and Its Relevance 17 

1 .2 Research Mission and the Specific Research Tasks 18 

1 .3 Positioning the Work among Existing Studies 19 

1 .4 Personal Standpoint 21 

1 .5 The Structure of the Thesis 22 

1 .6 Research Data and Methods of the Empirical Studies 23 

2 Conceptual Analysis of Discrimination and Modern Welfare States 24 

2.1 Central Concepts Relating to Gender Discrimination 24 

2.1 .1 Discrimination and equality in general 24 

2.1 .2 Structural discrimination, formal equality, and substantive equality 25 

2.1 .3 Positive action and reverse discrimination 25 

2. 1 .4 Reversed burden of proof 26 

2.1 .5 Direct, indirect and structural gender discrimination 27 

2.1 .6 Misogyny and misandry 28 

2.2 Modern Welfare States 30 

2.2.1 Welfarestates 30 

2.2.2 Modernity and modern welfare states 31 

2.2.3 Femocrats, gender mainstreaming, and femocracy 34 

2.3 Explicating the Scope of the Thesis 35 

3 Introduction to the Discrimination of Men and its Causes 36 

3.1 Gender Roles and Structural Discrimination 36 

3.2 Hegemonic Masculinity as the Oppressor of Men and Women 38 

3.3 Industrial Capitalism as a Discriminator of Men 39 

3.4 Feminism as a Potential Discriminator of Men 41 

3.5 Women as Exploiters of the Chivalrous Men 43 

3.6 Finnish Statistics Concerning the Impacts of Structural Discrimination on Men 45 

3.6.1 Introduction 45 

3.6.2 Dropping out of the society 46 

3.6.2 Men's health problems and lowered life time expectancy 47 

3.7 Summary 48 

4 A Synthetic Theory of Socio-Cultural Evolution 51 

4.1 Introduction 51 

4.2 Overview 52 

4.2.1 Central concepts 52 

4.2.2 The determinants of sociocultural evolution 56 

4.3 Functional Pressure 57 

4.3.1 Introduction 57 

4.3.2 Earlier theories of functional selection 58 



4.3.3 The combined effects of economic, coercive, reproductive and cognitive 
selection 59 

4.3.4 The significance of functional selection in the context of the welfare states. 62 

4.4 Unintentional Biases as Shapers of Memes 63 

4.4.1 Introduction 63 

4.4.2 Cognitive, linguistic and communicational biases 63 

4.4.3 Emotional and social psychological biases 68 

4.4.4 Memetic reasoning 70 

4.5 Social Groups, Power and Interest Group Bias 71 

4.5.1 Introduction 71 

4.5.2 The elements and consequences of power 71 

4.5.3 An empirically oriented typology of power resources 75 

4.5.4 The connections from memes and power to discrimination 79 

4.6 Metamemes and Paradigms as Shapers of Other Memes 81 

4.6.1 Introduction 81 

4.6.2 Paradigms and other metamemes 82 

4.6.3 The evolution of theoretical paradigms 86 

4.7 The Role of Organizations and Media in Sociocultural Evolution 92 

4.7.1 Introduction 92 

4.7.2 The vertical and horizontal aggregation of organizational memes 93 

4.7.3 The change of organizational memes 96 

4.7.4 Organizational clusters 98 

4.8 The Success Factors of Memes and the Degeneration of Scientific Knowledge 99 

4.8.1 Summary of the success factors of a meme 99 

4.8.2 The degeneration of scientific knowledge in modern societies 102 

4.9 Predicting the Evolution of the Welfare States 108 

4.9.1 The central memeplexes of the welfare state ideology 108 

4.9.2 Functional selection and the macro level trends of welfare states 108 

4.9.3 Interest groups and discourses as determinants of the future of 

welfare states 112 

4.10 Summary 115 

Applying the Theory to Gender Discrimination 118 

5.1 Introduction 118 

5.2 Identifying the Memeplexes and Biases that Cause Gender Discrimination 119 

5.2.1 Mental and cultural memeplexes 119 

5.2.2 Sociostructural memes as causes of gender discrimination 1 22 

5.2.3 A typology of the biases that cause gender discrimination 1 27 

5.3 Functional Selection as a Determinant of the Gendered Memes 1 28 

5.3.1 Functional selection in primitive and agrarian societies 1 28 

5.3.2 Functional selection in the industrial and post industrial societies 130 

5.4 The Feminine and Masculine Bias as Causes of Gender Discrimination 133 

5.4.1 Introduction 133 

5.4.2 The gendering of the cognitive and linguistic biases 133 



5.4.3 The emotional and social psychological gender bias 137 

5.4.4 Masculine and feminine biases as shapers of facts 140 

5.4.5 Examples of the discriminative effects of the masculine and feminine 

biases 141 

5.5 Feminism and Masculism as Causes of Gender Discrimination 143 

5.5.1 The cooperation and competition between feminism and masculism 143 

5.5.2 Sexist masculism and male chauvinism as causes of the bad status of 
women 144 

5.5.3 Sexist branches of feminism as a cause of the bad status of men 149 

5.5.4 Anti-sexist masculism as a cause of the bad status of women 152 

5.5.5 Anti-sexist forms of feminism as a cause of men's bad status 155 

5.6 The Coexistence of Patriarchy and Matriarchy in Modern Welfare States 158 

5.6.1 The accumulation of power to men and women 1 58 

5.6.2 The accumulation of gender bias into organizations 1 59 

5.6.3 The accumulation of bias to the patriarchal and matriarchal subsystems 

of the society 1 63 

5.6.4 The discrimination of men and women in the patriarchal and matriarchal 
subsystems 167 

5.7 Discrimination of Beta Males and Females by the Society 1 70 

5.7.1 The basic model 170 

5.7.2 The effect of alpha males and females on the masculist and feminist 

biases 1 73 

5.8 The Connection of Welfare State Ideologies to Gender Discrimination 1 75 

5.8.1 Introduction 175 

5.8.2 Welfare states as patriarchal discriminators of women 1 75 

5.8.3 Misandry and matriarchy as a future scenario of the welfare states 1 77 

5.8.4 Mixed scenarios 181 

5.8.5 Preliminary predictions concerning the future of gender discrimination in 
welfare states 182 

5.9 Summary 184 

Locating the Patriarchal and Matriarchal Subsystems of the Finnish Society 188 

6.1 Introduction 188 

6.1.1 Purpose of the chapter 188 

6.1.2 Initial hypotheses 188 

6.1 .3 Research method and research data 189 

6.2 The Gender Distribution of Power Resources in the Public Sphere 190 

6.2.1 Operationalization of the power resources 190 

6.2.6 Manpower 192 

6.2.3 Managerial positions of power 193 

6.2.4 Academic and professional know-how 196 

6.2.5 Formal resources of political power 198 

6.2.6 Social resources of power 199 

6.2.7 The qualitative resources of power in the public sphere 205 



8 

6.3 Resources of Power in the Private Sphere 210 

6.3.1 Solving the Problems of Operationalization 210 

6.3.2 Wealth ................................^ 

6.3.3 Income and consumption 213 

6.3.4 Fear of violence and the incidence of intimate partner violence 215 

6.3.5 The gender distribution of free time 217 

6.3.6 Ability to speak up in a relationship 219 

6.4 Summary 219 

7 An Empirical Examination of the Memeplexes, Discourses and Coalitions that Induce 

Discrimination against Men 224 

7.1 Introduction 224 

7.1.1 Hypotheses 224 

7.1 .2 Original research data 225 

7.1 .3 Methodological background 226 

7.1.4 Description of the heuristic research cycle 227 

7.1 .5 Discourse analysis of the popularity and significance of memes 229 

7.1 .6 Description of the research data collected by the pilot survey 231 

7.2 Sexism and Sexist Sciences as Discriminators of Men 231 

7.2.1 Introduction and overview 231 

7.2.2 Sexist stereotypes of men and women as a cause of discrimination 232 

7.2.3 Macho masculinity and alpha females as discriminators of men 235 

7.2.4 Chivalry and gentlemanly codes 237 

7.2.5 Maternalism and psychoanalysis as discriminators of men 240 

7.2.6 Sexist interpretations of Darwinism, sociobiology and the brain research. .243 

7.2.7 The sexist discrimination of men in criminal court 245 

7.3 Discourses of Patriarchy, Male Dominance and Reverse Discrimination 247 

7.3.1 Introduction 247 

7.3.2 The belief in male dominance and patriarchal oppression of women 248 

7.3.3 Feminist equality policy as a conclusion from the theory of patriarchy 259 

7.3.4 Epistemological and methodological conclusions from the theory of 
patriarchy 274 

7.4 Putting Women and Femininity above Men and Masculinity 280 

7.4.1 Introduction and overview 280 

7.4.2 All men pose a threat to women in the form of rape and violence 282 

7.4.3 Men are irresponsible and selfish pigs 292 

7.4.4 The valuation of women and femininity above men and masculinity 295 

7.4.5 The belief in the superior value of women's lives, safety and comfort 299 

7.5 Double Standards that Lead to Discrimination 303 

7.5.1 The origins of the misandric and discriminative double standards 303 

7.5.2 Summarizing and explicating some double standards described so far 305 

7.5.3 Misandric double standards 306 

7.5.4 The favoring of female clients in recreational services 315 

7.5.5 The discrimination of men at the core of the matriarchy 317 



7.6 Results of the Pilot Survey 328 

7.6.1 Introduction 328 

7.6.2 Popularity of some sexist memes 328 

7.6.3 Popularity of the memes concerning the patriarchal nature of the Finnish 
society 330 

7.6.4 Policy recommendations 331 

7.6.5 Conclusions 333 

7.7 The Coalitions behind Misandry and Discrimination 334 

7.7.1 Introduction and overview 334 

7.7.2 Conservative parties 335 

7.7.3 Alpha males and alpha females 336 

7.7.4 Mistreated women 336 

7.7.5 Left wing parties and feminist parties 337 

7.7.6 Women's organizations 338 

7.7.7 The Matriarchal Organizations of the Society 340 

7.8 Summary 341 

Gender Discrimination, According to the Complaints Sent to the Finnish Equality 
Ombudsman 346 

8.1 Hypotheses, Research Data and Method 346 

8.1.1 Hypotheses 346 

8.1 .2 Target and context of the study 347 

8.1.3 Research data and method 348 

8.1 .4 Classification of customers and outcomes 349 

8.1 .5 Delineation of the primary research data 351 

8.2 Quantitative Overview and the Gender Distribution of Complaints 353 

8.2.1 The outcomes of the complaints 353 

8.2.2 The contexts of the complaints 355 

8.2.3 The field of activity of the suspected discriminator 357 

8.2.4 Effects of the field of activity to the discrimination of employees 360 

8.2.5 The vertical segregation of the society 363 

8.2.6 Is the public sector more female friendly than the private? 365 

8.2.7 Summary of the evaluation of the main hypotheses 367 

8.3 The Themes and Motives of Discrimination 369 

8.3.1 Introduction to the classification of themes and motives 369 

8.3.2 Labor market 372 

8.3.3 Customers of Enterprises 378 

8.3.4 Administrative Customers 384 

8.3.5 Discriminative Laws 389 

8.3.6 Diverse themes 392 

8.3.7 Combined themes 395 

8.4 Summarizing the Memetic Causes of Gender Discrimination 396 

8.4.1 Review on the validity of the ratings on likely motives 396 

8.4.2 The median values of motives in the different themes 397 



10 

8.4.3 The appearance and frequency of the motives 401 

8.5 Summary 403 

9 Summary of Contributions 406 

9. 1 Contributions to Discourse Analysis and Memetics 406 

9.2 Contributions to Gender Studies and Sociology 407 

9.3 Contributions to Administrative Sciences 408 

9.4 Implications to the equality policy on the EU level, and predictions about 

the future of gender discrimination in the welfare states 41 1 

9.5 Suggestions for Additional Research 413 

Sources 415 



11 
List of Figures 

igure 1 . The Positioning of the Work within Gender Studies and Men's Studies. 20 

igure 2. Men Have a Higher Risk of Suicide than Women. 48 

igure 3. The Cross Scientific Roots of the Synthetic Theory. 52 

igure 4. The Reproduction and Change of Mental, Cultural and Sociostructural Memes. 55 

igure 5. The Determinants of Sociocultural Evolution. 56 

igure 6. Selection and Retention as Shapers of the Evolution of Social Systems. 60 

igure 7. Unintentional Biases as Shapers of Other Memes. 63 

igure 8. Central Elements of Power. 73 

igure 9. Connection from Power Resources to Gender Discrimination. 80 

igure 10. The Connection from Metamemes and Paradigms to Sociocultural Evolution. 81 

igure 1 1 . The Connection from Metamemes to the Popularity of Other Memes. 83 

igure 1 2. Ideological War and Coalition Discourses between Two Paradigms. 91 

igure 13. The Emergence of Organizational Cultures, Policies and Actions. 96 

igure 14. The Success Factors of Memes. 102 

igure 1 5. The Degeneration of Scientific Knowledge in Modern Societies. 105 

igure 16. The Determinants of Gender Discrimination. 118 

igure 1 7. The Memeplexes that Cause Gender Discrimination. 119 

igure 18. The Theoretical Paradigms of Men's and Women's Interest Group Organizations.. ..144 

igure 19. The Misogynous Logic of the Early Manifestations of Male Chauvinism. 147 

igure 20. The Discriminative Effects of the Sexist Branches of Feminism. 152 

igure 21. The Degeneration of the Antisexist Branch of Masculism into Antifeminism. 154 

igure 22. From the Gendered Spheres to the Coexistence of Patriarchy and Matriarchy. 1 58 

igure 23. The Emergence of Gender Bias in Organizations. 161 

igure 24. The Influence of Feminists and Masculists on the Accumulation of Bias to 

Organizations. 163 

igure 25. An Example of a Typical Masculinely Biased Organizational Cluster. 165 

igure 26. An Example of a Femininely Biased Organizational Cluster. 166 

igure 27. The Discrimination of Beta Males and Females. 171 

igure 28. The Role of Alpha Males and Females in the Construction of Sexism. 1 74 

igure 29. The Conservative Memes of the Welfare State Ideology. 1 76 

igure 30. The Radical Welfare State Ideology as a Potential Threat to Men. 180 

igure 31 . The Central Causes of the Discrimination of Men and Women. 187 

igure 32. Concentration of Informal Political Power to Women in Equality Policy and Social 

Services. 209 

igure 33. The Method of the Memetic Discourse Analysis. 230 

igure 34. Sexism as a Set of Interconnected Memeplexes. 232 

igure 35. Macho Masculinity as a Cause of Structural Discrimination against Men. 236 

igure 36. Chivalry as a Potential Cause for the Discrimination of Men. 239 

igure 37. Maternalism as a Discriminator of Men in Custody Disputes. 242 

igure 38. The Radicalized Theory of Patriarchy and its Misandric Implications. 248 

igure 39. The Theory of Patriarchy in its Radical Form. 257 



12 

Figure 40. Prioritization of Women's Interests over Equality. 262 

Figure 41 . The Memeplex for the Reverse Discrimination of Men. 266 

Figure 42. Men should not Interfere with the Equality Policy. 269 

Figure 43. Feminist Standpoint Epistemology in its Radical Form. 276 

Figure 44. The Replacement of Science and Analysis with Feelings, Bogus and Revolutionary 

Action. 279 

Figure 45. The Demonization of Men and the Glorification of Women as a Coalition Discourse.281 

Figure 46. The Construction of the Memeplex Claiming that Men Pose a Threat to Women.. . 282 

Figure 47. The Misandric Interpretation of Connell's Theory of Hegemonic Masculinity. 286 

Figure 48. The Rhetoric and Memetic Basis of the Reverse Strategy. 296 

Figure 49. The Emergence of Misandric Double Standards and Discriminative Practices. 304 

Figure 50. Humiliation of men is functional for the society. 309 

Figure 51. The Feminist Theory of Social Work and its Connections to Maternalism. 324 

Figure 52. Memetic Causes for the Discrimination of Men in Social Service Organizations.. . . .327 

Figure 53. The Coalitions of Misandry and Discrimination. .334 

Figure 54. The Appearance and Causes of the Discrimination of Men 344 



13 

List of Tables 

Table 1 . The Harmful Effects of Dominant Masculine Patterns. 37 

Table 2. Disaggregated Profeminist view to the Discrimination of Men. 39 

Table 3. The Portfolio Model of Management by Boston Consulting Group as a Meme. 66 

Table 4. Uphoffs typology of power resources (modified). 76 

Table 5. An Empirically Oriented Typology of Power Resources for Measuring the 

Power of Social Groups. 78 

Table 6. Connection from Masculinity and Femininity to Stereotypic Male and Female Tasks.. .123 

Table 7. The Shrinkage of the Sphere of Masculinity in Modern Welfare States. 1 26 

Table 8. A Two Dimensional Typology of the Gender Biases. 1 27 

Table 9. An Example of Unintentional Gender Bias in the Concepts of Childcare and Domestic 

Work. 136 

Table 10. The Operationalization of Power Resources in the Public Sphere. 191 

Table 11. The Segregation of Manpower on the Finnish Labor Market. 192 

Table 1 2. The Segregation of Managerial Power on the Private Sector in Finland. 1 94 

Table 13. The Segregation of Managerial Power on the Public Sector in Finland. 195 

Table 14. The Distribution of Professional Knowledge According to Professional and University 

Degrees. 197 

Table 1 5. Proportion of men out of interviewed experts and lecturers in TV. 201 

Table 16. The Gender Segregation of Media Presence in Northern Welfare States. 202 

Table 1 7. The Relevant Resources of Power in the Private Sphere. 210 

Table 18. The Distribution of Power in Heterosexual Couples. 212 

Table 19. Figures measuring the gender distribution of intimate partner violence. 216 

Table 20. Men with Children Work Longer Days than Women in Most Western Welfare States.. .218 

Table 21. The Horizontal Segregation of Power Resources in the Public Sphere in 

Finland. 220 

Table 22. The Approximate Location of Patriarchy and Matriarchy in Finland. 222 

Table 23. The Memetic Drift from Misogyny to Misandry in the Sexist Stereotypes 

of Men and Women. 234 

Table 24. The Different Treatment of Men and Women in Finnish Criminal Courts. 246 

Table 25. Memetic Alterations of the Theory of Patriarcy 249 

Table 26. Femocratic Figures Concerning the Gender Distribution of Intimate Partner Violence.. .254 

Table 27. The Alternative Discourses Concerning the First Priority of Equality Policy. 261 

Table 28. From Positive Action to the Systematic Reverse Discrimination of Men. 263 

Table 29. The Relative Frequencies of Some Demonizing Memes. 293 

Table 30. Popularity of Some Sexist Statements among the Feminist Respondents. .329 

Table 31 . Beliefs about the Finnish Patriarchy. 331 

Table 32. Political Statements Supported by the Respondents. .332 

Table 33. The Classified Outcomes of the Cases. .350 

Table 34. Outcome Classes, which were Excluded from the Research Data. 351 

Table 35. Cases with Uncertainty of the Discriminated Gender. .352 

Table 36. The Outcomes of the Complaints. .353 



14 

Table 37. Outcome types of the complaints. 355 

Table 38. The Relative Frequency of the Discrimination of Men in Each Context. 356 

Table 39. The Gender Distribution of Discrimination in Different Fields. 358 

Table 40. Weighted Frequency of Discriminated Male Employees on Each Field. 362 

Table 41 . Recruitment discrimination at different job levels. 364 

Table 42. Discrimination, in General, at Different Organizational Levels. 365 

Table 43. The Effects of Organization Type on the Gender Distribution of Discrimination. 366 

Table 44. Discrimination in Patriarchal and Matriarchal Contexts. 368 

Table 45. Discrimination on the Labor Market 372 

Table 46. Discrimination of the Customers by Private Companies. 379 

Table 47. Discrimination of Administrative Customers by Public Organizations. 384 

Table 48. Discriminative Legislation. 390 

Table 49. Diverse Themes of Discrimination. 393 

Table 50. Gender Discrimination Concerning Dressing Standards. 395 

Table 51 . Summarizing the Memetic Causes of Gender Discrimination. 398 

Table 52. Comparing the Frequency of Alternative Causes for Gender Discrimination 

(ratings4-5). 401 

Table 53. Comparing the Frequency of Alternative Causes for Gender Discrimination 

(rating 5) .402 



15 

Thanks 

I wish to thank everyone who offered comments on this work, and all 
those people who have encouraged me to complete it. On this basis, 
I wish to thank Outi Anttila, Susan Blackmore, Martin Fiebert, Mal- 
colm George, Ingolfur Gislason, Jeff Hearn, 0ystein Holter, Martin de 
Jong, Anita Kelles, Henry Laasanen, Paivi Naskali, Kevat Nousiainen, 
Suvi Ronkainen, Jari Stenvall, J. -P. Takala, Jouni Varanka, and Pirkko 
Vartiainen. Your help has been invaluable in my writing process, and it 
appears that the harder the criticism has been, the more it has shaped and 
improved this work. 

I also wish to thank some other authors, whose books have been inva- 
luable sources for me, and which I have quoted a great deal. On this ba- 
sis, I wish to thank Jack Kammer, Anu Koivunen, Marianne Liljestrom, 
Nigel Edley and Margaret Wetherell. Invaluable sources of information 
have also been Arto Jokinen, who led me to some valuable sources of 
gender studies, and Matti Malkia, who commented on my research plan, 
and loaned me about 20 books concerning public policy formation. 

Finally, I wish to thank my family, who have supported me in my work 
for more than three years. 

My sincere thanks to all of you! 

HTL Pasi Malmi 

University of Lapland, Faculty of Social and Administrative studies 

Oulu 2008-09-05 



17 

1 Topic of Study and the Research Mission 

1.1 Topic of Study and Its Relevance 

The topic of this study is the discrimination against men. The focus is 
on gender discrimination, which means such discrimination that is caus- 
ed by gender instead of some other variables such as social status, race, 
sexual orientation or ethnic background. Gender discrimination against 
men is an important topic as the equality of the sexes, and the removing 
of all discrimination is considered an important issue among researchers, 
politicians and public administrators. So far, the majority of research and 
policy programs, however, have been targeted at removing discrimination 
against women, and to the improvement of the status of women. For 
example, in Australia, the public sector spends 20 million dollars per 
year on campaigns that work on removing discrimination against women 
(Marshall 2004). 

Equality policy and research, concerning the discrimination against 
men, has been limited in most welfare states. Instead, it seems that the 
problems of men are often seen as a natural consequence of men's own 
choices and actions, and therefore, require no actions from the formu- 
lators of the equality policy. Even the entire idea of the discrimination of 
men may raise resistance and denial among the formulators of the equa- 
lity policy (Holter 2000, p. 76). 

When I entered the search term discrimination in a bibliographical 
database, hundreds of books that handle discrimination were found (Lin- 
da database 2005). Out of these books, about 50% handled racial or 
ethnic discrimination, or discrimination against sexual minorities. The 
remaining 50% seemed to be concerned about discrimination against 
women. No books about gender discrimination against men were found. 
Although this simple search was limited, it may be used for illustrating 
the manner in which the majority of the scientific community has been 
oriented in the research on discrimination. 

A new trend is emerging though. The role pressures that the gender 
system causes to men are widely recognized by the scholars of gender stu- 
dies, and the actual discrimination of men has recently been brought to 
discussions by men's right activists, and by researchers who have written 



about the discrimination of men in courts (Kurki-Suonio 1999 and Jeff- 
ries 2005a and 2005b). Also on a political level, more and more initiati- 
ves concerning men's issues and men's involvement in equality issues have 
been introduced in Finland, and more widely, in the European Union. 



1 .2 Research Mission and the Specific Research Tasks 

The mission of this work is to create a better understanding of the ap- 
pearance and causes of discrimination against men in the context of a 
modern welfare state, and to find out and describe (roughly) how common 
the discrimination of men is compared to the discrimination of women 
in Finland. 

In order to work towards this mission, I was required to draw ideas 
from several traditions of social scientific research. The research mission 
required conceptual analysis, which connected it to the conceptual stu- 
dies of social science. After conceptual analysis, however, the formulation 
of explicit scientific models seemed so challenging, that the following 
required step was to continue analysis in a hermeneutic manner, trying 
to understand it, enabling a circle of deeper understanding and knowled- 
ge. After the enlarged understanding of the topic, however, the scope of 
this work expanded to the description of the discrimination of men in 
Finland, using empirical research data. However, the work is more ambi- 
tious than those traditional social scientific studies which only intend to 
understand or describe. The mission of this work is also to explain why 
men face gender discrimination. At this level, the work has some resemb- 
lance to those social scientific studies in which clear scientific models are 
formulated and then tested. Yet, the work does not fully fit the genre of 
these studies, as this work does not rely on the typical discourses of sta- 
tistical testing. 

Although this work may be difficult to categorize into the traditions of 
social scientific study, it seems to follow or imitate the traditional scien- 
tific method in general, with minor adjustments: It starts with concep- 
tual analysis, concerning the existing definitions and interpretations of 
equality and gender discrimination. It then advances to the formulati- 
on of social scientific models, which can be used for the explanation 



19 

of gender discrimination in general, and gender discrimination against 
men in specific. After this theory formulation, the work advances to the 
table testing of the models. This concept of table testing is used in order 
to emphasize that this testing differs from traditional statistical testing. 
While statistical testing is normally used in studies, which focus on a very 
narrow phenomenon and in the testing of just one or two hypotheses, 
this study produced theoretical models that were used for the derivation 
of dozens of predictions concerning empirical reality. In this context, I 
have felt that it is more productive and beneficial to compare the implica- 
tions of the theories to empirical reality on a more general manner — wit- 
hout calculating the statistical significance of the findings. That would, 
however, be the next logical step in some consequent studies. 



1 .3 Positioning the Work among Existing Studies 

This work is, first of all, positioned in the study of administrative science. 
It fits there the tradition of perceiving organizations as natural and open 
systems, as opposite to fully rational systems. The idea of organizations 
as natural systems means that private and public organizations are so- 
mewhat chaotic and their policies and cultures emerge in an evolutionary 
fashion, not as a consequence of a fully rational process (Scott 2002). 
The idea of organizations as open systems emphasizes the processes that 
organizations use to ensure their existence. This means that organizations 
may prioritize their own existence over the good of the interest groups 
that they are supposed to serve (Scott 2002). Within the study of the 
public administration, these perspectives have led to criticism against the 
paradigm of public organizations and the welfare states as fully rational 
systems, which seek for the good of all of their citizens. This also connects 
the work to the some studies that criticize the belief in rational, centrali- 
zed planning in the context of the welfare state (e.g. Friedrich Hayek, and 
Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). 

Within the field of memetics, this work attempts to integrate the 
perspectives of the internalists such as Dawkins to the ideas of the ex- 
ternalists such as William Benzon (1996) and Derek Gatherer (1997). 
In order to reach this goal, the work uses ideas from cognitive science, 



20 

linguistics, philosophy of science, cultural studies, anthropology and dis- 
course analysis (sociology). This makes the work more of an interdiscip- 
linary study than a study of memetics. 

Within the context of gender studies and men's studies, this work is 
located in the center of the field below. The first axis of the field is criti- 
cality against the "patriarchal" or "hegemonical" masculinity. The second 
axis is criticism against feminism. 





No criticism against 
traditional masculinity 
and the bipolar gender 
system 


Criticism against 
traditional masculinity 
and the bipolar gender 
system 


Severe criticism 
against traditional 
"hegemonic" 
masculinity 


Approval of all feminism and 
refusal to criticize women 


"Critical studies of 
men" paradigm 

Mythopoetic Most scholars of gender studies 
"pro male" 
mens studies The position of this work 


Indifferent or mixed position 
towards feminism and women 


Mostly critical perspective 
towards contemporary 
feminism (or towards some 
female behaviors) 


The critics of feminism (in general), 
and the critics of women's behaviors 





Figure 1. The Positioning of the Work within Gender Studies and Men's Studies. 



This work differs from the Mythopoetic tradition of men's studies (e.g. 
Bly 1990, Gray 1995), which seeks ways to restore the original or aut- 
hentic "caveman" masculinity which has become endangered over the 
course of civilization and industrialization. Compared to the "Mytho- 
poetics", this work is more critical towards traditional masculinities — and 
hopefully also more scientific than the writings of the Mythopoetic mens 
movement (see Kimmel 1994). 

The relatively influential "Critical studies of men" paradigm is located 
at the upper right hand corner of the field (e.g. R.W. Connell, Jeff Hearn 
& Markku Soikkeli). It is openly pro-feminist, meaning that it refuses to 
criticize any forms of feminism or any female behaviors. Instead, it per- 
ceives men as the main cause of men's and women's problems, and does 
not believe in the existence of discrimination against white, heterosexual 
middle-class men. This work is positioned below the critical studies of 



21 

men, as it is more critical against women and feminism. In this respect, 
the work resembles the writings of modern mainstream feminists who 
are also critical against some forms of feminism and against some female 
behaviors (e.g. Haraway 1991). 

This study also differs from the works of the most severe critics of 
feminism and women, who openly and strongly criticize contemporary 
mainstream feminism (e.g. Sommers 1994 & 2001 and Laasanen 2006) 
or women's behaviors (e.g. Vilar 1972 and Fitzgerald 1999). Although 
the study reveals some feminist ideas and some female behaviors that may 
be criticized, it is not anti-feminist or anti-female in general. It follows 
postmodern feminism by noticing the large variety of feminisms and fe- 
male behaviors — and this perception implies that some of the feminisms 
or female behaviors may be criticized on some basis. 

Other scholars of men's studies, who could be roughly be located in 
the center of the field, seem to include Farrell (1974, 1994 and 2004), 
and Holter (1995 and 2000), for example. 



1.4 Personal Standpoint 

According to the traditions of discourse analysis and feminist studies, the 
theories and empirical results of a researcher may be strongly influen- 
ced by his or her standpoint (see Ronkainen 2004). In order to let the 
scientific audience assess whether my personal standpoint has had some 
potential and yet systematic effect on this research project and this thesis, 
I need to reveal some parts of my personal standpoint. 

I identify myself as a gender sensitive equality feminist and as a post- 
modern feminist. I not only identify with feminism from the stand point 
of a researcher of gender studies, but also more personally as a father of 
two daughters, and as a long time husband of a woman who has used a 
lot of effort and energy in passing through the glass ceiling within the 
Finnish police organization, which is highly dominated by men. At the 
same time, I also identify myself as a masculist who feels sympathy for 
the divorced men, who have told me about the harsh treatment of men in 
custody disputes, and who have shown me some sexist legal statements in 
which custody of a child has been given to the mother simply due to the 



22 

young age of the child — and due to the assumption that it is in the best 
interest of young children to be given to the custody of the mother. I also 
identify myself as a social scientist, who wishes to defend social sciences 
against propaganda and bogusness. I am also the father of a son, who just 
recently lost his right to live in his student apartment, due to the fact that 
he has began his obligatory military service in the Finnish army. 

Instead of perceiving my own "male standpoint" as a strength or as a 
weakness, I believe that I have attempted to perceive all the issues concer- 
ning gender discrimination from the perspectives of a feminist, mascu- 
list, discriminated woman, and a discriminated man. Therefore, I do not 
feel that this thesis has been written simply from the point of view of a 
white, male, heterosexual, middle-class and middle aged man. 



1.5 The Structure of the Thesis 

The work begins with chapter 2, which contains the conceptual analysis 
of gender discrimination together with the specification of the concept 
of "modern welfare states". An introduction to the discrimination against 
men is offered in chapter 3, which briefly describes the existing research 
concerning the appearance and causes of discrimination against men. 

After this introduction, the work advances to the formulation of mo- 
dels. Chapter 4 presents a synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution, by in- 
tegrating memetics with cognitive science, discourse analysis, linguistics, 
evolutionary economics, organizational economy, philosophy of science, 
and some other perspectives. In chapter 5, the synthetic theory is applied 
to the evolution of gender discrimination in order to form a general theory 
of gender discrimination. 

In the last section, the predictive and explanatory power of these theo- 
ries is evaluated in empirical studies. The first study (chapter 6) analyzes 
the gender distribution of power resources in Finland, intending to locate 
the border between the matriarchal and patriarchal subsystems of society. 
In chapter 7, the general theory of gender discrimination is empirically 
evaluated in a discourse analytical and genealogical study in order to see, 
whether sexism and feminism have produced discourses, memeplexes and 
discursive elements that induce discrimination against men in the Fin- 



23 

nish culture and especially in the public administration. These empirical 
studies, however, are just preparations for the final empirical study of the 
thesis. In chapter 8, the main implications of the general theory of gen- 
der discrimination are compared to the results of an empirical study, in 
which 800 complaints sent to the Finnish equality ombudsman are classified 
and analyzed. In addition to the evaluation of the hypotheses, the study is 
used for creating an improved understanding of the nature and volume of 
discrimination against men in Finland, compared to the discrimination 
against women. 



1 .6 Research Data and Methods of the Empirical Studies 

The research methods in the empirical studies vary. In the study concer- 
ning the empirical gender distribution of the resources of power: to men 
and women in Finland, the method was statistical meta-analysis of vario- 
us statistics, research reports and social scientific writings concerning the 
topic. The method and data are explained in more detail in chapter 6. 

The study concerning the potentially misandric and discriminative ef- 
fects of sexist and feminist discourses was based on a synthesis of discour- 
se analysis and memetics. This study made use of the following research 
data: 1) Finnish University level course books on women's studies, 2) All 
materials published on the Internet, sampled by googling, and 3) a struc- 
tured pilot survey of a feminist target group. The method and research 
data are described in more detail in chapter 7. 

In the final and main empirical study of the work, the research data 
consisted of all of the complaints that men and women had filed to the 
Finnish equality ombudsman's office 1997—2004. This data was typed 
in, based on the summary data recorded by the ombudsman's office, and 
then classified according to a classification scheme. On top of this quanti- 
tative analysis, the material was also analyzed qualitatively, reading some 
of the special case descriptions entirely, to gain a richer understanding 
of the varieties and nuances of gender discrimination against men and 
women in Finland. The research method and research data are described 
in more detail in chapter 8. 



24 

2 Conceptual Analysis of Discrimination and 
Modern Welfare States 

The purpose of this chapter is to analyze and specify the central 
concepts that appear in the title of the thesis. This includes the analysis 
of discrimination and gender equality, and to the specification of the 
concept of the modern welfare states. 



2.1 Central Concepts Relating to Gender Discrimination 

2.1.1 Discrimination and equality in general 

Discrimination means a process in which people are considered as 
different, and then this difference is used for putting some people in 
a disadvantaged position (see Bruun & Koskinen 1997, p. 76—77). 
According to Aristotle, people are different from each other on an 
essential basis, and therefore, they can be treated differently, as long as 
this difference is not unproportional to these differences. For example, 
the differential treatment of men, women and slaves was justified by their 
essential differences. This thinking was challenged by the enlightment 
philosophers, who considered all people as equal by nature. Most 
differences between people were considered as caused by social and 
cultural factors. Therefore, the different treatment of different types of 
people was basically considered unjust. (Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001, 
p. 17-22) 

This definition of discrimination connects discrimination to equality 
and inequality: Discrimination is a process in which people are put in an 
unequal position due to their inherited class, race, gender, nationality, 
religion, ethnic background, sexual orientation or other characteristic 
that differentiates the discriminated persons from others. Discrimination, 
defined in this manner, was forbidden in the declaration of human rights 
(UN 1945), in the general treaty of civil and political rights (UN 1966), 
and in the constitutions of most countries. (Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 
2001, p. 223-32) 



25 

2.1 .2 Structural discrimination, formal equality, 
and substantive equality 

Structural discrimination is a process, in which members of certain 
classes or sociodemographic groups are put in a disadvantaged position 
due to structural factors such as roles, norms and other social pressures, 
power structures, language and the cumulative choices and actions of 
the members of the society (see Pentikainen 2002, p. 82). According 
to Nousiainen and Pylkkanen, discrimination is more and more often 
seen as a structural phenomenon, and therefore international human 
right treaties and national legislation concentrate on removing structural 
discrimination (Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001, p. 236—8). Structural 
discrimination is implicit in its nature, as there is no clearly identifiable 
discriminator. Instead, what appears as the discriminator is usually 
some collective entity such as the society, the market, the media, or the 
"system". The disadvantaged position refers to a lower standard of living, 
to a lower value or status as a human being, or to the unjust prevention of 
free choice concerning roles, habits, actions or behavior in daily life. 

Substantive equality means a state in which there is no discrimination — 
not even structural discrimination. This means that people of any gender, 
race, sexual orientation, religion or ethnic group do not have structural 
obstacles against reaching their full potential in society or against acting 
according to their personal styles and tastes. 



2.1.3 Positive action and reverse discrimination 

Positive action, affirmative action, positive discrimination and reverse 
discrimination may be seen as synonymous or as something slightly 
different. They all refer to policies and situations which favor individual 
members of social groups that are statistically at a disadvantaged position, 
for example, concerning their income, welfare or educational level. The 
purpose of positive/ affirmative action and positive/reverse discrimination 
is to improve substantive equality by favoring the disadvantaged groups. 
However, if these policies are applied too harshly, they may cause 
explicit and direct discrimination against those people, who do not 



26 

belong to any group which has been recognized as disadvantaged by the 
administrators. 

According to the Equality Online service of Regenasis, positive action 
is a legal and rightful policy that aims at improving the status of a 
disadvantaged group, whilst reverse discrimination is an illegal violation of 
the equality of the citizens (Regenasis 2005). This definition emphasizes 
that we need policies for improving the status of disadvantaged groups, 
however these policies should no t be so strong that they would discriminate 
against those who are being favored by the positive action policies. 

Although this distinction seems to be clear in theory, the supreme 
courts are having some problems distinguishing between legal forms of 
positive action and illegal forms of reverse discrimination. For example, 
the US Supreme Court struck down a special admissions program for 
minorities on the grounds that it excluded a white applicant because 
of his race 1 . However in another case, the Supreme Court approved a 
case in which a private employer and labor union had reserved 50% of 
higher paying jobs for minorities 2 . In the European Union, the line of 
the Constitutional Court has been relatively clear not to approve explicit 
violations of civil rights, even based on good motives and national 
legislation concerning positive action. For example, in the Johnston case 
(222/84), the Constitutional Court stated that all legislative exceptions 
to civil rights, such as the clauses concerning positive action, must be 
interpreted in a limited sense. This means that all positive action policies 
must be carefully defined, implemented and monitored thus not to cause 
discrimination against any individual citizen (Ahtela 2004, p. 109). 



2.1 .4 Reversed burden of proof 

One of the major principles of criminal law is the assumption of 
innocence, according to which all suspects should be treated as innocent 
until proven guilty by the prosecutor. This principle, however, does not 
always hold in civil trials, as the stronger party may be required to prove 
its innocence. For example, in the cases of gender discrimination at the 



1 Regents of the University of California vs. Bakke 1978 (see Dye 1984, p. 67) 

2 United Steelworkers of America vs. Weber 1979 (see Dye 1984, p. 68) 



27 

working place, the employer may have to prove that no discrimination 
has taken place, if the employee first presents some credible evidence that 
discrimination has probably occurred (EU Directive 97/80/EC 1997). 3 

The principle of reversed burden of proof, however, is also sometimes 
used in the criminal court. In the Soviet Union, the members of the 
former upper-class were routinely required to prove their innocence in 
trials, as they were considered the stronger party due to their belonging to 
a privileged class (Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). In the context of gender, 
the principle of reversed burden of proof appears, for example, in the 
anti-dowry laws of India. According to them, a man needs to prove his 
innocence, if his wife dies within seven years of marriage due to bodily 
injuries, and if he has been violent against his wife during the marriage 4 . 
The reversed burden of proof also appears in the Indian Protection of 
Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005, as it gives the magistrates a 
chance to order a man to move away from his home, if he is suspected 
of recurring domestic violence 5 . In this case, the man will have to prove 
that domestic violence has not occurred, and if this fails, he will have to 
move away from his home which is reserved for the woman (see Kishwar 
2005). In the European Union, the reversed burden of proof is mainly 
used in civil courts, in cases relating to gender discrimination that has 
occurred at the working place, or during the process of recruitment 
(Directive 97/80/EC). The CEDAW committee of the United Nations is 
also critical about the usage of reversed burden of proof, in criminal cases 
like in the accusations of rape. 6 



2.1 .5 Direct, indirect and structural gender discrimination 

Gender discrimination means discrimination which is caused by the 
gender of the discriminated person or group. According to EU legislation 

3 Council Directive 97/80/EC of 15 December 1997 on the burden of proof in cases 
of discrimination based on sex, articles 3 and 4, see http://www.ei-ie.org/payequity/EN/ 
docs/EU%20Documents/97%2080.pdf 

4 Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961 (amended 1986) 

5 Chapter IV, paragraph 19 (see http://www.saveindianfamily.org/images/dvlaw/ 
DVLaw_inbrief.pdf) 

6 Paragraph 11 of the CEDAW/C/SR.267 meeting held in the 31.1.1995 



28 

and European equality policy, gender discrimination may appear as direct, 
indirect or structural discrimination. Direct gender discrimination refers 
to a situation in which a person is put in a disadvantaged position due 
to his or her sex. Indirect gender discrimination refers to a situation in 
which some policy or procedure seems to be neutral and indiscriminative, 
but which actually put the members of either gender in a disadvantaged 
position 7 . The present EU legislation forbids both direct and indirect 
gender discrimination. In Finland, the maximum penalty for gender 
discrimination is two years in prison. 

Structural gender discrimination is usually presented as "lack of substantive 
equality" in the documents of equality policy and in laws and international 
contracts. Structural discrimination is not a crime since the actor of 
structural discrimination is hard to identify. However, EU legislation 
obliges all public officials to work for substantive equality, which means 
the same as active work against structural discrimination. According to 
the gender mainstre anting principle, all officials should take the gender 
equality perspective into account in their entire decision making. 



2.1 .6 Misogyny and misandry 

Misogyny has been defined as a hatred of or a strong prejudice against 
women (Wikipedia). The word comes from the Greek words for hatred 
(misos) and women (gune). This definition may be improved by 
distinguishing three levels of misogyny, and connecting the definition of 
misogyny to misandry, which is its male equivalent. 

1 . Explicit misogyny and misandry refer to the hatred or strong prejudice 
against women/men. It may appear as a categorical hatred or dislike 
against all women/men, or as a hatred against a stereotype of women/ 
men that is seen as representing almost all women/men. An example 
of explicit misogyny is the belief that all women cheat, and therefore 
men should not start committed relationships with them. An example 
of explicit misandry is the statement of the Leeds Revolutionary 
Feminist Group, which openly defined men as their enemies by 
claiming that heterosexual intercourse means cooperation with the enemy, 



7 Paragraph 7§ of the Finnish equality law, which follows the directives of EU 
legislation (see also Anttila 2005). 



29 

and therefore should be objected 8 . Although the explicit misogynists 
and misandrists may admit that some men or women are not actually 
as bad as the rest, they encounter all members of the opposite sex with 
prejudice, considering them as bad, until proven otherwise. 

2. Conditional misogyny and misandry refer to the strong dislike 
or prejudice against a certain relatively common group, type or 
stereotype of women/men. This means that men/women are clearly 
divided into bad and good (and neutral), and the bad type is then 
disliked and considered as a personal enemy, or as an enemy to the 
society. An example of conditional misogyny is found in the tendency 
of some traditional men to dislike women who have a career outside 
the home. An example of conditional misandry is the tendency of 
some women to believe that most men are chauvinistic rednecks, 
who beat their wives and do not perform their share of domestic 
work. After these strong negative stereotypes have been created, 
the conditional misogynist/misandrist may act as a great friend and 
supporter of all women/men who do not fit this assumingly common 
group of women/men. Conditional misandrists may resemble explicit 
misandrists, if they think that the stereotype that they consider as 
their enemy is very common and that exceptions are very rare. 

3. Implicit misogyny and misandry refer to ideologies that are harmful for 
women/men as they cause structural discrimination. For example, the 
tendency of men to prefer women who are thin and who use makeup, 
skirts and high heel shoes, may be claimed implicitly misogynist 
since it puts pressure on women to meet these requirements given to 
them, and as the meeting of these requirements may lead to harmful 
side effects such as eating disorders or psychological problems with 
self identity. In the same manner, the tendency of women to prefer 
wealthy men, may be considered as implicitly misandric as it may puts 
pressure on men to earn a lot of money, and as the failure to meet this 
requirement may lead to suicides, alcoholism and homelessness. 

Explicit misogyny and misandry may produce hate speech, which could 
meet the definition of a hate crime. These hate crimes are crimes that 
have a discriminative motive, for example a racist motive. The Finnish 
legislation refers to hate speech in chapter 20 of the criminal law, which 
prohibits the raising of hatred against a group of people. In Anglo- 



8 Leeds Revolutionary Feminist Group 1981, see Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004. 



30 

American countries, there are examples of legislation which perceives 
hate crimes as a special category, or as something which is punished more 
severely than normal crimes. 



2.2 Modern Welfare States 
2.2.1 Welfare states 

According to Harisalo and Miettinen, the central characteristics of welfare 
states are government intervention with the market economy in the form 
of regulation, Keynesian economics in order to reduce unemployment, 
and the prioritization of the "equality of consequences" over the formal 
equality of citizens in front of the law (Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). These 
characterizations may be criticized as they mostly suit the Nordic countries 
of the 1980s, and are less suited for the market oriented welfare states like 
the USA and UK, or the 2 1 st century Nordic countries which are reducing 
the regulation and governmental intervention. A more useful and widely 
applicable perception to welfare states is offered by Esping-Andersson, who 
starts by characterizing the welfare states as countries that provide transfer 
payments and public services to citizens in order to secure their welfare 
(Esping-Andersson 1990, p. 1—2). In order to illustrate the differences 
between welfare states, Esping-Andrsson divides them into three types 
or regimes which are the liberal, conservative, and social democratic 
(Esping-Andrsson 1990, p. 26—29). The welfare states of a liberal regime, 
such as the USA, Canada and UK, rely on market mechanisms for the 
production of welfare. They produce transfer payments only for those 
who are distinctively poor or otherwise disadvantaged. The conservative 
welfare states like Austria, France, Germany and Italy distribute transfer 
payments to citizens through a corporative network consisting of the 
state, church and labor unions, providing transfer payments mostly to 
employees working on the labor market. The social democratic welfare 
states distribute welfare to all citizens (not only the really poor or the 
breadwinners of families) by using both transfer payments and a wide 
range of subsidized or free public services such as municipal daycare. This 
typology of welfare states has been elaborated by Sykes, Palier and Prior 



31 

(2001), who divided the conservative block into Bismarkian, Southern 
and Central European welfare states, and who also added the category 
of the Eastern European welfare states. Even after these specifications, it 
remains somewhat unclear whether the welfare states should be defined as 
countries in which even the more disadvantaged people have a relatively 
high standard of living, or whether welfare states are countries which 
share some similar ideologies and policies concerning government and 
public administration. 



2.2.2 Modernity and modern welfare states 

In the context of social sciences, modernity refers to modern societies 
and the industrial civilization. According to Giddens, modernity is more 
specifically "associated with (1) a certain set of attitudes towards the world, 
the idea of the world as an open transformation by human intervention; 
(2) a complex of economic institutions, especially industrial production and 
a market economy; (3) a certain range of political institutions , including the 
nation-state and mass democracy. Largely as a result of these characteristics, 
modernity is vastly more dynamic than any previous type of social order. It 
is a society — more technically, a complex of institutions — which unlike any 
preceding cultures lives in the future rather than the past" (Giddens 1990, 
p. 94). Using this definition, we could define all welfare states of the 
industrial time as "modern welfare states". This definition, however, would 
not capture the fact that another revolution seems to have occurred after 
the industrial revolution: All liberal, conservative and social democratic 
welfare states of the modern society are distancing themselves away from 
the patriarchal welfare state, approaching the idea of a female friendly 
welfare state? According to Walby, this process is illustrated by the 
statistics concerning the participation of women in the labor market and 
political decision making, and by the statistics measuring the loosening 
of marriage and family ties. These trends may be taken as the basis of a 
more specific definition of the modern (female friendly) welfare state. 
According to this new definition, modern welfare states are countries in 
which: 



9 See Hemes 1987 & 1988 



32 

1 . At least 40% of the paid labor force is female. 

2. Women have at least a 25% representation in the parliament 

3. The institution of marriage has lost some of its significance, so that at 
least 25% of marriages end in divorce, and at least 15% of children 
are born outside of marriage 

4. Legislation and public policy contain several instruments that aim at 
ending direct, indirect and structural gender discrimination, and the 
subordination of women, even in the context of the private sphere. 

The first three characteristics contain statistical limits, which have already 
been reached by several welfare states such as the Nordic countries and 
Germany. According to the statistical study of Walby (2001), all the 
other industrial welfare states are also approaching these figures: The next 
likely candidates to meet these limits are Austria, Canada, Luxemburg, 
the Netherlands, New Zealand and Switzerland. This shows that these 
characteristics are not just typical for the social democratic welfare state 
and instead, represent a more general trend of modernization among all 
welfare states. The last criterion (4) is basically met by all the countries 
which have signed the CEDAW treaty of the United States (1979), and 
the end report of the Peking conference (U.N. 1995). Therefore, all of 
these criteria can be seen as integral features of modern welfare states. 10 

According to Walby, the driving force behind this modernization 
has been the entrance of women onto the labor market. This has been 
encouraged by enterprises, which wish to gain cheap labor, and by 
women's organizations, which wish to advance the economic status and 
social independence of women. Labor unions and left wing parties have 
also supported the participation of women in the labor market, as this has 

10 An alternative term for the modern welfare state could have been the female 
friendly welfare state, since the literature of gender studies contains theories about the 
female friendly nature of the Nordic welfare states (e.g. Hemes 1987 & 1988). This 
term, however, was not chosen, as the female friendliness of the welfare states has been 
questioned by anglo-american scholars (e.g. Pateman 1989) and even in the context of 
the Nordic welfare states. The term "female friendly" would also cause too abrupt and 
strong connotations in the context of the sentence "discrimination of men in the female 
friendly welfare states". This would hint that men are in deed discriminated due to the 
female friendly nature of the modern welfare states. Therefore, the term modern welfare 
state is used instead, despite its potential normative connotations 



33 

meant an increase in the number of potential members and voters. The 
increasing amount of women on the labor market has reduced women's 
dependence on men, and reduced the economic and moral necessity of 
life long marriages. This change has caused an increase in the divorce 
rates and in the rate of children born outside marriages. As women enter 
the labor force in large numbers, the amount of women with managerial 
experience also raises, producing a growing stock of potential candidates 
for parliamentary elections. This is an important step towards the entrance 
of women into parliament, as in most countries over 95% of parliamentary 
members have some managerial experience (see Walby 2001). After the 
participation of women into the labor market and political decision 
making has increased in most countries, this will also cause social and 
international pressure towards the more patriarchal countries, in which 
women have very little political or managerial power. 

When analyzing the reason why some welfare states have not yet 
reached the status of a modern welfare state, we may detect three main 
reasons: 1) Patriarchal religion, 2) Fiscal liberalism, and 3) Long history 
of victorious wars. Patriarchal religious heritage seems to tie women so 
strongly to their family that they can not freely advance towards positions 
of political power. This seems to be a possible explanation why France, 
Italy, Spain, and Portugal have been somewhat slow in their advancement. 
Economic liberalism seems to be a political hindrance against the 
development of public sector jobs, and this seems to have reduced women's 
employment opportunities and reduced their chances of finding daycare 
services for their children in countries such as the USA and UK. It is also 
possible that a long history of victorious wars is a factor that strengthens 
the picture of women as reproducers of soldiers and the image of men as 
the protectors and guardians of women. This is a mental hindrance that 
may slow down the development of gender equality in countries such as 
the USA and UK. Despite all of these potential hindrances, the statistical 
analysis of Walby shows that all welfare states have constantly advanced 
towards the status of a "modern welfare state" over the last decades. 

Although this definition of the modern welfare state maybe interpreted 
as a political statement about the beneficial and advanced nature of the 
modern welfare states, this is not my intention: The term modern is meant 
as a neutral term, in such a fashion that it merely describes the stage that 



34 

some countries have already reached and other countries are approaching. 
Therefore, it is still possible to interpret modern either as the opposite of 
the "old fashioned and retarded past" or as the opposite of the "good old 
days". For example, the increase in divorce rates in modern welfare states 
is not necessarily an essentially positive trend, although it is connected to 
the improved economic and legislative status of women. 



2.2.3 Femocrats, gender mainstreaming, and femocracy 

The term femocrat refers to public officials, who are in charge of the 
advancement of equality and women's status (Franzway, Court and 
Connell 1989, p. 133-134; see Ho Hi 2002, p. 129). Femocrats may 
appear in functionally specified offices like the Equality Unit of the Finnish 
Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. However, they can also appear in 
any level of the public administration, as all public decision makers have 
the chance to adopt feminism as their central frame of reference, meaning 
that they begin applying it to all administrative decision making. 

Gender mainstreaming is a feminist and administrative principle; 
according to which gender should be taken into account in all political and 
administrative decision making (see EU 1996). In a more specific sense, 
gender mainstreaming means that the effects of all legislative initiatives 
and administrative projects should be evaluated from a gender sensitive 
perspective. This means that the benefits and harms of all decisions to 
men and women should be evaluated separately. Although this all sounds 
fair in theory, it is also common that gender mainstreaming, in practice, 
is interpreted as a tool for the inclusion of the feminine and feminist 
perspective to all administrative decision making (Pentikainen 2002, 
p. 87). This could also mean that gender mainstreaming is becoming 
synonymous as an administrative principle, according to which all public 
officials should try to advance women's status in all of their decisions. For 
example, the foreign ministry of Finland has decided that the integration 
of the female point of view to all decision making concerning human 
rights should be given first priority (see Rasanen 2002, p. 1 18). In these 
discourses, the inclusion of the male point of view to administrative 
decision making is not seen as important, as it is implicitly assumed that 
it is particularly the feminine point of view that is missing. 



35 

If gender mainstreaming is interpreted in a somewhat radical feminist 
manner, it is possible that it will gradually evolve into the constitutional 
cornerstone of femocracy, which can be defined as a system, in which all 
administrative decisions are made from the female and feminist point 
of view, trying to advance the status of women. At this point, it must 
be noted that femocracy is only a potential scenario of the future. There 
is no empirical evidence that any of the modern welfare states would 
have advanced to the state of femocracy, so far. First of all, gender 
mainstreaming is a relatively new principle that is not systematically 
used in all administrative decision making. Secondly, the radical feminist 
interpretation of gender mainstreaming is still challenged by a more 
moderate perspective, according to which, gender mainstreaming could 
also be used as a tool for reducing gender discrimination against men. 



2.3 Explicating the Scope of the Thesis 

The title of this work may now be enhanced and explicated using the 
terminology described in this chapter. The research mission of this work 
is to 

analyze the appearance and causes of direct, indirect and structural 
discrimination against men in the context of the modern welfare 
states, which are defined as industrialized countries which use 
transfer payments and public policy for securing the welfare of their 
citizens, and which are characterized by public policies towards the 
advancement of women's status, women's high level of participation on 
the labor market, high level of female representation in parliament, 
and the low significance of marriage as a factor that binds women to 
a male breadwinner. 

This means that the results of this study are relevant primarily for the 
Nordic and Northern European countries, which already meet the 
characteristics of the modern welfare states and secondarily for those 
European and Anglo-American countries which seem to be reaching the 
status of a modern welfare state over the next decades. 



36 

3 Introduction to the Discrimination of Men 
and its Causes 

The purpose of this chapter is to illustrate some of the central traditions 
and ideas of men's studies, relating to the structural or direct discrimination 
of men. In addition to the academic branch of men's studies, some 
ideas of men's right activists and the less academic authors of the men's 
movement are also introduced, to give a richer picture of the appearance 
and potential causes of the discrimination against men. 



3.1 Gender Roles and Structural Discrimination 

According to liberal feminism, gender roles are harmful as they restrict 
men's and women's ability to be their full self. This idea is already found 
in the works of the first wave feminists such as Wollstonecraft (1792), 
Taylor Mill (1851), Mill (1869), and de Beauvoir (1949), and it was 
further developed by the second wave feminists such as Friedan (1963), 
Bern (1974) and Faludi (1991), after the development of the role theory 
within sociology 11 . According to the second wave feminists, women 
should be free to develop and express their "male" traits such as activeness, 
assertiveness, competitiveness and rationality, whereas men should be 
free to express and develop their "female" traits and behaviors such as 
sensitivity, compassion, nurturing, and passive submissiveness (Bern 
1974). The second wave feminists also criticized the pressures which men 
face in being the career oriented breadwinner of the family. These ideas 
of role theory, liberal feminism and second wave feminism have been 
developed by the men's liberation movement, which perceives men as 
victims of old fashioned male roles and masculinities that are pressured 
onto them by the culture and society. An example of this perspective is 
given by a declaration of the Berkley Men's Centre: 

"We no longer want to feel the need to perform sexually, socially, or in 
any way live up to an imposed male role. . . we want to relate to both 
men and women in more human ways — with warmth, sensitivity, 



11 Terman & Miles (1936), Parsons and Bales (1953), Goffman (1959), Hargreaves 
(1986) and Pleck (1987); see Edley & Wetherel 1995, 70-95. 



37 

emotion, and honesty. . . we want to be equal with women and to 
end destructive competitive relationships with men. " (See Edley & 
Wetherell 1995). 

The central parts of the male role in American culture have been described 
by David & Brannon. 12 These role expectations can be easily linked 
to the disadvantages that they may cause to men. A matching of the 
characteristics and consequences of the male role is presented in the table 
below, into which I have also added the "sex machine" as a fifth category, 
since it is also a common role expectation posed towards men: 



Cluster of 
masculine 
behavior 


Explanation 


Harmful effects to men (with references) 


'no sissy 
stuff 


The avoidance of 
all feminine 
behaviors and 
traits; 


Homophobia, the difficulty of men to show compassion to their male 
friends or even to their sons (Connell 2000, 67-1 26; Jokiiien 2003). 
Shutting down emotions, difficulty in speaking of emotions, mental 
absenteeism from family, male depression. 


'the big 
wheel' 


The acquisition of 
success, status and 
breadw inning 
competence; 


The role pressures on men, to be the principal financial supporters of the 
family, causes men to have a raised risk of stress related diseases such as 
coronary diseases and ulcer. (Jourard 1 974, Harrison 1 978). 

Definition of rich and successful men as masculine and sexy, means that 
less wealthy men are considered "loosers" and less masculine than other 
men. 


'the sturdy 

oak' 


Strength, 

confidence and 
independence 


Difficulty in admitting defeat and weakness as a factor leading to male 
suicides. Difficulty in asking for support and help from friends and 
relatives. (Jourard 1974, Harrison 1978). 


'give 'em 
hell' 


Aggression, 
violence and 
daring 


Raised chance of becoming a victim of other men's violence (Connell 
2000). Work related injuries due to the stereotypic masculinity of daring 
and risk taking both in the selection of career and in behaviors while at 
work. 


'sex 
machine' 


Always ready and 
willing for sex. 


Performance pressures, loss of interest in sex, impotence. 



Table 1 . The Harmful Effects of Dominant Masculine Patterns. 



In general, the men's liberation movement, which emerged in the USA in 
the 1970s, saw the socialization of males as an oppressive process which 
forces young boys into playing a limited and constricted sex-role. This 
idea has been represented by Farrel's "Liberated Man" (1974), Fasteau's 
"The Male Machine" (1974), Jourard's "The Transparent Self" (1971), 



12 David & Brannon 1976 (see Edley & Wetherel 1995, p. 77) 



38 

Nichols' "Men's Liberation" (1975), David and Brannon's "The Forty 
Nine Percent Majority" (1976) and Harrison's "Warning: The male sex 
role may be dangerous to your health" (1978). All these authors criticized 
the belief that the masculine role is an image of health and happiness. 
Instead, they saw the socialization of males as an oppressive process 
which forces young boys into playing a limited and constricted sex-role 
(Edley & Wetherel 1995, p. 81). From this point of view, men are seen as 
prisoners of their own masculine role, forced to work long weekly hours 
and to be the primary financial supporter of their family. 

The actual empirical impact of gender roles and structural discrimination 
on men is illustrated by chapter 3.6, which describes Finnish research 
and statistics concerning men's problems. 



3.2 Hegemonic Masculinity 

as the Oppressor of Men and Women 

Whereas the men's liberation movement perceived sexism as a structural 
discrimination against men in such a fashion that also women participate 
in the role pressures and structural discrimination against men, the 
profeminist scholars of men's studies like R.W. Connell tend to put all 
of the blame on men themselves. According to Connell, the traditional 
"male role" is best understood as the culturally authoritative or hegemonic 
pattern of masculinity (Connell 2000, p. 30). This hegemonic masculinity 
works in favor of the groups of men that are in power, compared to 
other men and women. It is supported with an institutionalized ideology 
that defines hegemonic masculinity as natural, beneficial and desirable. 
Therefore, hegemonic masculinity is the product of an ideology that has 
been created to serve the interests of dominant men. 

According to Connell, the dominant form of masculinity, or 
hegemonic masculinity, is based on economic and political power, which 
is connected to gender, race and sexual orientation. In most societies, the 
men of the racial and ethnic majority are able to define the dominant and 
admired form of masculinity, which is then supported by other men and 
by complicit masculinities. In such a society, different groups of men will 
receive different amounts of benefits and different amounts of side-effects 



39 

for being men. Therefore, the net patriarchal dividend, which means the 
advantage of being male compared to being female, may vary (see Connell 
2000, p. 31). This disaggregated analysis of gender equality, emphasizes 
the fact that sexism, on average, hurts mostly gay men, and to some 
extent also working class men and the men of ethnic minorities. Upper 
and middle-class men of the ethnic majority may face minor forms of 
structural discrimination, but these are outweighed by the large benefits 
they gain from sexism and the gender roles. Therefore, sexism does not 
really hurt the heterosexual middle-class men of the ethnic majority. This 
line of reasoning is summarized in Table 2. 



Group of men 


Benefits from sexism 


Harms from 
sexism 


Size of the 

patriarchal 

dividend 


Upper and middle- 
class men of the 
ethnic majority 


Very large 


Relatively 
small 


Relatively large 


Gay men 


None 


Large 


Negative 


Men from ethic 
minorities 


Small, as reaching the norms of 
masculinity is difficult due to hindrances on 
the way to economic success. 


Varied 


Small or negative 


Working-class men 


Small, as reaching the norms of 
masculinity is difficult due to hindrances on 
the way to economic success. 


Varied 


Small or negative 



Table 2. Disaggregated Profeminist view to the Discrimination of Men. 



3.3 Industrial Capitalism as a Discriminator of Men 



According to Seidler (1991), the capitalist working practices encourage 
men to split their sense of identity between their work personality and 
their "real me" of private life. Men become emotionally inarticulate, not 
just because the capitalist ethos tends to favor self-control, stoicism and 
self-discipline but because, divisions in experience between the private 
and the public, and the institutionalization of competitiveness cause a 
process of 'depersonalization'. Men have little alternative within these 



40 

sets of social relations, but to become 'working machines', closed and 
separate from others, fearful of intimacy and vulnerability, regulated, 
controlled and disciplined. Men become focused on maintaining an 
increasingly precarious masculine authority, and become familiar with 
violence both as a strategy, and as the potential object of the violence of 
others. According to Seidler (1991) and Tolson (1977), capitalism draws 
men into a network of social relations, which encourage sets of behaviors 
which we recognize as masculine, and yet, are harmful for men (Edley & 
Wetherell 1995, p. 101-102). 

According to Seidler, not only working-class but also middle-class 
men become self-estranged and harmed by the capitalist structures. 
Middle-class men are more isolated than blue collar workers, as they 
are engaged in an individual struggle with themselves for success. Work 
is less containable and more engulfing of both time and identity. The 
development of a successful middle-class career demands even deeper 
self-alienation as men's personality, character, and social skills become 
a commodity to be sold to the labor market, along with knowledge and 
expertise (Edley & Wetherell 1995, p. 105). This self-estrangement may 
be seen in several autobiographical writings by men. 13 Seidler 's analysis 
may be used for elaborating the disaggregated approach to patriarchal 
dividend, shown in Table 2. Based on Seidler's arguments, middle-class 
men may also suffer substantially from sexism, especially if they can not 
compensate the work related hazards of the labor market at home. This 
means, that also some middle-class men could gain a negative net benefit 
or negative "patriarchal dividend" by being male. 

The strong and depriving connection between masculinity and paid 
work is elaborated by Holter's theory of men as the symbol of paid work, 
and women as the symbol of free time, consumption and domesticity 
(Holter 1995, p. 102). 

"In this view, gender articulates a basic class relationship, inherent 
in the wage labor relation itself. The 'one' of wage labor is work, 
and the one doing it is he. The other is free time, freedom, not as 
universal freedom, but as posited by the first, relative to work. And 
the one making this free time possible, once more, is also positioned 
very specifically as against the first. Many traits of femininity may be 



13 E.g. Jackson 1990, p. 57-59 (see Edley & Wetherell 1995, p. 105). 



41 

interpreted on this background — woman as the larger ground, the 
larger ideal being, beyond work, related to pure consumption and a 
superior kind of freedom. " (Holter 1995, p. 102). 

Although this distinction of femininity and masculinity have caused men 
many benefits and women many disadvantages, the distinction also gives 
some notable benefits to women, especially in the context of the middle 
and upper-classes: 1) Women staying home from work, are privileged in 
the sense that they have more free time than men, and may concentrate 
on consumption instead of earning. 2) On the mental level, women and 
femininity are given an excuse for working less and for consuming more. 

Holter's theory receives support from "The Custody Revolution" 
by Richard Warshak (1992). According to Warshack, children used 
to be considered as the 'property' of fathers from ancient times until 
industrialization. Industrialization, however, produced the familiar 
division of roles between the mother as the nurturer and the father as 
the breadwinner. This division of roles, combined with Sigmund Freud's 
theory about the mother's unique contribution to her child's psychological 
well being, gradually turned the tables, making mothers the 'owners" of 
their children (Warshak 1992, p. 31—33). This means that the industrial 
division of men's and women's roles has created a situation, in which men 
have a far lower likelihood of gaining custody of children after a divorce, 
even if they wish to get the custody. 



3.4 Feminism as a Potential Discriminator of Men 

According to Christina Sommers, the contemporary mainstream feminism 
in USA has progressed on a totally wrong track, as it uses cheap tricks to 
present men as the powerful oppressors and women as the innocent victims 
(Sommers 1994 and 2001). This criticism is mainly shared by the men's 
right activists, and by the masculist authors of gender oriented books 
(e.g. Farrell 1994 and 2004). According to Sommers, the roots of the 
attack against men and boys are in the feminist standpoint epistemology, 
according to which, women have superior capacities in the domains of 
emotion, morality, knowledge and science. The belief in the superiority 



42 

of women has led to the consideration of all normal science as bad and 
masculine and to the replacement of traditional science with women's 
intuition (Sommers 1994, p. 74—76). A great number of the scholars 
of women's studies have taken the freedom not to follow the normal 
rules of scientific conduct. Strong statements are commonly circulated 
without explicit references to scientific sources (Ibid p. 189), or based 
on manipulated studies (Ibid. p. 197). In several cases, far reaching 
conclusions about the bad status of women have also been derived without 
any reference to quantitative data and statistics at all (Sommers 1994. p. 
1 17—254). According to Sommers, this politically motivated misconduct 
of science, has led to gender feminism or victimization feminism 14 which 
perceives women as the massively oppressed gender in all countries and 
in all sectors of life (Sommers 1994). As this discourse has permeated the 
school system and healthcare system in the United States, these sectors 
are almost at the state of war against men and boys. For example, the 
feminist scholars of women's studies have theorized that high school 
girls are silenced in classrooms in such a fashion that they begin to suffer 
from low self esteem. Therefore, various campaigns have been raised to 
empower school girls. However, the theories and hypotheses are based 
on no empirical evidence at all, and several empirical studies in schools 
actually show that it is the boys who are facing problems due to their 
gender (Ibid. 137-187). 

Within the sector of healthcare and social services, the results of 
victimization feminism are seen in the multiple studies of domestic 
violence, which try to present women as innocent victims and men as the 
oppressive perpetrators. According to Straus (1980), Sommers (1994), 
George (2002), and Fiebert (2005), these studies grossly underreport 
women's violence against men, women's tendency to initiate the violence, 
and the central role of alcohol and drugs as causes of domestic violence. At 
the same time, they exaggerate the role of the patriarchy and testosterone 
as causes of domestic violence (Kammer 2002, p. 50—56). This misandric 
essentialism may then be used against men in divorce trials, custody issues 
and criminal trials in the instances where men are accused of violence or 
rape (see Sund 2005, p. 109-138). 



1 4 Sommers original term for victimization feminism was gender feminism. However, 
she later changed the term to victimization feminism. 



43 

According to Kammer, the shift from equality oriented feminism 
to misandric feminism was first documented in 1980 and 1981, when 
the National Organization for Women in the USA first censored away 
all male friendly statements from its political program (Kammer 2002, 
p. 129). This development took place simultaneously with a shift towards 
the ideology of feminacentrism, which suggests that women are more 
valuable than men or that women deserve constant compensation from 
the society for being women (Kammer 2002, p. 83). 



3.5 Women as Exploiters of the Chivalrous Men 

According to Ester Vilar, women are selfish exploiters of men as they 

manipulate men to support themselves economically by offering 

nothing but sex in return (Vilar 1972). The same idea is also presented 

by Fitzgerald (1999), who criticizes the American culture for turning 

women into selfish "sexployters" of men. Although this idea may sound 

somewhat misogynous and antifeminist, the idea of the female body as 

a valuable resource is also embedded in the writings of Wolf (1991), who 

is worried about the declining value of the naked female body under 

the competition that originates from pornography, and particularly the 

pornographic material presented in the Internet. This same idea of the 

value of women's sexuality has also appeared in the writings of early 

feminists, who criticized marriage. For example, according to Mary 

Wollstonecraft (1792), prostitution is a more honest way for earning 

one's living than marriage, as in prostitution the prize of sex is openly 

negotiated, whereas the exchange in marriage is organized in a subtle and 

implicit manner. 15 

The more recent and more academic analysts of sex as a power resource 

include economists such as Baumeister, Vochs & Catanese (2001), 

Baumeister & Tice (2001), Baumeister & Vochs (2004), and sociologists 

like Laasanen (2006). This academic tradition bases the origins of sexual 

power to the asymmetries in the need for sex among people, which makes 

the ones with a higher sex drive dependent on others, whilst the others 

1 5 The perception to marriage and prostitution appears in the pages 52—78 of the 
1996 edition of the "A Windication of Women's rights" (see Laasanen 2006, chapter 4, 
"Marriage and prostitution") 



44 

then become controllers of a scarce resource. This conclusion is also 
supported by the resource dependency theory, which states that the control 
of scarce resources makes others dependent, leading to the accumulation 
of power to the actors that control this scarce resource (e.g. Pfeffer & 
Salancic 1978). According to these economists, the higher sexual drive 
of men has been proven in dozens of empirical studies (see Baumeister 
& Vohs 2004). Even if this gender difference may be caused by social 
construction, it is an empirical fact that leads to the female control of a 
scarce resource (sex), which makes men dependent on them, on average. 
This dependence is the basis of the sexual power of women (Laasanen 
2006). The idea of sexual intercourse as an exchange is also supported by 
the theory of social exchange, according to which all human interaction 
should be seen as an exchange in which both parties seek to gain some 
benefits (Simmel 1907, see Laasanen 2006, p. 17). 

Another trend in the criticism of the female exploitation of men is 
the concentration of the male characteristics and behaviors which make 
this exploitation possible. According to men's right activists such as 
Ramanathan (1999) and Kammer (2002), a central feature enabling the 
exploitation of men, and double standards in favor of women, is perverted 
chivalry. This refers to the perception of women as very vulnerable and to 
the practices of putting women on a pedestal and offering them all forms 
of special treatment. According to masculist authors like Farrell (2004), 
the existence of chivalry and gentlemanly behaviors, as part of the gender 
system, is not sufficiently noted by feminist scholars of the gender system. 
For example, when studying the ways in which male soldiers act in the 
presence of female soldiers, it was found out that men tend to devote a lot 
of effort and risk their own lives for the protection of the female soldiers 
(Farrell 2004). This also appears on the level of officers and generals, who 
are willing to pay a full salary to female soldiers, while not wishing to 
send them to the frontier. 



45 

3.6 Finnish Statistics Concerning 

the Impacts of Structural Discrimination on Men 

3.6.1 Introduction 

The Finnish literature concerning the discrimination of men appears 
mainly in the form of sociological studies, which approach "men's 
misery" either through statistics or through the qualitative analysis of the 
problems of uneducated, unemployed, alcoholic, homeless or criminal 
men. Although this tradition began in the 1960s and 1970s as somewhat 
detached from the gendered point of view, it can easily be reformulated 
into the terminology of gender studies and gender discrimination. 
According to this reformulation, the bad status of the problematized men 
seems to be partly caused by the role expectations which require men to 
be tough, outgoing, risk taking, and economically successful or otherwise 
powerful (see 3.1) and by the hegemonic representations of masculinity 
(see 3 .2) . Based on these role expectations and representations, it is possible 
to predict and explain the statistical findings concerning men's higher 
suicide rates, higher risk of facing violence, higher rates of alcoholism, 
drug usage and crime; and boy's higher chances of dropping out of the 
school system (see 3.1). In Finland, this recognition of the gendered 
nature of the problems of low social status men has strengthened over 
the last few years (e.g. Jokinen 2002, Rimpela 2007, and Taipale 2007). 
It even appears in some writings of feminist scholars of women's studies, 
who recognize the concentration of severe social problems in the less 
educated men of lower social classes (e.g. Veikkola 2002 and Rotkirch 
2005). 

This chapter provides gendered statistics, which may be used as 
a support for the hypotheses. Due to the nature of this chapter, as an 
introduction to the discrimination of men, the statistical analysis offers 
just a brief introduction, not giving much attention to the systematic 
research of potential alternative statistics and alternative interpretations. 



46 

3.6.2 Dropping out of the society 

Finnish girls, more often than boys, seem to feel that teachers accept 
them just as they are. Girls also tend to have better relationships with 
teachers than boys (Yrjola 2004, p. 14). According to statistics, boys 
on average, have a higher chance of dropping out of the school system 
than girls, although the social background of students plays a higher role 
than their gender. 16 This higher propensity of boys to drop out of school 
seems to be causally connected to the fact that a large proportion of the 
unemployed labor force is made of uneducated men (see Veikkola 2002). 
This concentration of unemployment to uneducated men is a risk factor 
that may also lead to the concentration of other social problems to men. 

According to statistics, men make up almost entirely the 3 % of the 
Finns, who have dropped out of the society, meaning that they have no 
job, no spouse, no connections to relatives, no motivation to search for 
a job, and no permanent home. This group is also likely to suffer from 
alcoholism, health problems, depression, and misuse of medicines. It is 
also known that the majority of the homeless, prisoners, and persons with 
life-size debts, are men. 17 These statistics are in line with the finding that 
over 40% of the receivers of municipal transfer payments in Finland 2004 
were single men (Stakes 2004, Table 6), which is a far higher proportion 
than the proportion of single women (see Julkunen 2002, p. 35). Other 
statistics, confirming the tendency of young men to be at the highest 
risk of dropping out of the society, are the statistics of Stakes, according 
to which 70% of clients of drug user's clinics and services in 2005 were 
men. The clients mostly had a low level of education, and 62% of them 
were unemployed. Twelve percent were homeless (Stakes 2006). 

These statistics have been explained by the male role, which pressures 
young men away from time consuming academic studies, and towards 
outgoing and risk taking behaviors. Some others have pointed out that 
the school system seems to discriminate against boys, which leads to the 
risk of young men dropping out of the society (e.g. Kotro 2007). 

16 Nousiainen & al. 2004, p. 46 

17 According to Jokinen (2002, p. 248), the generally high presentation of men 
among the social drop-outs appears in "Naiset ja miehet Suomessa 2001", Melkas (2001) 
and Taipale (1995). The voluminous debts of men have also been recognized in the 
studies of Sepponen (2005b). 



47 

3.6.2 Men's health problems 

and lowered life time expectancy 

Men, in general, die younger than women in Finland (Veikkola 2002, 
p. 53—54). The gender difference in life time expectancy is connected 
to men's gendered health problems, higher suicide rates, and higher risk 
of severe accidents. The lifetime expectancy for girls, who were born in 
Finland between the years 1970—75, was 75 years, while for men it was 
67 years. For those girls born in 2000, the lifetime expectancy is 8 1 years 
while for men it is 74 years (Veikkola 2002, p. 53—54). These differences 
are not merely biological phenomenona, as the causes of men's health 
problems, suicides and accidents seem to be closely connected to the male 
role as a tough and competitive risk taker, or a tough and hard working 
breadwinner who is required to earn a high income for his family. 

According to Eira Viikari-Juntura, Finnish male employees are more 
likely to suffer from exertion and stress related illnesses than Finnish 
women, even within the same job categories and industries. This 
especially appears in the food industry field. The absolute measures, 
concerning the higher likelihood of men in getting exertion and stress 
related illnesses, are coupled with the trend that women's illnesses steeply 
declined between 1989 and 1997, while men's illnesses have not declined 
at the same pace (Viikari-Juntura 1999). This finding can be explained by 
the role expectations, which require men to be hard working, sturty and 
uncomplaining — meaning that men tend to hesitate before attending 
a doctor due to minor health problems. Men also have a significantly 
higher chance than women in developing coronary diseases at the age of 
35—60 years in Finland (Kansanterveyslaitos 2000, chapter 7.1). Even 
this finding can be connected to the male role, which requires men to be 
tough, competitive, hard working and risk taking, in order to earn high 
salaries. 

Another factor that lowers the life time expectancy of men is the higher 
rate of suicides among men. According to Tilastokeskus, approximately 
7 women and 30 men per 100.000 inhabitants committed suicide in the 
year 1921 (Kansanterveyslaitos 2004). During the recession of the 1930s, 
the figures were 56 men and 10 women. During the next severe recession 
at the beginning of the 1990s, the suicides of men rose to 62 for men and 



48 

15 for women. These figures show that men (miehet) have approximately 
a 4—5 times greater chance than women (naiset) to end their life by 
suicide during recessions. This aligns with the hypotheses about the role 
expectations, which pressure men into the role of a breadwinner and 
which makes it difficult for men to admit defeat and start modestly again 
from scratch, if severe economic problems occur. 




Figure 2. Men Have a Higher Risk of Suicide than Women. 



3.7 Summary 



According to role theory and the main stream of men's studies, gender 
discrimination against men appears mostly in the form of structural 
discrimination, which is caused by the sexist gender system of industrial 
societies. This sexist system prevents men from gaining substantial 
equality with women, as men are more likely to suffer from stress 
related illnesses, work related accidents, unemployment, life sized debts, 
alcoholism, traffic accidents, drugs, lack of housing, higher suicide rates, 
and a lower lifetime expectancy. The sexist gender system also puts men 
in a vulnerable position in the context of divorce and custody disputes, 
since childcare is generally considered a feminine activity, and thus 



49 

mothers are therefore perceived more important to children than men. 
Although the gender role theory seems to explain very well the structural 
discrimination of men, in such a fashion that is also supported by 
empirical statistics, it does not contain a sufficient basis for the analysis 
of the direct and indirect discrimination against men and women. The 
gender role theory and its masculist interpretations are also challenged 
by the critical studies of men, which claim that white, heterosexual men 
of the upper and middle-classes still enjoy a large patriarchal dividend 
for being male, although they may face structural discrimination due to 
sexism (e.g. Connell 2000). This means that the Critical Studies of Men 
is a paradigm, which is not interested in the study and analysis of the 
discrimination against men in general. 

According to some masculists and liberal feminists, some forms of 
feminism may also be seen as potential causes for the discrimination against 
men. According to Sommers (1995), men are discriminated by gender 
feminism, which claims that women are epistemologically and morally 
superior compared to the competitive, uncompassionate, irresponsible 
and selfish men of our "patriarchal" society. The consequences of gender 
feminism appear in the war against men and boys in the American 
society (Sommers 2001). This war against men has also been analyzed 
by masculist authors such as Kammer (2002), Farrell (1994), and Fiebert 
(2005), who criticize the feminist theories and statistics which picture 
men as the sole and dominant possessors of power, and which stereotypes 
men as the guilty oppressors and women as the innocent victims. This 
critique against gender feminism, however, has not produced a theory 
which would describe the precise content of gender feminism, or its 
causal connection to the discrimination of men in different contexts. 
The practices used for collecting data on the discriminative effects of 
feminism to men, are also rarely based on solid quantitative or qualitative 
methodologies. These problems make it difficult for a reader to evaluate, 
whether gender feminism really is that popular, and whether it really 
causes notable amounts of discrimination against men, outside the scope 
of some curious examples. 

The fourth perspective to the discrimination of men, described in this 
chapter, is the perception of women as the manipulative exploiters of 
chivalrous men. These theories are based on empirical findings showing 



50 

that men have a higher sexual drive than women, and on the conclusion 
that women, therefore, have superior sexual power compared to men. This 
theory of the sexual overpowering of women, however, is not sufficiently 
connected to empirical statistics that would show the disadvantaged status 
of men in the context of a heterosexual couple. Closely connected to the 
theory of sexual power is also the idea of perverted chivalry, which refers 
to the tendency of men to favor women, and to put down other men. 
This theory also lacks the support of empirical studies that would show 
the connection from perverted chivalry to the discrimination of men. 
Therefore, the value of these theories, so far, is mostly in their nature as 
a balancing and alternative discourse to the radical feminist discourses, 
which claim that women are discriminated within heterosexual couples, 
and in all other contexts of the society. 

Due to these problems, this work begins by building a systematic and 
thorough theoretical framework, which is grounded on the philosophical 
basis of social constructivism, and on a new model of the evolution of 
social and cultural systems. This synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution 
is then applied to gender studies, producing a general theory of gender 
discrimination. Only after these preparations, the work will proceed to the 
empirical analysis of the connections that the male role, sexism, perverted 
chivalry, and victimization feminism have to the discrimination of men. 



51 

4 A Synthetic Theory of Socio-Cultural Evolution 
4.1 Introduction 

In the previous chapter, the discrimination of men was assumed to 
be caused by the male role and victimization feminism, which can 
be perceived as mental, cultural and ideological constructions. This 
chapter aims at developing a synthetic theory of the social and cognitive 
construction of mental, cultural and social structures, called merries, 
and of the principles according to which these constructions evolve and 
change the society over time. This analysis of the mechanisms of cultural 
and social evolution (sociocultural evolution) is considered necessary, as 
the empirical analysis of sexism and victimization feminism would not 
have a sufficient theoretical basis without such a theory. 

This synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution is based on the 
synthesis of critical discourse analysis, memetics, general systems theory, 
cognitive science, philosophy of science, evolutionary economics (Nelson 
& Winter 1980), organizational ecology, and the "garbage can model" 
of administrative decision making (Cohen, March & Olsen 1972). The 
model also draws from several theories of power and public policy, which 
originate from administrative sciences, politology, and sociology. The 
overwhelmingly cross scientific nature of this model, means that the 
chapter can not be started with an introduction to all of these fields — 
as that would simply take about twenty pages for each of the sciences 
mentioned. Instead, the entire model is first presented as a condensed 
overview to give a general understanding of the theory and its conclusions. 
In the later chapters, the specific areas and elements of the model, together 
with its philosophical basis, are then described in more detail, providing 
some general references to the work of the scholars in each field of sciences 
mentioned above. The figure below presents the cross scientific roots of 
the synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution. The persons, whose ideas 
have a strongest resemblance and influence to the theory, are shown in 
parentheses. In order to document the process of the formulation of the 
theory, the arrows are attached to years, representing the time when I 
first encountered this source of information, and integrated it into the 
synthetic model. Due to the late integration of sociology and discourse 



52 



analysis to the theory, the earlier versions of the theory have a stronger 
touch of positivism and biological thinking, than the present version 
which is based on social constructivism. 



General 

systems 

theory 

(Hull, 

Boulding) 



Memetics 
(Dawkins) 



Cognitive science 
(Shank, Zadeh, 
Kohonen) 



Philosophy of 
science (Lakatos, 
Kuhn, Feyerabend) 



Organizational 
ecology 
(Aldrich & 
McKelvey) 




1987 



Synthetic theory of 
the evolution of 
cultural and social 
systems 



Evolutionary 
economics 
(Nelson & 
Winter) 




Theories of power (Bacharach & 
Lawler, Foucault, Bourdieu, 
Giddens) 



Discourse 

analysis 

(Fairclough) 



Theories of political and 
organizational decision making 
(March & Olsen, Held, Nousiainen) 



Figure 3. The Cross Scientific Roots of the Synthetic Theory. 



4.2 Overview 



4.2.1 Central concepts 



The central idea of the synthetic theory is that all sociocultural 
phenomena are governed by memes, discourses and paradigms. In order 
to formulate this into a theory the following concepts and ideas need to 
be introduced. 

A replicant is a self replicating structure that is able to copy itself from 
one generation to another (Dawkins 1976). A synonym for a replicant 
is a replicator (Hull 1981). In most cases, the replicants are carried by 
interactive or living systems such as animals, people, organizations 
or societies (see Miller 1978 and Hull 1981). This, however, is not a 
requirement, since computer viruses are also replicants. 

A meme is a mental, cultural or sociostructural replicant. This definition 
solves the central ontological schism of memetics, which exists between 



53 

the internalists and externalists: Trie internalists like Dawkins (1976), 
Brodie (1995) and Lynch (1996) claim that memes are mental structures, 
while the externalists like Benzon (1996) and Gatherer (1997) claim that 
only cultural replicants should be studied and called memes, because 
the internal mental representations of people can not be observed. The 
recognition of the mental, cultural and sociostructural replicants as 
three different subcategories of memes solves the ontological problem. 
The new element in this definition of memes is the sociostructural 
memes, which include the structural properties of social systems, such 
as social hierarchies, the distribution of power, and the structure of the 
communication and dependency networks. 

Memes appear in memeplexes, which are sets of interconnected 
memes. Examples of large memeplexes include discourses, paradigms, 
and configurations. However, almost all memes are actually memeplexes 
because they are made of lower level components: Theories are made of 
statements, statements are made of sentences, and sentences are made of 
words. Spoken words are made of phonemes, and written words are made 
of letters. Memeplexes may also simultaneously contain mental, cultural 
and sociostructural memes. Racism, for example, is a memeplex that 
contains mental attitudes, prejudices and stereotypes; cultural memes such 
as texts, comic scripts, acts, and policies; and a sociostructural meme that 
shows the disadvantaged status of the group that is being faced with racist 
discrimination. In most cases, however, the concepts meme and memeplex 
relate to each other in such a context where memes refer to concepts and 
statements, and memeplexes are collections of interconnected concepts or 
statements. In this context, a synonym for a cultural meme is a discursive 
element (Laclau & Mouffe 1985 and Fairclough 1993, p. 138). 

When memes are studied, the analysis is usually at the level of meaning, 
not at the level of precise presentation. Different articulations, appearances 
or paraphrases of memes can be counted as the same meme, if they have 
the same meaning (paraphrases, see Schank & Abelson 1977). This 
means that the same meme may appear in different languages. In cultural 
studies, it is also known that the same script or plot may appear in many 
different stories, and still, it is usually counted as the same meme. 

Discourses are sets of loosely interconnected memes that appear in 
a specific field or context. Examples of discourses include the medical 



54 

discourse, the feminist discourse, and the doctor — patient discourse. 
Most scholars of discourse analysis concentrate on the study of cultural 
memes like texts and spoken discourses. In this sense, a discourse is a 
more limited concept than a memeplex, which may also contain mental 
and sociostructural elements (memes). 

A paradigm is a large, stable and relatively coherent memeplex that 
is built around a theory, model, perception or analogy in some field of 
human knowledge. Although the idea of paradigms originates from the 
study of scientific paradigms (Kuhn 1970), there is no need to believe 
that religious, ideological and professional paradigms would be essentially 
different from the scientific paradigms (see Feyerabend and the social 
constructivist criticism of the objectivity of science). Paradigms can be 
carried by people, or by entire organizations. Therefore, it is possible to 
speak of the paradigm of an organization (Pfeffer 1982, de Jong 1999). 
Paradigms can be seen as a subcategory of discourses, but not all discourses 
can be classified as paradigms, as some discourses are too contextual, 
casual, temporary, changing, small or incoherent in their nature. 

A metameme is a meme that governs the way in which people, groups 
and organizations evaluate and adopt other memes. Examples of simple 
and condensed metamemes are the epistemological principles which 
determine what we consider as true, or true enough. It is also possible to 
perceive discourses and paradigms as metamemes, since they govern the 
way in which people evaluate and adopt new memes: If the memes are 
incompatible with popular paradigms and discourses, it is unlikely that 
people adopt them. 

Sociocultural reproduction is a process in which mental, cultural and 
social memes reproduce with the aid of living systems such as humans 
and organizations, which are capable of passing learned knowledge 
from one generation to another. In sociocultural reproduction, the 
mental memes are manifested into cultural memes, and then the mental 
memes are reproduced as people interpret and imitate cultural memes. 
People also manifest mental memes into sociostructural memes: Racism 
manifests itself into the social hierarchy, where the target of the racism 
appears at the bottom of the social hierarchy (not only mentally, but also 
substantially, measured by the standard of living). After a sociocultural 



55 



meme has evolved, it tends to reproduce the mental memes as people 
interpret the social structures and form mental representations of them. 



interpretatioft-and imitation 


interpretation 






^ 








Cultural memes (including discourses 
and discursive practices) 




Mental memes 




Structural memes (social 
structures) 


\ ^ 
manifestatic 


/' "\ ^ 7 J < 
n'and aggregation manifestation^ aggregation / 



manifestation and aggregation 

Figure 4. The Reproduction and Change of Mental, Cultural and 
Sociostructural Memes. 

Humans are both the masters and slaves of the memes. According to 
Althusser (1971), Gramsci (1991), Dawkins (1976) and Blackmore 
(1996), humans tend to be subordinated to the memes that float in the 
memepoolofthe society. 18 Due to this subordination, people, organizations 
and societies reproduce memes, discourses, paradigms and social structures 
with an amazing copying fidelity. Some other scholars of cultural studies 
and discourse analysis point out that people have the capacity to invent 
new memes, alter them, and create new recombinations of memes in 
creative and revolutionary manners (E.g. Fairclough 1989, p. 172). This 
gives people the potential capacity to become masters of the memes. 

The concepts described in this chapter synthesize memetics and 
discourse analysis, in a manner that solves some central problems in these 
fields of study: The dispute of memetics, between the internalists, who 
emphasize mental memes, and the externalists, who emphasize cultural 
memes, is solved by the model of sociocultural reproduction presented in 
Figure 4. The concepts also connect memetics to the Marxist tradition (E.g. 
Althusser & Gramsci), which perceives human culture and sociostructural 
memes as something very rigid. This helps to eliminate the Sperberian 
criticism against memetics, according to which memes can not be copied 



18 Although Althusser and Gramsci do not use the terminology of memetics, their 
idea of the subordination of humans to the culture resembles the ideas of memetists (see 
Phillips & Jorgensen 2002, p. 20). 



56 

sufficiently accurately from one generation to another (Sperber 2001). 
For the field of discourse analysis, the concepts presented above create an 
improved perception of the role of small discursive elements (memes), 
which intertextually participate in different discourses at the same time. 
The synthetic model of sociocultural reproduction also binds the cultural 
memes together with the mental and sociostructural memes. This is a 
necessary reminder for those scholars of discourse analysis, who would 
have the temptation of explaining everything with discourses, ignoring 
mental memes and cognitive processes, and the sociostructural memes 
and sociological theories. 



4.2.2 The determinants of sociocultural evolution 



Although the previous chapter described the central elements which 
evolve in the evolution of sociocultural systems, it did not give a scientific 
model of the evolution of these elements. In order to raise the conceptual 
framework of memetics and discourse analysis to the level of a theory of 
sociocultural evolution, the more specific determinants and shapers of 
sociocultural evolution need to be identified. In addition to this, their 
effects on the mental, cultural and sociostructural memes need to be 
explained. As these determinants are numerous, and have very complex 
connections to each other and to the reproduction and evolution of 
memes, this chapter gives a short overview of the determinants and their 
connections, which are summarized in Figure 5. 





Reproduction and change of the mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes 



Unintentional 
biases 



7 



Functional pressure 



Figure 5. The Determinants of Sociocultural Evolution. 



57 

At the center of the figure is the reproduction and change of mental and 
cultural memes, and the phenomena governed by these memes. These 
phenomena include actions, decisions, behaviors, routines and policies 
that may appear at all levels and institutions of the society. 

The most influential interest groups are able to shape metamemes 
and all the other memes to their needs, through the usage of economic, 
political and discursive power. This is likely to strengthen and reproduce 
the sociostructural memes of the society, such as the hierarchy of social 
status, social dichotomies, and the structure of communication and 
dependency networks. Unintentional biases tend to amplify the results 
of interest group activities, as people commonly tend to identify with 
some social group, and as simplistic stereotypes are commonly utilized 
for the members of other social groups. "The functional pressures appear, 
for example, in the form of coercive and economic pressure, shaping the 
human meme pool (culture) by rooting out some of the memes which 
correlate with low economic efficiency or an inability to defend the tribe 
or nation against aggressive offenders. The functional pressures affect the 
metamemes and paradigms, as those societies, which do not value economic 
efficiency and ability to defend the society, will gradually face the risk of 
collapse and extinction unless economic efficiency and coercive capacity 
are not given more value. Functional pressures also affect interest groups 
and organizations, as those groups and organizations that reach economic 
and coercive viability are likely to outlive their rivals. In the next chapters, 
these determinants of sociocultural evolution are described in more detail. 



4.3 Functional Pressure 

4.3.1 Introduction 

Functional pressure not only directs the evolution of mental, cultural 
and sociostructural memes, but it also shapes the appearance of some of 
the other determinants of sociocultural evolution. This chapter presents 
a model of functional selection, after first taking a brief look into the 
existing theories of functional and natural selection. 



58 



Institutions and 
organizations 



Interest groups 
and power 



Metamemes and 
paradigms 




Reproduction and change of the mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes. 



Functional pressure 



4.3.2 Earlier theories of functional selection 

The early theories of functional pressure include functionalism (Parsons 
& Bales 1953), lamarckism (Lamark 1809) and liberal economics (Smith 
1776). These theories attempted to explain the evolution of biological or 
social systems, with the idea of functional pressure and competition. They 
assumed that competition forms an "invisible hand", which guides the 
populations of animals, societies and companies towards some functional 
and practical direction, permitting the best fit or most competitive forms 
to replace the less functional ones. The problem with these approaches 
was their inability to see the role of replicants such as genes and memes 
in the evolution. They were also unable to recognize that populations of 
animals and economic organizations are not constantly at the state of 
equilibrium, in which all systems have taken the most functional and 
best fit form. 

A more advanced theory of functional pressure was created by 
Darwin 19 , and then also applied later to the evolution of organizations 
and social systems (Hannan & Freeman 1977). According to this theory 
of natural selection, the animal populations and organization populations 
evolve due to the processes of variation, selection and retention. In the 
context of organizations, variation means, that organizations are different, 
applying different strategies, structures, policies and practices. Selection 
means that those organizations which are less fit than others are rooted 



19 See Laihonen, Salo & Vuorisalo 1986. 



59 

out by bankruptcies and other organizational deaths. Retention means 
the process in which the surviving organizations fill up the space left 
by the deceased organizations. The theory of natural selection, in the 
form presented by Darwin and Hannan & Freeman, fails to recognize the 
importance of genes and memes as the central tools that pass traits onto 
future generations of animals and organizations. This shortage, however, 
was removed by the invention of genes in the study of biological evolution, 
and the discovery of memes and other replicants in organization science 
and discourse analysis. According to McKelvey and Aldrich (1983), the 
evolution of organizations is based on the natural selection that shapes 
the organization populations by rooting out those "comps" that cause 
bad organizational performance. In the field of economics, the traditional 
model of microeconomics was challenged by the evolutionary economics 
of Nelson & Winter (1980), who claimed that industries evolve due 
to the different technological and managerial innovations that they 
develop or imitate from each other. According to Nelson and Winter, 
these replicable know-how structures cause companies to have different 
production functions, different growth rates, and different viabilities. 
These ideas of replicant based natural selection were developed into a 
theory of the evolution of social systems by Malmi (1987, 1988, 1992). 
This theory also takes into account the significance of coercive selection 
processes, which have played a notable role in human history. The theory 
is renamed here as the theory of functional selection, since natural selection 
has a very bad connotation among sociologists, and as natural selection 
directs too much attention away from cognitive and social selection 
processes. 



4.3.3 The combined effects of economic, coercive, 
reproductive and cognitive selection 

According to the theory of functional selection, the evolution of social 
systems may be pictured as a process which starts with a population 
of social systems that carry a variety of memes. These variations cause 
social systems to have differences in coercive, economic and reproductive 
capacity. Low coercive and economic capacity reduces the expected 



60 

longevity of social systems through bankruptcies and violent extinctions. 
This is likely to lead to the rooting out of those memes, which cause bad 
coercive and economic performance. Economic and coercive capacities are 
strongly interlinked as economic capacity may raise the coercive capacity 
of a social system through the acquisition of more weapons and soldiers. 
In a similar fashion, a strong coercive capacity may lead to economic 
success through the acquisition of loot, taxes and natural resources from 
the subordinated social systems and geographical areas. The differences in 
reproductive capacity include the colonialistic expansion by settlements, 
and expansion by sheer growth. The corporate franchising and licensing 
contracts also belong to the area of reproductive capacity. All of these 
reproductive processes lead towards retention, which means that the 
viable social systems with a good reproductive capacity are likely to fill 
the open space freed by the shrinked or extinct social systems. Retention 
leads to a raise in the relative frequency of those memes that correlate 
with good coercive, economic and reproductive capacity. 



Memes of the social systems 



Differences 
in coercive 
capacity 



Differences 
in economic 
capacity 



Differences 
in 

reproducive 
capacity 



Differences in longevity 



Different growth rates (differences in 
fecundity) 



Biological, economic and cognitive 
retention 




Differences in 
the performance 
evaluation 
systems 



z 



Differences in 
perceived performance 



Selection as a "rooting 
out" of some memes 



t 



Figure 6. Selection and Retention as Shapers of the Evolution of Social 
Systems. 



61 

These processes of coercive, economic and reproductive selection are 
complicated by the processes of cognitive selection, which are presented 
on the right side of the diagram. The performance evaluation systems 
are powerful metamemes, which can either amplify or contradict the 
effects of the coercive, economic and reproductive selection. If the social 
systems value a coercive and economic capacity, and the high growth 
rate of the social system, the social systems are likely to do their best to 
develop and imitate memes that are correlated with these values. This 
also means that those memes that contradict these values are likely to 
become very unpopular, making them disappear relatively rapidly from 
the meme pool. However, in some other societies, the performance 
evaluation systems may favor peacefulness, non aggression, low economic 
growth, and altruistic behaviors such as giving gifts without expecting 
anything in return. In these societies, it is possible that the behavior of 
people and organizations will be governed by memes that promote these 
alternative values (see Vaughan 2007). However, if this pacifistic and 
altruistic society coexists with some other societies that have far more 
aggressive and competitive values, the processes of coercive and economic 
selection are likely to take place in a fashion that roots out the pacifistic 
and altruistic memes (see Eisler 1988). 

The role and significance of coercive, economic, reproductive and 
cognitive selection processes may vary over the course of history. For 
example, in a sparsely populated environment, the most significant force 
that drives the evolution of tribes and families is reproductive selection: 
Those memes, which help families and tribes to reproduce most 
efficiently, tend to reach a hegemonic status through the processes of 
growth and retention. In more densely populated areas and under a great 
scarcity of resources, coercive selection is likely to have a significant role 
in the evolution of societies. In a market economy, economic selection is 
likely to be the dominant shaper of the meme pool, and this is likely to 
also appear in the field of arts and cultural industry, since this field also 
operates by the principles of economic selection. In a socialist country, the 
evolution of organizations is likely to be dominated by cognitive choice. 
However, in the competition between socialist and capitalist countries, 
the economic selection, again, is likely to have an impact which roots out 
those ideologies that produce bad economic performance for the society 
as a whole. 



62 

4.3.4 The significance of functional selection in the context of 
the welfare states 

The evolution of the welfare states is strongly affected by functional 
pressures, which appear in the need to maintain the public budgets in 
balance and in the need to maintain sufficient military power to avoid 
the destruction of the state by foreign conquerors. A good example of a 
welfare state that did not survive the pressures of functional selection is 
ancient Athens. According to Harisalo & Miettinen, Athens developed 
a public sector centered welfare system which gradually suffocated itself 
due to a lack of economic resources (Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). 
This economic catastrophe was caused by democratic pressures and 
interest group activities, which caused the city state to grant more and 
more privileges to such interest groups that managed to convince the 
politicians and administrators of the need for their favorable treatment. 
This economic failure of ancient Athens, gradually led to the destruction 
of the state, as it was not able to maintain a sufficient level of military 
power to ensure its independence. 

Another example of functional pressures appeared in the economic 
pressures, which forced there-evaluation and reconstruction of the welfare 
states that had evolved in European countries after the Second World 
War. In this case, the rapid expansion of the public sector resembled the 
growth of the public administration of Athens, but only to the point of an 
economic crisis. In the case of the European welfare states, the economic 
pressures caused a process of cognitive selection, which restructured the 
public spending of the welfare states to a more sustainable level. This 
economic crisis also forced a change to the political paradigms that 
govern the appearance of the welfare states, leading to the ideological 
movement of the social democratic welfare states in the direction of the 
liberal welfare state, at least in the questions concerning the limits of 
the growth of the public sector, and the necessity of the deconstruction 
of some administrative hindrances that prevented the functioning of a 
market economy. 



63 



4.4 Unintentional Biases as Shapers of Memes 
4.4.1 Introduction 

Unintentional biases refer to those cognitive, linguistic, communicational, 
social psychological and emotional biases, which twist our interpretation, 
learning, memorization and communication of memes, in such a fashion 
that reduces our chances for obtaining accurate, objective and reliable 
knowledge. These biases have a strong effect on the evolution of mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes in a fashion that favors simple and 
attractive memes, even when simplicity and attractiveness is no t connected 
to the objective correspondence with reality. The unintentional biases 
also have an effect on the metamemes and paradigms that we prefer, 
and on the ways in which interest groups are able to cumulate symbolic, 
normative and discursive power resources. 

This chapter gives a brief introduction to the various kinds of 
unintentional bias, and then proceeds to the description of memetic 
reasoning, which is the combined effect of all these biases. 



Metamemes and 
paradigms 



Interest groups 
and power 



Reproduction and change of the mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes. 



Unintentional 
biases: Cognitive, 
linguistic, 
communicational, 
emotional, social 
psychological 



Figure 7. Unintentional Biases as Shapers of Other Memes. 



4.4.2 Cognitive, linguistic and communicational biases 

Cognitive, linguistic and communicational biases can not be fully 
distinguished from each other, as cognition and communication are 
strongly based on language, and since communication is an interactive 
process in which the receiver of the messages also actively participates in 



64 

the interpretation, understanding and memorization of the communicated 
memes. Therefore, this chapter presents a set of cognitive, linguistic and 
communicational biases, without making a clear distinction between 
these biases. 

The inductive bias refers to the careless generalizations that humans 
tend to do, based on a very small set of observations. 20 The tendency seems 
to be an effective cognitive strategy, as in many cases human beings need 
to make decisions based on a very limited number of observations. For 
example, if someone dies in pain after eating some peculiar mushrooms, it 
is possibly beneficial to make a generalization that all mushrooms of that 
type are poisonous — or that all mushrooms, in general, should be avoided 
as they are potentially poisonous. Although these rush generalizations 
may cause negative side effects, on average, they seem to have created 
more benefits than harms over the human evolution. This tendency may, 
however, also act as a source for numerous superstitious beliefs, which 
have been created by generalization in dangerous situations: For example, 
the spitting to a river over one's right shoulder may not have any beneficial 
effect for avoiding death by poisoning after one has been bit by a snake. 
However, it may easily become a popular belief, as the following of this 
rule of thumb requires a very minor effort from its proponents. 21 

A specific form of the inductive bias is the tendency of people to create 
stereotypes. This tendency seems to be connected to the highly efficient 
way in which the human brain performs pattern recognition, even based 
on only a few observations. According to Kohonen (1988), Schank & 
Leakey (1989), and Bar-Tal & Kruglanski (1988) and Pollock (2006), 
stereotypes act as a way for storing the results of inductive learning, even 
in such cases where the knowledge is not stored in a symbolic or linguistic 
form. According to Kohonen, humans are able to create "hologrammic 
images", which store the generalized or stereotyped image of a group 
of observed objects or phenomena that resemble each other (Kohonen 
1988, see Hautamaki 1988). It is possible that these hologrammic images 
are a fundamental cornerstone in the development of human languages, 
in such a fashion that all concepts are actually produced from the neural 
stereotypes that individual people have created and then communicated 

20 See Barker 1989, p. 192 and Cedarblom and Paulsen 1991, p. 257 

21 For a more detailed description of inductive fallacies, see Barker (1989, p. 192) or 
Cedarblom and Paulsen (1991, p. 257). 



65 

to each other using primitive languages. This centrality of stereotypic 
images and patterns on the neural level may be such an essential feature 
of human cognition that it may be very difficult for people to avoid 
stereotypic thinking. 

The formulation of dichotomies is another cognititive strategy that is 
likely to cause bias. Dichotomies are attractive, since they structure and 
clarify the world by categorizing objects and phenomena to something, 
and to its opposite. Humans, for example, may be considered as men or 
women, leaving all other alternatives out of the question. The tendency to 
create dichotomies, and to attach clear stereotypes to them, may simplify 
the world. However, it may also create a lot of bias in human thinking, 
and lead to normative pressures for humans to act either according to this 
stereotype, or according to its opposite. Structural gender discrimination 
seems to be a good example of the side effects of simple dichotomies and 
the hasty conclusions of the proper stereotypes of men and women. This 
preference of humans for dichotomies, may even affect the fundamentals of 
human languages. 22 The perception of dichotomic thinking as in evident, 
however, would be exaggeration, as some cultures and languages are not 
so clearly built around them: For example, the Finnish language does not 
have masculine and feminine forms for adjectives, pronouns and verbs 
like the Latin languages do. 

Human decision making seems to operate in a very different manner 
than the theory of rational optimization suggests. Instead of trying to 
optimize utility functions based on sufficient information, people tend to 
search for good enough solutions under the pressure of time, with limited 
information, and without a sufficient information processing capacity 
to find the optimal solutions. In a way, this is also functional, since 
the endless inquiry for additional information and search for optimal 
solutions would be paralyzing to the decision making of all humans 
and organizations (see Simon 1951). Due to the complexity and time 
pressure related to many human decisions, people tend to make decisions 
based on heuristics, which mean simple rules of thumb (Cohen, March 
and Olsen 1972). These rules of thumb tend to be created by inductive 
generalizations and simplifications. After that, they may be rapidly 
spread by human communication, thus becoming attractive and popular 
cultural memes. 



22 See Saussure I960, Ortner 1974, 69, 71-72, and Cixous 1987, p. 63-65. 



66 

The storage of human knowledge has tended to favor simplicity, 
especially before the invention of literacy. In the preliterate cultures, most 
knowledge was passed from one generation to another in the form of 
oral folklore and sayings. The mere simplicity, however, has often been 
decorated with some poetic rhythm and rhymes, in order to help the 
memorization of the message. Even after the invention of literacy, people 
tend to best learn, memorize and communicate those pieces of knowledge 
which are simple to their nature. This yearning for simplicity may cause 
bias, just like the rush conclusions, crude stereotypes, simple dichotomies, 
and application of simple heuristics instead of more elaborated theories 
and decision criteria. Simplicity is also favored by the processes of 
communication, as simple memes are most effectively coded into pictures 
or linguistic messages, and then interpreted by the receiver without errors 
made. Due to this cognitive and communicational bias, even the scientific 
and professional knowledge in literate societies tends to break down to 
a collection of simplified memes. An example of the deterioration and 
degeneration of scientific knowledge appears in the way in which the 
portfolio theory of the Boston Consulting group rapidly spread to the 
discourses of managers and consultants in most industrial countries. The 
original theory contains a visual table that divides all business units of a 
corporation into stars, question marks, cows and dogs. 23 



Stars 


? 


Cows 


Dogs 



Table 3. The Portfolio Model of Management by Boston Consulting Group 
as a Meme. 

The theory also contains specific quantitative criteria for dividing the 
business units into these categories, and specific instructions for treating 
the different business units. However, when the training materials of 
consultants and the discourses of managers are examined, it is likely that 
very few of them contain any description of the specific quantitative rules. 
In many cases, the participants of these discourses only memorize that 
stars are something good, cows are ok, and dogs are bad. The visual image 



23 See http://www.themanager.org/models/BostonBox.htm 



67 

of the table here containing stars, cows, question marks and dogs is easily 
memorized due to its simplicity, but the rest of the theory is far more 
likely to be misunderstood, forgotten, or filtered out in communication. 

Linguistic bias is caused by the detachment of linguistic concepts, from 
the hologrammic images that have been created by people's observations. 
Although it is possible that people use an internal language of thought 
that is based on the hologrammic images that have been generalized on 
the basis of observations, the usage of external languages interferes with 
the idea of direct observation. Due to the evolution of external languages, 
people are able to pass knowledge onto each other, but the meanings 
of concepts also become socially constructed, and based on circular 
references from concepts to each other. As there is no objective definition 
for the meaning of any concepts in human language, all concepts, words, 
sentences and languages are biased by social psychological and social 
processes. In this context of biased language, the only pragmatic solution 
seems to be the usage of fuzzy logic, which means that all statements 
tend to receive a logical value between one (true) and zero (false). When 
fuzzy logic is used for the making of conclusions, the conclusion may be 
reached if it can be based on some relatively true premises and relatively 
good deduction rules (seeZadeh 1965). Although the fuzzy logic is against 
the traditional logic, it has proven relatively efficient in the making of 
decisions and conclusions, based on information that has been presented 
in natural human languages. 

Due to the fuzziness of human languages, people tend to refer to 
authorities and dogmatically true memes, when they try to find out the 
"true" meaning of concepts and the "true" essence of reality. This has a 
considerable effect on the evolution of cultural memeplexes. This means 
that some memes may be evaluated as true within the framework of a 
specific paradigm or discourse, whilst they do not make any sense in 
other discourses and memeplexes (see Foucault 1972). This form of social 
psychological bias is closely connected to the interest group activities 
and power of social groups, as powerful groups tend to be able to reach 
professional, scientific and political authority, which may easily lead to 
the concentration of discursive power to the most powerful social groups 
(see chapter 4.5). 



68 

4.4.3 Emotional and social psychological biases 

According to Campbell (1973), the human brain has evolved in such a 
fashion that the core of the brain consists of a selfish core or a "reptilian 
brain", which contains the primitive emotions relating to survival. On 
top and around this reptilian brain, the evolution has developed other 
brain areas and layers which are more suitable for abstract thinking. 
This layered nature of human beings has also been recognized by the 
psychoanalytical paradigm, according to which, the human personality 
consists of the Id, Ego and Superego. In the tradition of transaction 
analysis, these layers have been renamed as the Child, Adult, and Parent 
(Harris 1995). The child is the spontaneous, creative and selfish core of 
the human thought, while the parent provides us with a set of norms and 
rules. In the internal dialogue between the parts of the personality, it is 
the task of the Adult (Ego) to mediate and find solutions that satisfy the 
selfish child, who wants everything right now, and the parent which tells 
that some behaviors are immoral or improper. 

These areas of personality are likely to have an effect on the way in 
which people adopt memes, how they structure their memes into a loose 
internal paradigm, and how they utilize their memes in every day decisions 
and judgments. If we perceive personalities as "collections of memes" or 
"sets of discursive elements", as are typical to the memetists and discourse 
analysts, we may proceed to the prediction that this memetic material 
is organized into the memes of the child, adult and parent. The child 
is likely to be the selfish core of the paradigm of personality, containing 
memes such as "I did not get enough!", "The others got more than I 
did!", "I deserve a lot more!" and "I have the right to do what I want!" 24 . 
In a similar fashion, the layer of the parent is likely to contain normative 
memes telling that some general principles concerning fairness need to 
be followed, and that some specific norms and moral rules need to be 
honored. The layer of the adult, which is the mediator between the child 
and the parent, is likely to develop procedures, heuristics and tricks for 
finding out solutions that just barely meet the moral requirements of 
the parent, while simultaneously giving in to the child to some extent. 

24 The idea of personalities as paradigms or memeplexes, appears in Blackmore 1996 
and in the Marxist texts concerning the "false consciousness". The idea of the selfish core 
of paradigms has been presented in chapter 4.6.3. 



69 

For example, the adult may interpret the moral rules of the parent in 
a slightly twisted manner, to ensure the satisfaction of the child. The 
existence of the Id, child, or the selfish core of human personality, leads to 
the tendency of humans to develop several emotional biases which reduce 
their capacity for objective thinking. Some examples and effects of these 
biases are described below in more detail. 

Externalization of negative and internalization of positive things is a 
set of emotional biases, which all work towards the perception of oneself 
as good and skillful, while the bad things are externalized and projected 
to others. According to the psychoanalytical tradition, people have the 
tendency to project their own negative feelings outside themselves (Gay 
1998, p. 281). It is a defense mechanism, which protects people from 
recognizing negative things in themselves. A selfish person, for example, 
may complain that others are selfish, and an aggressive person may claim 
that others behave in an aggressive manner. A parallel bias is the tendency 
of people to perceive positive events as something caused by their own 
skills and virtues, and bad things as unfortunate consequences of bad luck 
and external circumstances. These human tendencies have been detected 
by studies concerning gamblers (Corney & Cummings 1985), stock 
investors (Kennedy 2006) and entrepreneurs (Goel & Karri 2006). 

The internalization of good things and externalization of bad things 
also appear on the level of social groups. People are social animals and 
typically have a more or less explicit need to belong to some group to 
which they identify with. Such groups of identification may consist of 
tribes, families, nationalities, ethnic or religious groups, social classes or 
fraternities. A part of this identification with a group is the creation of a 
positive stereotype of the members of the group one is trying to identify with, 
while members of other groups are perceived in a more neutral or negative 
manner. 25 This critical and prejudicious attitude against some other social 
groups may also appear on the level of individuals: Many people have 
prejudicious attitudes against all people who clearly deviate from something 
that is considered as normal. Although it is not certain whether these 
emotional and social psychological biases are inherent or not, they are still 
so common in most human cultures that they play a role in the interactions 
of the members of different social groups, and in the production of social 
identities and the cultural stereotypes of social groups. 



25 Social identity theory, see Phillips & Jorgensen 2002, p. 101 



70 

4.4.4 Memetic reasoning 

Emotional, social psychological, cognitive and linguistic fallacies together, 
are likely to lead to the spreading of rhetoric fallacies. These fallacies are 
likely to turn into influential heuristics that govern the evolution of 
memes, in a fashion that leads to the deterioration of scientific knowledge. 
People, for example, are likely to use rush conclusions (inductive fallacies) 
and argumentum ad populum (a rhetoric fallacy) when evaluating what is 
"true enough". In this study, these somewhat illogical and yet commonly 
utilized ways of reasoning are called memetic reasoning. This type of 
reasoning is governed mainly by popular heuristics, biased concepts, 
rhetoric fallacies and other biased rules of thumb, which produce 
somewhat practical and pragmatic results, but which simultaneously, 
tend to lead to illogical and harmful side effects, and to the deterioration 
of scientific knowledge to modern folklore and biased quasi science. 

Below is an example, which attempts to illustrate the proceeding of 
memetic reasoning: 

Premises: 

1 . I know some women, who are very bad at parking cars. 

2. I do not know any women, who are skillful with cars. 

3. It might be an essential part of female nature that they can not handle 
technical equipment. 

4. It might be an essential part of the female nature that they can not 
handle the spatial movement of objects as well as men do. There was 
once even a study about this. 

Conclusion: Women can not handle technical equipment, and are far 
worse than men in tasks that require the spatial movement of objects. 



71 



4.5 Social Groups, Power and Interest Group Bias 

4.5.1 Introduction 



Social groups may have a substantial effect on the evolution of mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, due to their ability to cumulate and 
use different kinds of power resources. This chapter starts by analyzing 
the connections between power resources, influence and domination, 
and then proceeds to the construction of a more specific typology of 
power resources, and a more detailed model of the connection of power 
to direct, indirect and structural discrimination. 




Interest groups 
and power 



Reproduction and change of the m ental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes. 



Unintentional 

biases 



7 



4.5.2 The elements and consequences of power 

Power may be perceived as a resource, as an influence, or as domination 
(Antikainen 2002, 41—45). The good availability of resources tends to 
increase the influence of social actors. 26 The connection from resources 
to influence is most clearly seen when a social actor controls some scarce 
resource that other actors require. 27 The idea of resources, as something 
that can be exchanged for goods, services or power, is also embedded 
in the theories of social exchange which have been developed by social 
psychologists (Simmel 1907), organizational scientists and sociologists 28 , 
and the scholars who combine social psychology with a theory of economic 



26 See Thibaut and Kelly 1959 

27 See Pfeffer & Salncik 1978 

28 E.g. Emerson 1962, Blau 1964, and Bacharach & Lawler 1981. 



72 

exchange. 29 The theories of domination also tend to link resources and 
domination to each other, by emphasizing the feedback loop from a 
dominant position to the accumulation of resources. Dominance, for 
example, may lead to the accumulation of economic resources to the 
dominant class (Marx 1964). The followers of Marxist ideas within 
sociology and gender studies, tend to emphasize this link even more: 
The superior resources or power are seen as a cause of domination, 
and domination is commonly seen as a way for the dominant group 
to reproduce its superior stock of economic, political and discursive 
resources of power. 30 When all of these connections are synthesized 
together, the relations of resources, influence and dominance appear as 
shown in Figure, which also has a high resemblance to the way in which 
Giddens perceives power resources, influence and dominance. 31 

A good availability of power resources for a social actor, such as a person, 
group, class, institution or organization, will raise its ability to influence 
others (arrow 1). As some actors will have more influence than others, 
this will tend to aggregate and institutionalize their dominant position 
(arrow 2). This means that there is an indirect connection from the power 
resources to the dominant position (arrows 1 and 2 combined). 32 

This dominant position will enable dominant social actors to control, 
manipulate and discriminate other actors (arrow 3). 33 If and when a social 
actor manages to achieve a dominant position, it is in an advantageous 
position for reproducing this dominance by the accumulation of power 



29 Molm 1997, Zafirovski 2003, Cook 2004, and Cook, Cheshire & Gerbasi 2004 
(see Antikainen (2002, p. 41-45) and Laasanen 2006). 

30 E.g. Tolson 1977; Abramovitz 1989, p. 25; Hartman 1997, p. 103; Tong 1998, 
p. 49;andBourdieu2001. 

31 Giddens 1983 (see Antikainen 2002, 41-45) 

32 According to Giddens, the level of power resources is directly connected to 
the ability of people and groups to influence others, and to transform social systems. 
According to him, the power resources are also simultaneously a determinant of the 
dominant position of social actors (Giddens 1983, p. 91-93; 1984, p. 151-153; 1993, p. 
9; see Virtanen 1994, p. 125). 

33 This relation from dominance to the ability to discriminate is apparent in Weber's 
definition of power as the ability to execute and actualize initiatives despite the resistance of 
less powerful actors (see Laasanen 2006). 



73 



resources to itself (arrow 4). 34 As the distribution of power resources tends 
to be a zero sum game, the increased power resources of the dominant 
social actor tend to be taken out of the share of the subordinated actors. 
This feedback loop tends to strengthen the dominant position of the 
social actor, which has the best amount of power resources. 



Power 
resources 



4 



X 



^ 



Dominant 
position < 



Ability to influence 
others 



A 



Ability to dominate, control, 
manipulate and to discriminate 



Figure 8. Central Elements of Power. 



This general line of reasoning is challenged by the theories which 
emphasize the chances of the subordinated and disadvantaged groups 
to resist. For example, according to Giddens (1983, 1984 and 1993) 
and Barnard (1974, p. 172—184), the power of the dominant actors is 
limited by the fact that also the subordinated actors have an influence 
on the dominant actors, as they may resist or disobey the dominant 
group (see Antikainen 2002, p. 41 and p. 54—55). The dominant social 
actors also tend to be dependent on the subordinated groups, which 
control at least the resource of their own labor and manpower to some 

34 The feedback loop from domination to the unfair distribution of resources has 
been analyzed by Thye (Thye 2000, see Laasanen 2006) 



74 

extent. Although Giddens and Barnard tend to see this influence of 
the subordinated actors on the dominant actors as something relatively 
temporary and contextual, the dominance of the subordinated group may 
also become institutionalized and sedimented in some contexts, spheres and 
spaces. This is based on the segregation of tasks between the dominant 
and subordinated actors, which tends to lead to the evolution of special 
spheres for the subordinated actors. These spheres may be geographical 
(e.g. a slum), or functionally horizontal (e.g. some tasks performed only 
by the subordinated group). Within its own sphere, the subordinated 
group is likely to have more manpower, better contextual information, 
and even superior cultural and discursive power (e.g. a special slang). 
In general, it may be predicted that the subordinated groups will have 
a dominant position within their own sphere, meaning that they have 
the power to control, manipulate and discriminate the members of the 
dominant group within their own sphere. When applied to the gender 
system, this model leads to the prediction that women, even if they are 
generally the subordinated gender, may develop their own sphere, in 
which they have a superior stock of power resources and where men are 
at a risk of being controlled, dominated and discriminated (see chapters 
5.6 and 6). 

In summary, the outcome of the evolution of dominance and 
discrimination seems to be heavily dependent on the distribution of power 
resources to social groups: The group that has more resources of power, 
quantitatively speaking, will reach a dominant status in the society, but 
the subordinated group is likely to be dominant in its own sphere, where 
it will collect more resources of power compared to the dominant group. 
This makes the analysis and empirical study of the resources of power 
essentially important, if one wishes to study domination, discrimination, 
or the segregation of the society to the spheres of different social groups. 
However, the study of power resources should be performed in such a 
fashion that the theory of the "sphere of the dominant group" and the 
"sphere of the subordinated group" may be falsified or supported. In 
order to reach this goal, we should make the following theoretical and 
methodological choices: 

1. Concentration on groups as social actors, taking the personal 
differences between people into account, only if there is evidence that 



75 

the groups, on average, have different levels of resources of power on 
a personal level. 

2 . Concentration on resources of power, and their relation to dominance 
and discrimination, in such a fashion that the complicated networks 
of dependency and influence between individual people or between 
organizations are studied only if it is empirically feasible, and if it 
helps to reveal patterns of domination and discrimination between 
the social groups. 

3. Concentration on relatively rigid power resources and not on 
temporary, changing and contextual resources of power. This 
is necessary, as otherwise it would not be possible to study the 
distribution of power resources to social groups. 

By these choices and delineations, it is hopefully possible to avoid 
the perception, that power is so complicated that it can never be fully 
understood or empirically studied (see Antikainen 2002, p. 60). 



4.5.3 An empirically oriented typology of power resources 

If our goal is to study the empirical connection from power resources 
to dominance and discrimination, we may end up in a position where 
the major typologies of power offer relatively little advice. The main 
reason for this dilemma is that the theories and typologies of power tend 
to speak of power, and not of the resources of power. For example, in 
his typology of power, Etzioni divides power into coercive, remunerative 
and normative power, without specifying that he is speaking of the three 
different types of the resources of power (Etzioni 1975, p. 5—6, 500). This 
typology of power has been elaborated by Bacharach and Lawler, who 
have added the category of information, as a resource of power, to the 
typology (1981, p. 32—34). This is a choice also supported by the writings 
of Boulding (1956 and 1981) and Nelson & Winter (1982). Bacharach 
& Lawler, however, present their typology of the sources of power using 
two separate dimension of power, which are the base and source of power. 
This makes the typology hard to apply in empirical studies concerning 
the distribution of power resources to social groups. A relatively similar, 



76 

but improved, typology of power resources has been offered by Uphoff 
(1989), who divides the power resource into six types, which are physical, 
economic, social, political, informational, and moral. 35 The typology is 
presented below in a form, where the power resources have been sorted 
in a fashion that the more primitive resources of power are given at the 
top, while more advanced ones are presented at the bottom. This sorting 
reflects Maslow's hierarchy of human needs, 36 Kohlberg's theory of 
moral development 37 , and Campbell's neuropsychological theory of the 
evolution of pleasure and intrinsic rewards (Campbell 1973). 



Type of power resources 


Examples or clarifications 


Physical 


Coercion or violence (depending on the perceived legitimacy of applied 
physical force) 


Economic 


Property and income. 


Social 


Social status and authority based social roles. 


Political 


Ability to influence the exercise of authority 


Informational 


Information and know-how 


Moral 


The perceived legitimacy of decision makers 



Table 4. Uphoff's typology of power resources (modified). 

This typology, however, fails to recognize one specific category of human 
needs, and the power that is based on this need. This is the need for sexual 
satisfaction, which makes sex a resource of power. This source of power 
has been analyzed by masculists and economists (see 3.5). The nature of 
sex as a power resource is also recognized by Morgan, who mentions it as 
one of the fourteen sources of personal power (Morgan 1997, 171—172). 
These theoretical traditions mean that the neglecting of sexual power in 
the typology of power resources, could possibly hide an important part 
of the power structures between men and women. 

When studying groups, it may be illuminating to deconstruct Uphoffs 
category of physical power resources into two categories, which are 
manpower (or group power) and coercive power. While coercion refers 
to legitimate and illegitimate forms of coercion, the idea of manpower 



35 See Brinkerhoff (2006, p. 13) 

36Maslow 1943. 

37 Kohlberg's stages of moral development: See Craig 1985, p. 118—136. 



77 

as a resource suggests that the mere existence of a large group of people, 
sharing a common identity, is a resource of power to the group itself, or to 
the leaders of this group. Manpower (or womanpower) may be used, for 
example, for creating an implicit threat to a group that has less manpower 
in a given context. It may also be used for creating symbolic, discursive 
and moral power, since argumentum ad populum and argumentum ad 
numerum are very commonly used as rhetoric tools. This close connection 
of manpower to discursive power, suggests that manpower should be 
handled as something distinct compared to coercive power. 

Some more adjustments to Uphoffs model are still to be proposed. 
Instead of using the term "moral resources of power", it is recommended 
that this term is replaced by discursive resources of power. Other possible 
names for these type of power resources would have been symbolic, 
normative or rhetoric resources of power. The term discursive, however, 
is better than symbolic, since symbolic is something that could be used 
both for discursive and informational resources of power. Normative and 
moral, on the other hand, direct too much attention to laws, norms, 
rules and moralization. Discursive resources of power is a better category, 
as it may be also used for analyzing the subtle messages encoded into 
advertisements, pictures, dances, and gestures etc, which implicitly 
reproduce the hierarchy of the groups. In these cases, discursive power 
seems to be a better concept than rhetoric power, which may have too 
strong a connection to direct persuasion. One more important type 
of power resources is made of the managerial positions of power. This 
type has some similarity with political and social power, but managerial 
power seems to lie on lower and more practical levels of organizational 
hierarchies than political power. It also makes sense to study empirically 
the positions of political and managerial power as separate resources of 
power for social groups. The final theoretical adjustments to Uphoffs 
model are the separation of formal and informal positions of political 
power, and the operationalization of social power as a combination of 
authority and the ability to speak up and be listened. The results of these 
adjustments are collected in the theoretical typology of power resources, 
presented in Table 5. 



78 



Resource of 
Power 


Example of operationalization at group level 


Manpower 


Amount of members in organizations 


Managerial 

positions 


Amount of members in managerial positions, amount of management assistants and 
management consultants. 


Formal positions of 
political power 


Members of parliament, members of the cabinet, presidency, party leaders 


Economic power 
resources 


Income (including transfer payments), wealth or private consumption 


Coercive power 
resources 


Indirect measurement: Fear or fearful respect by other social groups. 


Sexual power 
resources 


Indirect measurement: Volume of personal gifts, benefits and transfer payments 
acquired due to ones gender 


Social power 
resources 


Amount of most appreciated positions of authority, 
amount of speaking time or media presence 


Informal positions 
of political power 


Amount of lobbyists, liaisons (who sit on two seats), gatekeepers (personal 
secretaries and assistants), manipulated or bribed specialists and propagandists, 
grey eminences, seats in advisory boards and committees. 


Information and 
know-how 


Professional and university degrees, amount of consultants and university level 
teachers, availability of rumors and silent information through social networks. 


Discursive power 
resources 


The quantity and popularity of the rhetoric arsenal that can be used in favor of the 
social group, or against its rivals. Amount and inter sectional popularity of the 
biased memes that favor the social group, or put down its rivals. 



Table 5. An Empirically Oriented Typology of Power Resources for 
Measuring the Power of Social Groups. 



The typology is provided with suggestions concerning the operationali- 
zation of each resource of power, in order to show that some resources of 
power are easily operationalized and measured, while others seem to be so 
intangible that their quantitative measurement is a very difficult task. The 
table begins with those resources of power such as manpower, managerial 
power and formal political power, which are fairly easy to measure. At 
the end of the table are located those resources such as discursive power, 
social power and informal political power, which are more difficult to 
measure. 

In some cases, the operationalizations may also cause the double 
counting of some resource of power: For example, the gender distribution 
of professor level seats in universities could be used for the measurement 



79 

of the gender distribution of information, social authority, or managerial 
positions. Yet, it is best to have the principle that one operationalized 
resource of power is only counted to one category of the resources of 
power, in order to avoid the double or triple counting of the same resource 
in several categories. 



4.5.4 The connections from memes and power to 
discrimination 

The connection from the resources of power to domination and 
discrimination was already given in Figure 11, in a relatively general 
fashion. However, it is possible to increase the level of detail in the 
model by dividing the resources of power to concrete, informational and 
discursive, and by separating direct, indirect and structural discrimination 
from each other. The results of these specifications are given in Figure 12 
and in the explanations below. 

Information and memes, containing know-how, form an amplifier 
for the more concrete power resources (arrow la), and for the discursive 
power resources (arrow 2). However, the concrete power resources also 
tend to raise the ability of a social group to gain valuable information and 
know-how (lb). If concrete resources of power, in some sector of society, 
are concentrated to some social group, this group will have an augmented 
chance to dominate, control, manipulate and discriminate the members 
of other social groups (3a). This domination is amplified by the feedback 
loop from domination back to concrete power resources, as the dominant 
social group tends to have its ways of cumulating concrete power resources 
to itself (arrow 3b). The concentration of concrete power resources to one 
social group, also tends to amplify the formation of normatively loaded 
memes. These memes act as a resource of discursive power (4a). This 
discursive and normative superiority of one social group over the others 
will lead to structural discrimination of the members of other social 
groups (5) and to the indirect discrimination of the discursively weaker 
social groups (7a). 

The discursive superiority will also lead to the ability of the dominant 
social group to amplify its own concrete resources of power, and to suppress 



80 

the concrete resources of power of the other social groups (arrow 4b). The 
amplification of power resources appears, for example, when discursive 
power is changed into formal and informal positions of political power 
and into the ability to speak up and be listened to. The political positions 
of power, together with social power resources, may then be used for 
increasing the managerial power of the social group, which has superior 
discursive power. The discursive power may even be used for securing the 
superior resources of manpower for a specific social group in a specific 
field of the society. For example, a social group may use its discursive 
power for creating a norm that the members of some other social group 
should not enter into some professions, tasks or activities. 



Information as an 
amplifier of power 



1a 



-?> 



1b 



Concrete and "countable" 
resources of power 



r> 



<z 



3 a 



3b 



4a 
4b 

5 a 



^L 



L> 



Ability to dominate, control, 
manipulate and discriminate 



^L 



^ 



Discursive power resources 
(symbolic, normative, ideological) 



-f 



5 b 



7a 

/ 



V 



7 b x Indirect 

discrimination 



Direct 
discrimination 



^L 



Structural 
discrimination 



Figure 9. Connection from Power Resources to Gender Discrimination. 



81 

The discursive dominance of one social group over the others, in some fields 
of society, does not only enable structural and indirect discrimination. It 
also helps in the creation and reproduction of the dominant position of 
the discursively superior social group (5a). This means that discursive 
power is also closely connected to direct discrimination, since dominance 
is almost a synonym for the ability to control, manipulate and discriminate 
(arrows 5 a and 8). 



4.6 M eta m ernes and Paradigms as Shapers of Other 
Memes 

4.6.1 Introduction 



Metamemes and paradigms have a strong effect on the evolution of 
mental, cultural and sociocultural memes. At the same time, they are 
strongly affected by institutions and organizations, interest groups and 
power, psychological and linguistic biases, in addition to functional 
pressures. 




Interest groups 
and power 



Reproduction and change of the mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes. 



Functional pressure 



Psychological 
and linguistic 

biases 



Figure 10. The Connection from Metamemes and Paradigms to 
Sociocultural Evolution. 



In this network of causal connections, the sociocultural evolution of 
knowledge may lead towards a flourishing of loose and detached memes, 



82 

which appear outside the scope of some specific paradigm. Yet, it is 
also possible that most memes are strongly affected by the existence of 
influential paradigms, which practically filter and block out all of the 
memes which conflict with them. This chapter begins with a general 
introduction to paradigms and other metamemes, and continues with a 
model of the interplay of large paradigms and small memes. At the end, 
the last two chapters are devoted to the analysis of the significance of 
paradigms as shapers of sociocultural evolution. 



4.6.2 Paradigms and other metamemes 

Metamemes are memes which direct the ways in which people evaluate 
other memes, and choose the most practical or most true memes out 
of the set of alternative memes. This means that the metamemes have 
a high influence on the attractiveness of memes in the eyes of people, 
and therefore have a substantial effect on the fecundity and evolutionary 
success of other memes. Through this process, the metamemes have an 
indirect effect in the evolution of all other memes, including the cultural 
memes and the structural memes such as the constellations of power 
within the society. The most important categories of the metamemes are 
1) epistemological metamemes, 2) methodological metamemes, 3) values 
and performance rating systems, and 4) paradigms. 

Values are a very central category of metamemes. They govern the 
evolution of other memes by setting the general goals and preferences 
of social systems. This means that they also govern the performance 
rating systems of societies, by requesting organizations and managers to 
measure those things that are valued. However, in some cases, it is also 
possible that performance rating systems direct attention and valuation 
to those values and goals which can be measured. Values also direct the 
epistemological preferences of people. 



83 



Paradigms 


a 


L 


t 




11 


a 






Epistemological 
metamemes 


— ► 


Methodological 
metamemes 






i 


' 


i 


k 














Values 

and 

goals 




" V 




Performance rating systems 














v 




The observed performance of systems, and 
the popularity of those memes that seem to 
be connected with good performance 



Figure 11. The Connection from Metamemes to the Popularity of Other 
Memes. 



Epistemological metamemes govern the way in which people search for 
knowledge and truth. The two central epistemological questions, which 
tend to direct our other cultural memes, are the preference simplicity versus 
complexity, and the preference of induction versus other epistemological 
criteria. As described in chapter 4.4.2, human beings tend to base a lot 
of their thinking on pattern recognition and stereotypes. This tends to 
lead to the favoring of simple dichotomies, exaggerated stereotypes, and 
other simplified memes. This is likely to also lead to the dominance of 
simple scientific models over the more complicated ones. A contrary 
trend, however, exists in the form of mysticism. In some cultures, people 
actively look for the feeling of illumination or mystical pleasure through 
the examination of paradoxes (what is the sound of a one hand clapping?). 
Another form of mysticism is the favoring of overwhelmingly complex 
theories and ideologies, which give a mystical sense of understanding 



84 

without containing any predictive power, and which are so fuzzy and 
tautological that they can not be falsified. These contrary trends mean 
that some cultures may value simple and pragmatic memes, while some 
others search for overwhelmingly complex and mystical memes and 
memeplexes. The preference for simplicity versus complexity may also 
relate to the power of interest groups, as in many cultures some specific 
group of people have specialized in the explanation of the mystical 
and complex memetic structures that appear in the field of religion or 
ideology. In this case, the complexity of the ideology or religion appears 
as a resource of social status and power for the group that has specialized 
in explaining the religion or ideology. In any case, the trends towards 
oversimplification and mysticism reduce the rationality and objectivity 
of human thinking and cultural evolution. 

Another important epistemological question is the preference of 
induction versus other epistemological criteria. Although people tend to 
value induction and rapid generalizations based on empirical observations, 
there are also tendencies towards limiting the time used for the making 
of these observations and generalizations (see Simon 1951 and Cohen, 
March & Olsen 1972). This means that people often wish to avoid 
spending time in empirical observations and induction, and instead, base 
their memes on the memes of some people that they consider as reliable 
sources of information. In many cases, this "reliability" is not based on 
professional or scientific authority: People use their friends, allies and 
interest group organizations as sources of information. This tendency also 
reduces the rationality and objectivity of cultural evolution. 

In the area of methodological metamemes, the central alternatives are 
quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Those social systems, which 
prefer quantitative methodologies, tend to value those things that can be 
quantitatively measured, such as economic growth, productivity, economic 
wealth and military power. This may lead to the neglection of such qualitative 
values and phenomena as self actualization, organizational atmosphere and 
social justice — unless these phenomena can be quantitatively measured. 
In some other social systems, qualitative methods can be preferred over 
quantitative, and this may lead to the intentional ignoring of those values 
which can be quantitatively measured. 

Performance rating systems are based on values and goals and on the 
methodologies for measuring the accomplishment of the values and 



85 

goals. If the methodological metamemes favor quantitative methods, 
the rating systems are also likely to be quantitative in their nature. This 
is likely to emphasize those parts of the performance which are easy to 
measure. The favoring of quantitative methodologies is also likely to put 
emphasis on those elements of performance, which occur in the short 
term, as long term performance is so difficult to measure. For example, 
the simplistic quantitative performance standards that appear within 
the paradigm of "accountable management" and within the science of 
stock analysis may result in the exaggeration of short term results and in 
the conversion of the economy and society towards quartal capitalism. 
Yet, the quantitative methods do not need to lead to the ignoring of the 
qualitative and humanistic phenomena, as also these may be quantified. 
For example, the balanced scorecard system of management, includes the 
measurement of employee satisfaction as one key element of organizational 
performance, especially in those fields of activity in which motivated 
and highly educated employees are a valuable resource for which the 
companies are competing for. The qualitative performance rating systems 
are based on the idea that some parts of the performance of social systems 
are measured by a set of dichotomies, trying to find out whether some 
social practices or phenomena are acceptable or not, good or bad, legal or 
not, etc. Another alternative is to make choices simply based on dozens 
of conflicting values. In these rating systems the problem is that they do 
not usually constitute a real rating system. Instead, the performance of 
organizations and other social systems is evaluated by a set of heuristic 
rules of thumb, or by a discourse in which some values (out of many 
alternatives) are given the highest priority without any operationalization 
of these values. 

The potential variation of these metamemes means that some societies 
may very effectively seek for growth, economic capacity and coercive 
capacity, using quantitative methods for maximizing these traits of the 
society, and developing quantitative performance rating systems for 
all organizations of the society. Under these circumstances, the forces 
of coercive, economic, reproductive and cognitive selection may work 
towards the same direction (see Figure 6, chapter 4.3.3). This will make 
the prediction of the evolution of the societies and their organizations 
relatively easy, in such a fashion that the main problem in prediction 
is the locating of the statistical correlations between memes and good 



86 

performance: If this correlation is found, one can predict that the memes 
that are related to good performance will gradually replace their rivals. 

Paradigms are long lasting and relatively stable metamemes, which 
may be built around some theoretical or ideological core memes (see 
4.2.1). However, they may also sometimes evolve spontaneously around 
some specific values, goals or performance rating systems. For example, 
a governmental decision to set one specific rating system or performance 
figure for public organizations may create an entirely new organizational 
and managerial paradigm, which aims towards the maximization of 
organizational performance, measured by this rating system (see de 
Jong 1999). Paradigms are essentially important for the understanding 
of sociocultural evolution, as they are often created with a strong 
influence from some social group, and since the dominant paradigms 
are able to filter out conflicting memes. Paradigms can also produce and 
emit mutated memes, and form curious coalition discourse with rival 
paradigms on an opportunistic basis. Due to this central importance, the 
following chapters are devoted to the evolution of paradigms, and on the 
effects of paradigms on smaller and more "atomistic" memes. 



4.6.3 The evolution of theoretical paradigms 

This chapter focuses on the evolution of theoretical paradigms, which refer 
to the relatively stable and coherent theoretical constructions that appear 
in the field of science, religion or politics, or in any single profession. 
This means that those contextual paradigms that are carried only by one 
carrier — like "the paradigm of an organization" — are not covered by the 
model. The evolution of theoretical paradigms may appear in the form 
of paradigmatic revolutions (see Kuhn 1970) or in the form of a more 
constant learning process, in which the core memes of the paradigm 
remain unchanged while the peripheral memes go through changes (see 
Lakatos 1978 and de Jong 1999). Both forms of sociocultural evolution 
are governed by psychological, linguistic and communicational biases, 
interest groups and power, functional selection, and by some metamemes 
which shape the content and structure of the paradigms. 

Interest groups and their power resources play an important role in 
the evolution of paradigms, as organized and powerful interest groups 



87 

are often able to develop highly credible paradigms, which prove the 
legitimacy of the status, demands and interests of the interest group. 
For example, the political paradigms of socialism and social democratic 
thinking are connected to the interests of employees, while the paradigm 
of liberalism is more clearly connected to the interests of entrepreneurs, 
wealthy tax payers, and consumers. In a similar fashion, some forms of 
conservativism and corporativism are paradigms, which are supported by 
the farmers of the industrial countries, who benefit from the blockage 
of inexpensive foreign food from the national market. When the 
connection of paradigms to interest groups is recognized, it is also useful 
to distinguish some of the roles of the people who promote or carry 
a specific paradigm. The ideological promoters of a paradigm are those 
persons who belong to an organized interest group, which benefits from 
the popularity of the paradigm. Full time experts of the paradigm are 
persons who gain personal benefits from their expertise of the paradigm, 
even if the paradigm itself might be directed towards the interests of some 
other interest group. For example, the communist ideologists were the 
experts of communism, which was a paradigm that intended to improve 
the status of the working-class employees. On top of the ideological 
promoters and experts, paradigms are also carried by laymen, who may 
participate in the promotion of the paradigm as political, financial and 
practical supporters of the paradigm. For example, in the evolution of 
religions, the laymen tend to be the ones who do not fully understand the 
theology of the religion, but yet support the religion and give funding to 
it through religious payments and taxes. 

Psychological, linguistic and communicational biases tend to deteriorate 
paradigms into small and atomistic memes, which are taken out of the full 
context of the theoretical paradigm (see Dawkins 1976). This particularly 
appears when paradigms are communicated to laymen, or by laymen. 
This is an important factor that affects the evolution of theoretical 
paradigms, as the interpretations and atomistic theoretical memes carried 
by the laymen may have a strong feedback to the resources, popularity 
and growth rate of the theoretical paradigms. For example, religions and 
political ideologies may gain or loose popularity and power due to the 
activities of the laymen, who may give monetary or even military support 
to the religion or ideology. In the evolution of professional paradigms, the 
opinions of the laymen are likely to affect the income of the professionals. 



This will help the most popular paradigms to grow, measured by the 
amount of the experts of the paradigm. This feedback loop also appears in 
the evolution of scientific paradigms: Those paradigms that are attractive 
in the eyes of the laymen tend to receive more funding from private and 
public funds. This means that the evolution of all theoretical paradigms 
may be analyzed by the model of functional evolution, in which the 
effects of economic and cognitive selection are combined. 

Psychological biases also affect the structuring of paradigms in such 
a fashion that people tend to develop and favor paradigms, which 
present themselves as good and talented while some negative things are 
externalized to the others, for example, to the members of other interest 
groups. This subjective and somewhat selfish bias not only affects the 
political paradigms, but also religions, professions and sciences. For 
example, a religious paradigm, developed by priests, is likely to give 
theological arguments why only priests should have the right to preach 
the religion. The professional paradigms of doctors are likely to contain 
arguments, why several tasks such as running a hospital or deciding on 
the proper day to leave the hospital, are better handled by doctors than by 
professional managers and nurses. In sciences, all specialized fields tend to 
develop paradigms which argue that only the specialists of that field should 
be involved in the study of the field — while some generalist sciences such 
as philosophy and economics develop paradigms and arguments which 
propose that their paradigm can be applied in the field of any science. In 
these examples, the close connection of the psychological biases with interest 
group activities and ideologies is relatively clear. In many cases though, the 
interest groups devote a lot of effort to the hiding of their interests under 
discourses, which give the impression of objectivity and authority. 

Functional selection appears as a process in which paradigms compete 
for scarce resources such as proponents, financial funds, media space, 
and political support (see Figure 6, chapter 4.3.3). Those paradigms 
that loose their proponents are likely to become extinct, until they are 
possibly revived by new proponents, who rediscover the core memes 
of the paradigm. The shrinkage and practical extinction of paradigms 
may also appear as a consequence of the political incorrectness of the 
paradigm and the withdrawal of funding from the full time experts of 
the paradigm. In some cases, paradigms may also collapse as a result of 



89 

cognitive selection, for example, when severe anomalies have eroded the 
credibility of the paradigm to a point at which there is a demand for 
alternative paradigms. 

Although the psychological, linguistic and cognitive biases tend to 
break theoretical paradigms into sets of loosely coupled and detached 
memes, especially among the laymen, there are also some processes 
of functional evolution which favor the survival of the core memes of 
theoretical paradigms, precisely due to the flexibility of the peripheral 
memes of the paradigm (see Lakatos 1978). This means that theoretical 
paradigms may actually exist for long periods of time, although they are 
not replicated to new generations as unchanged entities. 

Metamemes may partially favor the evolution of large theoretical 
paradigms, as these larger structures may have more explanatory power 
than the individual statements that are taken out of their context 
(see 4.6.2). Some other epistemological metamemes may also emphasize 
the feeling of enlightment or understanding, and this may lead to large 
and circular theoretical paradigms, which give a feeling of understanding 
due to their tautological nature. These large and conceptually confusing 
paradigms may then be reproduced by specialized experts, who gain social 
status and power from their ability to interpret the paradigm. 



The evolution of paradigms 

When these perspectives are combined, we can develop a model of the 
logical structure of theoretical paradigms, and a model of the ways in 
which paradigms compete and cooperate with each other. According 
to this combined model, theoretical paradigms tend to consist of an 
"objective" core, some theoretical branches, a selfish core, and a group 
of peripheral memes, which appear in the aggressive and cooperative 
periphery. All of these parts of a paradigm maybe somewhat overlapping 
in such a fashion that some specific memes or memeplexes simultaneously 
belong to more than one part of the paradigm. 

The theoretical core consists of those central memes which are common 
to all branches of the paradigm. For example, the theoretical core of the 
right wing ideology in Finland seems to have consisted of anti-socialism 
and the objection of high taxes. Despite this common core, the right wing 



90 

ideology seems to be divided into two theoretical branches, which are 
liberalism and the conservativism. The liberals favor multiculturalism, 
variety and the freedom of choice, while the conservatives favor a more 
coherent model of one nation, one religion, and one proper model for 
the family institution. 

The selfish core of a paradigm contains those memes which legitimize 
the interest of the central interest groups that promote the paradigm. 
In the right wing ideology, the selfish core consists of the idea that "our 
tax burden should be lowered" and "private property should be given 
special protection (from taxation and collectivization)", which are both 
memes which specifically benefit the wealthiest people who pay the 
highest taxes and own the most of the property. The selfish core may also 
contain strategies, tactics and heuristics, which concentrate in raising the 
popularity, viability, resources and power of the paradigm. 

The theoretical core, branches and selfish core of a paradigm is 

surrounded by peripheral memes, which are only loosely coupled to the 

core and the branches. Due to this loose coupling, the periphery may 

freely contain an aggressive periphery, which consists of nasty stereotypes, 

rhetoric fallacies and biased statistics, which are used in ideological warfare 

against other paradigms. In this war, the aggressive memes of paradigms 

are used to prove the worthless nature of the opponents of the paradigm (or 

the interest group that created the paradigm) or for proving the legitimacy 

of the central interest groups behind the paradigm. The loose connection 

from the periphery to the core of the paradigm permits the use of nasty 

tricks, without making the theoretical core responsible. The reputation 

of the paradigm is also protected by a common arrangement, in which 

the aggression and wicked attacks are performed by the laymen of the 

paradigm: This reduces the responsibility of the experts of the paradigm, 

and helps to maintain the illusion of the ideological and theoretical purity 

of the core of the paradigm. In the case of the Finnish right wing ideology, 

an example of the aggressive peripheral memes is made of the stereotypes 

which presented all socialists as "antipatriotic commies" and all pacifists, 

who object men's obligatory military service, as "fags". 38 Although these 

memes are not found in the political programs of any right wing party in 

Finland, they still belong to the theoretical periphery of the right wing 

38 These stereotypes were popular especially from 1945—1980, and lost a large part of 
their popularity after the collapse of the Soviet Union and socialism. 



91 



ideology. These aggressive memes of the periphery of a paradigm are a 
double edged sword, which can hurt the enemies of the paradigm, but 
can also spoil its reputation. Therefore, most paradigms of the modern 
society develop a double strategy, in which they are careful not to let these 
aggressive memes enter the official discourses of the paradigm, while 
reserving their more fanatic promoters with the right to apply fallacies, 
biased statistics and nasty stereotypes in more casual and private contexts. 
Although many people would like to think that scientific paradigms are 
different from political and religious paradigms in the sense that they lack 
the aggressive periphery, this seems to be a case of wishful thinking, as the 
sociology of science has also revealed the aggressive nature of scientific 
paradigms (Feyerabend 1975). 

The theoretical periphery of paradigms not only contains the aggressive 
memes, but also a cooperative periphery, which makes it possible for the 
paradigm to form coalition discourses with other paradigms (Figure 12). 



Theoretical 

branch 1 



periphery 1 



Theo- 
retical 
core 



Aggressive 
periphery 1 




Theoretical 
branch 2 



Aggressive 
periphery 2 



Cooperativ 
periphery 2 




Theoretic, 
branch 1 



Theo- 
retical 
core 



Theoretical 
branch 2 



Figure 12. Ideological War and Coalition Discourses 
between Two Paradigms. 



This cooperative periphery is based on the fuzziness of language, which 
makes it possible to create memes that simultaneously suit several 
rivaling paradigms. For example, the conservative branch of the right 
wing ideology contains an old peripheral meme, according to which the 
common citizens are an uncivilized mob *, which should not be given too much 
power to change the status quo of the society. 53 This idea may be combined 



39 This meme originates from the late feudal societies, and from the attempts of 
the aristocrats and conservatives to limit the democratic power of citizens, using the 
philosophy of Platon, Hegel and Bastiani as a theoretical basis (see Harisalo & Miettinen 
1995). 



92 

with the social democratic (peripheral) idea, according to which people do 
not always know what is best for themselves and therefore, the state should 
make some decisions on behalf of the citizens. When these peripheral memes 
of right wing ideology and social democratic thinking are combined, we 
reach a "conservative — social democratic" coalition discourse, which 
may be used for fighting against the liberal ideology, according to which 
people should be given maximal freedom to make their own choices. 

This model may also be applied to the analysis of the evolution of 
feminism. This is done in chapter 5.5, in which the selfish core, major 
branches, and the misandric effects of the aggressive periphery of feminism 
are analyzed. The model is then used again in chapter 6, for taking a 
closer look at the misandric memeplexes of feminism, and at the ways 
in which feminism and sexism have formed coalition discourses, which 
seem to harm all other men except for the men of the highest social status. 



4.7 The Role of Organizations and Media in 
Sociocultural Evolution 



4.7.1 Introduction 



From the perspective of general organizational theory (e.g. Miller 1980 
and McKelvey 1982) and the theory of communication networks (e.g. 
Rogers & Rogers 1976), all social actors such as groups, tribes, clans, 
families, fraternities, and temporary task forces may be perceived as 
organizations. 



Institutions and 
organizations 



Interest groups 
and power 



Metamemes and 
paradigms 



Reproduction and change of the mental, 
cultural and sociostructural memes, and the 
behavioral, organizational and social 
phenomena governed by these memes. 




Functional pressure 



93 

From this point of view, organizations are an essential factor for 
understanding evolution, even in the more primitive and agrarian societies. 
In the modern society, however, the role of formal organizations is even 
more central, and this is connected to the strong influence of the media 
in the shaping of the cultural memepool. This chapter first introduces a 
model of the aggregation and change of organizational memes. This model 
is presented in a relatively general form that allows its use also for the 
organizations of the more primitive societies. However, the chapter also 
introduces some central features that shape the organizational cultures, 
paradigms, policies and practices in modern societies. Among them are 
the media and the professional and scientific communities, which tend to 
develop specific paradigms in their own field of expertise. At the end, the 
connections from organizational cultures to discrimination are analyzed 
in the context of public and private organizations, and the organizational 
clusters consisting of both public and private organizations. 



4.7.2 The vertical and horizontal aggregation of 
organizational memes 

The memes of organizations are created in a process which converts mental 
memes to cultural memes and vice versa. The organizational memes may 
also consist of sociostructural memes such as the formal and informal 
organizational structure. The informal organization structure refers to 
the actual shape of the communication network of the organization 
(see Rogers & Agarwala-Rogers 1976). The total set of the memes of an 
organization may be called the organizational culture or organizational 
paradigm. Culture is a better term, since paradigm gives the somewhat 
misleading connotation that organizations have only one dominant 
paradigm. This is not true, when different factions or functions compete 
for the creation of hegemonic paradigms and discourses. This may occur, 
for example, in the competition of the marketing and sales paradigm 
against the technology and production oriented paradigm. In order to 
get a good grasp of the organizational culture of an organization, the 
following types of memes need to be analyzed: Values, priorities, goals, 
performance measurement schemes, strategies, policies, routines, rules 



94 

of thumb, quality systems, formal process models and instructions, role 
expectations, professional discourses, jokes, stories, habits, traditions and 
the sociostructural memes which appear in the hierarchies and networks 
concerning power, status, friendship, cooperation, dependency and 
communication. 

According to the rationalist paradigm of administrative sciences, 
the missions, values, strategies, goals, and policies of organizations are 
determined by the upper management of the organization. These strategic 
level information structures are then used as a guideline in tactical level 
decisions, and in the production of more practical and operational 
goals, rules, directions and policies. At the grass root level, all of these 
upper level information structures are then applied in the daily work of 
employees, and in the production of goods and services to the customers 
(see Scott 2002, p. 45-46 and Stroh 2004, p. 35-38). This perspective 
has been challenged by the paradigm of organizations as natural systems, 
where the policies, practices and organization cultures are formed from 
the bottom up, as the result of the cumulative and somewhat chaotic 
choices, negotiations and daily practices of hundreds of employees. 40 

These rationalist and the natural system approaches may be combined 
to each other by analyzing separately the rationalistic flow of memes 
from the top down, and the naturalist aggregation of the memes of the 
organization from the bottom up. The (seemingly) rationalist processes 
convert the official strategic and tactical memes into the daily decisions, 
actions and routines of employees, producing the visible behavior of 
the organization as observed by customers, interest groups and by other 
organizations. The naturalistic bottom-up flow of memes aggregates the 
recurring actions, discourses and practices of employees to the unofficial 
organizational culture, policy and paradigm. The official and unofficial 
cultures may be coherent, or they may deviate. In any case, the actual 
cultures, paradigms, policies, discourses and actions of organizations are 



40 The clearest example of the perception of organizational decision making as chaos 
that evolves from the bottom up is given by the garbage can model of Cohen, March 
& Olsen 1972. Other perspectives within the natural system approach include Weick's 
"organizing" theory, and theories of negotiated order, organizational learning, socio- 
technical systems, strategic contingency, population ecology, resource dependency (Scott 
2002, chapter 5). The Marxist theory, institutional theory, and postmodernism in general 
may also be seen as members of the natural system approach to decision making. 



95 

produced jointly by the top-down and flow of memes, and the bottom- 
up aggregation of memes (see Colebach 1998, p. 1—4). 

The coexistence of the official and unofficial organizational cultures 
means that the daily choices, actions and routines in organizations are 
simultaneously affected by the social group which has the most managerial 
positions, but also by the social group which has the most manpower (or 
womanpower) at the grass roots level. This has important implications 
to the appearance of domination and discrimination of employees 
and customers in organizations: Even if a social group dominates the 
positions of upper managerial power in an organization, its members 
may still be discriminated by the subordinated group at the grass roots 
level. For example, many armies of the 19 th and 20 th century were still 
lead by generals and officers belonging to the upper class. Yet, at the grass 
roots level of private soldiers, these armies might have been very harsh 
places for young upper-class men, who entered their military service in a 
context where the lower social classes dominated at the level of privates. 

All organizational cultures are also strongly affected by the horizontal 
flows of memes coming from professional discourses, and from the 
general discourses and memeplexes pushed towards the organizations by 
the media and interest groups, and by the personal contacts of employees 
and managers. In most cases, these horizontal flows of memes tend to 
amplify the dominant position of the dominant social group. However, 
in those organizations which operate in the sphere of the subordinated 
group, the general discourses of the society are likely to point towards the 
suitability of the subordinated group, for the tasks of the organizations 
operating within this sphere. This is likely to lead to the accumulation 
of manpower to the subordinated groups within the organizations of 
their own sphere, and to the formation of organization cultures which 
emphasize the skills and virtues of the subordinated group, at least on 
those levels of organizational hierarchy, where the subordinated group 
has more manpower and positions of power. The combined effects of 
the vertical and horizontal flows of memes to the actual organizational 
culture and paradigm, and to the routines, policies and daily actions of 
organizations, are shown in Figure 13. 

The strategic and tactical memes of the management flow downwards 
and concreticize into operational level policies, routines and actions 
(arrow 1). The memes of the management have an effect in the discourses 



96 



and perceptions of the employees, and this may be amplified by the 
training procedures of the organization (arrow 2a). The memes of the 
employees, however, tend to aggregate upwards to the policies, routines and 
behaviors of organizations (arrow 2b). The actual paradigm and culture of 
the organization also has an effect on the memes of the top management, 
which needs to rely on middle management and professionals in many issues 
(arrow lb). These vertical flows of memes are enriched by the horizontal flow 
of professional memes (arrows 3a, 3b and 3c), and the general discourses of 
the society into the organization (arrows 4a, 4b and 4c). 



Formation of goals, values and top level policies 



Gender distribution of positional and normative 
power at the managerial and political level 



< — 



4b 





/ A 
1a 1b 


<3ta- 
















"H I 


Aquaintances, interest groups, 
allied organizations, and the media 

Gender distribution of 
normative power 




3> 




Gender distribution of skills 
and professional power 


Gender bias in the memes 
of organizations 






,\ 




2a 2b 












x 


-A 







Grass root level decisions and policies, informal organizational 
culture, subtle usage of informal and lower level power 

Gender distribution of 
personnel 



Figure 1 3. The Emergence of Organizational Cultures, Policies and Actions. 



4.7.3 The change of organizational memes 



Organizations tend to develop a dominant or hegemonic culture which is 
promo ted by the management and the most powerful professions and social 
groups of the organization. This tends to create hegemonic discourses, 



97 

official organizational cultures, and dominant organizational paradigms, 
for example, in professional issues. Despite this likely emergence of 
dominant and hegemonic cultures, the culture of an organization is 
likely to also contain dissident, resistant and silenced cultures, which 
wait for a suitable moment of time to change the hegemonic paradigms 
and discourses. These alternative cultures may be found, for example, 
by interviewing members of those professions and social groups which 
are at a lower level of the status hierarchy in the organization. At some 
points, the alternative cultures and lower status groups may also maintain 
a silent war against the dominant cultures and groups, for example, by 
intentionally misinterpreting orders, or by obeying senseless rules and 
orders when the time is right. 

The rigidity and homogeneity of the organizational paradigm, may 
lead to the inability of the organization to learn and change in an adaptive 
and "phyletic" fashion. In a fluctuating and changing environment, this 
is likely to lead to a gradual paradigm crisis (see de Jong 1999), a bad 
organizational performance, and to radical changes which may appear 
in the form of a merger, change of upper management, outsourcing of 
previously influential departments (like IT), or dramatic reductions to 
budgets and personnel. The paradigm crisis may also appear in a purely 
cognitive fashion, since the anomalies of the formerly dominant paradigm 
may cause a serious process of re-evaluation and replacement of the central 
memes of the organizational culture (de Jong 1 999) . In other organizations, 
the flexibility and heterogeneity of the organizational memes may permit 
a more continuous process of learning and adaptation, in such a fashion 
that the memes of the organization are constantly being updated and 
re-evaluated as new professional memes enter the organization, as new 
trends and fashions are spotted in the political, technical or social 
environment. This "learning" however, does not have to have any 
resemblance to rational optimization, as the cultures, paradigms and 
discourses of organizations may change simply as the consequence of the 
change in the social attractiveness and fashionability of alternative memes. 
For example, the organizational structures of business enterprises may 
change as a consequence of a change in the contemporary "management 
fashion", which determines whether organizations are multidivisional, 
functional or matrix organizations. In a similar fashion, the strategy of 



98 

organizations may vary between strong diversification and strong focus 
on one single business. Sometimes, these fashions are clearly irrational 
and determined by the need of directors to seek for a high social status. 
On this basis, the organizations may favor, for example, the building 
of fancy headquarter buildings, or the granting of status symbols such 
as statues, paintings or purchased honorary titles to their directors. The 
goals of the organization may also be biased by the wish of the directors 
to manage a "big" organization, measured by turnover or the total size of 
the balance sheet (not by the size of the corporate profit). 

The change of the organizational cultures may also be dependent on 
the changes in the popularity of alternative political and social discourses 
and representations, since organizations attempt to show that they are 
responsive and modern. This may mean, for example, that organizations 
try to adopt some memes of ecological, antiracist and woman friendly 
discourses, at least, if these memes do not cause notable costs or needs 
to change the central strategies and practices of the organization. For 
example, a corporation that has oil refining as its main business, may 
change its corporate sign and logo to more "greenish" ones, and make 
some investments into wind energy, just to improve its image (see Klein 
1999). In a similar fashion, organizations dominated by middle aged 
white males may create web pages which show a set of young to middle 
aged men and women of several racial and ethnic backgrounds. 



4.7.4 Organizational clusters 

Organizations tend to connect into clusters, which appear within the 
same field of activity or within the same geographic area. At the center 
of the cluster are the big and institutionalized organizations of the field, 
but the cluster also consists of their subcontractors and retailers, and the 
universes and academies that provide professional memes for the field 
(see Porter 1998b & 2000). In several cases, the organizational cluster 
is also strongly connected to some public organizations and private 
associations that relate to the field of activity. This connection to private 
associations may introduce the ideologies, discourses and paradigms of 
certain interest groups and social groups to the organizational clusters. 



99 

In some cases, entire clusters may become dominated by the discourses 
of some specific interest group ideology. For example, in some countries 
the agricultural cluster of the society may consist of all the organizations 
which are involved in the production, importation, exportation, sales, 
regulation and subsidy, or research and development of agricultural 
products. It is also possible, that the agrarian workers and land owners will 
organize themselves into an association of agricultural producers, which 
connects strongly to this cluster. This process of clusterization and interest 
group activity may produce an agricultural cluster, which is dominated 
by the discourses and paradigms of agricultural producers. According 
to these discourses, the agricultural producers must be defended from 
the fluctuations of the market and from the unfair competition of other 
countries. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the state to protect the 
producers by protectionist measures and by substantial state subsidies. 
This paradigm and discourse may then be amplified by the research 
and development organizations, and all other parties of the cluster, who 
require more public funding for the cluster. 

The emergence of such clusters means that even a social group, which 
perceives itself as subordinated or threatened by the dominant groups 
of the society, may gain superior resources of power within their own 
cluster. Although the clusters of organizations are organized around the 
professional know-how within some specific field of operation, they also 
tend to develop shared discourses, paradigms and other memeplexes, 
which shape the beliefs, values and priorities of the organizations and 
people working for the cluster. 



4.8 The Success Factors of Memes and the Degeneration 
of Scientific Knowledge 

4.8.1 Summary of the success factors of a meme 

According to Dawkins, the success factors of memes and other replicants 
are their fecundity, longevity and copying fidelity (Dawkins 1976). 
In order to operationalize this model in a way that suits sociocultural 
evolution and permits the prediction of evolution, these factors 



100 

are replaced by the following five central success factors of memes: 
1) simplicity, 2) attractiveness, 3) compatibility with larger memeplexes, 
4) copying fidelity, and 5) pragmatic benefits to the carrier. These central 
success factors are caused by a set of other factors that contribute to these 
central factors. 

The simplicity of a meme is helped by the small size of the meme. 
However, it may also be helped by the chances of representing the meme 
in a permanent visual form, as a picture, drawing, diagram, ornament, 
decoration or object that can be looked at. Another form for adding the 
simplicity is the representation of the meme in symbolic language as a 
short description of the target of the meme, or as a short description 
of how to manufacture and reproduce it. In the context of implicitly 
stored memes such as dances, games and rituals, the simplicity of the 
meme may be augmented by modularization and by the creation of a 
logical structure between the modules. For example, a dance may consist 
of specific motions that are repeated in a systematic order, making the 
learning of the dance somewhat easier. The simplicity of the meme is 
very important, as it raises its communicability, memorizeability and 
attractiveness. 

The attractiveness of a meme is determined by psychological and socially 
determined factors. One central psychological factor of attractiveness is 
the artistic or mystical value, which is presented in the mental pleasure 
that is caused by the meme due to its aesthetic, mimic, poetic or mystical 
nature. In some cases, the mystical value of a meme may be raised by the 
paradoxal, tautological or inexplicable nature of the meme. Under the 
influence of some alternative epistemological metamemes, the mystical 
value of the meme is less significant and the correspondence with reality 
is given highest value and priority when evaluating the attractiveness 
of a meme. A third psychological or cognitive factor of attractiveness 
is formed of the pragmatic benefits that the meme is perceived to give 
to its carriers and appliers. These psychological factors of attractiveness, 
however, may be far less significant than the social factors such as the 
popularity of the meme among opinion leaders and the compatibility of 
the meme with some popular memeplexes. 

The compatibility of a meme with other memeplexes may be gained 
either as a tight and explicit coupling with the theoretical core of some 



101 

popular theoretical paradigm. For example, a very simple and specific 
meme for measuring organizational performance may act as the core 
for a very large memeplex. This core meme may then determine the 
attractiveness of several other memes such as alternative organizational 
policies and discourses, which aim towards compatibility with this core 
meme (see de Jong 1999). The popularity of the meme among opinion 
leaders is also a crucial factor, as this popularity is likely to yield some 
social benefits to all who carry it. 

The copying fidelity of a meme is determined by its communicability 
and memorizeability, which are both highly affected by the storability of 
the meme to durable media: Those memes, which can be stored in written 
or other permanent form, are likely to be copied to future generations 
with fewer mutations than implicitly stored memes such as oral folklore. 
The copying fidelity of a meme is also affected by the simplicity of the 
meme, since simple memes are more likely to be communicated and 
memorized without errors. 

The pragmatic benefits of the meme to its carriers may be helped by 
the correspondence of the meme with reality. This particularly applies to 
scientific and professional memes, which try to describe the reality, and 
then to utilize this knowledge for practical ends. The pragmatic benefits, 
however, are also determined by the compatibility of the meme with 
popular memeplexes and by the popularity of the meme among opinion 
leaders: Popular memes are likely to maintain or augment the status of 
their carriers, while unpopular memes are likely to lower the status and 
power of their carriers. Although this applies most clearly to memes such 
as clothes and fashions, it also applies well to the spreading of habits, 
beliefs and belief systems. 

The central consequences of these success factors of memes are the 
rapid spreading speed of the meme (fecundity), and the economic, 
coercive and reproductive benefits that the carriers are likely to gain 
from the meme. These together, determine the short term and long term 
evolutionary success of memes. 



Representability in 
symbolic language 



Representation in 
visual form 



102 



Representability in a 
clear script of actions 



Storability to 
durable media 



Simplicity (level of 
chrystallizastion) 



i ^ ^ ^ 1 V 



Communicability I Memorizeability 



| ^ X- ^ 1 v 

Copying fidelity I Spreading 

speed 



Artistic or 
mystical value 



, v 



Attract ivity 

A 



Correspondence 
with reality 



Compatibility with one or more popular 
memeplexes (intertextuality) 



Popularity among 
opinion leaders 



Pragmatic benefits to the carrier (person, 
tribe, group or organization) 



Short term frequency in 
the meme pool <= 



Economic, coercive and reproductive 
capacity of the carriers 



Long term frequency in 
the meme pool 



Figure 14. The Success Factors of Memes. 



4.8.2 The degeneration of scientific knowledge 
in modern societies 



When analyzing the success factors of the memes, we can see that 
simplicity is a superiorly important meme, as it contributes to the 
communicability memorizeability and attractiveness of the meme. The 
most important indirect effects of simplicity are the improved spreading 
speed and copying fidelity of the meme. Together, these success factors 
are so central to the evolutionary success of memes that these benefits of 



103 

simplicity tend to overweigh some of the harms of simplicity — such as 
the weakened match of the meme with reality, which may be caused by 
oversimplification. When analyzing the importance of simplicity from the 
point of view of interest groups and power, simplicity is also an essentially 
important factor for memes: In general, the simplest memes make the best 
propaganda, as they can be communicated and memorized most effectively 
The simplest memes are also the ones which may also be communicated to 
the laymen, and not only to the experts of theoretical paradigms. 

When analyzing simplicity from the point of view of organizations 
and media, it is possible to notice that simplicity is something that 
is required for efficient communication in the media, and for the 
rapid teaching of the organizational culture to new recruits. Even if 
organizations possibly have digitalized quality handbooks and process 
descriptions, these are usually modularized in a fashion that permits 
their learning piece by piece, using simpler modules (memes) as a basis. 
When the internal structure of organizations is analyzed, together with 
the connections from organizations to the external world, it is possible 
to see that a major part of memes flow into organizations through the 
network of journalists, consultants and trainers. Due to the constraints 
on decision making, managers and specialists in organizations do not 
have sufficient time to study their professional memes directly from 
universities and research reports. Therefore, most organizational memes 
enter organizations through the network of journalist, consultants and 
trainers, and not directly from scientific sources. This creates a layer that 
separates companies, public organizations and associations from science, 
and filters, biases and mutates the memes that organizations adopt. (It 
must also be noted that the scientific memes may be relatively biased 
even in the first place, within the scientific community). An important 
factor in the shaping of the scientific memes is made of the interest group 
organizations which intentionally filter out information that conflicts 
with their interests, and actively distribute and manipulate information in 
order to serve their own interests. In modern societies, this manipulation 
of information is usually performed in a skillful manner, so that direct 
lies are replaced by half-truths. This kind of propaganda is more elegant 
than direct lies, and reduces the chances of being justfully accused of 
explicit lies, which would mean the lowered reputation and credibility of 
the interest group and its paradigm. 



104 

When scientific memes are communicated to organizations and 
to laymen through a network of journalists, consultants, trainers and 
interest group activists, the memes go through a process of filtering, 
simplification and mutation. Filtering occurs as a communication and 
learning process, in which incompatible memes are filtered out as they 
conflict with the paradigm of the learner or the receiver of a message. 41 
This filtering may be intentional, for example, when interest group 
activists filter out statistics which threaten the legitimacy of the requests of 
the interest groups. It may also be unintentional, such as the spontaneous 
unwillingness of people to learn data that would threaten their belief 
system. Simplification is a process in which memes or memeplexes are 
simplified by leaving out some parts or memes. The simplification of 
scientific memes appears on two levels: On the level of large textual 
bodies, simplification appears in the tendency of busy people to examine 
only the summary or abstract of a book, and then some headlines and 
chapters that seem interesting. This tends to cause the simplification of 
scientific knowledge, since the memes are condensed and simplified to 
a form that can be represented in a summary or abstract. On the level 
of single claims and statements, the simplification particularly occurs in 
the detachment of the statement from some other important memes. 
Although statements should be perceived as memeplexes which contain 
the statement, references and disclaimers concerning the applicability of 
the statement, scientific statements are often communicated to others 
without the explicit references and disclaimers. Precise figures also tend to 
be simplified into rounded ones, or to general qualitative expressions. For 
example, the figure "78.2%" may easily be simplified to a "vast majority", 
which is easier to remember, but which can practically mean anything 
between 60% and 99%. This simplification may also be intentional and 
ideologically motivated: For example, the statement the majority of the 
victims of domestic violence are female can be used to hide the fact that 
the figure may actually be something like 51—60 %, according to several 
international metastudies (see 6.3.4). 

Although simplification is one of the most common forms of memetic 
mutation, other mutations also occur. These are often caused by accident, 

41 The ability of discourses to filter out conflicting material appears in Foucault 
1982, p. 119 (see Keskinen 2005, p. 95). The idea of filtering also appears in the context 
of paradigms and organizational structures (see de Jong 1999). 



105 



careless conclusions, or by the invalidity and confusion of concepts. 
Mutations are sometimes partly intentional and partly unintentional. For 
example, the meme "there is no evidence that a high consumption of butter 
would cause coronary diseases" may be easily mutated to the meme "a high 
consumption of butter does not cause coronary diseases". Due to the interest 
group activities and paradigms, this mutation is more likely to appear in a 
newspaper of the agricultural producers than in some other newspaper. 

When these processes of the deterioration of scientific knowledge 
are applied to modern societies and to public administration, we can 
reach the following model (Figure 15). The media, politicians and 
interest group activists together, may gradually produce a consensus on 
what paradigms of science are politically correct. This affects the public 
funding of research, and the popularity of alternative paradigms within 
the scientific community. It also discourages the media from publishing 
material that is considered politically incorrect. 



Politically correct 
paradigms of science 



Scientific publications and 
press releases 



Journalists 
and media 




Trainers and 
consultants 



Existing organizational 
culture and paradigm 



Organizational 
decision makers 



Peers in other 
organizations 



Figure15.The Degeneration of Scientific Knowledge in Modern Societies. 



Interest group activists lobby the media and politicians, in order to gain 
publicity for those research results that they have carefully selected, and 
which therefore, match the interest of the interest group. This information 
warfare may also contain intentional simplification and a mutation of 



106 

memes. These processes may be used for raising the attractiveness of 
the favored memes, or for reducing the attractiveness of the memes that 
belong to opposing paradigms. This reduction of attractiveness may be 
reduced, for example, by the usage of straw men, which are mutated and 
intentionally "worsened" versions of the original memes. 

The behavior of private and public organizations is affected by scientific 
memes, but this effect is usually indirect. The scientific memes tend 
to be first simplified, before being taught to managers and functional 
professionals through the network of journalists, consultants and trainers. 
This network filters out information, simplifies it, and sometimes also 
mutates it. These processes of filtering, simplification and mutation also occur 
at the boundary of the organization, as organizational decision makers resist 
information that conflicts with the existing paradigm of the organization. In 
some cases, entire clusters of interconnected organizations may develop an 
identical organizational paradigm, as a large part of organizational memes 
are adopted from peers in the same industry or sector, or from new recruits 
which also come from the same sector. If such clusters evolve, the resistance 
against new ideas may become very strong, as all organizations in the field 
jointly object to the alternative ideas and paradigms. This particularly appears 
in the public sector, in those cases, where the entire existence of the cluster is 
based on a specific ideological paradigm. 

This deterioration of scientific knowledge to simplified and mutated 
exaggerations is amplified by the relatively common social democratic 
idea of the necessity to subordinate science to political goals. In social 
democratic welfare states such as Sweden, the political system has a 
relatively strong control over scientific truth, through its ability to fund 
researchers and universities, and through the practical opportunity 
to nominate professors and "favored national scientists". The political 
system may also state, what should be researched, and what should not. 
In such conditions, the ability of the scientific community to produce 
memes and paradigms that deviate from the politically determined main 
stream paradigm is severely reduced. This tends to lead to the evolution 
of a hegemonic paradigm, which enjoys the support of the political elite, 
and some significant interest groups. In such conditions, the differences 
between science and propaganda tend to become rather vague, and 
scientific knowledge will easily degenerate into simplified slogans, beliefs 



107 

and stereotypes. On the official level, these slogans and stereotypes may 
appear in a somewhat neutral form, but the hegemonic paradigm also 
tends to develop an aggressive periphery which ruthlessly attacks the 
potential proponents of alternative paradigms. A potential example of this 
degeneration of scientific knowledge in social democratic welfare states 
is given by the document "Konskriget" (Rubar 2005). This document 
describes the process in which one specific feminist theory gained an 
official and hegemonic status in the political and scientific community 
of Sweden. In this case, the theory was also connected to a theoretical 
periphery, according to which "men are animals". 42 This seems to be a 
typical case of an aggressive meme that is used to put down the enemies 
of an interest group and its ideological paradigm (see 4.6.3). 

Another reason for the degeneration of scientific knowledge is the 
Internet. The evolution of the Internet has created a situation, in which 
all interest group activists may freely publish texts on their web pages, 
blogs, news groups, discussion forums and mailing lists. This dramatically 
raises the amount of published, textual memes. Simultaneously, there is 
no mechanism for rooting out bad texts from the net, or for guaranteeing 
their journalistic or scientific quality. Under these conditions, it is very 
easy for interest group activists to filter, mutate, simplify and spread 
memes which serve their own political interests. In practice, this tends 
to create a second layer between the scientific memes and the audience, 
since the scientific memes are first filtered, simplified and mutated by 
professional journalists, trainers and consultants, and then refiltered, 
resimplified and remutated by the layer that consists of individual 
activists, who usually do not base their writings on the scientific writings, 
but on the writings of journalists or other activists. As the writings of 
these activists are not governed by any strong professional, scientific or 
journalistic code of ethics, the texts tend to contain bad references to 
scientific texts, even if there is an aim to gain scientific credibility through 
the quotation or other usage of scientific memes. Examples of this 
degeneration of scientific knowledge are those pieces of urban folklore, 
which float around the web forums and e-mailing lists of ideological 
activists. For example, the feminist forums and lists tend to distribute a 
meme, according to which "the rates of domestic violence always rise during 

42 Irene von Wachtfeld, the chairman of ROKS, the Swedish association of Women's 
shelters (see Rubar 2005). 



108 

national football matches" {see Kammer 2002, p. 48—51). In Finland, this 
meme was distributed in the national e-mailing list of women's studies, in 
a mutated form, according to which "the rates of domestic violence always 
rise during ice hockey matches"* 3 . A scientific reference to this meme was 
not received even after a request, which is not a surprise, as there is no 
empirical evidence whatsoever to support this meme (seeSommers 1994). 



4.9 Predicting the Evolution of the Welfare States 

4.9.1 The central memeplexes of the welfare state ideology 

According to the synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution, most 
social phenomena are caused by mental and cultural memes, which 
then manifest into the sociostructural memes of the society. Therefore, 
we need to identify the central memeplexes of the welfare states, in 
order to predict the future of the welfare states. When identifying these 
memeplexes, it is also useful to keep in mind the existence of interest 
groups and interest group paradigms, and the existence of some other 
metamemes of modern society. Using these principles, together with 
some ideas of Lindblom (1977), Toffler (1980), Esping-Andersson 
(1990), and Harisalo & Miettinen (1995), it is possible to identify the 
following memeplexes that govern and shape the evolution of the welfare 
states: 1) Centralism vs. decentralism, 2) Valuation of high vs. low level 
of functional specialization, 3) Standardization vs. variance, 4) Socialism 
vs. private ownership, 5) Pro-market ideology vs. anti-market ideology, 

6) Popularity of social transfer payments and positive action polities, 

7) Popularity of voluminous public services. 

4.9.2 Functional selection 

and the macro level trends of welfare states 

The large trends in the evolution of welfare states are mainly governed 
by the co-effects of economic and cognitive selection, which gradually 



43 Kaarina Kailo on the naistutkimus@uta.fi list (Kailo 2007) 



109 

root out those memeplexes that cause bad economic performance. Due 
to constant changes in external factors such as technology, military 
constellations and the availability of natural resources, modern societies 
are not systems which would gradually reach a stable equilibrium. Instead, 
they are under functional pressure to change, whenever external factors 
change. Due to these external functional pressures, the early industrial 
// wave societies tended to optimize industrial production, based on the 
principles of standardization, synchronization, functional specialization, 
and the strong centralization of decision making (seeToffler 1980). These 
principles, which suited a relatively stable industrial society based on 
mass production, were also supported by central authorities of the public 
and private administration such as Max Weber and Frederik Taylor (see 
Scott 2002). The most significant ideological dispute, concerning the 
organization and public policy of the II wave societies, was the ideological 
struggle between socialism and the market oriented ideologies. During 
the earlier part of the 20 th century, socialism and the market oriented 
ideologies seemed equally attractive to the voters of many European 
countries. The era of the II wave societies, however, was turned on its 
end roughly at the 1980s, due to functional pressures which were partly 
caused by changes in the technological basis of production. These trends 
are described in more detail below. 

Functional selection has shaped the content and popularity of 
alternative political paradigms such as conservativism, liberalism, 
socialism and social democratic thinking. The heavy reliance of the Soviet 
Union on socialism, centralism and anti market policies gradually eroded 
the economic resources of the society, leading to an economic crisis, 
which forced the elites of the country to reconsider the political ideology 
of the state. This meant the ideological collapse of socialism at the end of 
the 20 th century, due to economic and cognitive selection. This collapse, 
however, did not destroy the basis of the social democratic paradigm, 
which only made some ad-hoc adjustments to its perception concerning 
markets: The strong anti-market thinking was replaced by an idea that 
markets are inevitable, but they must be controlled in some extent by the 
state. This change led to the emergence of the new European left wing 
parties and ideologies such as the ones applied in the United Kingdom 
during the government of Tony Blair. The conservative ideology has 



110 

also been affected by the collapse of socialism. It is predictable that the 
anti-market memes of the conservative welfare paradigm will gradually 
lose some of their popularity, as there is empirical proof that market 
economies are more efficient in the production of welfare than the strictly 
regulated economies. However, the harms of the conservative anti market 
ideologies to the economic performance of societies are so moderate, 
that it is possible that cognitive selection will not root them out in the 
evolution of political ideologies. This persistence in anti-market ideologies 
is also likely to be supported by interest groups such as agrarian producers 
and national enterprises, which are likely to lobby against the opening 
of local economies to more efficient competition. Yet, it is possible that 
those countries and organizational clusters which have learnt to cope with 
global competition in the first place, will gradually gain more economic 
resources and political influence than the more conservative countries 
and companies, which rely on protectionist policies. This development 
would gradually erode the popularity of conservative protectionism. 

The speeding up of the rate of technological change at the latter part of 
the 20 th century caused the large, centralized and functionally organized 
business organizations to appear too slow, unresponsive and unadaptive, 
which caused bad economic performance. This led to the invention of the 
multidivisional organizational form, the matrix organization, and several 
mechanisms, which allowed the decentralization of administration and 
the weakening of functional specialization (see Galbraith 1977). The 
changes in information technology also permitted the decentralization 
of decision making close to the grass roots level of organizations. These 
changes in management paradigms, also reached the public administration 
in the 1980s and 1990s. The technological changes also reduced the need 
for standardized products and services that were produced during office 
hours, in a synchronized fashion. One example of such a development 
was the evolution of the World Wide Web based services to consumers 
and citizens, and another example was the development of e-mail, home 
offices and teleconferences, which enabled the asynchronization and 
decentralization of organizational work and decision making. This led 
to the more general eroding of the belief in the benefits of centralization, 
standardization and synchronization. Most of these changes occurred 
first among private enterprises, and were then disseminated to the public 



Ill 

administration, through a network of scholars, consultants, trainers, 
journalists, and politicians. 

After the functional and cognitive selection have rooted out socialism, 
the notable remaining ideologies of the welfare states at the beginning 
of the 21 st century are liberalism, conservativism and a new form of 
social democratic thinking, which tolerates markets and attempts to 
use them for the production of welfare to the citizens. Conservativism, 
as a political memeplex, is also connected to religious paradigms. Both 
share the belief in the standardization of habits, behaviors and families; 
strong functional division of tasks between men and women; and some 
level of governmental or religious centralization to prevent the spreading 
of deviant and immoral behaviors. Although it is possible that these 
religious memeplexes manage to control the content of conservativism 
for a long period of time, it is also equally possible that the pressures of 
functional selection, combined with cognitive selection, change religions 
towards accepting more variety in human behaviors and lifestyles. This 
functional selection would be caused by the fact that variation in cultures 
and lifestyles tends to create more ideas and innovations, which seems to 
be positively correlated with a high economic performance on the level 
of organizations and national economies. 

One more trend in the functional and cognitive selection is the rooting 
out of the systematic budget deficits of the welfare states. Although several 
short term pressures induce the emergence of budget deficits, the long 
term functional pressures are likely to lead to an economic crisis, which 
either changes the fiscal and political paradigms or leads to the collapse 
of the state. This process showed its effects in the 1980s, as the constant 
increase in public spending and taxes was stopped by most European 
welfare states. In popular discourses, this reduction in public spending 
was equated with harsh neoliberalism and social injustice, but these 
budget cuts were made equally by countries governed by social democrats, 
liberalists and conservatives. This supports the idea, that the ending of 
the expansion of public expenditure and taxation was a necessity, not a 
political plot against the disadvantaged social groups. 



112 

4.9.3 Interest groups and discourses 

as determinants of the future of welfare states 

Although some major trends in the evolution of the welfare states have 
been described above, many features of public policy and welfare states 
seem to be purely discursive in their nature. This means that policies and 
management fashions may fluctuate freely, according to the principles 
of unintentional bias, interest group activities, and strong philosophical 
paradigms, which indirectly guide the formulation of political paradigms 
and public policies. This means that the evolution of the welfare states, in 
the shorter term, may be predicted mostly by measuring the popularities 
of alternative memeplexes among the opinion leaders and most influential 
interest groups of the society. This also requires analysis of the distribution 
of power resources among different interest groups, as this can have an 
effect on the ability of the interest groups to practice information warfare, 
meaning the intentional filtering, simplification, exaggeration and 
mutation of memes, and the spreading of these twisted memes to central 
decision makers of the society. By using these perspectives, it is possible 
to attempt to predict the evolution of the welfare policies that relate to 
the helping of the disadvantaged, or to the preference of governmental 
regulation versus market economy. 

The most significant philosophical dispute, concerning the welfare 
states, seems to appear between the moderate and radical welfare state 
ideology. According to the radical paradigm, the state is a superior entity 
compared to its citizens and their choices. This idea originates from the 
works of Platon, Hegel and Bastiani (see Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). 
This memeplex tends to lead to the belief of the superiority of the public 
administration compared to citizens. Therefore, this radical memeplex 
tends to enjoy support from the conservative ideology. However, it also 
aligns with the social democratic thinking, according to which the public 
administration should take care of the citizens — not letting the citizens 
and the market mechanisms take care of the citizens. This idea of the 
superiority of the state and public administration, leads to governmental 
interventionism and to the conclusion that it is the task of the government 
and public administration to identify and help disadvantaged social groups. 
This is almost identical to the memeplex, according to which the public 



113 

administration should introduce transfer payments and positive action 
policies in order to help the disadvantaged (see 4.9.1). 

Due to the cognitive limits of people, administrators tend to view social 
groups in a dichotomic fashion, so that some groups are privileged and 
others are disadvantaged. For example, the working-class is disadvantaged 
compared to the entrepreneurs, although some white collar workers earn 
several times more than the owners of small enterprises. In a similar 
fashion, women are considered as a disadvantaged group, although 
some white upper-class women are clearly privileged compared to black 
working-class men. All ethnic minorities tend to also be perceived 
as disadvantaged, although some ethnic minorities may have a higher 
standard of living, on average, than the majority of the population. These 
strong dichotomies are promoted by the organized interest groups of 
the disadvantaged social groups, and these dichotomies are a source of 
discursive power for the interest group organizations. This means that 
the popularity of the "helping the disadvantaged" meme has led to the 
attempt of all interest groups to present their members as more or less 
severely disadvantaged. In some cases, some clearly disadvantaged groups 
of people fail to organize and to lobby their interests, and this leads to a 
situation, in which they do not get an "official" status as a disadvantaged 
group. Therefore, the public administration will not develop policies for 
supporting and helping them. Examples of poorly organized groups are 
made of the short people, ugly people, alcoholics, drug users, uneducated 
and unemployed people, mentally ill people, and victims of domestic 
violence. These groups are likely to be disadvantaged, in objective terms, 
and yet they have not achieved an official status as a disadvantaged group. 
Therefore, the public administration does not recognize their problems as 
well as the problems of women, racial minorities, or employed workers, 
who have formed their own interest group organizations. 

In some cases, it is possible for a disadvantaged group to gain superior 
discursive power, which may then be converted into political power, (wo) 
manpower, social power, managerial power, and coercive power. In this 
process, it is typical that the disadvantaged group does its best to maintain 
its image as the disadvantaged group, and a picture of its enemies as the 
"oppressors". This appeared, for example, in the Soviet Union, where the 
courts maintained a discourse in which the academically trained people, 



114 

who had owned some private property, were continuously stereotyped as 
"oppressors", although the socialist system had ended private ownership 
a long time before (see Harisalo & Miettinen 1995). It is also possible 
that the disadvantaged social group, after first creating a strong interest 
group organization and an interest group paradigm, attempts to present 
its ideology and interests as synonymous to the general welfare of all citizens. AA 
These mechanisms and trends in the ideologies of the disadvantaged 
groups may lead to very radical mutations of the welfare state ideology. In 
extreme conditions, they may lead to a dogmatic paradigm, which defines 
the disadvantaged group (which actually holds more power resources than 
other groups) as the "officially disadvantaged" group, and pictures all 
other groups as selfish oppressors. This may lead to a public policy, which 
encourages or passively tolerates hatred and terror against the members of 
the "privileged" social groups. An example of such a system seems to have 
appeared in the Soviet Union after the revolution, and also in Southern 
Africa, after the collapse of the white regime. In modern welfare states, 
there is a small chance that such an ideology will be formed on the basis of 
radical interest group feminism (see chapter 5.8.3). 

Even if the evolution of welfare states does not lead to such radical 
scenarios, it is possible that the intention of the public administration, to 
help disadvantaged groups, will lead to policies of reverse discrimination. 
Due to these policies, the members of the (officially) disadvantaged 
group may be favored to such an extent that the constitutional and 
human rights of others are violated. Even if the Supreme Courts put a 
clear limit to this kind of reverse discrimination, it is still possible that the 
interest groups of the disadvantaged group, together with the officials of 
the public administration, will maintain discourses which encourage the 
active favoring of the disadvantaged group in all contexts. This may lead 
to organizational cultures, which subtly discriminate against all others, 
except for the members of the disadvantaged group. However, it is equally 
possible that the public administration carries memes, which subtly 
permit the discriminative treatment of the disadvantaged group. In order 
to diagnose the case, the organizational values, stories, beliefs, statistics, 
facts, jokes and practices of the organization would have to be studied in 
such a fashion that it is possible to distinguish, whether the organizational 



44 Marx 1845-6, p. 27 and 35-37 (see Mitchell 1973, p. 144-145). 



115 



culture is permeated by the propaganda of the disadvantaged group, 
or by the biased belief system of the members of the privileged group. 



4.10 Summary 

This chapter produced a synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution. This 
theory is based mainly on the synthesis of memetics, discourse analysis, 
organizational science, and evolutionary economics. According to the 
theory, sociocultural evolution is based on a process in which mental 
memes like concepts and beliefs are manifested into cultural memes 
like texts, routines and social practices. These cultural memes cause 
the institutional structures, dichotomies of power, and other structural 
memes of the society. The cultural and structural memes of the society 
have a strong feedback loop to the mental memes of people, in such a 
fashion that people often reproduce mental and cultural memes with a 
surprisingly high accuracy. Memes may be small or large of their size. 
They may be stored inside the human brain, in texts and media, in the 
shapes and decorations of objects, or in the rigid routines, rituals, gestures 
and acts that circulate in human cultures through imitation and learning. 
Small memes tend to connect to larger memeplexes. The advantage of 
this is the combination of flexibility, rigidity and cognitive power of the 
memeplexes, compared to atomistic memes that appear without the 
context of a memeplex. All memes are vulnerable to mutations, which 
may appear in the form of simplification, exaggeration and random 
changes. All smaller memes are also subordinated to larger memeplexes 
like paradigms and discourses, in such a fashion that the larger memeplexes 
tend to filter out those memes that do not suit them. 

Sociocultural evolution is governed by unintentional biases (4.4), 
functional selection (4.3), interest groups and power (chapter 4.5), 
institutions and organizations (4.7), and by metamemes and paradigms 
(4.6). Unintentional biases consist of those cognitive, linguistic, 
communicational, emotional and social psychological biases, which 
direct sociocultural evolution towards the flourishing of biased concepts, 
subjective stereotypes and simplified beliefs, since these kinds of 
memes tend to spread most effectively due to their superior simplicity, 



116 

memorizeability, communicability, and cognitive and emotional 
attractiveness. Functional selection directs sociocultural evolution by 
rooting out those paradigms and memes, which cause a severe reduction of 
economic, reproductive or military performance to organizations and other 
social systems. However, those memes which cause only moderate harms to 
their carriers may survive in sociocultural evolution for very long periods of 
time, as the cognitive learning process of human societies may fail to detect 
the connection of the meme and the harm caused by the meme. 

Interest groups and power appear as a significant factor that shapes 
sociocultural evolution. Interest groups may use economic and political 
power resources for shaping the legislation, public policy and culture of 
the society to their interests. This may also lead to the accumulation of 
discursive power to the dominant social group, if it can control the media, 
public education, religion, research and other institutions that produce 
cultural memes. In modern societies and welfare states, however, the total 
hegemony of one interest group is not so common, since subordinated 
groups tend to gain moral power through their disadvantaged status. This 
moral and discursive power may then be converted to political power, 
which can be used for improving the status of the disadvantaged group. 
Modern societies may also become segregated in such a fashion that 
different social groups dominate their own "sphere". This means that even 
the most powerful social group may face discrimination in the sphere of 
some other social group. 

Institutions and organizations are important shapers of sociocultural 
evolution in modern societies. They collect memes from the surrounding 
society through a network of journalists, consultants and trainers, which 
means that they tend to receive relatively simplified and popularized 
versions of scientific and professional memes. Organizations also 
collect, cumulate and aggregate memes from the peers of organizational 
decision makers, which tends to lead to the formation of organizational 
clusters, which share a common culture or paradigm. This clustering of 
organizations may lead to the division of the society into subsystems, 
which contain very different cultures and paradigms compared to each 
other. For example, the paradigms and cultures of male dominated, 
technology oriented private organizations may vary dramatically from 
the paradigms and cultures of female dominated, service oriented public 
organizations. In some cases, the clustering of organizations and the 



117 

formation of cluster specific paradigms may also be governed by active 
interest group participation, lobbying and propaganda. 

Metamemes and paradigms direct sociocultural evolution in close 
connection with interest groups: Most religious, political, professional 
and scientific paradigms have some connections to interest groups, and 
sometimes they have even been invented and created by interest groups 
to serve their own interests. This leads to the structuration of paradigms 
in such a fashion that they have a theoretical core, selfish core and a set of 
peripheral merries. The selfish core contains the memes, which are used 
to legitimize the interests and requests of the central interest group that 
is connected to the paradigm. It is beneficial for interest groups to hide 
the existence of this selfish core, in order to present the paradigm as an 
objective theory, or as an ideology that seeks for the common benefit of all 
citizens. The theoretical periphery of paradigms contains rhetoric fallacies, 
biased statistics and nasty stereotypes that can be used for attacking the 
enemies of the paradigm, or for boosting the popularity of the paradigm. 
Although paradigms compete against each other, they may also form 
coalition discourses which usually appear through peripheral memes that 
are shared by two rivaling paradigms. This analysis of the selfish cores 
and theoretical peripheries of paradigms, forms a basis for the analysis of 
the potential misandric elements of feminism and for the analysis of the 
coalition discourses between feminism and patriarchal sexism. 

These determinants of sociocultural evolution, when applied to 
the welfare states in modern societies, suggest that the paradigms of 
political parties and public organizations will be constructed around the 
(selfish) paradigms of powerful interest groups, and around professional 
paradigms which consist of simplified, popularized and filtered versions 
of scientific memes. Under these conditions, the evolution of the public 
administration can be predicted by measuring the popularity and 
fashionability of specific political and professional paradigms and memes, 
and by analyzing their chances of forming successful coalition discourses 
with rival paradigms. This means that societies, in the short term, are 
not heading towards an economic equilibrium, which would produce an 
optimally effective and beneficial solution. In the longer term, however, 
the mechanisms of functional selection may root out some of the most 
harmful memes and paradigms, no matter how popular they may be at 
some specific point in time. 



118 



5 Applying the Theory to Gender Discrimination 
5.1 Introduction 

Sociocultural evolution appears through the change of mental, cultural 
and sociostructural memes. One part of sociocultural evolution is the 
appearance of the memes, which cause direct, indirect and structural 
gender discrimination. In order to explain and predict this evolution of 
gender discrimination, it is necessary to analyze those determinants of 
the sociocultural evolution and their connection to the mental, cultural 
and sociostructural memes. This means that the effects of interest groups 
and power, organizations and institutions, metamemes and paradigms, 
unintentional biases, and functional selection on gender discrimination 
need to be analyzed. 









Metamemes and 






Institutions and 
organizations 




paradigms 






* 






' 


r 






I ^ 






















Mental 

memes 




Cultural 
memes 




Sociostruc- 
tural memes 










Interest groups 

and power 






Unintentional 
bias 












♦ 




♦ 




* 








Discriminative actions, decisions, 
policies and practices. 




\ \ 




\\ 




; 




\ \ 








/ 


\ \« 




* 






A 










, 






■ni 


ncti 


onal 


press 


ure 



















Figure 16. The Determinants of Gender Discrimination. 

The central memes that shape the discriminative actions, decisions, and 
traditions, are first listed in chapter 5.2. Then chapters 5.3—5.6 are used 
for analyzing and summarizing the effects of the determinants on these 
memes of gender discrimination. 



119 



5.2 Identifying the Memeplexes and Biases 
that Cause Gender Discrimination 

5.2.1 Mental and cultural memeplexes 



In chapter 3, sexism, the male role, hegemonic masculinity, and feminism 
were identified as potential discriminators of men. If we aim at a general 
theory of gender discrimination, this list should probably be appended 
by the female role and hegemonic femininity (see Holter 1995). On 
top of these memeplexes, we may assume that almost all other cultural 
memeplexes like concepts, language, habits and traditions may contain 
a gender bias, which may lead to the discrimination of either men or 
women. All of these memeplexes interact and connect with each other in 
the fashion described in Figure 17. 



Masculism 



Structural 
discrimination 
against men 



Sexism 




Male role(s) 
and the hege- 
monic form of 
masculinity 



Female role(s) 
and the hege- 
monic form of 
femininity 



Masculinely 
biased cultures: 
Priorities, 
stories, 
traditions etc. 



Femininely 
biased cultures: 
Priorities, 
stories, 
traditions etc. 



Direct and 
indirect 
discrimination 
against women 




Direct and 
indirect 
discrimination 
against men 



Structural 
discrimination 
against women 



Figure 1 7. The Memeplexes that Cause Gender Discrimination. 



The male role(s) consists of role expectations, stereotypes, scripts and 
scenes, which manifest the traditional forms of masculinity. If the society 
contains only one hegemonic and dominant male role and preferred 



120 

form of masculinity, this is likely to induce structural discrimination 
against those men who would like to deviate from this dominant male 
role. Masculinity and the male role(s) are dependent on the femininity 
and the female role(s), since men in most societies and cultures wish 
to distinguish themselves from women. In a similar fashion, the female 
roles and femininities also depend on the contents of masculinity, 
since women may be defined as the 'other', which is not the male. If 
the society has only one or two dominant forms of femininity, these 
are likely to cause structural discrimination against those women who 
deviate from the dominant female role. At this point, it must be noted 
that the concepts of hegemonic masculinity and femininity refer to those 
memeplexes of masculinity and femininity, which are the most popular 
or common, compared to alternative memeplexes of masculinity and 
femininity. Therefore, it is possible that, in some societies, a pacifistic, 
uncompetitive and unaggressive form of masculinity or femininity may 
reach a hegemonic status, compared to alternative masculinities and 
femininities. This is important to note, as "hegemonic" is often perceived 
as a synonym for tyranny, aggression and coercive power, despite the fact 
that hegemonic originally and correctly refers to hegemonic discourses 
and other dominant mental and cultural representations (see Phillips & 
J0rgensen 2002, p. 7). 

The experiences of men in the groups and networks of men, tend to 
create a shared, masculinely biased culture tot men, due to group pressure 
and the formation of a group identity (see chapters 4.4 and 5.4). This 
culture may consist of values, priorities, concepts, words, stories, jokes, 
stereotypes and beliefs in a fashion that looks very innocent, but which 
is still likely to lead to social practices that discriminate against women 
in male dominated organizations and contexts. In a similar fashion, the 
femininely biased cultures of women's networks and female dominated 
organizations may also lead to gendered practices that put men at a 
disadvantaged status, causing discrimination against men. The appearance 
of such masculinely and femininely biased cultures is amplified by the 
horizontal segregation of the society, which leads to the emergence of 
male dominated and female dominated organizations, networks and 
contexts, in different fields of the society. 

Masculism may be defined as the interest group ideology of men, 
although the term itself is not very well established yet. Most masculists 



121 

are antisexists, and they try to fight against the traditional male role which 
causes structural discrimination against men (see 3.1). Yet, some other 
masculists perceive the traditional male and female roles as beneficial and 
practical, and create discourses which strengthen the traditional male 
role. Masculists may also try to change the traditional female role, in 
order to change the cultures and practices of women to some extent, for 
example, in such a fashion that the economic exploitation of men by 
women is reduced (see 3.5). Due to the fact that most masculists are men, 
masculism tends to support and reproduce some of the masculine bias 
that is embedded in men's cultures. Masculists may, for example, prioritize 
men's interests above women's interests in the creation of public policy. 
Through this mechanism, masculists may contribute to the existence of 
direct and indirect discrimination against women. In a similar fashion, 
feminism is basically and originally an interest group ideology of women. 
Antisexist feminists try to widen the female role, in such a fashion that 
women could just as well as men, be managers, politicians, priests, 
etc., and not be tied down to the role of a housewife, as such a narrow 
role would mean structural discrimination against women. Yet, some 
maternalist feminists promote discourses, which reproduce the picture of 
women as the tender, loving, uncompetitive caretakers of children. These 
discourses may also picture women as the less sexual gender, which has 
higher morals than men. Feminists also tend to work towards the change 
of the traditional male role, in order to gain space for the new, changed 
female role, and to change those masculine traditions which induce 
discrimination against women. Due to the fact that most feminists are 
women, feminism tends to support and reproduce some of the feminine 
bias that is embedded in women's cultures. Feminists may, for example, 
perceive men's problems as mere curiosities, and feel no interest in the 
removal of the gender discrimination against men. 

The ideological core of sexism is made of a set of memeplexes, which 
exaggerate gender difference, underestimate the variety within genders, 
and present gender differences as beneficial or inevitable in such a fashion 
that tends to legitimize the existence of strongly separate male and female 
roles. This core is supported by a large set of gendered concepts, traditions 
and practices. Due to the various different sources of influence on 
sexism, the sexist memeplexes tend to appear in different versions, such 



122 

as the masculinely and masculistically biased version, and the femininely 
and feministically biased version. The version promoted by the sexist 
masculists and men in general, tends to emphasize gender difference, in 
such a fashion that exaggerates male virtues such as braveness, reliability, 
honesty and the ability to think rationally and make quick decisions. This 
characterization of men is connected to the masculinely biased tendency 
to exaggerate such female deficiencies as volatility, unreliability and the 
inability to make rational and quick decisions. In a similar fashion, the 
femininely and feministically biased version of sexism tends to exaggerate 
female virtues such as compassion, cooperativeness, peacefulness, 
flexibility, and the ability to give unselfish love. In these discourses, men 
are commonly presented as unloving, selfish, competitive, cold, violent, 
and sex crazed. These examples show that the interpretation of sexism 
and gender difference may appear in clearly distinct, femininely and 
masculinely biased forms. Yet, these forms of sexism may also support 
each other, as they share the same core memes that exaggerate gender 
differences. 



5.2.2 Sociostructural memes as causes 
of gender discrimination 

The most significant sociostructural memes, in the context of gender, 
are the horizontal and vertical segregation of the society. According to 
some scholars of women's studies, horizontal segregation occurs basically 
in the fashion that men dominate the public sphere, while women have 
been pressed into the private sphere (e.g. Pateman 1989, see Julkunen 
1995, p. 15). This perspective is also supported by Warshack and Holter, 
although they see women not only as prisoners of the private sphere, but 
also as the rulers (see 3.3). The idea of the public sphere as a sphere of 
masculinity, however, has been challenged by the Nordic feminists, who 
have recognized that some functions, professions, organizational clusters 
and discourses of the modern welfare states are dominated by women. This 
sphere of femininity inside the public sector may consist of, for example, 
charity organizations, healthcare and social service organizations, daycare 
centers, and organizations related to the equality policy (see Acker 1992; 



123 

Rantalaiho 1994, p. 25—26, and Silius 1995, p. 61—64). This segregation 
of the society is a manifestation of the male and female roles, which point 
out that some tasks are more suitable for men and others for women. At the 
same time, the segregation of the labor market is also interpreted as a proof 
of the differences between men and women, which tends to strengthen 
and reproduce the traditional gender system. A potential connection of the 
memes of masculinity and femininity to the segregation of professions and 
tasks is shown in Table 6: 



Memes of masculinity 


"Masculine tasks" 


"Feminine tasks" 


Memes of femininity 


Competitiveness and 


Managerial tasks 


Customer service tasks 


Compassion and interest 


decisiveness 






inhuman affairs 


Toughness and interest 


Mining, construction, 


Clerical jobs 


Caretaking nature, 


in technology and 


transportation, hunting 




carefulness, service 


outdoor activities 






orientation 


Stereotype of men as 


Men as fashion 


Women as fashion 


Stereotype of women as 


active actors and 


designers and political 


models and newsreaders 


beautiful objects 


thinking subjects 


commentators 







Table 6. Connection from Masculinity and Femininity to Stereotypic Male 
and Female Tasks. 



The strong segregation of tasks even appears inside organizations, as some 
tasks such as customer service and clerical jobs are considered particularly 
suitable for women, at least in those contexts in which the employee 
is expected to play a flexible, service oriented and modest role. The 
horizontal segregation of tasks may even appear within professions. For 
example, in the profession of doctors, almost 100% of the veterinarians 
in Finland are female, and in the field of law, almost all famous business 
lawyers are male, while women are dominant in the legal tasks of the 
public administration in Finland (see Silius 1995). 

The historical change in horizontal segregation seems to have appeared 
in such a fashion that when women have entered new arenas of the 
society, they have always started from the most feminine tasks of that new 
arena. For example, women's political activism and participation in paid 
labor began in Finland from charity work and voluntary work in nursing, 
education and childcare (Ollila 1994 and Saarinen 1994), which are all 
typical "feminine" tasks, according to the female role and the stereotypes 



124 

of femininity. In a similar fashion, the entrance of men into kitchen 
work and childcare at Finnish homes seems to have began from the most 
"masculine" tasks, such as grilling meat and sausages, smoking fish, and 
the transportation of children to their hobbies. A third example is made 
of the entrance of women into the sphere of technology, which seems to 
have occurred through the mastering of copying machines, which are 
assumed to belong to the domain of female secretaries, and by the usage 
of messenger, e-mail and computerized dating simulations (which are 
assumed to belong to the feminine domain of communication and human 
relations). These examples show that the meaning of femininity and 
masculinity, and the division of tasks in the society, may be renegotiated 
in a fashion that shapes and changes the gender system, even if the idea 
of gender difference remains (see Rantalaiho 1994, p. 21—28). 

The vertical segregation of societies has been studied in the context of 
political decision making and the labor market. According to the radical 
feminist tradition and its successors, the entire western culture is vertically 
segregated, in such a fashion that women and femininity are subordinated 
to men and masculinity (see Hirdman 1990, and Rantalaiho 1994, p. 12). 
It is hypothesized that the vertical segregation of political, managerial, 
economic and coercive power resources, is partly reflected and partly 
caused by the discursive and linguistic positioning of masculinity above 
femininity. For example, according to Cixous and Ortner, language is a 
dichotomic and hierarchal system that oppresses women (Ortner 1974 
and Cixous 1987). If these hypotheses are to be evaluated, it is necessary 
to study all the various resources of power, and see, whether they are all 
concentrated towards men, as the radical feminist hypothesis claims. 

Although political, managerial, economic and coercive resources 
seem to be concentrated towards men in many societies, it is does not 
necessarily mean that discursive resources would also be concentrated 
towards men. In modern societies, the subordinated status of women 
may become a valuable asset for the women's movement, enabling it the 
control of symbolic, discursive, rhetoric and normative power resources, 
in such a fashion that also leads to changes in legislation and public policy. 
It must also be noted, that there have been some historical societies, in 
which men have held the managerial power, but women have controlled 
the power resources above the level of management. For example, in the 
Cherokee society, women had the power to nominate the chief of the 



125 

tribe. 45 Therefore, women had full control of the political power, while 
men controlled the managerial power. Another example is Finland, where 
women have tended to have superior resources of moral power compared 
to men in a fashion that has permitted women to wield the "power to 
forbid" (Gordon 1992, see Rantalaiho 1994). The potential role of 
women as the political and moral rulers of the "managerial" men is also 
pointed out by the proverbs, according to which "The man is the head of 
the family, but women are the ones who turn the head" and "The man is the 
head of the family — until the guests have lefi the house". These examples 
show that the vertical segregation of power resources in the society and 
in families may appear in such a fashion that men have the official and 
visible resources of power, while women have an equal or even dominant 
share of discursive and informal resources power. 

The central outcome of horizontal and vertical segregation is the 
division of the society into the spheres of femininity and masculinity. 
Although men control some male dominated industries, organizations, 
professions and discourses in the modern society, most welfare states are 
horizontally segregated, in such a fashion that women dominate in some 
other sectors. In the most clearly female dominated sectors, women may 
also control the managerial and political positions, while in the male 
dominated sectors, women appear only in relatively dull and badly paid 
jobs that relate to customer service or boring factory work. This means 
that the sphere of femininity seems to appear in the lower right hand 
side of Table 7, while the sphere of masculinity covers all the other areas, 
except for the debatable borderlands between the sphere of masculinity 
and femininity. It is also possible, that a layer of moral and symbolic 
female superiority and dominance appears above the layer of political 
decision making, even in the male dominated sectors of the society. 
Therefore, it can be predicted that the sphere of masculinity and the area 
of male dominance may be challenged by women from three directions: 
From above, in the form of women's superior discursive power resources, 
from the right, in the form of the horizontal expansion of the sphere of 
femininity into previously masculine areas, and from below, as more and 
more companies and organizations are pressured to deconstruct the glass 

45 Wilma Mankiller, principal chief of the Cherokee Nation 1987—1995, speaking 
at the University of Arizona in January 2002, as broadcast on C-SPAN, 2002-06-01 (see 
Kammer 2002, p. 39) 



126 



ceilings, which prevent women from advancing in the organizational 
hierarchy. 



Moral leadership and 
the "mothers of the 
nation" 

Top management and 
political leadership 



Middle management 
and high level experts 



Grass roots level 



Traditionally masculine Gender neutral and 
fields of paid work debatable fields of 

(defense, internal activity (education, 

affairs, industry, human resource 

transportation) m anagem ent, 

environmental issues) 



Traditionally feminine 
fields of paid and 
unpaid work (care 
taking, human relations 
and domestic work) 



Boards of stock 


Principals and 


Ministers and top 


companies, ministers of 


professors of 


officials in the field of 


trade and industry, 


universities, ministers of 


social services and 


defense and internal 


education, employment 


health 


affairs 


and environmental 
issues 




Managers in industry, 


Teachers in high 


Daily management of 


trade, defense, police, 


schools 


domestic work and 


transportation etc. 




childcare; Managers of 
social service and 
healthcare organizations 



Manufacturing work on Teachers in primary Daily grass roots level 

the assembly line schools and universities domestic work 



Table 7. The Shrinkage of the Sphere of Masculinity in Modern Welfare 
States. 



This model should be taken only as a general map to the spheres of 
masculinity and femininity, since the actual patterns of the horizontal 
and vertical segregation of tasks and power resources may vary from 
one welfare state to another. Yet, it seems that the significance of the 
vertical segregation is being reduced in the modern welfare states, while 
the horizontal segregation of tasks may well continue despite the general 
(vertical) equalization of the society. 



127 

5.2.3 A typology of the biases 

that cause gender discrimination 

The human biases, which distort sociocultural evolution, were divided 
into unintentional bias and interest group bias in chapters 4.4—4.5. In this 
chapter, the interest group bias appears in two gender related categories, 
which are the masculist/feminist gender bias and the alpha bias. After this 
distinction, the gendered related biases can be presented in the form of a 
two dimensional typology (Table 8). 





Masculine version 


Feminine version 


Unintentional gender bias 


Masculine bias 


Feminine bias 


Interest group biases 






- Masculist/feminist bias 


Masculist bias 


Feminist bias 


-Alpha bias 


Alpha male bias 


Alpha female bias 



Table 8. A Two Dimensional Typology of the Gender Biases. 



The unintentional gender bias is caused by the cognitive, linguistic, 
communicational, emotional, and social psychological processes, which 
simplify, exaggerate, mutate and filter people's mental memes according 
to their gender, and which cause the policies and practices of groups, 
networks and organizations to be biased in a way that follows the biases of 
the dominant gender (see chapter 4.4). The subcategories of unintentional 
bias are the masculine bias and the feminine bias. The interest group bias 
is caused by the selfish nature of interest groups and by the selfish core 
of interest group paradigms (see 4.5 and 4.6.3). This interest group bias 
appears in four forms that affect gender: These are the masculist bias, 
feminist bias, alpha male bias, and alpha female bias. The masculist bias 
refers to the tendency of men's interest group organizations to promote 
an ideology, which prioritizes and legitimizes men's interests and presents 
men as slightly superior to women in many ways. In a similar fashion, 
the feminist bias causes women's interest group organizations and the 
women's movement to promote a feminist ideology, which prioritizes and 
legitimizes women's interests and presents women as slightly superior to 
men in many ways. The alpha male bias refers to the tendency of alpha 



128 

males to discriminate against the men of lower social status, and the alpha 
female bias makes women of high social status likely to discriminate 
women of low social status. The alpha male bias and alpha female bias, 
work in the same direction, which is the promotion of sexist gender roles, 
which particularly benefit the alpha males and females. All of these six 
biases are analyzed in more detail in chapters 5.4, 5.5 and 5.7. 



5.3 Functional Selection 

as a Determinant of the Gendered Memes 

5.3.1 Functional selection in primitive and agrarian societies 

Functional selection favors those societies, tribes and families, which are 
able to cumulate food and wealth, which reproduce effectively, and which 
are able to defend themselves against enemies. In the more primitive 
tribes and societies, the effects of functional selection may have occurred 
in two steps which have both affected the content of masculinity and 
femininity, and the gender system as a whole. According to Gilmore, 
the inability of men to breast feed infants, together with men's larger size 
and strength, has pushed the gender systems in hunting and gathering 
societies towards an arrangement, in which women specialized in 
childcare and domestic tasks, while men specialized in outdoor activities 
such as hunting, fishing and long distance trade (Gilmore 1990, see also 
Mies 1986). This initial segregation of activities has been reproduced 
through history so effectively, that even today most childcare professions 
are perceived as "feminine", while the jobs that require outdoor activities 
far away from home are still perceived as "masculine". This means that 
some parts of the horizontal segregation of the labor market, in modern 
welfare states, still originate from hunting and gathering societies. The 
rigidity of this segregation means that the ancient male and female roles 
still cause structural discrimination against the men and women, who 
wish to deviate from the traditional roles. 

The second fundamental step in the evolution of the gender system 
seems to have appeared about two or three thousand years before the 
Common Era, when the relatively peaceful and egalitarian societies 



129 

that applied the gender partnership model were confronted with 
more aggressive, competitive and hierarchal societies which applied 
the domination model (Eisler 1988). This confrontation led to the 
gradual replacement of the partnership model, both by coercive selection 
(extinction of the more peaceful tribes and cultures) and by the adoption 
of the domination modelhy the societies and tribes, which wished to reach 
a sufficient military capacity to defend the society against intruders and 
conquerors. This change of gender paradigm introduced a very limited 
role and somewhat discriminated position to women (Ibid). Women were 
perceived as the weaker casket, the symbol of childcare and domesticity, 
and as the breeders of successive generations of soldiers and male 
political leaders. This reduced women's chances to participate in activities 
outside the scope of the private sphere. These macro level historical 
conclusions, however, do not fully capture the variations of societies and 
gender systems, as a consequence of environmental, technological, and 
economical differences. For example, the male role and female role seem 
to have been strongly dependent on the scarcity of food and economic 
resources, and on the coercive pressures facing the society in the form 
of wars. During the times of peace and economic surplus, masculinity 
has tended to become more "feminine" or dandy, in a fashion that has 
pictured the successful (alpha) men as masters of courting, intrigue and 
witty urban activities. Under economic recessions, famine and military 
crisis, the masculinity has usually been shifted back towards a more 
Spartan ideal (Hoch 1979, p. 118). The general toughness of life and lack 
of resources may have also produced gender systems, in which there is less 
romanticism, and more egalitarian, hard work and partnership between 
men and women (see Rantalaiho 1994, p. 16—21). 

It is also likely that the commonness of far reaching military expeditions 
and long distance trade have shaped the gender system, together with the 
lack of influence of the dominance model of the patriarchal society. For 
example, in the Old Norse society, women tended to take care of large 
properties and domestic projects, while their spouses were on their yearly 
Viking raids or Variag expeditions to the Black Sea and the Caspian 
Sea. This meant that the spouses of wealthy men developed notable 
skills in management, organization, leadership, trade, agriculture and 
accounting. These economic and military arrangements led to a gender 
system, in which women were permitted to control their own property, 



130 



and to marry or divorce a man whenever they wished (Roesdahl 1993, 
p. 73—76). In the Old Norse sagas, women were presented as superior or 
almost divinely wise and righteous characters, while men were presented 
as very reckless, fearless and brave to the point of pitiful stupidity 46 



5.3.2 Functional selection 

in the industrial and post industrial societies 

According to Holter and Warshack, industrialization and industrial 
capitalism have developed a gender system in which masculinity is 
the symbol of paid work, while femininity is the symbol of childcare, 
domesticity, freedom from paid work, and consumption (see chapter 
3.3). This development can be partially explained by functional selection, 
since industrialization broke down the older agrarian families, and 
replaced them with the nuclear family, in which either parent had to stay 
home, taking care of the children while the other parent participated 
to industrial work. Due to the ability of women to breastfeed infants, 
the party staying home was almost always the mother. The evolution 
of the male breadwinner — female housewife model however, was not 
this simple, as the industrial employers continued persuading women 
onto the labor market, wishing for employees who could be paid small 
wages due to the hypothesis that their husbands would take the main 
responsibility of breadwinning. In countries such as Finland, where 
industrialization appeared very late, and the political liberation of women 
occurred very early, the gender system did not have time to adapt to the 
global industrial model of male breadwinners and female housewives, 
although the upper-class women and men tried to also import this model 
to Finland (see Rantalaiho 1994). 

The validity of the male breadwinner model was also questioned during 
World War II, as women had to take care of industrial and agrarian tasks 
that had previously been performed by men, during peacetime. This 



46 It is also worth reading the Ynglinga saga, according to which women were 
considered as "daughters of Freya and mistresses of their own property" (Strorolfson 1200- 
1300, see http://omacl.org/Heimskringla/ynglinga.html). In total, the saga describes 
the women of the Old Norse society as wise and strongly determined, while giving a 
somewhat stupid and irresponsible image to the Norse kings. 



131 

enlarged the female role, and encouraged more and more women to 
enter the labor market after the war. Yet, the discourses of military threat 
can also be used for defending the traditional gender role, which seems 
to have occurred in the USA during the war against terrorism. In these 
discourses, men are given the subject position of the brave defenders of 
women, while women are perceived as the fragile gender which requires 
male protection. This strengthening of the traditional gender roles, due 
to the changes in terrorism, however, is somewhat surprising as the 
evolution of terrorism and unconventional warfare has led to a situation 
in which a relatively high percentage of suicide bombers and guerilla 
fighters are female. Another example of the sensitiveness of the gender 
system to discursive processes is the connection of the larger average size 
of men to the aggressivity or non-aggressivity of men against women. The 
larger size of men may push the social construction of the gender system 
towards discourses and social practices of men as the protector of women, 
or men as the aggressive dominators of their wives and girlfriends. These 
causal connections from men's larger size to the actual shaping of the 
gender system are almost completely socially constructed and have very 
little determinism. However, it is possible to predict that the discourses of 
men as the protectors and/or aggressors of women will be found among 
most human cultures, although neither of them may be in a particularly 
influential position. 

In the modern society, a lot of the evolution of the gender system 
appears at the level of companies and other organizations. In this context, 
the most significant process that shapes the gender system is the financial 
pressure. This pressure causes organizations to discriminate against female 
employees in recruitment and in the setting of salaries, if the legislation 
of the society imposes heavy costs on the employers of those employees, 
who take maternity or parental leave. For example, in Finland, the high 
cost of long parental leaves, together with the fact that women use most 
of the parental leaves, has led to the tendency of companies to avoid the 
hiring of women of fertile age — or to practices that reduce the costs of 
pregnancy to the employer. Women's salaries are also lower than men's 
salaries, partly due to the risks of pregnancy to the employer. The effects 
of functional selection in this context can be illustrated by the effects of 
the legislative changes in Iceland, where a similar system as in Finland 
was replaced by a system in which the parents of the child receive 3 + 



132 

3 + 3 months of parental leave: The first 3 + 3 months are ear marked 
for the mother and father of the child separately, in such a fashion that 
those families, in which the father does not use this chance for parental 
leave, loose this 3 months entirely. The last 3 months are available for 
the mother or the father of the child, based on the choice of the parents. 
These legislative changes have caused financial and functional pressure 
towards Icelandic employees and employers, in such a fashion that about 
90% of the Icelandic men spend at least 3 months on parental leave. As 
an indirect effect, the relative risks of female recruits compared to male 
recruits have dramatically been reduced, since men also take parental 
leaves. As a consequence, the discrimination of women of fertile age has 
been reduced on the labor market. 

Although the financial pressures may cause discrimination against 
female employees, economic selection and cognitive selection together, 
can also reduce the discrimination against women. For example, modern 
technology no longer requires that women concentrate on domestic tasks. 
Instead, women can participate in paid labor equally as well as men, since 
very few professions on the labor market require (male) physical strength 
any longer. Although the entry of women onto the labor market requires 
that economic resources are reserved for daycare services for children, 
the total effect of women's participation on the labor market will benefit 
the economy, since employees will be pointed towards different tasks 
based on their skills and gifts, and not based on their gender. This means 
that those societies, in which women are artificially prevented from 
participating in paid labor, are economically less efficient than the more 
egalitarian societies. This will gradually lead to financial pressure towards 
the change of the more conservative societies. 47 Similar financial pressure 
is also imposed on business enterprises, which head for the optimization 
of their economic efficiency and profitability: Empirical studies have 
pointed out that companies managed by women, tend to be more 
profitable than others, and the proportion of women as board members 
is also directly related to good economic performance, at least until 50% 
of the board members are female. 48 These findings create financial and 
cognitive pressure towards the business enterprises to remove all the 

47 This conclusion does not apply, if these conservative societies have an endless 
supply of such natural resources, which make this financial pressure insignificant. 

48 See Eisler 2005 and Pateman 1989 for a more general perspective to the issue. 



133 



obstacles of women's advancement to top management. These examples 
are important, as they refute the theories of some left wing ecofeminists 
and radical feminists, who claim that the market economy systematically 
leads to solutions that discriminate against women. 49 



5.4 The Feminine and Masculine Bias 
as Causes of Gender Discrimination 

5.4.1 Introduction 

The cognitive, linguistic, communicational, emotional and social 
psychological biases described in chapter 4.4.2 are all gendered, as 
people perceive the world and interpret cultural memes through their 
conceptual network and, through their cumulative personal experiences. 
These conceptual networks and personal experiences are gendered, since 
in almost all societies there is some segregation of tasks between men 
and women, and some differences in the gender roles. This means that 
adults tend to spend most of their time in the sphere of their own gender, 
while children are actively prepared by parents and teachers for the role 
of their own gender. People also tend to communicate mostly with the 
members of their own gender. These processes mean that girls and boys 
begin to construct a gendered conceptual network, and a gendered set 
of experiences and memories from the very moment they are born. This 
is likely to lead to the different stereotypic concepts that people develop 
internally, and it also makes the interpretations of external concepts 
heavily gendered. 50 



5.4.2 The gendering of the cognitive and linguistic biases 

In some cultures, the entire apparatus of the language may contain a 
gender bias, in such a fashion that presents masculinity and femininity in a 

49 Left wing ecofeminism may be found, for example, in the writings of Vaughan (2007). 

50 The difference between internal and external concepts and languages has been 
described in chapter 4.4.2. 



134 

hierarchal fashion, proposing that either gender is more valuable than the 
other. For example, in the French language, the term "ils" (masculine for 
"they") is used to refer to a group of 50 women and one infant male child, 
suggesting that one male character is more significant and important than 
50 women (see Ortner 1974, 69, 71-72 and Cixous 1987, p. 63-65). 
Even in these cultures, however, the horizontal segregation of the society 
into the spheres of femininity and masculinity is likely to create biased 
memes, which also discriminate against the gender which has gained a 
superior position in the vertical segregation. 

For example, by communicating mainly with other women and 
by reading women's magazines and paperback books, women tend to 
develop a femininely biased (heteronormative) perception of love, which 
exaggerates some aspects of love such as romanticism, tenderness, sweet 
words, having a crush and caring for, and forgets some aspects that are 
important for men. Men, on the other hand, may develop a masculinely 
biased (heteronormative) perception of love, which may exaggerate such 
aspects of love such as attraction to the beauty of one's partner, strong sexual 
desire and the wish to provide safety and economic stability to the ones 
that are loved. As love and emotions, in industrial societies, tend to be 
perceived as something that belongs to the sphere of femininity, women 
are likely to receive a discursive advantage in defining the content of 
love. This means that the femininely biased definition of (proper) love 
may reach a hegemonic status. According to Francesca Cancun, this is 
precisely what has happened in the USA. According to her, the hegemonic 
status of the femininely biased definition has also led to the perception 
of men as "less loving" than women (see Cancun 1987). This is a belief 
that tends to locate love even more firmly in the sphere of femininity 
than before. The strong discursive position of women in the field of love 
is strengthened by the discourses that present women as the superiorly 
moral gender. With this moral power, women may simply claim that 
people whose emotions and actions do not meet the requirements of the 
proper (femininely biased) definition of love are on a morally lower level. 
This normative judgment is likely to amplify the perception of men as 
less loving and morally inferior to women. 

In a similar fashion, sex may be defined in a masculinely biased and 
heteronormative manner, emphasizing penetration and ejaculation as 



135 

essential parts of heterosexual intercourse. A femininely biased definition 
of heterosexual intercourse could describe (proper) sex as a process, in 
which the woman is aroused by the verbal stimuli and acts offoreplay by the 
man, who then performs an intercourse, which satisfies the woman but does 
not necessarily end in ejaculation. If the masculinely biased perception of 
sex gains a hegemonic status, this may lead to the uncomfortable status 
of women in the context of sexual intercourse. It may also lead to a 
common perception of women as "less sexual" than men. This process 
seems to have taken place in Great Britain, during the Victorian era. 
This heteronormative and masculinely biased definition of sex, however, 
seems to have lost its hegemonic status at the end of the 20 th century. This 
was caused by the sexual liberation of women that occurred in the 1970s 
and by the recognition and rehabilitation of homosexual sexualities that 
took place at the end of the 20 th century. The definitions of proper sex are 
discursively constructed, and therefore, may change from one extreme to 
the other. For example, it is possible that the femininely biased perception 
of (proper) sex gains a hegemonic status in the modernizing welfare 
states. This shift of definition may then cause a bad discursive and moral 
status for men in the context of sex, and lead to a situation in which men 
become less interested in sex than women, on the average (see Heusala 
2005a and b). 

A third example of the biasing of concepts, relates to the spontaneous 
and stereotypic definitions of concepts such as childcare and domestic 
work. 51 According to the model presented in chapter 4.4, and due to 
people's tendency to forget things that do not directly relate to themselves, 
men and women are likely to create stereotypic concepts of childcare and 
domestic work in such a fashion that they emphasize those tasks that 
they have personally done, while failing to recognize some of the tasks 
performed by their partner. In a heterosexual couple, women may create a 
long list of domestic tasks that will include some typical "feminine" tasks, 
while failing to recognize some "male" chores, which do not directly relate 
to women. In a similar fashion, men are likely to emphasize some "male" 
chores, while failing to recognize some of the female ones. This is shown 
in Table 9, which contains an example of the biasing of the concepts of 
domestic work and childcare. The examples are based on observations in 
the Finnish society. 

51 Stereotypic concepts, see chapter Virhe. Viitteen lahdetta ei loytynyt. 



Childcare 



136 

Included mainly in the Chores that appear in 
femininely biased male and female 

conceptualization conceptualizations 



Domestic work 



The making and 
maintenance of textiles, 
washing the toilets, 

dusting, interior 
decoration (including 
the shopping of the 
items and textiles), 
taking care of flowers 
inside and outside the 
house. 



Textile work and 
shopping for the child, 
worrying about the 
health and safety of the 
child, taking the child to 
routine examinations, 
constantly keeping an 
eye on the child, 
teaching manners to 
children under 2 years 
old, teaching "feminine" 
skills to children. 



Childcare, cooking, 
laundry, vacuum 
cleaning, shopping for 
food and other 
necessities, notable 
chores concerning 
construction and 
maintenance at home, 
notable chores relating 
to the lawn and garden. 



Domestic chores for the 
child (see above), 
Taking care of the 
hygiene of the child, 
providing love and 
tenderness to the child, 
teaching the basic skills 
of life to the child, 
transportation of the 
child to necessary 
events. 



Included mainly in the 
masculinely biased 
c one eptualizati on 

The choice, purchase, 
deployment and 
maintenance of 
electronic equipment, 
motors, software and 
vehicles. Changing the 
lamps, monitoring the 
condition of the 
building and equipment, 
buying fertilizers and 
equipment for the 
garden. 

Playing with the child, 
taking children to the 
hospital or nurse in case 
of illness or accidents, 
helping older children 
with schoolwork (E.g. 
physics and math), 
teaching logical games 
(E.g. chess), helping 
children with boisterous 
hobbies by providing 
transportation (E.g. 
hockey). 



Table 9. An Example of Unintentional Gender Bias in the Concepts of 
Childcare and Domestic Work. 



This biasing of the concepts of childcare and domestic work has been 
recognized by Lorna McKee, according to whom men tend to do a lot of 
childcare chores which are not recognized as childcare by many women, 
including the female respondents of surveys, and the female researchers 
of the distribution of childcare and domestic work (McKee 1982). As the 
domestic work and childcare tend to belong to the sphere of femininity, at 
least in industrial societies, women tend to have a discursive advantage in 
setting the norms and defining the concepts. This means that the femininely 
biased perception of childcare and domestic work has a good chance 
of reaching a hegemonic status in the discourses concerning childcare, 
domestic work, and their fair distribution between men and women. 



137 

Gendered biases may be also caused by the inductive bias of men and 
women. Women, for example, who have lived in a relationship with a 
violent, sexually overactive, or cheating husband, may conclude that all 
men are violent, sex crazed and sexually unfaithful — or that all men 
are animals. In a similar fashion, men who happen to know a couple 
of women who cheat on their husbands, or are bad at parking cars, 
may conclude that all women cheat and are bad at parking. These hasty 
generalizations are likely to be strengthened by men's and women's social 
networks, which spread and filter out information in a fashion that 
tends to strengthen existing generalizations and stereotypes. This process 
has also connections to the social psychological biases that occur in the 
groups of men and women. 



5.4.3 The emotional and social psychological gender bias 

The following analysis of emotional and social psychological gender bias 
is based on the theory of emotional and social psychological biases (see 
4.4.3). Examples of memes that can be easily biased due to emotional 
and social psychological bias include concepts, stereotypes, attitudes, 
values and priorities. 

The emergence of biased concepts due to emotional and social 
psychological biases may be illustrated by an example concerning the 
distribution of domestic work between men and women. Due to the 
cognitive limits of people, and due to the existence of the selfish core 
within our personalities, we are likely to develop a stereotypic concept of 
domestic work, in such a fashion that exaggerates our own efforts while 
some task done by others are likely to be forgotten, or labeled as mere 
"hobbies", instead of real domestic work. Women, for example, may 
perceive typical male activities with motors, cars, electronic equipment 
and software as "mere hobbies", while perceiving their own activities such 
as knitting, sewing and baking as real domestic work (see Table 9). This 
biasing of concepts is likely to be amplified by the Id or child, which says 
that "I am tired" and "I have done my share!" (see 4.4.3). Even the entire 
idea and measurement scheme of fairness is likely to be biased by the 
selfish core of human personality. For example, in the context of domestic 
work, men and women are likely to use such definitions of fairness that 



138 

prove that they have not been treated fairly, and that they are actually the 
unselfish and self sacrificing party. Women, for example, may emphasize 
fairness as a situation in which domestic work (under their own definition) 
has been divided equally in the couple, while men may perceive fairness 
as an equal division of free time, counting their own hobbies, not as free 
time, but as some kind of useful work. The female emphasis on domestic 
work is supported by the fact that women tend to do more domestic work 
according to statistics. Men, on the other hand, are likely to see the amount 
of free time as more significant, as they tend to have less free time than 
women, according to statistics (see chapter 6.3.5). 

In strongly segregated groups of men and women, the biased concepts 
may lead to very biased stereotypes and attitudes, which present the 
opposite gender in a somewhat negative light, while the virtues of one's 
own gender are exaggerated to some point. Due to the segregation of the 
society, men and women tend to spend most of their time with members 
of their own gender. This means, that they also develop more friendships 
with the members of their own gender. This process is strengthened by 
the separate male and female roles, which also direct the hobbies and 
interests of men and women in such a fashion that men engage themselves 
with other men in "masculine" hobbies, while women are more likely to 
get to know women in "feminine" hobbies. As a consequence, men tend 
to develop networks of friends and acquaintances that consist mostly of 
men, while the friends and acquaintances of women tend to be mostly 
female. This is likely to strengthen gender bias and lead to the emergence 
of the different subcultures for men and women. The subculture of men 
is likely to utilize masculinely biased concepts for constructing a discourse 
of the way things are, and how they should be. This discourse is likely 
to contain beliefs, values and attitudes that emphasize the superiority of 
men in the tasks that belong in the sphere of masculinity (see Connell 
2003, p. 9). Men, for example, may claim to have superior skills in the 
area of mathematics, logic and technology. At the same time, they may 
point out the deficiencies of women, especially within the sphere of 
masculinity. This is likely to appear, for example, in the form of jokes 
about the blondes who have difficulty in changing a lamp, and in the 
form of stories of the troubles of women when parking a car. These 
behaviors that exaggerate the virtues of one's own gender and point 
out the deficiencies of the opposite gender are amplified by the social 



139 

psychological need of men and women to identify with a group — which 
often seems to be a group of their own gender. This means that men and 
women try to strengthen their identity as members of their own group 
by slightly putting down members of other groups (the other gender). 
This is likely to lead towards slightly male chauvinist memes within men's 
culture, and slightly female chauvinist memes within women's culture. 
An example of a slightly chauvinist and femininely biased memeplex, 
appears in the tendency of social workers (who are mostly female) to 
identify with their female customers in a manner that promotes a 
femininely biased stereotype of men as "big children" (Forsberg 1995, 
p. 143—144). Social workers may also develop a culture of laughing at 
men's "pathetic" attempts to perform childcare tasks (see Forsberg 1995, 
p. 143—144). This kind of unintentional gender bias may even appear in 
those social service organizations, which have posed the deconstruction 
of traditional gender roles as an official policy of the organization. 

The chauvinistic tendencies of men and women are amplified in 
the groups of bachelor men and women, who tend to exaggerate the 
deficiencies of the opposite gender in order to explain their own status as 
bachelors, and in order to keep the former bachelors loyal to the bachelors' 
values, even after they have started cohabiting with a female partner. 
Batchelor men, for example, may pressure married men to keep up the 
discourses that devalue women and present them as one night trophies 
and as nothing but "good fucks". 52 They may also pressure the married 
men to show their daring on bachelor nights at strip tease clubs, or during 
their bachelor trips to holiday resorts that provide a plenitude of services 
from the employees of the sex industry. In a similar fashion, the bachelor 
women, in modernizing welfare states, may promote discourses that 
devaluate men and present them as mere one night trophies and "good 
fucks". The devaluing of men may appear in discourses that present men 
as no good for anything else except for sexual intercourse, and as a fair 
pray for those women who want to squeeze out presents, paid dates and 
economic benefits. 53 The gender bias in women's and men's subcultures 
is also affected by divorced and disappointed men and women, who are 

52 Men's groups that develop a coherent and somewhat anti-feminine and anti- 
female culture are referred to as bomosocial groups of men (see Jokinen 2003). 

53 This is the role and subject position that programs like "New York Singles" seem 
to be proposing for men. 



140 

likely to tell exaggerated stories of their traumatic experiences in bad 
relationships. These stories are likely to give a very subjective and biased 
picture of the opposite gender, since all the problems of the relationship 
tend to be projected onto the ex-partner and onto the opposite gender. 

A special form of the emotional and social psychological bias is made 
of the biased priorities: Men and women in general, tend to perceive 
the problems and needs of their own gender as more pressing than the 
needs and problems of the opposite gender. This is partly caused by the 
cognitive bias, as the problems and needs of the opposite gender are not 
perceived, recognized and memorized as well as the problems and needs 
of one's own gender. However, a part of this bias is also made of the selfish 
core of the human personality, which claims that "I deserve more" and "I 
did not get enough". Although this social psychological bias, with the setting 
of priorities, may be connected to the emotional and psychological features 
of men and women, it seems possible that this bias can be removed or even 
reversed by social conditioning and discursive practices: Women, in some 
cultures and contexts, may be conditioned to believe that men's interests are 
more important than women's, while men in some cultures and contexts may 
be conditioned to believe that women's comfort and lives are much more 
important than men's comfort and lives (see chapter 7.4.5). 



5.4.4 Masculine and feminine biases as shapers of facts 

Men's and women's groups and networks tend to become effective filters 
of information, as all groups tend to develop paradigms, cultures and 
discourses that resist information that does not fit the paradigm, culture 
or discourse. Women, for example, may filter out stories, writings and 
articles, which would challenge the dominant stereotypes of men and 
women that women have. On the other hand, if some facts are especially 
interesting or attractive, they can be spread them out very rapidly. Men's 
and women's groups and networks may also mutate facts, and then 
spread the mutated versions, which have become even more attractive 
than the original version of the memes. These mutations often occur 
unintentionally, as figures such as 52% maybe represented as a "majority", 
which may then be mismemorized as a "vast majority". For example, a 



141 

group of women who have some shared experiences of men as sex crazed, 
may catch a piece of urban folklore in the form of a meme that claims 
that men think of sex "30% of their time". This statistical figure may then 
be mutated to 50%, 60% or even to 90%, without any reference to any 
empirical studies or other scientific sources. 

Simplifications may also appear in a gendered fashion. Men and 
women, for example, may memorize statistics that report some positive 
average figures of their own gender, and some negative average figures of 
the opposite gender. In these cases, it is likely that the disclaimers that 
relate to the quality of the sample or to the strong deviation of the data 
are filtered out in a fashion that produces simplified overgeneralizations 
of the results of the study. Women, for example, may favor studies which 
suggest that men on average have a thinner corpus callosum in their brain, 
and are therefore less capable of performing several tasks at a time than 
women. This kind of gendered biases may appear in a relatively mild form 
in the thinking of individual men and women, but in social networks of 
men and women the gender bias is substantially amplified: The sphere of 
masculinity tends to produce masculinely biased facts, while the sphere 
of femininity is likely to develop femininely biased facts. 



5.4.5 Examples of the discriminative effects 
of the masculine and feminine biases 

After the memes of men's and women's groups and networks have 
reached a high degree of gender bias, these mental and cultural memes 
are likely to cause direct and indirect gender discrimination. The direct 
discrimination occurs when masculinely or femininely biased priorities, 
values, concepts, stereotypes, beliefs and facts are applied in such a 
fashion that they produce masculinely or femininely biased decisions and 
actions that put the opposite gender in a disadvantaged status. Research 
shows that the under represented gender, in a social setting, will be 
easily stereotyped as "the other", and face gender discrimination (Kanter 
1977, see Holter 2005, p. 25). Although this direct discrimination may 
sometimes be intentional, in most cases it seems to be based purely on the 
unintentional gender bias that occurs in concepts, stereotypes and beliefs. 



142 

For example, a group of female social workers may deduce that women 
are better suited as custodians of children, since they are 'more loving', 
'have more experience in domestic work', and 'are far more experienced 
in childcare' than men. As a conclusion, female social workers may tend 
to recommend custody to the mother, although the father, in objective 
terms, would be an equally suitable custodian for the child (Antikainen 
2004, p. 3). 

Indirect gender discrimination seems to be even more clearly 
unintentional. It is based on the process in which the biased memes of 
people, couples and groups are manifested into cultural memes such as 
routines, practices and policies. Some of these cultural memes maybe very 
discriminative in their nature, although they seem neutral on the surface 
level. For example, a group dominated by men may decide that the leader 
of the group should be somebody who has military training. Although 
this argument may sound rational and fair on the surface level, it may still 
put the female members of the group at a disadvantaged position, as few 
women have military experience. In a similar fashion, a group of social 
workers or psychologists may claim that children, in divorce situations, 
should be given to the parent which has spent the most time with the 
children. 54 Although this policy seems fair on the surface level, it may still 
be discriminative against men, as childcare tasks tend to be segregated in 
such a fashion that women spend more time with children when they are 
under 3 years old, while men may spend an equal or even larger amount of 
time with them when the children are over 7 years old (see McKee 1982, 
p. 120—138). This means that such a policy, especially when applied to 
children under 3 years old, may be indirectly discriminative against men. 



54 According to Kurki-Suonio, this is called the presumption principle. According 
to this principle, it is presumed that it is in the best interests of the child, to be given to 
the custody of the parent who has spent more time with the child, taking care of the daily 
needs of the child (see Kurki-Suonio 1999). 



143 

5.5 Feminism and Masculism 

as Causes of Gender Discrimination 

5.5.1 The cooperation and competition 
between feminism and masculism 

Men's and women's interest group organizations, networks and movements 
are likely to develop theoretical paradigms, which act as a basis for their 
work in the improvement of men's or women's status. These paradigms 
may be called feminism and masculism, although they appear in several 
different anti-sexist and sexist branches. Masculism and feminism, as all 
theoretical paradigms, are likely to contain a theoretical core, theoretical 
branches, selfish core; cooperative periphery and an aggressive periphery 
(see 4.6.3). The cooperative periphery of the paradigm consists of beliefs 
and interpretations, which are not fully coherent with the theoretical 
core and branches, but which offer the paradigms a chance to cooperate 
with rivaling paradigms and interest groups. The aggressive periphery 
consists of twisted concepts, logical fallacies, manipulated statistics, nasty 
stereotypes and rhetoric tricks that may be used in the war against the 
ideological enemies of the paradigm. This aggressive periphery is only 
loosely coupled to the theoretical core, as a connection that is too close 
could damage the reputation of the paradigm. Yet, the aggressive periphery 
and the "hang around" activists of the formal interest group organization 
may have a substantial effect on the spreading of biased statistics, rhetoric 
fallacies, nasty stereotypes and pieces of urban folklore that benefit the 
interest group, or harm its enemies. 

Although the theoretical cores of masculism and feminism are likely 
to contain the idea of the importance of gender equality, this meme 
is challenged by the selfish cores of the paradigms: Masculists tend to 
perceive men as somehow superior and yet discriminated due to their 
gender, while feminists tend to perceive women as slightly superior and 
yet discriminated. Therefore, feminists tend to prioritize the advancement 
of women's status over the advancement of equality, and masculists tend 
to prioritize the advancement of men's interests. This is likely to lead 
to an ideological war between masculists and feminists, or more widely, 
between men and women. However, coalition discourses may also 
emerge. 



144 




Figure 18.TheTheoretical Paradigms of Men's and Women's Interest Group 
Organizations. 

For example, the male sexist perception of men as natural breadwinners is 
likely to align well with the maternalist memeplex, which pictures women 
as the ideal care takers of children. In a similar fashion, the antisexist 
groups of men, like the father's right organizations, have a chance of 
forming a coalition discourse with the equality feminists, who perceive 
it as completely natural if women act as breadwinners and men take 
the role of caretakers and custodians of children. In recent decades, the 
relationship of masculism and feminism seems to have changed in such a 
fashion that the coalition discourses of antisexist masculists and equality 
feminists have weakened, or disappeared altogether. The more dominant 
discourses, at the beginning of the 21 st century, are discourses of gender 
war and the coalition discourses between the maternalist difference 
feminists, and conservative men. These trends are briefly analyzed in 
chapters 5.5.2—5.5.5, and then re-examined from a more empirical 
perspective in chapter 7. 



5.5.2 Sexist masculism and male chauvinism 
as causes of the bad status of women 



The earliest forms of sexist masculism and male chauvinism occurred in 
the interest group ideologies of male priests, who wanted to advance their 



145 

power in the competition against female priestesses. This was followed 
by the interest group activities of the free men of the ancient cities, who 
wanted to secure their monopoly on political decision making. In modern 
times, sexist masculism and male chauvinism still appear as central beliefs 
of some religious groups, and in the writings of some masculists who 
openly promote patriarchy. These forms of sexist masculism are described 
in more detail below. 



Earlier religious and political trends 

The ancient priests of Egypt and the Near East seem to have engaged into 
an active quest for power around 2000 BCE, against the female priests 
and female gods. Before that time, the prehistoric tribes and cultures 
tended to promote gender equity, and to give a divine status to women, 
who were perceived as symbols of fertility and the future of the tribe 
(Eisler 1988). Female goddesses were commonly worshipped, and female 
priestesses were at least as common as male priests. The good status of 
women as priestesses was attacked by the male priests, who began to 
mutate and twist the old religious stories and symbols to suit their own 
interests, and the common interest of men compared to women (Eisler 
1988). For example, the original version of Genesis presented men and 
women as equal, and as created by the God at the same time. This version 
was gradually replaced by a version, which suggested that God was not 
satisfied with the assertive and equal woman that he had created and 
therefore replaced the first version of a woman (Lilith) with a more 
submissive one (Eve). The manipulation of the genesis then continued 
in such a fashion that the ancient meaning of the snake, as a symbol of 
wisdom, was changed to the symbol of seduction and evil knowledge. This 
changed the meaning of the genesis, as the pictures of a snake and a woman 
were no longer interpreted as symbols of the wisdom of women. Instead, 
they were interpreted as representations of an evil snake that seduces the 
morally weak woman to commit sin. This mutated version of the genesis 
took away the wisdom of women by changing the meaning of the snake, 
and replacing it with the idea of women's moral guilt for the troubles and 
sufferings of the mankind. (Eisler 1988). This gradual mutation of the 



146 

genesis, which was caused by the intentional or unintentional activities of 
the male priests, led to the substantial weakening of the status of women. 
This patriarchal hierarchy that positioned women below men was even 
strengthened by the interest group activities of the free men of the ancient 
Greece cities, who had the common interest of limiting the entrance of 
slaves and women to the area of political decision making. At that time, 
the ancient culture developed the essentialist idea of women as somewhat 
volatile and irrational, and prone towards hysteria, which was seen as a 
direct cause of the female womb. 55 

According to Eisler, these processes of patriarchalization were threatened 
by the early interpretations of Christianity, which gave women the right 
to participate actively in religious discussions and meetings, and which 
perceived men and women as more equal than the other religions of the 
area. This early equalization in Christianity, however, was rooted away 
as heresy during the foundation of the Catholic Church, which became 
one of the most patriarchal organizations in the history of mankind, 
and which used considerable effort for the institutionalization of a 
patriarchal ideology in all Catholic countries (Eisler 1988). The ideology 
of the Catholic Church began with the raising of the Holy Mary into 
the position of a role model for all women. She was a young and pure 
maiden, whose only task in life was to give birth to a man. This idea of 
the purity of women, however, was later on obscured by the scholastics, 
which developed an ideology of women as the symbol of flesh and nature, 
while men were considered as symbols of rationality and spirit. This 
memeplex led to the conclusion that women are subordinated to men, in 
the same manner as flesh is subordinated to spirit (Augustine, "Civitate 
Dei"). 56 This conclusion also led to the stereo typization of women, as the 
more physical and sensual gender and the morally inferior gender, while 
men were stereotyped to have a lower sexual drive and a higher spiritual 
and moral quality. 



55 Aristotelian essentialism (see Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001, p. 17—22), see also 
Eisler 1988. The term hysteria originates from the Greek word "uterus", which means the 
womb (Kammer 2002, p. 55) 

56 Patriarch Augustine, "Civitate Dei" (see Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001, p. 158) 



147 



Women are weak 
and fragile 



Women are irrational and 
incapable of moral reasoning 



Women are suitable (only) 
for sex and for childcare 



-7 



Women require a 
guardian and protector 



\\ 



V 



Women are the spiritually 
and morally inferior gender 



Women are prone to 
sexual unfaithfulness 



ft- 



Women are volatile and 
hysterical 



Women are the more sexual 
and physical gender 



Figure 19. The Misogynous Logic of the Early Manifestations of Male 
Chauvinism. 



The ancient religions, ancient Greek essentialism, early Catholic Church, 
and the scholastics of the medieval times, together created a memeplex that 
pictures women as creatures who definitely need a guardian and protector, 
and who are inferior to men in everything else other than childcare and 
some limited domestic tasks (Figure 19). Once this memeplex began to 
spread to new countries and cultures, it rapidly eroded the good status of 
women, even from those cultures where the women had a traditionally 
good status, and a chance to control their own property. For example, the 
history of the Nordic countries, between the years 1200 and 1600, seems 
to be characterized first by the strong raise in the influence of the church 
of the society, and then by the systematic weakening of the legal status of 
women (see Roesdahl 1993 and Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001). 



148 

The modern representations of male sexism 

In the modern society, the strongest groups which dare to be openly male 
chauvinist are the religious groups, which claim that God has given men 
and women different roles in the human life. This argumentation is then 
used for discouraging women from paid work outside the home, and for 
preventing women from entering religious ceremonies in the role of a 
priest. The religious versions of sexism and male chauvinism also tend to 
moralize against women, who have children without being married to a 
man. These forms of religious moralism support the patriarchal ideology 
and the memeplex of male chauvinism, by assuming that women need a 
male breadwinner, protector, and guardian. In the modern welfare states, 
this religious belief system is rapidly loosing its popularity. However, 
in the more religious countries such as the USA, it is still a viable idea 
within the sexist men's movement. For example, according to Cheney 
(1999, chapter 2) and Amneus (1990), the present western societies are 
irresponsible matriarchies as the state takes care of the financial needs of 
the unmarried women who have children. According to their ideology, 
such support to unmarried mothers promotes irresponsible female 
behaviors, and therefore a far better system would be the traditional 
patriarchy in which children are systematically considered as property of 
the father. Due to the openly patriarchal and misogynous nature of the 
conservative and religious sexists, they do not seem to have much support 
among the political elites of the USA. 

A more influential version of modern masculinely biased sexism 
seems to appear in the Mythopoetic movement (e.g. Bly 1990) and in 
the promotion of clearly separated gender roles (e.g. Gray 1995 and 
Makow 2000). These authors emphasize the essential gender differences, 
and encourage men and women to heal themselves mentally through 
the rediscovery of the authentic and essential forms of masculinity and 
femininity. These authors wish to present men as brave, assertive and 
strong "cavemen" and women as the soft and somewhat irrational "cave 
women", who have difficulty coping with the challenges of stressful paid 
work, and who need to devote more time to beauty care, relaxing baths 
and interior decoration (see Gray 1995). This sexist branch of masculism 
gains support from the general ideas and traditions of best seller sexism, 
which presents men and women as essentially different from each other 



149 

(e.g. Pease & Pease 1999). Although some forms of the modern male 
sexism are very near to the idea of gender equity and although they 
contain relatively few examples of explicit male chauvinism, they are still 
likely to cause structural discrimination against women by promoting the 
strong separation of the masculine and feminine, and by proposing the 
segregation of human tasks and lifestyles into feminine and masculine 
ones. They may also act as a breeding ground for the more chauvinistic 
discourses and stereotypes, which present women as the weaker casket 
which is only suited for childcare and domestic tasks — and not for the 
paid work on the labor market. This means that modern male sexism 
may push women very strongly towards the role of a housewife, and it 
may also cause direct discrimination against women by sexist men, who 
consider women as inferior in the tasks of the labor market. 



5.5.3 Sexist branches of feminism 

as a cause of the bad status of men 

The sexist branch of feminism seems to have its roots in the era of 
renaissance, when Lucretia Marinella claimed that women are not only 
equal to men morally and intellectually, but excel them in many respects 
(Marinella 1600, p. 2—3). This tradition was continued by the early 20 th 
century feminists such as Jane Addams and Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 
who claimed that women are superior to men in many ways due to their 
caring, compassionate and non-violent nature. 57 This interpretation of 
feminism was challenged by the equality feminists such as de Beauvoir 
(1949) and Bern (1974), who objected to the glorification of maternity 
and women's special caring abilities as something essentially feminine in 
their nature. This branch of equality feminism also had sympathy for 
men, who were treated badly by the maternalist discourses in the context 
of childcare, divorce and custody. This led to a short period of cooperation 
between masculists and feminists in the 1960s and 1970s. 

The tradition of equality feminism was challenged in the 1980s by the 
feminist difference theory, which claimed that equality should not be used 
as a way for pushing women into the role and norm of men. For example, 



57 See Rizer 2006 



150 

the difference theorists argued that it is not true equality and liberation 
for women, if they are forced to work on the labor market and adopt 
masculine values and norms in order to advance their careers (Kuusipalo 
2002, p. 212—4). They suggested that women should, instead, be valued 
as they are, different from men. This difference was originally thought 
to be socially constructed, in a very similar fashion as was presented in 
chapter 5.4. These ideas, however, were soon simplified and mutated into 
the meme of the reverse strategy, which claims that women are actually 
better than men in almost all human tasks and skills (see Kuusipalo 2002, 
p. 220). The strongest manifestations of the reverse strategy are found 
within cultural feminism and ecofeminism, which tend to be ideologies 
promoted by the less academic and less theoretical feminists, meaning that 
they belong to the theoretical periphery of feminism. Cultural feminism is a 
relatively essentialist memeplex that emphasizes the differences of men and 
women, and the superiority of women, women's cultures and femininity 
overmen, men's cultures and masculinity (see Alcoff 1988; Kuusipalo 2002, 
p. 212—4; and Jallinoja 2004). It aligns with the essentialist interpretation 
of cultural ecofeminism, which perceives women as "closer to nature", 
"privileged in understanding nature" and "more empathetic than men", 
while men are considered to be the gender that is engaged in the patriarchal 
and masculine "raping of the Mother Earth". 58 

This memetic degeneration of the difference theory to somewhat 
essentialist generalizations of the superiority of women compared to men 
has been amplified by the feminist standpoint epistemology, which claims 
that women's feelings and intuition are a better source of information and 
knowledge than the traditional quantitative studies performed within the 
"male science". This epistemology led to the tendency of the scholars of 
women's studies to target their interviews and surveys to women only (see 
McKee 1982). This created a tradition, in which the feminine bias of the 
female target group was taken as a reliable source of information, while 
men's opinions and experiences were given no value (see Sommers 1994). 
This bias against men seems to have led to several scientifically shaky 
and sexist generalizations of men and women. These generalizations 
present men as selfish, violent, irresponsible, unloving and lazy (in the 
context of domestic work), while building the stereotype of women as 

58 Spretnak's (1989: 129), Mies & Shiva 1993, p. 20; and Collard & Contrucci 1988 
(see Twine 2001, p. 2). See also Vaughan 2007. 



151 

unselfish, peaceful, responsible, loving and hard working. 59 They also led 
to the belief that women are the (only) discriminated gender and to the 
general hatred against men by feminists, and in the media (see Thomas 
1993, Kammer 1993 and 2002, Sommers 1994 and 2001, Schenck & 
Everingham 1995, Nathanson & Young 2001, and Rubar 2005). These 
sexist stereotypes of men and women, and the general misandry against 
men, may also lead to the discrimination of men in courts, since the 
judges are not willing to believe that the female suspects of violence or 
other crimes could have possibly done anything bad, while the male 
suspects of violence and other crimes are treated harshly by the judges 
(see chapter 7.2.7). 

The replacement of equality feminism by difference theory, standpoint 
epistemology and cultural feminism at the 1980s, led the women's 
movement to a clash against the father's rights movement. This appeared 
first in the USA, where the father's rights movement had organized itself 
and managed to improve men's status in the context of childcare and 
custody (see Kurki-Suonio 1999). The discourses of cultural feminism, 
maternalism and ecofeminism challenged the father's movement by 
emphasizing the fundamental superiority of women in the field of 
childcare. Women were pictured as the gender with a higher capacity 
for caring, loving, nurturing and sensing other people's needs. 60 This 
generalization was then supported by the theories that emphasized men's 
tendencies towards violence or towards sexually irresponsible behaviors 
such as rape and incest (see chapter 7.4). The final weapon against men, 
in the context of divorce, was given in the form of the feminist theory of 
social work, which pressures social workers to identify with their female 
customers, and which suggests that the interests of women and children 
are synonymous (see 7.5.5.4). This theory leads to the conclusion that 
the interests of the child may be found out by interviewing the mother. 
Together, these ideas inspired by the difference theory, have led to the 
weakening of the status of men in the context of divorce, custody disputes 
and criminal court, although the original ideas of the equality feminists 
might have had the opposite effect to the status of men. 



59 These exaggerated stereotypes are described in more detail in chapter 7.2.2 and 7 A. 

60 The sexist, maternalist and patriarchal tendency of feminists to glorify women's 
capacity for motherhood has been pointed out by Snitow 1992 (see Natkin 1995, p. 68) 



152 



The general hatred against men in the media, together with the 
perception of women as the discriminated gender, also tends to lead to 
the emergence and legitimization of dozens of double standards that 
favor women and harm men in various situations, contexts and fields 
of the human life. The degeneration of the feminist difference theory 
towards essentialist glorification of women, towards misandric criticism 
of men, and towards the discrimination of men, has been summarized in 
Figure 20. The misandric consequences of feminism are analyzed in more 
detail in chapter 8. 



Difference theory 



Equality of 
men and 



Cultural 

feminism and 
reverse strategy. 
Glorification of 
women and tire 
demonization of 
men. 



Advancement 
of women's 
interests 



Standpoint 
epistemology 



Belief in the 
maternal custody 



Biased statistics 
and neglecting the 
male point of 
view 




Misandry in the 
media and in 
public 
administration 



Perception of women as 
the discriminated gender 



Discrimination 
of men in 
custody 
disputes 



Discrimination 
of men m 
criminal court 



Double 
standards 
m favor of 



Reverse 
discrimination 
of men in a 
wide range of 
situations and 
contexts 



Figure 20. The Discriminative Effects of the Sexist Branches of Feminism. 



5.5.4 Anti-sexist masculism 

as a cause of the bad status of women 



The anti-sexist branch of masculism began in the 1960s in the form of 
the Californian fathers' rights movement, and in the form of the early 
European movements such as the Finnish "Movement nr 9", which 
worked together with feminists in the 1960s in order to advance gender 
equality (see Kurki-Suonio 1999). The detailed history of the antisexist 
men's movement of the USA may be found in Baumil (1985), but it 



153 

seems that an international history that would expand past 1985 has still 
to be written. Although the antisexist men's movement began in relatively 
good cooperation with feminists (E.g. Farrell 1974), the movement 
ended up on a collision course with feminism at first in the USA, where 
the sexist branch of feminism began to construct a somewhat misandric 
discourse, which was then used against men in criminal court, in the 
handling of custody disputes, and in the public administration, in the 
context of domestic violence (see 5.5.3). 

The theoretical core of the antisexist male movement appears in the 
theoretical and ideological battle against the potential sexist, misandric 
and unscientific traces of feminism, women's studies and public equality 
policy. Straus, for example, performed a scientific counterattack against 
the biased feminist statistics, which presented men as the perpetrators 
of domestic violence and women as the innocent victims (Straus 1980). 
This criticism has then led to a body of literature on domestic violence, 
which is motivated either by masculism or by the wish to defend science 
against feminist propaganda (see Fiebert 2005). However, the results of 
this work have partially degenerated into biased statistics of men's right 
activists, which suggest that the phenomenon of domestic violence 
hurts men and women equally. In other words, feminist propaganda has 
been matched by masculist propaganda. This deterioration of scientific 
knowledge also appears in the context of the wage gap between men and 
women: According to the women's movement, the "women's Euro is 80 
cents", which is presented as an implicit suggestion that women's salaries 
should be raised by at least 20%. The masculist counterattack against 
this figure claims that the women's Euro is at least 96 cents, when people 
doing precisely similar jobs are compared to each other (Korkeamaki & 
Kyyra 2007, see also Farrell 2004). This is then easily taken by men's right 
activists as proof of the "fact" that women are not discriminated on the 
labor market. This may reduce the legitimacy of the equality policies, 
which aim at improving women's status on the labor market. 

The masculist fight against sexism and misandry also appears in the 
criticism oi maternalism, reverse strategy and standpoint epistemology, which 
create a discourse that harms men in the context of custody disputes and 
criminal court, and which may raise general misandric hatred against men 



154 

and masculinity in the society. 61 Although this criticism may be based 
on egalitarian thinking and on the wish to give men a better chance to 
cope with the matriarchal subsystem of the society the criticism against 
maternalism and reverse strategy is easily detached from its context, and 
interpreted as general criticism against feminism. This may lead to the 
spreading of negative stereotypes of feminists, which is likely to weaken 
the chances of the feminists to work towards the improvement of the 
status of women, in those sectors of the society in which women are at a 
disadvantaged position. 



Theoretical core of 
anti-sexist masculism 



Equality of 
men and 
women 



Advancement 
of men's 
interests 



Equality for 
men in the 

sphere of 
feminininity 



War against the 
biased statistics 
of feminists 



War against the 
feminist reverse 
strategy 



War against 
maternalism 
and feminist 
stand pomt 
epistemology 



Creation of 
biased masculist 
statistics 



War 
against 
feminism 
in general 



Theoretical 
periphery 



Harms to 
feminism in 
the media, 
and raising 
hatred against 
feminists in 
the Internet 



The harms of 
masculism to 
the status of 
women 



Figure 21. The Degeneration of the Antisexist Branch of Masculism into 
Antifeminism. 

The antisexist masculists seem to have relatively little power to influence 
gender studies or the equality policy, due to the fact that they have not 
been able to make coalitions with feminists or with conservative men. 
Instead, these two groups seem to have formed an alliance, which stereotypes 
antisexist masculists as unmasculine men, who are still chauvinist oppressors 
of women (see chapter 7.6). Despite the relative weak political influence of 
antisexist masculism, this branch of masculism may harm women's interests 



61 See Warshack 1992, Thomas 1993, Kammer 1993 and 2002, Sommers 1994 and 
2001, Schenck & Everingham 1995, Nathanson & Young 2001, and Lehtonen 2007). 



155 



by fuelling the aggressive periphery of masculism, and by reducing the 
general popularity of feminism and feminist equality policy. 



5.5.5 Anti-sexist forms of feminism as a cause of men's bad 
status 

The anti-sexist branches of feminism are based on the tradition of liberal 
feminism, which began from the assumption that men and women are 
not fundamentally different from each other (see Kuusipalo 2002). The 
questioning of the gender differences led to the conclusion that men 
and women should have equal rights and obligations in the society. 
Equality feminism, in general, considers gender differences as relatively 
insignificant. Even if differences exist, they are socially constructed, and 
appear in the form of a two dimensional typology, in which both men 
and women may have "masculine" and "feminine" traits and skills (see 
Bern 1974). According to the ideal of androgyny, both men and women 
would learn a maximal amount of positive "masculine" and "feminine" 
traits and skills, while leaning away from some negative "masculine" and 
"feminine" traits that they have developed during their history as men 
or as women. This perception to gender contains the idea that men may 
also have some valuable skills that would be worth learning for women. 
These ideals of androgyny are commonly objected to by the difference 
theorists, who claim that women should not be pressured into doing 
anything masculine — and that masculinity does not actually contain 
anything worth learning for women (see 7.3.3.2). 

The ideas of equality feminists have been elaborated by postmodern 
feminists. Postmodern feminism began as criticism against structuralism, 
which presents the social reality as the product of rather determinist 
dichotomies that exist within language. In its resistance against 
predetermined dichotomies, postmodern feminism is also critical of 
the feminist difference theory, which is based on the dichotomic division 
between men and women 62 . According to postmodern feminists, the 
difference theory is a conservative theory, which tends to strengthen the 
traditional dichotomic gender system instead of challenging it (see Butler 
1990, hooks 1990 and Haraway 1991). The difference theory is also 

62 See Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 260—262 



156 

considered normative by postmodern feminists, since it pressures women 
into the role of a caring, loving, modest and peaceful "mother", even when 
women advance to upper managerial positions or positions of political 
power in the society (see Kelles 2006). However, the branch of postmodern 
feminism is internally so diverse that it also contains feminists, who study 
the fundamental differences in men's and women's thinking and writing 
(e.g. Irigaray 1993). This means that postmodern feminism may also 
sometimes appear in a sexist form, making it vulnerable to the perception 
that women and femininity are superior to men and masculinity. 

Even if the anti-sexist feminists such as equality feminists have a male 
friendly perspective to gender equality in general, they tend to carry 
some memeplexes that are problematic from the perspective of men, and 
which may lead to the discrimination of men. The most significant of 
these memeplexes is the theory of patriarchy 63 , which has later on evolved 
into the theory of male domination (e.g. Bourdieu 2001). The problem 
with these theories is their inability to see the contextuality of the gender 
system, meaning the cumulative effects of different economic systems 
and historical developments that have occurred in different countries. 
The theories of patriarchy and male dominance also tend to be too 
determinist in a fashion that presents patriarchy and male dominance 
as evident, leading no room for resistance. These weaknesses in the 
theory of patriarchy have also been criticized by postmodern feminists 
(see Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 262). A third problem with the 
theories of male dominance is in their inability to see the coexistence 
of the spheres of masculinity and femininity, and the chances of the 
coexistence of patriarchy and matriarchy. This means that the theories 
of male dominance tend to see women as the discriminated gender and 
men as the dominant gender, failing to recognize that in the sphere of 
femininity, the roles of the dominator and the discriminated one may 
be reversed. Due to this perspective, the theories of patriarchy and male 
dominance completely fail in the analysis of the discrimination against 
men. This means that these theories easily become memetic filters, which 
prevent the scholars of gender studies from recognizing any discrimination 
against men, which is not caused by other men. This is very harmful 
for men, as the discrimination against men tends to be nullified even 
by the equality feminists and the postmodern feminists. For example, 

63 see Abramovitz 1989, p. 25; Hartman 1997, p. 101-103, andTong 1998, p. 49 



157 

Professor Kevat Nousiainen, in her response to my question concerning 
the discrimination of men, used several rhetoric tactics for proving that 
the discrimination of men is a relatively insignificant phenomenon 
(Nousiainen 2007). 

Even if the branches of equality feminism and postmodern feminism 
differ from the difference theory on a theoretical level, they still tend to 
share the same selfish core of feminism, which is constructed around 
the prioritization of the advancement of women's status over any other 
goals. This means that even the postmodern feminists tend to see the 
advancement of men's status as a very low priority issue, although they 
might recognize that men might possibly be discriminated due to their 
gender in some contexts in some societies. In general, the idea of the 
discrimination of men is perceived as bizarre by feminists (Holter 2000, p. 
76). As discursive power is a very important resource of power, the selfish 
core of feminism is likely to direct feminists towards fighting against all 
information that would reduce the image of women as the disadvantaged, 
discriminated and oppressed gender. As the idea of the discrimination of 
men tends to reduce the power of the idea of women as the disadvantaged 
gender, all data that points towards the discrimination of men is usually 
objected by feminists, including the postmodern feminists. Feminists, 
for example, may shut their eyes from the discrimination of men in the 
context of divorce, as they wish to remain loyal to the feminists, who are 
fighting against men in the context of feminist theory of social work or 
in the context of their own divorce and custody disputes. Feminists may 
also be tempted to claim that men are not discriminated in the context 
of custody, which will solve the conflict between the advancement of 
women's status and the advancement of equality. A third alternative is to 
hide the nature of custody disputes as conflicts between men and women: 
This will occur by claiming that custody disputes are actually not an issue 
of gender, but in the best interests of the children. A fourth alternative is 
to twist the idea of equality, in such a fashion that women's overpower in 
the context of custody is seen as a balancing factor that actually advances 
gender equality. For example, according to Ann Snitow, some feminists 
defend the superior role and power of women in childcare, as this is one 
of the only areas in the society, where women have a privileged position 
(Snitow 1992, see Warshack 1992, p. 22-23). 



158 

As a conclusion, even the antisexist branches of feminism tend to be 
somewhat biased against men, and have a low motivation towards the 
improvement of men's status in the sphere of femininity. This makes 
them highly similar to the antisexist masculists, who wish to advance the 
status of the opposite gender in theory, but who are reluctant to admit 
the weak status of women in the sphere of masculinity. 



5.6 The Coexistence of Patriarchy and Matriarchy 
in Modern Welfare States 

5.6.1 The accumulation of power to men and women 



According to the model presented in chapter 5.2.2, all societies tend to 
segregate horizontally and vertically to the spheres of femininity and 
masculinity. This segregation is originally mental and stereotypic in its 
nature, but it also tends to lead to the segregation of labor and tasks: 



Mental distinction between 
femininity and masculinity 



Horizontal and vertical 
segregation of labor 



Perception of some tasks and 
jobs as clearly "feminine" or 
"masculine" in their nature 



Cumulation of (wo)manpower to men 
in the sphere of masculinity and to 
women in the sphere of femininity 



X 



Segregation of practical, 
professional and academic 
knowledge 



~2L 



Segregation of authority, managerial power, social 
status and discursive power 



Figure 22. From the Gendered Spheres to the Coexistence of Patriarchy 
and Matriarchy. 



159 

This process is likely to lead to the accumulation of all different types of 
power resources to men in the sphere of masculinity, while women are 
likely to dominate most resources of power in the sphere of femininity 
(see Holter 2005, p. 24—25). Despite these general processes, societies 
differ from each other in the degree and precise nature of vertical and 
horizontal segregation. In the more traditional agrarian, feudal and 
industrial societies, the vertical segregation of the gender system may 
have been so strong that the sphere of femininity appeared very small, 
consisting only of some specific tasks, activities and discourses that 
related to childcare, human relations, and the daily routines of the private 
sphere. In these societies, the accumulation of power resources to women 
in the private sphere was relatively insignificant, compared to the massive 
accumulation of power resources to men in all other areas, contexts and 
spheres. In modern welfare states, however, the vertical segregation of the 
society is substantially reduced: Women participate in political decision 
making and in the labor force. They advance to managerial positions, 
gain high educational degrees and have a secured economic position 
due to the legislation that relates to marriage, divorce, and the right for 
public transfer payments and low cost services. Therefore, the sphere of 
masculinity tends to shrink, due to the deconstruction of the vertical 
segregation and due to the domination of women in some service oriented 
sectors of the public sphere (see Table 7 in chapter 5.2.2). This is likely 
to lead to the emergence of a clearly female dominated organizational 
cluster in the traditionally "feminine" field of activity. If we assume that 
the organizations and discourses in the sphere of masculinity tend to 
be dominated by men, we can call this sector of the modern welfare 
states, the patriarchal subsystem. In a similar fashion, the discourses and 
organizations in the sphere of femininity tend to become dominated by 
women in modern welfare states. This will lead to the evolution of the 
matriarchal subsystem of the society. 



5.6.2 The accumulation of gender bias into organizations 

Before advancing to the analysis of the matriarchal and patriarchal 
subsystems of the society, it is necessary to take a look at the accumulation 



160 

of gender bias to organizations. This is essentially important, since 
organizations form a central arena for the discrimination of employees 
and customers. Organizations also participate in the production, 
amplification and refutation of discriminative discourses, cultures and 
paradigms of the society. 

Organizations receive their memes as a consequence of vertical and 
horizontal flows, which are all affected by the distribution of power 
resources between men and women (see Figure 23). At the level of top 
management, the values, goals and top level policies are affected by the 
gender distribution of the political, managerial and discursive resources 
of power (arrow la). The gender with the higher availability of power 
resources is likely to establish its own gender bias in the official culture 
and paradigm of the organization, which appears at the level of upper 
and middle management of the organization. This institutionalized 
organization culture also has its effect on the memes of all lower status 
employees and new recruits through a process of socialization (arrow 
2a). However, the memes also flow from the bottom up, as the actual, 
practical and informal organization culture is often determined by the 
employees and lowest level managers of the organization (arrow 2b). 
In male dominated organizations, the organization culture is likely 
to be masculinely biased, while in female dominated organizations, it 
is likely to be femininely biased. The feminine or masculine bias may 
appear in the stories, jokes, stereotypes, norms and role expectations 
which are dominant in the organization. These gender biased parts of the 
organization culture may also flow upwards to the top, as the political 
and institutional leaders of organizations are often so busy that they 
rely on the consultations given by their subordinates (arrow lb). This 
means, that an organization led by a man may be actually femininely 
biased, if the vast majority of employees and middle managers are female. 
The effects of the gender of the top management on the organization 
culture also depend on the degree of centralization, which appears in 
the organization: In highly decentralized organizations, most decisions 
are made at the middle management or even in daily customer service 
work. This means, that the gender bias at the grass roots level is likely to 
aggregate to the biased organizational culture of the entire organization. 
This phenomenon is likely to bias the organizational culture in a feminine 



161 



manner in all decentralized organizations, in which women dominate the 
grass roots level, and the lower level managerial tasks. 



Formation of goals, values and top level policies 



Gender distribution of positional and normative 
power at the managerial and political level 



< 



Professional memes 



Gender distribution of skills 
and professional power 



Gender bias in the memes 

of organizations <4a— 



Aquaintances, interest groups, 
allied organizations, and the media 

Gender distribution of 
normative power 



Grass root level decisions and policies, informal organizational 
culture, subtle usage of informal and lower level power 



Gender distribution of 
personnel 



Figure 23. The Emergence of Gender Bias in Organizations. 



The vertical flows of memes are challenged and matched by horizontal 
flows. An important source of the gender bias in organizations is the 
unequal distribution of expert knowledge among men and women 
(arrow 3a). If the majority of experts in certain organizations or in certain 
organizational functions are female, it is likely to cause a feminine bias 
among the professionals, and this bias is likely to establish itself as a part of 
the organizational culture — or as a part of the belief system and paradigm 
of a specific functional unit within the organization. A good example 
of the segregation of professional expert knowledge is illustrated by the 
statistics concerning Finnish university grades and professional grades: 
About 82% of all degrees in technology are held by men, while 88% of the 
degrees in healthcare and social services are held by women (see chapter 
6.2.4). This is likely to cause feminine bias in social service and healthcare 
organizations, and masculine bias to industrial organizations and their 



162 

suppliers, financers and allies. The professional memes also have their 
effect on the top management, through the training of administration 
and management (3b). The grass root level memes are also affected by 
professional training, which contains not only anormative and objective 
information, but also normatively loaded memes, which are likely to 
contain some gender bias, if the leading experts in the field are mostly 
male or female. 

All organizational cultures are affected by the horizontal flows of 
memes coming from the interest groups, allied organizations and informal 
acquaintances of the members of the organization (arrow 4a). The memes 
published in the media also act as a source of memes that flow into the 
organizations. These horizontal flows of memes also have their effect on 
the values, goals and priorities of top management (arrow 4b) and on the 
memes of employees at the grass roots level (arrow 4c). The popularity of 
misogynous stereotypes and norms in the surrounding society is likely to 
pressure organizations towards more misogynous organization cultures, 
while the popularity of misandric memes is likely to promote misandric 
organization cultures and discrimination against male employees and 
customers of the organization. This biasing of the organizational cultures 
is amplified by the activities of feminist and masculist interest group 
organizations, which try to lobby their own paradigms, beliefs, facts 
and statistics to organizational decision makers, politicians, journalists, 
consultants and trainers. Although this process may contain intentional 
propaganda and information warfare, the activities of the feminists and 
masculists may also be based mainly on the unintentional biases. These 
biases make people filter out information, which is anomalous to their 
paradigm and spread out "facts" that are beneficial to their agenda. This 
means that there is no need to picture the feminists or masculists as the 
intentional manipulators of statistics. 



163 

Scientific publications 
and press releases 



Journalists and 
mass media 





Consultants, trainers 

and professional 

magazines 



Filtering, simplification, exaggeration, mutation 



Managers and professionals of organizations 



Figure 24. The Influence of Feminists and Masculists on the Accumulation 
of Bias to Organizations. 



5.6.3 The accumulation of bias to the patriarchal and 
matriarchal subsystems of the society 

The division of the modern welfare states to patriarchal and matriarchal 
subsystems of the society, leads to the accumulation of masculine and 
masculist bias to the male dominated organizations, while the female 
dominated organizations are likely to become arenas of feminine and 
feminist bias. The masculinely biased organizations tend to develop 
organizational clusters, in which the masculine bias of the central 
organizations is radiated to those organizations which are dependent of 
the masculinely biased organizations. This means that the masculinely 
biased organizational cluster may include and influence a set of other 
organizations, in which the power resources seem more balanced between 
the genders. In a similar fashion, the femininely biased organizations also 
tend to form organizational clusters in which the feminine and feminist 
bias of some central organizations and parties is spread and diffused to 



164 

some dependent collaborators, which are less clearly female dominated. 
As a consequence, entire clusters made of public organizations, private 
associations and business organizations may develop a femininely and 
feministically biased paradigm. This spreading of the masculine and 
feminine biases to dependent organizations, is caused by the fact that 
interdependent organizations tend to harmonize their values, goals, 
priorities and metamemes (see Offe 1981, p. 131). 

The masculinely biased organizational cluster of modern welfare states 
is likely to be based on the organizations that work in the fields of industry, 
agriculture, forestry, trade, defense, construction, and transportation. These 
organizations are mentally located in the sphere of masculinity, as they 
tend to require outdoor activities or technical knowledge from employees. 
These organizations are also located in the sphere of masculinity, due to 
the simple fact that the majority of employees and managers in these 
organizations are male. This masculinely biased organizational cluster 
also contains those public organizations and institutions that regulate and 
support the private companies in these fields. These organizations also 
tend to be heavily dominated by men. The third part of the masculinely 
biased cluster of organizations is made of the universities and institutes 
that train professionals for these male dominated fields. The majority of 
the teachers and students in these educational organizations also tend to 
be male. The fourth group of masculinely biased organizations is made 
of the investment companies, which mostly specialize in investments to 
organizations that operate within the sphere of masculinity. Figure 25, 
presents a typical male dominated and masculinely biased organizational 
cluster, which is horizontally connected to similar clusters in other 
countries. All of these organizations are likely to develop a masculinely 
biased organizational culture, which may also contain some elements 
of the masculist bias, due to the influence of those men's networks and 
interest group organizations, which have a strong position among the 
members of the male dominated organizations. 



165 



International 
investors 



National 
investors 



EU funds 



National public institutions 
supporting industrial enterprises 



International 
subcontractors 



National 
subcontractors 



<- 



<- 



^Industrial companies in a ^ 
specific country 

<- 

A ^ v ^ 



International 
clients 



National faculties of 
technology 



International faculties of 
technology 



—> 



National client 
organizations 



International providers b 
to b and services 



National providers of 
b to b services 



Figure 25. An Example of a Typical Masculinely Biased Organizational 
Cluster. 



The femininely biased cluster of organizations is likely to emerge around 
those human activities that relate to care taking, human relations, or the 
advancement of gender equality. In the context of welfare states, this 
means the municipal, governmental and international organizations 
in the field of healthcare, social services, childcare, and equality policy. 
These organizations tend to be dominated by women, especially at the 
grass roots level, but also increasingly on the level of upper management. 
This means that they are very likely to create a femininely biased 
organizational culture, discourse and paradigm. These organizations also 
tend to be relatively tightly connected to the women's organizations, 
and to the faculties of women's studies. This is likely to also introduce 
the feminist bias to the cluster of female dominated organizations and 
their allies: The faculties of women's studies develop theoretical memes, 
which the women's organizations filter and simplify, and then pass to 
the governmental organizations operating in this field. These close 



166 



and institutionalized connections tend to form an institutionalized 
channel, which imports the feminist bias of the women's interest group 
organizations into the public organizations within this cluster. These 
connections, together, are likely to lead to the emergence of a femininely 
and feministically biased cluster of organizations (Figure 26). In this 
figure, some organizations such as WHO and regional governments are 
marked with a neutral color, as they seem to resist some of the feminist 
memeplexes and discourses, which have reached a hegemonic status in 
other organizations of the cluster. 



European 
Women's Lobby 



Women's Network in 
Finnish Parliament 



EU level equality policy 
organizations 



International faculties of 
n women's studies 

Domestic faculties 
of women's studies 



r 



EU level health and social 
security organizations 



Finnish ministry of 
social affairs and health 



WHO 



International women's 
.organizations 

Finnish women's 
organizations 



Public social service, health and 
equality policy organizations 



Women's organizations with semi-official 
status in public administration 



Private organizations in social services, 
health and equality consulting 



Figure 26. An Example of a Femininely Biased Organizational Cluster. 



UNIFEM 



Regional 

governments 



Although the feminine and feminist bias are originally created in women's 
organizations and in other organizations strictly dominated by women, 
these biases are likely to also spread to allied, not so clearly female 
dominated organizations, through a process in which interdependent 
organizations harmonize their values, goals and paradigms. Due to this 



167 

process, some of the feminist memeplexes of women's organizations 
have gradually been distributed to the UNIFEM and the national 
ministries, which have been made responsible for the advancement of 
women's status. From these strongholds, the feminist values have also 
been "gender mainstreamed" to the United Nations and the EU on a 
more general level. This has produced a situation in which some feminist 
discourses have reached a hegemonic status in the policy of the United 
Nations, the EU and national governments, especially in issues that relate 
to men, women or gender equality. Due to this spreading of the feminist 
memeplexes and discourses, it is possible to identify a femocratic subsystem 
within the public administration, which also covers organizations that 
are not dominated by women (see 2.2.3). In summary, the femocratic 
subsystem of the society is also created by the diffusion of the feminist 
discourses from the matriarchal subsystem of the society to other parts of 
the public administration. 



5.6.4 The discrimination of men and women 

in the patriarchal and matriarchal subsystems 

After the society has been segregated into the patriarchal and matriarchal 
subsystems, the consequences of this division are likely to show in the 
appearance of gender discrimination: In principle, men are likely to face 
direct, indirect and structural discrimination as employees and customers 
of the female dominated organizations of the matriarchal subsystem. In a 
similar fashion, women are likely to be discriminated by the matriarchal 
organizations, discourses and paradigms. 

The tendency of patriarchal organizations to discriminate women 
is based on the accumulation of masculine and masculist bias in the 
organizations, and on the accumulation of managerial and professional 
power resources to men. The accumulation of masculine and masculist 
bias may appear, for example, in the development of a male chauvinist 
organization culture, which perceives women as technologically, rationally 
and intellectually less competent than men, and which perceives volatility 
and some level of hysteria as typical female problems. Although these 
stereotypes and beliefs are very unscientific, they may still have some 



168 

remote and biased connection to some scientific studies, which have 
raised the attention of some men. These stereotypes will easily lead to the 
perception that even academic and highly trained women are best suited 
as secretaries, coffee makers and visual sex objects in the company. Even 
those men, who value women, may do this valuation in a sexist manner, 
emphasizing the traditional feminine virtues such as peacefulness, 
flexibility, beauty, modesty, etc. In such organizations, men tend to 
value men and masculinity higher than women and femininity, even in 
a professional sense. This is likely to lead to the direct discrimination of 
women in the selection of recruits and in the granting of promotions 
and benefits. This direct discrimination is usually matched with even 
more common and widely spread forms of indirect discrimination. The 
men of the management team, for example, may tend to search for new 
promising managerial candidates through their personal networks. As 
men commonly create personal networks with other men, these networks 
tend to locate and suggest male candidates for opening positions. This 
may appear completely unintentionally, even by managers who consider 
themselves as promoters of gender equality. Management teams may 
also favor "the ability to cooperate" as a criterion for promotions. In 
practice, however, this may be synonymous to being friends with — and 
this may be more difficult between men and women than it is between 
men. Therefore, the criterion of "the ability to cooperate" may induce 
indirect discrimination against female candidates. It is also possible that 
the performance measurement system of the organization, measures 
only those forms of quantitative performance which men tend to 
consider important. Some more holistic and less quantitative factors 
of performance, such as the quality of the organizational atmosphere, 
may not be measured at all. This may discriminate against those female 
managers, who tend to put a lot of effort into the development of a 
positive organizational atmosphere in their unit. 

The organizations of the patriarchal subsystem of the society may 
also develop a very narrow role for women, in a fashion that prevents 
women from entering the truly "masculine" professions of the patriarchal 
cluster. Female police officers, for example, may be pressured towards 
administrative tasks and away from the operative tasks of the "true 
men". If women comply with these role pressures, they may actually 



169 

gain from the benefits of a glass escalator, advancing to managerial tasks 
in administration. However, if a female police officer intends to head 
towards the management of police operations, the organization may label 
the woman as difficult and uncooperative (as she does not meet the role 
expectations). After this labeling, it is very difficult for the woman to 
advance to managerial and operative positions, as there is a general gossip 
that she is inflexible, difficult and uncooperative. 

In a similar fashion, the tendency of matriarchal organizations to 
discriminate men is based on the accumulation of feminine and feminist 
bias to these organizations, and on the accumulation of managerial and 
professional power to women. For example, in the female dominated 
social service, organizations may form of a femininely and feministically 
biased organizational paradigm, according to which men are a threat to 
women and children, the interests of children and women are synonymous, 
and the mother is the most important adult for the children. As a 
consequence, social service organizations may systematically recommend 
that the custody of children should be given to the mother, in almost all 
situations (see chapter 7.5.5). 

The matriarchal subsystem of the society may also discriminate 
against its male employees, due to the fact that most managers and 
high level professionals are female. This tends to lead to a bias in the 
criteria concerning good professional performance, and also pressure 
all employees to comply with the femininely biased paradigm of the 
organization. If male professionals want to question some parts of the 
feminine bias, they tend to be labeled as difficult and uncooperative. This 
means that they are also perceived as professionally less competent by their 
female superiors, which may act as a hindrance to promotions. The female 
dominated organizations may also pressure men into a very stereotypic male 
role, in order to protect the more feminine tasks and duties from "male 
intruders". Male nurses, for example, are easily pressured into the role of a 
bodyguard in mental hospitals. This easily means that they are more often 
appointed to the restless night shifts than women, against their will. In a 
similar fashion, female teachers at daycare centers may be pressured into 
the role of a janitor, who is supposed to do all the technical tasks (Krojer 
2003, see Holter 2004). If men in female dominated organizations comply 
with these role expectations — and do not question the femininely biased 



170 

professional paradigms — they may enjoy the benefits of a glass escalator, 
which leads to rapid advancement to managerial positions. However, if the 
role expectations are not met and if the men try to have their effect on the 
professional paradigm of the organization, the men are easily labeled as 
difficult and uncooperative. This means that they have a lowered chance of 
promotions and salary increases. 

These predictions may be clarified by stating that the discrimination of 
male employees and male customers is likely to be much more common 
than the discrimination of female employees and female customers 
in the organizations that operate within the sphere of femininity, or 
within the matriarchal cluster of organizations. In a similar fashion, the 
discrimination of female employees and customers is likely to be more 
common than discrimination against male employees and customers in 
the cluster of organizations that operates within the sphere of masculinity. 
Although these predictions are perfectly in line with the model presented 
above, they require some revision due to the tendency of alpha males 
to discriminate beta males. This tendency is analyzed in the following 
chapters. 



5.7 Discrimination of Beta Males and Females 
by the Society 

5.7.1 The basic model 

Higher status men and women tend to discriminate lower status men 
and women. This is nothing new from the point of view of sociology. 
This discrimination, however, appears in a gendered fashion, which is 
directed by the competition of the higher and lower status men for the 
high status "alpha" women, and by the competition of the high and low 
status women for the high status "alpha" men. Due to this competition, 
it seems that the higher status "alpha" males actively put down the lower 
status males, and the higher status "alpha" females actively put down 
by the lower status females. This "putting down" appears in the form of 
direct, indirect and structural discrimination. 



171 




Figure 27. The Discrimination of Beta Males and Females. 



Alpha males refer to those men, who have been able to cumulate a 
dominant share of discursive power, economic power, social authority 
and other power resources. Due to these resources of power, alpha males 
also tend to cumulate sex appeal in the eyes of heterosexual women 
(arrow 1). This accumulation of power resources to the alpha males 
makes it possible for them to define the hegemonic form of masculinity, 
which also sets the role expectations for all those beta males who can 
not fully meet the norms of this hegemonic alpha masculinity. This 
leads to the structural discrimination of the beta males (arrow 2). The 
accumulation of power resources to the alpha males means that they also 
have the managerial, political and social power resources to put down 
and discriminate the lower status beta males (arrow 3). This may occur, 
in those situations in which the alpha males have an absolute advantage 
over the beta males, measured in power resources. An example of such a 
situation may appear in criminal court, if a male judge puts down the men 
of lower social status, while favoring alpha and beta women. An example 
of a more temporary and contextual advantage of power resources may 
appear, for example, in cases in which a lower income male police officer 
puts down all other men in the context of traffic penalties — and tries to 
reach an alpha male status in the eyes of women by charging them lower 
traffic penalties. Although the alpha males discriminate primarily beta 
males, they also tend to discriminate against the lower status beta females 
on their selection of heterosexual partners (4). At this point, it must be 
noted, that beauty and sex appeal are power resources. This means that 
those women who possess them are not beta females, who would be 
discriminated by the alpha males in the choice of partners. 



172 

Alpha females refer to those women who have a dominant share of 
sexual power resources (arrow 1), discursive power, social authority and 
other power resources. Due to these power resources, the alpha women 
also tend to be able to cumulate a dominant share of economic power 
resources. 64 This accumulation of power resources to the alpha females 
makes it possible for them to define the hegemonic femininity, which also 
sets the role expectations for all those beta males who can not fully meet 
the norms of this hegemonic alpha femininity. This leads to the structural 
discrimination of the beta females (arrow 5). The accumulation of power 
resources to the alpha females means that they also have the social power 
resources to put down and discriminate the lower status beta males (arrow 
6). This may occur, in those situations, in which the alpha females are 
engaged in social activities in which also some beta females participate. 
In these situations, the alpha females may easily show the beta females 
their low status by boasting their status symbols, and by showing the 
deviations of the beta females from the proper norms of femininity. 
Examples of such boasting and putting down may appear, for example, 
in the ways in which the wealthier housewives dress up their children 
in better costumes, donate better cookies to the daycare center, or tell 
stories from more expensive and exotic tours than the beta females. A 
more severe case of alpha female hostility against beta females appears in 
the context of prostitution, as the alpha females consider the low social 
status prostitutes a personal, moral and symbolic threat to themselves. 
On top of this discrimination of beta females by the alpha females, it is 
also typical that the alpha females discriminate against the lower social 
status beta males in the selection of heterosexual partners (arrow 4). 

The mechanisms of alpha male discrimination vs. beta females, differ 
from the mechanisms of the alpha female discrimination against beta 
females, due to the asymmetries in the construction of alpha male status 
compared to the construction of alpha female status. The differences of 
discrimination are also caused partly by the different kinds of threats 



64 In most societies, the emergence of an alpha position for men and women differs 
in such a fashion that for men the economic, political and other resources of power are a 
source of sex appeal (in the eyes of women), while the female alpha status is based more 
directly on sex appeal. This asymmetry, however, may be socially constructed, although 
the sociobiologist interpretation of sexual attraction suggests otherwise. (See Rotkirch 
2005). 



173 

that the beta males and females pose to the alphas of their own gender: 
Beta males pose an indirect threat to the alphas in the form of the 
threat of rape, violence and seduction targeted to women. This means 
that alpha males tend to be especially hostile towards the beta males, 
in the context of criminal charges against beta males who are suspected 
of rape or violence against women. The beta females - and the sexually 
attractive alpha females of lower social classes — pose an indirect threat to 
the alpha females, due to their capacity to seduce men or to offer services 
as prostitutes. Due to this threat, the alpha females are likely to be most 
hostile against beta females in the context of prostitution. Based on 
this analysis, it is now possible to balance the theories of patriarchy and 
matriarchy (see 5.6) with the theory of alpha discrimination presented 
in this chapter. Based on this balanced theory, men and prostitutes are 
likely to be discriminated against by matriarchal organizations, while 
women and male suspects of crimes are likely to be discriminated against 
by patriarchal organizations. 



5.7.2 The effect of alpha males and females 
on the masculist and feminist biases 

As noted in chapter 5.2.1, sexism tends to appear in a femininely and 
feministically biased version, and in the form of a masculinely and 
masculistically biased version. These two main branches of sexism, 
however, are more heavily influenced by the alpha males and females 
than by the beta females and males. This is due to the accumulation of 
economic, political, discursive and sexual power resources to the alpha 
females and males: As a consequence, most memeplexes of sexism are 
heavily influenced by the alpha males and females. This influence of 
the alpha males and females tends to also appear within the feminist 
and masculist memeplexes, although this effect appears in somewhat 
bizarre and confused fashions. For example, the representations of 
sexist feminism are strongly affected by maternalism, which has strong 
connections to the ideology of the bourgeoisie alpha females (see 7.2.5 
and 7.7.3). The sexist branch of feminism is also an alpha female ideology 
in its systematic fight against prostitution, and in its tendency to label 



174 



all prostitutes as deviations of the proper form of femininity. The sexist 
branch of feminism has also connections to the Victorian upper class 
discourses, which presented women as the less sexual gender, and which 
suggested that men are "beastly and sex crazed" compared to the morally 
superior and sexually less active women. This upper class and alpha female 
nature of feminism has also been detected by feminists such as bel hooks, 
who accuse the feminist movement for the development of a paradigm 
that forgets the existence of black women, working class women, lesbian 
women, and the women of ethnic minorities (Hooks 1990, p. 27, see 
Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 262). Due to this strong influence of 
alpha females in the contents and representations of sexism, it would be 
unfair to equate "patriarchal ideology" with sexism, which is mostly an 
ideology shared jointly by most alpha males and females. 



An tis exist 
memeplexes 
of masculism 



^ 



Masculine 
bias 



Sexism 



Masculist 
versions of 
sexist memes 



Feminist 
versions of 
sexist memes 



Alpha male 
versions of 
sexist memes 



4^ 



Alpha female 
versions of 
sexist memes 



Beta male 
versions of 
sexist memes 



Beta female 
version of 
sexist memes 



Antis exist 
memeplexes 
of feminism 




Figure 28. The Role of Alpha Males and Females in the Construction of 
Sexism. 



175 

5.8 The Connection of Welfare State Ideologies 
to Gender Discrimination 

5.8.1 Introduction 

According to the synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution, paradigms 
and metamemes are a central determinant of mental, cultural and 
sociostructural memes. Although the paradigms of sexism, feminism and 
masculism have already been analyzed, it is useful to also take a look at 
the welfare state ideologies and religious memeplexes which support the 
sexist gender system, prevent the recognition of gender discrimination, 
or promote a systematic bias against men. 



5.8.2 Welfare states as patriarchal discriminators of women 

According to Anglo-American scholars of gender studies, the modern 
societies and welfare states value the public over the private. This also 
leads to the conclusion that the paid work in the public sphere is more 
valuable than the unpaid domestic work, which may even appear as 
invisible in the masculinely biased statistics of the national economy (e.g. 
Pateman 1989). The valuation of the public over the private and paid work 
over unpaid domestic work may be connected to the social democratic 
and socialistic memeplexes, which emphasize the roles of men and 
women as employees and workers. This emphasis on public activities 
also appears, in a somewhat weaker fashion, in the economic branch of 
the liberal memeplex, which emphasizes the role of people as employees, 
entrepreneurs and consumers, who actively participate in the production 
of the gross national product. The valuation of the public over the private 
is also connected to those memes of the conservative memeplex, which 
picture the state and public organizations as symbols of rationality, while 
the private activities and individual choices of people are related to chaos 
and irrationality (Platon, Hegel, and Bastiani, see Harisalo & Miettinen 
1995, p. 34—41). Due to these connections, all ideologies of the welfare 
state tend to contain elements that push towards the perception of the 
public sphere as more important than the private sphere. 



176 



Patriarchal religions 



Valuation of the 
public over the 
private 



Social 
democratic 
and socialist 
memeplexes 



Conservative 
memeplex 



Male breadwinner model 
(female housewife model) 



! ♦ 



Valuation of 
paid work over 
domestic work 



X 



Valuation of 
laws over 
equality 



Equality blindness 



Opposing the public daycare services 



Liberal memeplex 



Figure 29. The Conservative Memes of the Welfare State Ideology. 

The memeplex of men as breadwinners and women as housewives gains 
support from the valuation of the public sphere and paid work over the 
unpaid domestic activities, if it is connected to the sexist assumption 
that men should concentrate on the more valuable tasks — such as paid 
work — while women should remain the primary caretakers of children. 
The male breadwinner model is also supported by the conservatives, who 
wish to conserve the old traditions, role models and social structures of 
the society. Another proponent for the male breadwinner model appears 
in the form of the patriarchal religions, which emphasize marriage, female 
virginity and purity, maternal concentration on childcare and domestic 
tasks, and the leading role of men in the society through men's active work 
in the economic, political and religious organizations of the society. In 
most welfare states, the conservative and religious arguments in support 
of the male breadwinner model seem to be almost identical. However, 
the liberal memeplex also seems to support the male breadwinner model, 
at least indirectly. According to the liberal paradigm of economics, the 
state should not intervene with the market, for example, by creating 
public daycare services and transfer payments that would aid parents 
to combine their roles as mothers and employees. Although this liberal 
idea is not directly discriminative against women, it may cause indirect 
discrimination, as it hurts women more than men, due to the fact that 



177 

traditional role pressures push the primary responsibility of childcare onto 
women. The welfare state ideologies which most strongly work against the 
male breadwinner model are socialism and social democratic thinking, 
which both encourage women to work outside the home, and which 
both promote policies and solutions of public daycare for children. Yet, 
also these memeplexes, when combined with general sexism, may lead to 
such a male breadwinner model in which men do only the breadwinning, 
and very little domestic work. 

The valuation of the laws over equality is a conservative meme, which 
is based on the perception of the states as superior entities compared to 
citizens. According to this conservative meme, the laws of the state are 
already almost perfect, and therefore it is impossible to think that they 
would cause direct or indirect discrimination against either gender. This 
meme is also usually combined with a conservative perception of equality 
and discrimination, which does not recognize and value the concepts of 
indirect and structural discrimination. The memes of equality blindness 
are supported by the social democratic, socialist and conservative memes, 
according to which, the state and its officials and organizations form a 
superior and rational entity, which therefore can not possibly allow the 
existence of gender discrimination. Therefore, it is deduced that gender 
discrimination no longer exists, although it might have existed in the 
past. This equality blindness is also supported by the liberal memeplex, 
according to which, the market mechanisms tend to produce an optimal 
equilibrium, which will not contain any gender discrimination since this 
discrimination would be economically ineffective. 



5.8.3 Misandry and matriarchy 

as a future scenario of the welfare states 

The welfare state ideologies contain elements that make welfare states 
vulnerable to the lobbying of interest group organizations such as the 
women's organizations. This is most evident in the social democratic 
welfare states, but the conservative and liberal welfare states may also 
develop organizational clusters that are heavily biased by the ideological 
memes of the women's organizations. The theoretical memeplexes that 



178 

support the expansion of the matriarchal subsystem of the society are the 
conservative belief in the superiority of the state, interventionism, belief in the 
need to favor the disadvantaged groups. These memeplexes may also appear 
in more radical and misandric versions in the theoretical periphery of the 
welfare state paradigm. 

According to of Platon, Machiavelli, Hegel and Bastiani, the state is a 
morally and rationally superior entity compared to the unsophisticated mass 
of citizens (Harisalo & Miettinen 1995, p. 34—41). This means that the 
policymakers and administrators of the state are believed to have a better 
knowledge of the needs, wishes and problems of citizens than the citizens 
themselves. This may lead to an arrogant bureaucratic elitism, which 
makes the bureaucrats and politicians unwilling to listen to the people's 
own perceptions of their problems. 65 The tendency of administrators to 
consider the state bureaucracy as superior to the citizens, may also lead 
to the deduction that all criticism against the administration and the 
political elites is unsophisticated, barbarian, and regressive. That poses a 
real risk to the equality of the citizens, since the dissidents might not be 
able to get their voices heard by the administrators (see Popper 1971). 
Although the elitist welfare state ideology may be seen as a threat to the 
free choices of the citizens, it has also been used for driving through 
necessary social reforms that did not originally have sufficient support 
from the citizens (see Dye 1984, p. 45—53). 

The belief in the moral and rational superiority of the state has led to 
interventionism, according to which, there is a need for the government 
to control the free choices of men and women by controlling the markets, 
and by giving benefits or privileges to some social actors (Harisalo & 
Miettinen 1995, p. 199; see also Toqueville 1969). The more moderate 
forms of interventionism include the Keynesian economics, which tries 
to balance between recessions and growth, transfer payments, which aim 
to help the disadvantaged companies, municipalities, provinces or social 
groups, and progressive taxation, which simultaneously helps the collection 
of funds and the reduction of social segregation. The moderate form 
of interventionism may also appear in public campaigns and processes, 
which try to change the opinions, values, norms, attitudes and behaviors 
of the citizens (see Harisalo & Miettinen 1995, p. 34—41). An example 



65 Harisalo & Miettinen 1995, see also Hayek 1978. 



179 

of such a campaign was the campaign of the Finnish political elite and 
public administration to persuade the Finns towards membership of the 
European Union in the 1990s. The general ideology of interventionism 
may also be used in radical manners, as is shown by the socialization of 
property in the Soviet Union after the revolution, and in the cultural 
revolution of China in the 1970s. In these interventions, the dissident 
citizens were either killed, or imprisoned until they complied with the 
official ideology of the state. 

The radical forms of interventionism tend to be connected with the 
revolutionary perception of equality. According to this perception, all 
groups of people should end up having the same standard of living, 
and all individuals who fall below the average standard of living need 
to be supported by the society (see Toqueville 1969 and chapter 2.1.2). 
This idea means that all people should either have the same salary, or 
the state should use progressive taxation and transfer payments to ensure 
that all receive the same level of income. It also means that all groups 
should reach the same average level of education and have an equal 
number of representatives in positions of management of organizations. 
As this revolutionary equality is given the first priority by the radical 
interventionists, they tend to accept the sacrifice of the formal equality, 
which means the equal treatment of individuals in front of law. In other 
words, the intentional favoring of the members of the disadvantaged 
groups is permitted, even if it might cause discrimination against people 
who do not belong to these groups. This is precisely the idea of reverse 
discrimination, which means the favoring of some groups of people at 
the cost of the "privileged group" (see 2.1.3). According to Harisalo & 
Miettinen, the radical perception of equality tends to lead to a situation, 
in which only strong and well organized interest groups, which are able to 
present their members as disadvantaged, are served by the authorities of 
the welfare states. They are the ones who will receive transfer payments, 
special treatment, and privileges from the administrators. (Harisalo & 
Miettinen 1995, p. 206-210 and 230-233). As the women's feminist 
interest group organizations have substantially more discursive, economic, 
political and social power resources than the masculist organizations, they 
are likely to be able to present women as the discriminated group that 
deserves substantial benefits and favorable treatment from the welfare 



180 



states. In this political game, the masculist organizations are likely to be 
closed outwith the public equality policy, as it is difficult for the public 
officials to understand that the dominators and discriminators (men) could 
possibly be discriminated in some contexts of the society. 



Belief in the superiority of the state and 

administrators compared to citizens 

(from Radical version) 



j^L 



Interventionism 



Wish to identify and to help 
disadvantaged groups 



Moderate 
version 







Manipulation of citizens opinions 
through "educational campaigns" 



Reversed burden of 

proof 
(from Radical version] 



^L 



Reverse discrimination against the 

"advantaged groups" 

(from Radical version) 



V 



Suspicion, envy or hatred 
against the advantaged 
(from Radical version) 



Equality in front of the law is less important 

than the equality of consequences 

(from Radical version) 



A 



Theories of oppressors 

and the oppressed 
(from Radical version) 



Figure 30. The Radical Welfare State Ideology as a Potential Threat to Men. 



The radical interpretation of equality is also commonly connected to envy 
and suspicion against the privileged group. This is supported by Marxist 
and Leninist theories, which claim that the privileged position of the 



181 

richer and better educated people is based on the oppression of the less 
educated and less wealthy groups of people. This kind of hatred against 
upper social classes, appeared in the form of communist terror against 
nobles, business men, land owners, and academic people in the Soviet 
Union after the revolution. The discrimination against the privileged 
groups also appeared in the way in which the Soviet legal system 
tended to put the burden of proof on the defendants, if they belonged to 
the "privileged group" (Harisalo & Miettinen 1995 and chapter 2.1.4). 
These radical developments of the welfare state ideology, may also lead 
to a general hatred against men — who are supposed to be the dominant 
social group — and towards the reversing of the burden of proof, in such 
a fashion that men need to prove their innocence in court (see 2.1.4). All 
of these developments, towards the radical interpretations of the welfare 
state ideology are shown in Figure 30. The more theoretical and moderate 
core of the welfare state ideology is shown at the upper left hand side, and 
the more radical memeplexes at the lower right hand side. 



5.8.4 Mixed scenarios 

The scenarios above have pictured the conservative version of the welfare 
state ideology as the most patriarchal and misogynous, while the potential 
matriarchal and misandric traces of the welfare state ideology have been 
connected to the social democratic and radical left wing ideologies. In 
reality, these scenarios of misogynous and misandric welfare states are 
mere ideal types, and specific, individual welfare states are likely to 
contain elements of both scenarios simultaneously. This dual nature of 
the welfare states is supported by the horizontal segregation of the society 
to the patriarchal and matriarchal subsystems. Under such conditions, 
the patriarchal subsystem is likely to maintain discourses and ideologies, 
which support the male breadwinner model and the supremacy of 
masculine tasks over the feminine. In a similar fashion, the matriarchal 
subsystem of the society is likely to develop femininely and feministically 
biased discourses, which also contain elements that promote the reverse 
discrimination of men and the misandric shaming of men. 

The separate scenarios of patriarchal misogyny and matriarchal 
misandry are also complicated by some mechanisms, which discriminate 



182 

against men in patriarchies, and against women in the more female 
friendly welfare states. An example of patriarchal discrimination 
against men appears in those welfare states, which maintain a system of 
obligatory military service for all men. This system, which severely limits 
the freedom of young men for 6—24 months, is based on the conservative 
stereotype of women as housewives and caretakers of children, which 
suggests that the military duties should be given primarily to men. When 
this belief is combined with the conservative memeplex concerning the 
supremacy of the state compared to the free choices of its citizens, it will lead 
to the conclusion that the state has the right to force its (male) citizens 
into military service, even during peace time. This conclusion, however, 
is not supported in the liberal welfare states, in which young men are 
given a free choice whether they wish to join the military force during 
peace time. 

An example of the misogynous nature of the "female friendly" social 
democratic welfare states appears in the statistics concerning women's 
salaries and the instability of women's careers. For example in Finland, 
almost half of the younger women work under temporary job contracts 
(Veikkola 2002). This is caused by the "female friendly" system of long 
maternity leaves and parental leaves, which make young women a 
liability for employers (assuming that it is mostly the women who use the 
parental leaves). In liberal welfare states, such a problem does not occur, 
as the maternity leaves (and parental leaves) are so short that the costs of 
pregnancy to the employer are far smaller. However, the system of long 
parental leaves could also be implemented in such a fashion that does not 
induce discrimination against female employees (see chapter 5.3.2). 



5.8.5 Preliminary predictions concerning the future 
of gender discrimination in welfare states 

According to the synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution, functional 
pressures will gradually root out those memeplexes which cause severe 
reduction to the economic performance of the society or its organizations. 
This means that discriminative practices will tend to be rooted out, if 
they reduce the economic performance of the society. For example, the 



183 

male breadwinner model is likely to gradually loose its popularity and 
disappear, since it wastes the intellectual capacity of women. Therefore, 
it reduces the economic output of the society, and is doomed to gradual 
extinction. This conclusion is also supported by comparative statistics, 
which show that the participation of women in paid work and political 
decision making is constantly increasing in all welfare states (see 2.2.2). 
This deterioration of the male breadwinner (and female housewife) model 
may also be connected to the loss of popularity of some patriarchal ideas 
that originate from conservativism and patriarchal religions. Although 
conservativism will not disappear, its content is likely to change. For 
example, the conservativism of the 20 th century tends to defend democracy, 
while the conservativism of earlier centuries objected to democracy. In a 
similar fashion, the conservatives of the 21 st century are likely to defend 
women's rights for paid work and voting, even if the conservatives of the 
earlier centuries did not consider these rights as self evident. The content 
of conservative religions is likely to change as an increasing number of 
female priests and theologists begin to question some of the patriarchal 
parts of the religions. 

Another trend in the evolution of the welfare states is the strong 
influence of feminism in the formulation of new laws and policies that 
govern the lives of men and women. This trend has led to the improvement 
of women's substantive status and not only to the acquisition of formal 
equality. Although the advancement of women's status and the reduction 
of the vertical segregation of the society seem to be trends that are easy to 
predict, the future of the discrimination against men is a more difficult 
question. If we assume that conservativism and the male breadwinner 
model are loosing their popularity (or changing their content), we can 
conclude that there will also be increasing pressure against the conservative 
forms of discrimination against men, such as the men's obligatory 
military service. After the collapse of socialism and the ending of the cold 
war, the welfare states of Europe would probably manage with armies 
that are based on a more liberal system, like a combination of national 
guards and a relatively small professional army (the defense system of the 
USA). The reduction of the popularity of the male breadwinner model 
may, however, also lead to the double burden of men, as men need to 
have one career as paid employees, and another career of unpaid work 



184 

at home. Partly due to this double burden, men with children in most 
European welfare states are working longer working weeks than women 
(see 6.3.5). It must also be noted that the entrance of women onto the 
labor market has not changed the traditional male role, which pressures 
men to be tough, persistent, uncomplaining, competitive, wealthy, and 
somewhat rebellious, in such a fashion that they do not subordinate 
themselves to common standards and rules. This male role pressures men 
towards behaviors, which severely harm their health, lowers the average 
educational level of men, and causes a large portion of men to drop 
out of the society due to unemployment, alcoholism, drugs and crime. 
These problems are clear examples of structural gender discrimination. 
However, they may not be recognized as gender discrimination by the 
femocrats of modern welfare states. 

Due to the central importance of the femocrats and feminists in the 
reduction or amplification of the gender discrimination against men, 
the future of the discrimination against men can be best predicted by 
studying the discourses of feminists and femocrats. If these discourses 
emphasize only the improvement of women's status and consider the 
discrimination of men as a conceptual impossibility, this is likely to lead 
to such policies which amplify the discrimination of men, instead of 
reducing it. Another indication of the future of gender discrimination 
against men can be detected by studying the power balance between 
the sexist and antisexist branches of feminism: As noted in chapter 5.5, 
the sexist branches of feminism tend to be more misandric than the 
antisexist branches, which may also contain male friendly discourses. 
A third way to predict the future of discrimination against men, is to 
study those coalition discourses and political coalitions, which promote 
a systematic bias against men. This analysis is performed in chapter 7.6. 



5.9 Summary 

This chapter presented a general theory of gender discrimination, which 
first described the memeplexes that are connected to discrimination, and 
then analyzed the different processes that induce gender discrimination. 
According to the theory, gender discrimination is a complicated 



185 

phenomenon, which is originally caused by the division of societies into 
the spheres of femininity and masculinity. This is likely to lead to the 
strong division between the memeplexes of femininity and masculinity, 
and to the fact that societies tend to develop both a patriarchal and a 
matriarchal subsystem. The core of the patriarchal subsystem has tended 
to be constructed around technical and outdoor tasks, and around 
competitive breadwinning and management activities. The substantially 
smaller matriarchal subsystem has tended to be built around human 
relations, domestic work, childcare, and other care taking activities. 

On a more detailed level, gender discrimination is caused by six primary 
reasons. The first of them is masculism, which is the male interest group 
ideology that causes discrimination against women due to the masculist 
bias, which makes male activists and men's interest group organizations 
likely to prioritize male interests, to perceive men as somewhat superior 
to women, and to be reluctant to fight against the discrimination of 
women. A parallel cause of gender discrimination is feminism, which 
is the female interest group ideology that causes discrimination against 
men due to the feminist bias. This feminist bias is likely to promote the 
prioritization of women's interests over men's interests. It also tends to 
lead to the perception of women and femininity as somehow superior 
compared to men and masculinity. The feminist bias also reduces the 
willingness of women to admit to the existence of discrimination against 
men, or to fight against it. The third cause of gender discrimination is 
the masculine bias, which makes it difficult for men to think from the 
stand point of a woman, and which causes men to be subjective and 
unintentionally selfish due to cognitive, linguistic, communicational, 
emotional and social psychological biases. A parallel for the masculine 
bias is the feminine bias, which is caused by the precisely same human 
biases as the masculine bias. The only difference is that masculine bias 
tends to produce policies and practices that discriminate against women, 
while the feminine bias tends to lead to concepts, discourses and policies 
that discriminate against men. 

The fifth cause of gender discrimination is sexism, which is an ideology 
that exaggerates gender differences in such a fashion that induces structural 
gender discrimination. Sexism is also connected to social status in such a 
fashion that it tends to benefit the men and women of high social status 



186 

(alpha males and females). Due to this strong connection of sexism to 
social status, sexism creates a reason for the alpha males to discriminate 
against the beta males, who deviate from the norms of the correct (alpha) 
masculinity. Due to the coalition of alpha males and females, sexism seems 
to remain an influential paradigm, which appears in memes that promote 
the gentlemanly favoring of women, and the gentlemanly discrimination of 
lower status men by the higher status men. The popularity of these sexist 
memes may be used for predicting and explaining the discrimination 
of (especially lower class) men, even in the sphere of masculinity. For 
example, it can be predicted that male dominated courts and male police 
officers discriminate against male customers by giving female customers 
special benefits for their gender. In a similar fashion, one can predict that 
the middle classed alpha females tend to discriminate against the lower 
status "beta" females, who deviate from the traditional and sexist norms 
of correct femininity, and this discrimination will even occur within the 
matriarchal subsystem of the society (maternity centers, daycare centers, 
social service organizations, etc.). The sixth cause of gender discrimination 
is made of functional selection, which pushes organizations into using 
practices which maximize the growth and chances of organizational 
survival. In modern societies, the most significant mechanism of functional 
selection is financial pressure: If the society has created a legislation which 
gives an initiative to discriminate, for example, against pregnant women 
or women of fertile age in general, it is likely that discriminative practices 
will be common, based on the logic of financial pressure (see 4.3.3). 

Figure 3 1 presents all of these discriminative processes, and shows the 
segregation of the society as one of the root causes of gender discrimination. 
The financial pressure in the figure is partly caused by sexism, which puts 
pressures on consumers and employees to behave in a specific manner. 
This gives public and private organizations an initiative to treat men and 
women in a fundamentally different (sexist) manner both as customers 
and as employees. 



187 



Male dominance in the 
sphere of masculinity 



Masculine bias 



Discrimination of 
women 



Masculist bias 



Masculism 



Horizontal and vertical division 

of the society to the spheres of 

masculinity and femininity 



The social construction of 

the memeplexes of 
femininity and masculinity 




Sexism (mostly 

constructed by alpha males 

and females) 



Functional selection 
(financial pressure) 



Female dominance in 
the sphere of femininity 



Feminine bias 



Discrimination of 
men 




Feminism 



Figure 31. The Central Causes of the Discrimination of Men and Women. 



188 

6 Locating the Patriarchal and Matriarchal 
Subsystems of the Finnish Society 

6.1 Introduction 

6.1.1 Purpose of the chapter 

The purpose of the chapter is to clarify the location of the patriarchal and 
matriarchal subsystems of the society, based on empirical statistics and 
research results concerning the gender distribution of different kinds of 
power resources. The main focus of the chapter is on the distribution and 
gender segregation of power resources in the public sphere. Therefore, 
the main goal of the chapter is to evaluate the hypotheses given in chapter 
5.6, primarily in the context of the Finnish welfare state, but taking into 
account also results from other welfare states, when necessary. This means 
that the chapter will produce mainly results for Finland, while for other 
countries the results should be seen as potential generalizations which 
need additional testing in each country. The secondary purpose of this 
chapter is to take a glance at the gender distribution of power resources 
in the private sphere, in the context of the Finnish society. Although the 
discrimination of men in the private sphere, by their girl friends and 
spouses is a bit out of the scope of a study of administrative science, some 
statistics concerning the private sphere are of vital importance as they 
can be used to evaluate, whether the public organizations that operate in 
the field of equality policy are actually discriminating against men, based 
on the biased feminist paradigm concerning the distribution of power 
in the private sphere. Therefore, this chapter attempts to evaluate the 
radical feminist hypothesis, according to which the private sphere and 
the heterosexual relations between men and women are the most severe 
arena in the domination of men, and the subordination of women. 



6.1.2 Initial hypotheses 

According to chapter 5.2.2, the sphere of masculinity is likely to be 
constructed around the activities and discourses concerning defense, 



189 

industry, technology and economics, while the sphere of femininity is 
likely to be built around care taking and domestic tasks. According to the 
theory, these spheres of femininity and masculinity are likely to also lead 
to the segregation of power resources, in such a fashion that men dominate 
the sphere of masculinity, while women dominate the sphere of femininity 
(5.6). It was hypothesized that the segregation of power resources to these 
spheres is so strong that we may even speak of the sphere of masculinity 
as the patriarchy, and of the sphere of femininity as the matriarchal 
subsystem of the society. On top of this horizontal segregation of the 
society, the model predicts that societies will be segregated vertically, in 
such a fashion that the tasks of upper level management get concentrated 
to men, while women tend to be put in charge of the dull, grass roots 
level routines. This second principle of segregation was formulated into 
two competing hypotheses, one claiming the existence of clear vertical 
segregation, and the other claiming that the gender hierarchy is being 
dramatically reduced in modern welfare states, due to the entrance of 
women into politics and managerial positions. 

In addition to these hypotheses concerning the public sphere, this 
chapter also advances towards the evaluation of the radical feminist 
hypothesis of the oppression of women in Finnish families, and the 
masculist hypothesis concerning the exploitation of men by the "selfish 
women", who use sex as a resource of power for subordinating men (see 
3.5). Related to these hypotheses, it is also possible to draw two more 
hypothesis, according to which the feminist statistics, concerning the 
power resources and status of women, present the women's status as very 
disadvantaged, while the masculist statistics give the image of women as 
the gender which has more power and better status. The statistics and 
research reports produced by official (non-feminist and non-masculist) 
sources are predicted to be in the middle, neither exaggerating the 
women's or men's bad status to such a high extent. 



6.1.3 Research method and research data 

The research method of the study is critical literature analysis. The first 
element of the method is the analysis of official main stream statistics, 
which have then been widely presented, quoted and reviewed by scholars 



190 

of women's studies. The second element, however, is a critical review of 
alternative sources of data that might challenge or question the main 
stream statistics, which are in a hegemonic status. This challenging 
does not necessarily mean that the validity of the official statistics is 
questioned. Instead, it refers to the idea that the official statistics may 
contain a systematic bias, in such a manner that the statistics cover only 
those resources of power that men dominate. This bias in the collection 
of statistics may also be amplified by the way in which scholars of 
gender studies quote and highlight only those statistics which indicate 
male dominance. Therefore, it was necessary to also analyze pieces and 
bits of literature concerning those resources of power, which women 
may dominate. Due to the tension between the main stream literature, 
quoted by scholars of women's studies, and the alternative sources of 
information, the research data of this literature study in this chapter is 
not very consistent. Yet, from a critical perspective, the alternative sources 
of information also needed to be taken into account. In general, the 
research data and available statistics did not provide sufficient information 
for definite conclusions about which gender has more power resources. 
However, it seems to provide a relatively consistent body of findings, 
concerning the segregation of power resources in the spheres of masculinity 
and femininity, as all findings pointed to a relatively coherent direction. 



6.2 The Gender Distribution of Power Resources 
in the Public Sphere 

6.2.1 Operationalization of the power resources 

The typology of power resources, presented in chapter 4.5.3, was adjusted 
due to the fact that power and power resources appear differently in the 
context of the public sphere and in the private sphere. In the public 
sphere, the analysis of the gender distribution of power resources was 
simplified by counting out coercive and sexual power resources, as these 
forms of power play a relatively limited role in the public sphere of the 
modern welfare states: Coercive power is mostly monopolized by the 
state, and this institutionalized coercion is not used in such a manner that 



191 

the male dominance in police and military forces would clearly benefit 
men at the cost of women (or vice versa). Sexual power resources may 
play some role for some women in gaining salary increases and career 
advancements, but this potential phenomenon is already included in 
the statistics concerning salaries and managerial positions. Therefore, 
the counting of sexual power resources as a separate power resource in 
the public sphere would lead to double counting. The distribution of 
economic resources to men and women on the private sphere is also left 
out of the study, since managerial and political positions of power also 
cover this aspect of economic power. 



Resource of 
Power 


Operationalization of the resource, in order to measure the distribution of 
power to men and women 


Quantitative resources of power 


Manpower 


Amount of men and women in organizations 


Managerial 
positions 


Gender distribution of managerial positions. 


Know-how 


Amount of professional and university degrees, and university level teachers. 


Formal positions of 
political power 


Gender distribution of the members of the Finnish parliament, members of the 
cabinet, presidency, and party leaders. 


Social resources of 
power 


Authority, ability to speak up, and status symbols 


Qualitative resources of power 


Informal positions 
of political power 


Amount of liaisons, gate keepers, members in advisory boards, lobbyists, 
propagandists, grey eminences and ideologically committed information producers. 


Implicit 

information 

resources 


Rumors, gossip and other information acquired from social networks. Not included 
in the study. 


Discursive power 
resources 


The quantity and popularity of the rhetoric arsenal that can be used in favor of the 
social group, or against its rivals. Amount and inter sectional popularity of the 
biased memes that favor the social group, or put down its rivals. 



Table 10. The Operationalization of Power Resources in the Public Sphere. 



After these adjustments, the central resources of power in the context of 
the public sphere of modern welfare states were settled to the list presented 
in Table 10. The quantitative and qualitative resources of power do not 
differ from each other in a fundamental theoretical fashion. Instead, this is 
mostly a question of measurement and validity: The quantitative resources 
of power maybe measured relatively well, while the operationalization of 
the qualitative resources of power seems to be more difficult, and related 
to higher problems of validity. Yet, it is possible that some future studies 



192 



will manage to also operationalize the "qualitative" resources of power, in 
such a fashion that their gender distribution may be measured. 



6.2.6 Manpower 



Manpower and womanpower are divided among men and women in 
a relatively equal manner, as about 50% of the Finnish population are 
female. However, manpower and womanpower are highly segregated into 
"masculine" and "feminine" functions and sectors of the society. In the 
domain of paid labor, most fields of organizational activity are segregated 
in such a fashion that the clear majority of employees are either male or 
female. The percentage of male employees, within each sector in the year 
2000, is shown by the table below, which is based on the statistics of 
Tilastokeskus (see Veikkola 2002, p. 60). 



Field of activity 


Percentage of 
male employees 


Social services 


8% 


Healthcare 


14% 


Finance and insurance 


30% 


Education 


33% 


Other public or private services 


38% 


Renting, cleaning and management of buildings 


46% 


Accommodation and restaurants 


46% 


Public administration and defense 


47% 


Trade 


52% 


Communications 


60% 


Technical services and b to b services 


62% 


Agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing 


69% 


Industry 


71 % 


Transportation 


78% 


Construction 


93% 



Table 1 1 . The Segregation of Manpower on the Finnish Labor Market. 



193 

This table indicates that the jobs in social services and healthcare are 
clearly considered as feminine in Finland, and to some extent, also the 
jobs in finance, insurance and education. What is typical to most of these 
tasks is the role of the employee as a customer service person, or as a teacher. 
If the statistics concerning education were given in more detail, we would 
probably notice that there is a strong female dominance among teachers 
within the lower level of education, while men may still have an equal share 
of the positions within universities. 

According to these statistics, the most "masculine" jobs are found in 
construction and transportation, although industry, agriculture, hunting, 
forestry and fishing are also clearly dominated by men. If the statistics 
concerning "public administration and defense" where shown in more 
detail, we would probably see that defense is also a sector which is clearly 
dominated by men. 



6.2.3 Managerial positions of power 

Most directors and managers of organizations in all western countries 
are men, including the modern welfare states. This is also found in the 
statistics concerning the private sector in Finland, as only 26.4% of the 
directors are female. However, the gender distribution varies strongly 
according to the sector of activity, as is shown in the table below 
(Tilastokeskus 2006): 

Construction, industry, trade, maintenance, agriculture, forestry, 
mining, fishing, transportation, warehousing, telecommunications, 
finances, and services to businesses seem to be functions in which the 
organizations are dominated by male managers. However, enterprises 
operating in education, healthcare, accommodation and restaurant 
services are mostly managed by women, even in the private sector. The 
percentage concerning "education and healthcare" has been disaggregated 
by dividing it as an estimate for education (principals, 60%) and healthcare 
(20%), based on figures derived from more accurate sources concerning 
the distribution of managers in the public sector (see below). 



194 





Men 


Women 


Men% 


Construction 


1 533 


219 


88% 


Industry 


12 792 


2 721 


82% 


Trade, maintenance etc. 


8 980 


2 261 


80% 


Agriculture, forestry, mining, fishing 


166 


54 


75% 


Transportation, warehousing, telecommunications 


3 052 


1 030 


75% 


Finance and services to businesses 


9 547 


3 336 


74% 


Services for the society 


2 301 


1 434 


62% 


Education and health care 


917 


1 388 


40% 


Estimate for education (principals) 






60% 


Estimate for healthcare 






20% 


Accommodation and restaurants 


952 


1 987 


32% 


TOTAL 


40421 


14462 


74% 



Table 12. The Segregation of Managerial Power on the Private Sector in 
Finland. 



When only analyzing the statistics concerning the public sector, the 
status of women appears dramatically better, since 47.3% of the 
directors are female. The segregation of the managerial power in the 
public sector is shown in Table 12 (Tilastokeskus 2006). It shows a more 
detailed segregation of managerial positions than the general statistical 
classification of activities, which presents categories that are too large 
such as "public sector and defense" or "education and healthcare", which 
are very hard to analyze from the point of view of the precise gender 
segregation of tasks. 



195 





Men 


Women 


Men% 


Directors of small and medium sized industrial organizations 


14 





1 00% 


Directors of trade 


2 





1 00% 


Directors of construction 


95 


3 


97% 


Directors of transportation, warehousing and telecommunication 


120 


5 


96% 


Directors of industrial production 


109 


7 


94% 


Directors of regional government 


504 


121 


81% 


Chief executive officers 


396 


97 


80% 


Information technology directors 


349 


88 


80% 


Directors of agriculture and forestry 


84 


24 


78% 


Mayors of cities and municipalities 


622 


169 


79% 


Directors of sports and recreation 


90 


27 


77% 


Directors of enterprises on the welfare sector 


141 


43 


77% 


Other directors of expert organizations 


444 


146 


75% 


Directors of cleaning, maintenance and beauty care 


28 


12 


70% 


Directors of purchase and stocks 


40 


18 


69% 


Other directors of line organizations 


201 


91 


69% 


Directors of research and development 


586 


279 


68% 


Directors of central government 


743 


388 


66% 


Sales directors and marketing directors 


220 


139 


61% 


Directors of education, principals 


2 204 


1 541 


59% 


Directors of advertising and communication 


9 


8 


53% 


Directors of finance and administration 


1 391 


1 461 


49% 


Human resource directors 


94 


99 


49% 


Directors of hotels and restaurants 


13 


33 


28% 


Directors of cultural services 


124 


373 


25% 


Directors of social services and healthcare 


680 


3 194 


18% 


TOTAL 


40421 


14462 


53% 



Table 13. The Segregation of Managerial Power on the Public Sector in 
Finland. 



196 

In the public sector, men seem to dominate the functions concerned 
with technology, industry, trade, construction, agriculture and forestry, 
while women dominate in the management of social services, healthcare, 
cultural services, hotels and restaurants. It is also notable that the directors 
of regional government, municipalities and public enterprises tend to be 
male. This supports the hypothesis that line management, in principle, 
belongs to the sphere of masculinity, unless it appears within a function 
or field that is considered clearly feminine. However, this should not be 
confused with the management of functional offices within organizations 
such as human resources, advertising, communications and finance, as 
in these fields about 50% of the directors of public organizations are 
female. Based on the two contrary principles of hierarchal and vertical 
selection, we may deduce that advertising, communication, finance and 
human relations are considered as slightly feminine functions in Finland 
(at least in the public sector) as otherwise they would be dominated by 
men due to the principle of vertical segregation. This hypothesis is in 
line with the traditional belief in women's superior human relations and 
communication skills. The fact that the majority of directors in finance 
and administration are female might also echo the distant past of the 
Old Norse society, in which women were perceived as equal or superior 
concerning their skills to manage property (see 5.3.1). 



6.2.4 Academic and professional know-how 

The segregation of human activities and the labor market has also caused 
the segregation of training in universities and professional institutes. It 
seems that the segregation of the labor market is closely connected to 
the segregation of higher grades achieved in universities and professional 
institutes (see Veikkola 2002). 



197 



Field of knowledge 


Proportion 

of male 

degrees 


Social services and healthcare 


12% 


Customer service professions 


25% 


Pedagogics and teaching 


27% 


Humanistic sciences and art 


29% 


Economics, business and social studies 


44% 


Natural sciences 


54% 


Agriculture and forestry 


70% 


Technology 


82% 


TOTAL 


48% 



Table 14. The Distribution of Professional Knowledge According to 
Professional and University Degrees. 



The field of social services and healthcare is heavily dominated by women, 
while the degrees relating to customer service, teaching, humanistic 
sciences, and art, also belong to the sphere of femininity. Male dominance 
is most heavily recognized in agriculture, forestry and technology. In 
economics, business, social studies, and in natural sciences, the gender 
distribution of students and degrees is relatively equal at the general 
level, but it is likely that these fields are internally segregated to male 
dominated and female dominated topics. For example, within the study 
of economics and business, it is likely that men make up the clear majority 
of the scholars of economics and management, while women are likely to 
dominate the study of accounting. This would also explain why women 
have a very high representation among financial and administrative 
directors, while men seem to dominate the political positions related to 
state finance. 

When analyzing the gender distribution of university level jobs in 
teaching and research, we may notice a strong change between 1990 
and 2002: In 1990, only 32% of the personnel were female, but the 
figure had risen to 45% by the year 2002 (Kurki 2003). This means that 



198 

women have already advanced above men in their knowledge (counted 
by university degrees), and are also rapidly passing men in the number of 
university level researchers and teachers. This seems to show that women 
have at least as much professional information and know-how as men. 
Yet, in the highest level of the professional hierarchy, men still rule. This 
phenomenon is evaluated below, in the context of status symbols and 
authority. 



6.2.5 Formal resources of political power 

Political power is one of the most important forms of power in modern 
welfare states, as the welfare states reaches very far to those areas of the 
society, which have in some countries been managed by families and private 
enterprises. The heavy taxation and notable size of transfer payments also 
increase the significance of political power in welfare states. The most 
explicit and formal positions of power include the presidency, ministers 
of the government, members of the parliament and municipal councils, and 
chairmen of parties. This chapter concentrates on analyzing the general 
distribution and segregation of these positions of power in Finland. 

In modern welfare states, over 20% of the members of the parliament 
are women, by definition (see 2.2.2). In Finland, this figure is 38%, 
meaning a relatively high level of female representation. In municipal 
councils, this figure varies from 8% in the rural and peripheral Enontekio 
to the 52% in Espoo, which is a city right next to the capital of Finland. If 
we assume that new trends appear first in the capital area, we may deduce 
that the new trend in Finnish politics is towards full equality between 
men and women in the distribution of seats in the municipal councils. 
The trend towards women's higher power in politics is also shown by the 
fact that on the level of the government (the cabinet), women in Finland 
have 12 of the 20 minister positions, which totals to 60% of the positions 
of power. 

However, the general equalization of political power has not removed 
the segregation of political power from the government and from the 
functional organs that work under the municipal councils (lautakunnat). 
In the government, men have tended to control the position of the 



199 

prime minister, and hold the minister positions within defense, foreign 
policy, trade and commerce and state finances, while women have tended 
to dominate the ministries of social services, healthcare, culture and 
education. 66 In the municipal organs, the segregation is very similar, as 
men dominate the boards that relate to technical issues, while women 
have a very strong position within healthcare and social services (Finnish 
Government 1999, p. 9). Women also have an increasing representation 
in environmental issues and employment, which is shown by the fact that 
the present ministers of these functions are female. 

When analyzing the presidency, we may note that the president in 
Finland has been a female since the year 2000 (Tarja Halonen), and the 
president of the Supreme Court is also a woman (Pauliine Koskelo). The 
chairmen of the parties are mostly men, since the Green party, with Tarja 
Cronberg, is the only exception after Suvi-Anne Siimes of the left wing 
coalition (Vasemmistoliitto) quit her job in 2005. 



6.2.6 Social resources of power 

The social resources of power are a wide category of resources of power, 
and it is partially overlapping with other kinds of power such as managerial 
and political positions of power. In this chapter, the operationalization of 
social resources of power aims to focus on those aspects of social power 
which are not already covered by other types of power resources. The 
social resources of power handled in this chapter are authority, the ability 
to speak up, and the availability of status symbols. 



6.2.6.1 Authority 

Authority is mostly a resource of power, which is directly connected to the 
positions of managerial or political power. Therefore, its analysis might 
lead to the double counting of power resources, unless the analyses focus 
on those traits and tendencies which are not connected to managerial 



66 See the pages of the Finnish government, http://www.valtioneuvosto.fi/hallitus/ 
jasenet/fi.jsp 



200 

positions or formal positions of political power. In order to avoid this 
double counting, this chapter focuses on the examination of academic 
authority, which mainly exists outside political and managerial power. 
Another perspective to status and authority is given by the empirical 
findings, concerning the usage of male and female experts in different 
fields of expertise. 

When analyzing the top positions of authority in the academic 
hierarchy, we may see that women only hold about 20% of the professor 
positions in Finland (Kurki 2003). Although this figure is one of the 
highest in Europe, it is still a very small one compared to the 80% of 
the positions held by men. However, the positions of professors are also 
horizontally segregated: In the field of natural sciences and technology, 
women held only 8% of the professor positions in the year 2002. In 
the field of humanistic sciences, the figure was 31%, in social sciences 
23%, and in healthcare 21% (Ibid.). Even these figures may hide some 
strong variations within the mentioned fields: In the social sciences, 
for example, the study of politics and government seems to be strongly 
male dominated, 67 while women have a substantially higher level of 
representation among the professors in the fields of social work, social 
policy, and women's studies. 68 

Another measure for the general distribution of authority between 
men and women is the gender distribution of expertise in television. 
According to the "Screening Gender" study of five modern welfare states, 
the vast majority of interviewed experts and lecturers in TV are male 
(YLE 2000, p. 8). 



67 For example, no female professors in this field at the University of Helsinki. 

68 According to the employee list of the University of Lapland, the faculty has 
four female professors and two male professors teaching social work. On top of this, 
it must be noted that one of the male professors is an emeritus, and in addition to the 
professors, there is also one female professor level lecturer. This means that 66%— 80% of 
the professors in social work are effectively female. In the field of women's studies, 100% 
of the professors are female. See http://www.ulapland.fi/ 



201 



Country 


Proportion 
of men 


Sweden 


72% 


Denmark 


89% 


Norway 


87% 


Netherlands 


89% 


Finland 


78% 



Table 15. Proportion of men out of interviewed experts and lecturers in 
TV. 

When these figures are compared to the fact that women hold more 
academic degrees than men in Finland, we may conclude that male 
experts and lecturers are given extra authority and credibility, based 
on their gender. Alternatively, the high level of men, out of the experts 
and lecturers, may be explained by the fact that the male dominated or 
"masculine" fields of expertise are generally valued more highly than the 
feminine. As these findings do not contain information on the gender 
segregation of authority, we need to take a brief look at some other 
findings concerning the gender segregation of authority. For example, 
according to Kantola, almost 99% of the high status consultants and 
experts concerning finance and economics are male in Finland (see 
Kantola 2002, p. 73). This male dominance in finance and economics 
is matched with the female dominance within equality politics, since 
about 100% of the listed equality experts and lecturers are female in 
Finland. 69 As systematic statistics, concerning the horizontal segregation 
of authority, are missing, we will have to use the gender segregation of 
professional expertise, and the ability of men and women to speak up, as 
indications of the segregation of authority. 



69 An example of the concentration of expertise on equality policy for women is 
found on the list of 22 equality trainers, created by Eurofem, see http://www.eurofem. 
net/valtavirtaan/valmentajat.html. According to the list, 100% of the trainers on this 
field are female. 



202 



6.2.6.2 Ability to speak up 



According to several studies within the field of gender studies, women 
are entitled less presence and ability to speak up than men, at least in 
the public sphere (see Brooks 1982 and Smith-Lovin & Brody 1989, 
p. 424). This conclusion gains support from the statistics from the 
Screening Gender report, introduced in the previous chapter. According 
to the report, women have only 31% of the speaking time in television 
programs, and 32% of the total presence in television, counted as 
the proportion of female participants in the programs out of all the 
participants in the programs (YLE 2000, p. 11). The figures concerning 
the female participation in programs are shown below, as these figures are 
more complete than the partially missing figures concerning the speaking 
time. 



Female participation in 
programs (percentage of 
participants) 


Denmark 

(81 h) 


Finland 

(55 h) 


Netherlands 

(35 h) 


Germany 

(32 h) 


Sweden 

(68 h) 


Norway 

(100 h) 


Information 


32 


44 


21 


31 


33 


25 


News 


25 


34 


26 


16 


37 


33 


Other 


46 


29 


34 


39 


-- 


37 


Documentary 


22 


45 


31 


16 


25 


42 


Entertainment 


26 


43 


33 


35 


44 


31 


Culture 


20 


37 


26 




39 


28 


Religious 




-- 


27 


20 


-- 


40 


Children and youth 


42 


61 


36 


-- 


51 


39 


Sports 


13 


16 


3 


2 


14 


10 


Drama 


32 


40 


38 


41 


39 


36 


TOTAL % 


28 


36 


22 


29 


36 


31 



Table 16. The Gender Segregation of Media Presence in Northern Welfare 
States. 



The table shows that men dominate speech in all genres, except those 
programs targeted at children and youth. In this category, women have 
61% of the media presence in Finland and 51% in Sweden. In most 
genres and in most countries, men control about 60—70% of the presence 
in media. In the genre of sports programs, 84% of media presence is 
given to men. These figures also suggest that the media presence and 
ability to speak up may be horizontally segregated. 



203 

Although women have a clearly weaker ability to speak up in 
television, this is balanced by the fact that over two thirds of the scholars 
of journalism are women in Finland. The majority of the members of 
the journalists in the Finnish Association of Journalists have also been 
female since 1996, and the same is also happening in Sweden 70 . In the 
association for journalists of the weekly magazines (SAL), 60% of the 
members are women. This seems to show that women do have a chance 
to "speak up", at least in the printed media. When analyzing the positions 
of highest authority and influence in the print media, we may see that 
most editors of the newspapers are men, but almost 50 % of the members 
of the association for chief editors of weekly magazines are women. This 
relatively high degree of gender equality in the ability to speak up in the 
print media is matched by a strong gender segregation: Male journalists 
tend to specialize in "hard" topics such as national politics, municipal 
politics, economics, crime, accidents, army and police, while female 
journalists tend to concentrate on "soft" topics like education, social 
services, healthcare, children, youth, daycare, unemployment, taxes and 
food (Tiitinen 2007, p. 68). 

According to some feminist scholars of women's studies, the male 
dominance in the media is matched by male dominance of speech in 
small groups 71 . This conclusion, however, was challenged by a larger 
sample study of Beattie (1982), which showed equal distribution of 
interruptions among genders. This relatively equal ability to speak up 
and be listened to, however, may appear to be just the general tendency. 
According to the general theory of gender discrimination, the ability to 
speak up, and to be listened and understood, is also strongly segregated 
in such a fashion that men control speech in some contexts, while women 
dominate in others. The last paragraphs of this chapter relate to those 
contexts in which women seem to have a better chance of speaking up 
and being listened to. 

According to the Finnish equality barometer, 35% of male students 
and 24% of female students have felt discriminated against, due to the 
fact that the opposite gender is dominating the conversations at class 
(Melkas 2004, p. 27). When these figures are combined with the fact 



70 See www.journalistilehti.fi, archive, issue 4/2006 

71 See Zimmerman & West 1975 



204 

that the vast majority of teachers are female in Finland, we may come 
to the preliminary conclusion that the Finnish schools, observed from 
the point of view of students, form a context in which women and girls 
somewhat dominate the discourses. This finding is an anomaly to the 
general theories of the male supremacy, according to which men and 
boys dominate in all social settings, in all countries. Another context in 
which women may have a dominant ability to speak up and be listened 
to, is made of the social services, maternity guidance centers, and public 
healthcare services targeted to children and their parents. 

For example, when parents go to a dentist, nurse or psychologist 
with their child in Finland, it is possible that the (female) dentist, nurse 
or psychologist will not pay any attention to the father, or ask for his 
opinion in any issue. 72 Also, when men interact with social workers, the 
communication seems to contain a lot of friction and misunderstanding 
(Forsberg 1995, p. 142, Kuronen 1995, p. 116, and Antikainen 2004, 
p. 3). This seems to lead to the tendency of the female employees to skip 
the gossip with men and not to give any encouragement to men to speak 
up. These gendered practices dramatically reduce the chances of men 
to be valued and understood when they interact with social service and 
healthcare organizations. Similar mistreatment of the "wrong" gender may 
easily appear, when women enter the organizations that operate in the 
sphere of masculinity. In order to confirm these qualitative observations, 
some additional quantitative studies would be needed though. 



6.2.6.3 Social status symbols 

Money and positions of power are status symbols. In order to avoid double 
counting, however, this chapter concentrates on those status symbols that 
are not so clearly monetary in their nature. According to (Jagatay (1998, 
p. 11) and Lizardo (2005), men tend to devote a lot of their time in 
acquiring status symbols which give them more credibility in the public 



72 This perception is based on my own observations as the father of three children, 
visiting the municipal parental guidance centers together with my wife and children. This 
overemphasis with the mother — child relations is also revealed by the legacy of calling 
the parental guidance centers as "maternal guidance centers", and by the studies of Jaana 
Vuori(2001). 



205 

sphere, while women, especially in the wealthier countries, use luxury 
products, leisure activities, and leisure services as status symbols. These 
findings seem to support Holter's idea that masculinity is the symbol of 
paid work, while femininity is the symbol of leisure, consumption and 
domesticity (Holter 1995, p. 102). From this tentative model, we may 
predict that men tend to seek for expensive cars, laptops and mobile 
phones, or corporate status symbols such as large rooms, reserved parking 
places, permission to fly on business class, and expensive courses and 
seminars. Women, on the other hand, would seek for status symbols 
such as expensive clothes, jewellery, accessories, cosmetics, beauty care 
treatments and plastic surgery. 

This segregation of status symbols, however, maybe more closely related 
to the earlier societies of the industrial age, and less clearly to modern 
welfare states, in which women also participate in the labor market, and 
to higher trained expert jobs and managerial positions. Therefore, it is 
not possible to draw definite conclusions on these phenomena without 
additional studies concerning the gender distribution and segregation of 
status symbols. 



6.2.7 The qualitative resources of power in the public sphere 

6.2.7.1 Introduction 

The line between quantitative and qualitative resources of power is not 
explicit. Instead, it seems to be a practical and methodological one: 
When some resources of power are measured, the operationalization 
and quantification of the resource of power may become somewhat 
biased, so that the validity of the measurement may be questioned. For 
example, the classification of the social resources of power as quantitative 
resources may be questioned due to the methodological problems related 
to the measurement of men's and women's ability to speak up in society. 
Although social resources of power were still classified as quantitative, 
this chapter focuses on those resources of power which are even more 
difficult to operationalize and quantify: The discursive power, and the 
informal political power. The categorization of these resources of power 



206 



as qualitative is not an ontological statement, as it may be possible to 
develop operationalizations, which give a good, quantitative picture of 
the distribution of these resources of power between men and women in 
different sectors of the society. 



6.2.7.2 Discursive resources of power 

Discursive resources of power refer to the rhetoric arsenal that consists 
of those memes and discourses that can be used in favor of a social 
group, or against its rivals. Discursive power is also directly related to 
the amount and intersectional popularity of those biased memes that 
favor the social group, or put down its rivals (see 4.5.3). Although this 
definition could possibly be operationalized into a quantitative form, 
measuring the amount of biased memes and their popularities, it seems 
easiest to consider discursive power as a qualitative resource of power. 
Therefore, we may simply estimate that men seem to dominate certain 
discourses, while women dominate others. For example, according to 
Acker and Rantalaiho, men tend to dominate the discourses concerning 
defense, state finance, industry, and blue collar labor unions, while 
women dominate the discourses concerning healthcare, social services 
and equality policy 73 As this idea of the segregation of discursive power 
is relatively widely accepted, and also coherent with the distribution of 
professional know-how (see 6.2.4), no additional empirical evidence is 
presented here. 

Another order of discourse, in which women may dominate, is made 
of human relations and morality. According to Gordon, women exercise 
the "power to forbid" in Finland, and this relates to the superior ability 
of women to define, forbid and sanction immoral behaviors (Gordon 
1992, see Rantalaiho 1994). This dominance of women in the discourses 
concerning norms and morality, seems to be a phenomenon of the modern 
society, as in the ancient and medieval times when men were considered 
the morally stronger gender. The discursive and memetic evolution of 
women's strong position in normative and moral issues has been analyzed 
in more detail in chapter 7. 

73 See Acker 1992; Rantalaiho 1994, p. 25-26, and Silius 1995, p. 61-64 



207 

6.2.7.3 Informal political power 

Informal political power means the ability to influence political and 
administrative decision making without holding formal positions 
of political power (see 4.5.3). In order to avoid double counting, this 
chapter only focuses on the informal political power of men's and women's 
organizations and networks — not on the discursive power (6.2.7.2) or 
professional authority (6. 2. 6.1), which also affect political and administrative 
decisions. According to Nousiainen, Finland is a corporativist society, in 
which most political issues are prepared and preliminarily settled by the 
interest group organizations which connect to the public administration 
through different liaison mechanisms such as advisory boards (see 
Nousiainen 1992, p. 111—113). This means that a lot of political power 
may be hidden or informal, in such a fashion that the statistics concerning 
the formal political power do not reveal the full truth. 

In Finland, the male dominated business organizations are connected 
to male dominated associations and male dominated ministries (see). 
This strong influence of the male "grey eminences" and male dominated 
interest group organizations particularly appears in the political decision 
making, concerning the defense, internal affairs, commerce and industry, 
agriculture and forestry, and state finance. Just like the professional 
authority and discursive power are concentrated towards men in these 
sectors, men also dominate the lobbying power and information warfare 
capacity. For example, in the sector of commerce and industry, there are 
several strong male dominated organizations such as EVA, Sitra and STK 
— and not a single female dominated organization. Women's organizations 
also have a very weak connection to the ministries in the male dominated 
sectors. This all means that men dominate not only the formal political 
positions of power in these sectors, but also the informal positions. 

In a similar fashion, the female dominated public bureaucracies in 
the field of social services, healthcare and equality policy are strongly 
connected to women's organizations, and to the ministry social services and 
health. There are also special advisory boards and networks of authorized 
professionals in these fields (see 6.2.6.1). This means that the decision 
making in the field of social services, healthcare and equality policy tends 
to be female dominated, except for those issues in which the ministry 
of finance, and the political discourses of fiscal policy put a limit to this 



208 

female dominance. This limiting nature of fiscal policy mostly appears in 
the amount of (wo)manpower that the female dominated organizations 
are likely to get — not in the content of the policy of the organizations. 
A good example of this concentration of informal power to women is 
the equality policy. Trie Finnish equality policy is officially formulated 
by the government, but in practice, it is very strongly affected by the 
TANE, which is the advisory board of the equality policy. Although the 
formal political positions of power in TANE are divided between men 
and women relatively equally, the secretary general of the organization 
has always been a woman. The policies of TANE are also very strongly 
influenced by women's organizations, which have two permanent seats 
in the advisory board, while men's organizations have none. Although 
TANE is just an "advisory board", it plays a fundamentally important role 
in the Finnish equality policy: According to Holli, most of the initiatives 
of women's organizations have succeeded, if they have first gained the 
support of TANE (Holli 2002). Therefore, the 2—0 dominance of women's 
organizations in TANE, is a fundamental loss to men's organizations, 
as this reduces their ability to get their initiatives taken seriously in the 
Finnish equality policy. 

The female dominance over the informal positions of political power in 
these fields is also connected to the fact that many women's organizations 
in these sectors have gradually gained the status of public organization 
— although they were originally clearly women's organizations. This has 
appeared especially in the field of protection, support and healthcare 
relating to children and lower social status women. 74 This means that 
some public organizations still carry the cultural legacy of maternalist 
women's organizations of the early 20 th century, although the Finnish 
laws, concerning good administrative practices, would require that they 
maintain a culture and set of practices that put both genders in an equally 
good position. 

It is important to see how the formal and informal political power 
resources are intertwined, and how this system is also connected to the 
tendency of discursive power and professional authority to be concentrated 
to men in male dominated sectors, such as commerce and industry, and 
to women in female dominated sectors such as social services and equality 
policy. This concentration of informal political power to women in the 

74 See Rantakiho 1994, Anttonen 1994, Saarinen 1994 and Ollila 1994. 



209 



Finnish equality policy and social services is illustrated by Figure 32. The 
grey area in the middle, represents lobbying, informal political influence, 
and discursive power. 



Public healhcare and childcare 



Social service organizations 



Stakes 



The Equality unit in the Ministry 
of social affairs and health 




Finnish government * 



Women's philantrophic organizations 



Femimst women's organizationstions 



Women's divisions of 
political parties 



Faculties of women's studies 



Finnish political parties 



European Women's Lobby 



Figure 32. Concentration of Informal Political Power to Women in Equality 
Policy and Social Services. 



The thick arrows represent the most influential forms of informal power 
that women dominate: As noted earlier, only women's organizations are 
permitted to nominate representatives to the Finnish advisory board of 
equality (TANE). This has a substantial effect on the equality policy and 
on the Finnish legislation, in all issues that are of interest to women. It 
is also a fact that only women have special women's divisions in political 
parties. According to Holli, these divisions have been very successful in 
raising women's interests to the agendas of political parties (see Holli 
2002, p. 141). Similar gendered mechanisms for raising men's gender 
equality problems to the agenda of political parties do not exist. The 
organizations such as the European Women's Lobby and UNIFEM have 
also specialized in the advancement of women's interests. Men's right 
organizations and father's right organizations have not managed to create 
similar institutions that would concentrate on the reduction of men's 
equality problems. 



210 

The female dominance in "women's issues" may gradually pose a 
potential threat to men. For example, according to Borchorst, more and 
more "women's issues" are actually equality issues, which have a strong 
impact on men's rights and on men's standard of living. Therefore, it 
would be only fair if men were given equal political power in those issues 
that affect themselves (Borchorst 2001). 



6.3 Resources of Power in the Private Sphere 
6.3.1 Solving the Problems of Operationalization 

In the context of the private sphere, the analysis of the distribution of 
power resources is difficult, as all resources of power seem to be attached 
together, in a fashion that makes their measurement very difficult. The 
distribution of power resources to men and women in the private sphere 
is based on Table 5. From this framework, the central resources of power 
that have significance in the context of a heterosexual couple are given 
in Table 17. 



Resource of 
Power 


Operationalization of the gender distribution of the power resources 


Economic power 
resources 


Gender distribution of income (including public and private transfer payments), 
wealth, and private consumption. 


Coercive power 
resources 


Gender distribution in the fear of the violence perpetrated by one's intimate partner, 
Gender distribution of the incidence of intimate partner violence in heterosexual 
couples. 


Sexual power 
resources 


Indirect measurement: a) Strength of the sex drive (comparing men and women), 
b) Value of personal gifts, benefits and transfer payments acquired due to ones 
gender. 


Social power 
resources 


Ability to speak up and be listened to in a heterosexual couple. 


Information and 
know-how 


Intelligence, experience and ability to get information on important issues that relate 
to the couple. 


Discursive power 
resources 


The quantity and popularity of the rhetoric arsenal that can be used in favor of the 
man or woman in the couple. 



Table 1 7. The Relevant Resources of Power in the Private Sphere. 



211 

In this operationalization, the political and managerial positions of power 
have been left out, as the formal position of the man or the woman as 
the "head of the family" seems to be an aggregate result of the other 
resources of power. "Manpower" is also irrelevant, as there is precisely one 
man and one woman in the heterosexual couples of the modern welfare 
states (which do not permit polygamy). Despite these simplifications, 
the typology of the power resources in the private sphere contains several 
problems relating to the double counting of the resources. For example, 
the sexual power resources of women, according to the masculist theories, 
are converted to gifts and monetary benefits that women receive from 
men, either during the courting phase or after the wedding (see 3.5). 
Yet, the private transfer payments inside a heterosexual couple already 
include the gifts and other financial benefits received from one's partner. 
The measurement of the sexual and coercive power resources is also very 
difficult, as they are fundamentally social constructions. For example, the 
higher sex drive of men may be a social construction, and its implications 
to the status of men and women in couples is another construction that 
depends on the cultural context. In a similar fashion, the physical power 
resources of men and women can not be simply evaluated by simply 
measuring the volume of muscular tissue of men and women: The higher 
physical strength of men may be turned either to an advantage for men, 
or to a disadvantage for men, depending on legislation and administrative 
practices. 

Due to these kinds of problems, it is suggested that the distribution of 
power resources inside a heterosexual couple is measured indirectly, using 
the equal or unequal status of men and women in couples as an indicator 
of the distribution of the resources of power. Below is a proposal for 
an "equality barometer" for the private sphere, aiming to operationalize 
the relative status of men and women within heterosexual couples in 
the context of the modern welfare states. This barometer may be used, 
both for the evaluation of the distribution of power resources, and as 
an estimate for the frequency and severity of gender discrimination that 
might appear inside families. 



212 



Resource of Power 


Operationalization of the status of men and women in the 
context of the private sphere 


Economic, sexual, discursive and 
coercive power resources counted 
together 


Gender distribution of wealth 


Gender distribution of income (including salaries and transfer 
payments), or the distribution of private consumption on personal 
goods and services. 


Gender distribution of the fear of interspousal violence, and the 
gender distribution of the incidences of violence. 


Gender distribution of free time in contrast to the time used for paid 
work, commuting, domestic work, studying, and charity work. 


Ability to speak up in a relationship. 


Ability to leave one's relationship without severe financial or 
psychological injuries. 



Table 1 8. The Distribution of Power in Heterosexual Couples. 



6.3.2 Wealth 



According to Mariko Chang, the gender distribution of wealth has been 
given surprisingly little attention in sociology (Chang 2001). The same 
seems to also apply to gender studies, especially in the context of the 
modern welfare states, since the scholars of gender studies tend to skip 
the statistics concerning the welfare states, and concentrate on analyzing 
the bad status of women in the developing countries. For example, in 
Finnish literature, very little is written on the gender distribution of 
income: According to Veikkola, the ownership of property is gendered, 
and the largest debts are concentrated towards men (Veikkola 2002). Due 
to the lack of information concerning the gender distribution of wealth 
in Finland, the topic needs to be approached through the use of rough 
estimates and deduced information. According to Tilastokeskus, the vast 
majority of the wealth of Finnish households is made of apartments, houses 
and summer cottages (Tilastokeskus 2007). These are typically jointly 
owned by the adults of the family, meaning that men and women usually 
own an equal share of the property. Another important form of property 
is made of the stocks of enterprises owned directly by entrepreneurs. This 
form of property seems to be concentrated towards men, who make up 



213 

the vast majority of entrepreneurs. However, the negative side effect of 
the concentration of entrepreneurship towards men is the fact that most 
people, with life sized debts due to bankruptcies, are men in Finland 
(Veikkola 2002 and Jokinen 2002). 

Another source of information, for the gender distribution of wealth 
in Finland, is made of foreign studies. Although some organizations such 
as Womankind Worldwide estimate that women own only 1% of the 
wealth and property in the world, on a global scale (UNIFEM 2008), 
these are only estimates and they do not relate especially well to the 
welfare states. Better benchmarks for Finland are the statistics concerning 
the USA and Great Britain. According to the Federal Reserve Board of 
the USA, Women now control 51.3 percent of personal wealth in the 
United States (Greenspan 2002). In Great Britain, the women's share of 
all personal property is presently 48%. The factors that have raised the 
women's share of the property are women's increased level of education, 
and women's higher life time expectancy. 

Based on this study of statistics, it seems that Finnish women own 
roughly 50% of the personal property in Finland. This is difficult to 
verify, however, as sufficient statistics can not be found from the archives 
of Tilastokeskus, and if they do exist, they have not been quoted by the 
scholars of gender studies. 



6.3.3 Income and consumption 

The measurement of the gender distribution of income is difficult, as 
income may be earned in the form of salaries, public transfer payments, 
private transfer payments, or in the form of property based income. Due 
to the plurality of the sources of income, it is insufficient to concentrate 
in the gender distribution of salaries, which is a highly studied and 
published topic in Finland. Although women who do full time work tend 
to earn only 80% of the salary of an average male full time worker, this 
difference in income may be balanced by the other forms of income. 

For example, according to Laasanen, women are able to enjoy a double 
salary based on the sexual power that they have on men (Laasanen 2007, 
see also 3.5). This leads to the hypothesis that women receive more gifts 



214 

and higher monetary transfer payments from men than vice versa during 
the courting phase of the relationship, and possibly even during long time 
partnerships. This hypothesis could be tested by measuring the average 
volume and value of gifts and monetary benefits that men and women 
give to each other. Such studies, however, seem to be missing in the body 
of gender studies. Another type of private transfer payments, would be the 
custody payments that the remote custodian pays to the near custodian 
or the single custodian after the divorce of a couple. According to the 
statistics of Tilastokeskus, about 85% of the children of divorced parents 
live with their mother after divorce (Tilastokeskus 1994:5 p. 61). This 
means that women receive a far larger share of the custody payments 
than men, and this income of women should be subtracted from the net 
income of men, if incomes were to be compared in a detailed level. 

Even the public transfer payments to men and women are not included 
in the Finnish statistics concerning the gender distribution of income. This 
is a clear insufficiency, as many transfer payments such as the maternity 
payment (aitiysraha) and the child allowance payment (lapsilisa) are paid 
only to women. Women may also receive more habitation allowance 
(asumislisa), based on the assumption that they are the main custodians 
of children. On the other hand, the Finnish statistics show that men 
make up the majority of the receivers of the social welfare payments, 
paid by the municipal social service organizations (Veikkola 2002). The 
insufficient nature of the information concerning transfer payments is 
not special for Finland, as in international studies this seems to also be a 
very rarely researched topic (see Gornick 2005). The flow of income that 
is based on the ownership of property is also missing from the gendered 
statistics. This is a severe defect, as it is possible that the ownership of 
stocks is gradually concentrating towards women. 

A potential way to solve all problems relating to the difficulties in 
measuring income, would be the switch to the analysis of consumption 
instead of income. This would also be theoretically interesting, as Holter's 
theory suggests that men have become the symbol of earning, while women 
and femininity are attached to consumption (see 3.3). This means that it 
would be interesting to test the hypothesis, according to which, women 
have a higher degree of consumption on private goods and services than 
men. Such studies, however, are not available, at least in Finland. Due 



215 

to the lack of statistics concerning the gender distribution of public and 
private transfer payments, wealth and consumption, we do not actually 
have any idea of the gender distribution of income or consumption in 
Finland. This means that the radical feminist theory of the bad status of 
women can not be supported, or refuted without additional studies. 



6.3.4 Fear of violence 

and the incidence of intimate partner violence 

The fear of violence in the private sphere is a factor that severely reduces 
the general happiness of the person who is afraid. Therefore, the gender 
distribution in the fear of violence may be used as an indicator of the 
equality of the status of men and women in a relationship. The fear of 
violence is also a better measure for the gender relations between men and 
women, as it is possible that women perpetrate as many acts of physical 
violence against men as vice versa, but men still suffer from less fear from 
the attacks due to the gender difference in physical strength. 

According to the study of the governmental Optula institute in Finland, 
about 2.4% of women and 1.8% of men are afraid of the violence of their 
partner, in the context of a heterosexual couple. This means that about 
60% of the ones, who are afraid, are women. This result is important 
as it shows that the fear of intimate partnership violence is very rare in 
Finland, and that almost half of the ones who are afraid of this violence 
are men. This result is in sharp contrast with the discourses, which claim 
that intimate partnership violence is very common, and that it is almost 
synonymous to men's violence against women (see 7.3.2.4 and 7.4.2). 
In order to reveal the problematic nature of the statistics concerning the 
incidence and gender distribution of violence, a systematic collection 
of all available empirical statistics concerning the gender distribution of 
intimate partnership violence is presented in Table 19. The first column 
of the table reports the source of the information, and the second column 
describes the definition of violence and method of inquiry used. The 
next columns contain information on the incidence of violence against 
men and women, measured as incidents or as victimization percentages. 
The last column contains the calculated proportion of women out of 



216 

the victims. In those figures, which measure the perpetration of intimate 
partnership violence by men and women, the figures concerning 
victimization are counted based on the assumption that women's 
intimate partner violence is targeted against men, and men's intimate 
partner violence is targeted against women (see italics). This assumption 
eases the calculation of comparable values, but reduces the validity of the 
figures as it does not take into account the appearance of intimate partner 
violence in homosexual couples. The results are sorted in a fashion that 
begins with the more general and less severe forms of violence, advancing 
towards homicide. If the same study has been performed several times, 
only the newest available figure is presented: 



Source 


Collection of data and definition of violence 


Male 
victims 
per year 


Female 
victims per 

year 


Female 
victims 

% 


Siren & al. 

(2007, p. 4) 


National Victimological Survey: Incidence of 
physical forms of domestic violence among people 
15-74 years old Data from year 2003. 


0.2% 


1.1% 




Siren & al. 

(2007, p.4) 


National Victimological Survey: Incidence of 
physical "intimate partner and acquaintance 
violence" among people 15-74 years old. Data from 
year 2003. 


1.6% 


1.2% 


32% 


Meminen, Heloma & 
PihlajamaM (2008) 


The European Delphi Study, in which the incidence 
of punches among young couples was studied in a 
survey targeted to young men. 


14% 
(per life- 
time) 


1% 
(per life- 
time) 


6% 


Steigmetz 1981 


A survey study with the CTS method 


- 


- 


50 % 


Police statistics 
2000-2004 


Instances of mild forms of mterspousal violence 
that have been reported to police per year. 


5J 


508 


90% 


Police statistics 
2000-2004 


Instances of moderate or "common" interspousal 
violence that have been reported to police per year. 


106 


1180 


92% 


Suominen 
(2005, p. 31) 


Survey, in which a random sample of the adult 
population was asked whether they had been 
victimized by physical domestic violence during the 
last 12 months. 


3% 


6% 


67% 


Optula (2003) 


Survey to a random sample of people asking about 
their feelings of fear and worry concerning the 
physical violence of one's partner 


0.8% 


1.2% 


60% 


Police statistics 2000- 
2004 (Lattila 2001) 


Instances of severe interspousal violence that have 
been reported to police per year 


5J 


81 


= 60 % 


Stakes (2005) 


Interspousal assaults requiring hospital treatment as 
recorded by hospitals to the governmental Hilmo 
register 2002-2003. 


266 


131 


35% 


Lehti (2002, p. 45) 


Attempted manslaughters and murders as recorded 
to the Police register (1998-2000) 


- 


- 


69% 


Lehti (2002, p. 45) 


Completed manslaughters and murders as recorded 
to the Police register (1998-2000) 


4 


23 


85 % 


Equality Barometer 
(Nieminen 2008) 


Survey to Finnish adults, asking about the fear for 
intimate partner violence 


4 


2 


33% 



Table 19. Figures measuring the gender distribution of intimate partner 
violence. 



217 

Although the percentage of women out of the victims varies from 
6% to 92%, the statistics still give relatively good support to the idea 
that approximately 60% of the ones who fear for the violence of their 
partner are women: In the categories of attempted manslaughter, severe 
interspousal violence, and in some CTS studies, the percentage of 
women out of the victims seems to be very close to this figure of 60%. 
An alternative interpretation of these statistics is that we really do not 
have a good idea of the gender distribution of intimate partner violence, 
as there is so much variance in the concepts and figures concerning the 
incidence and gender distribution of violence. 



6.3.5 The gender distribution of free time 

According to Nancy Frasier, a society of justice will allocate free time 
equally between the genders (Frasier 2000, see Julkunen 2002). In order 
to evaluate the fairness of the distribution of free time among genders, it 
is important to concentrate on families with two adults, or to compare the 
availability of free time for male and female single custodians. This choice 
of emphasis is based on the fact that single men and women have the 
right to clean up their home as much or as little as they wish, according 
to their own choices. Also, it is pragmatic to concentrate on people with 
relatively small children, as this is the phase of life when free time is a 
scarce resource, and its equal division between the genders is maximally 
important. The division of free time and labor among senior citizens is 
not crucial, as senior citizens tend to have a sufficient amount of free 
time, and even if we might find a statistical discrimination against female 
senior citizens in the availability of free time, this would be an indicator 
of an attitude problem which is already passing away. 

According to the Eurostat Study "Time use at different stages of life", 
men with young children have less free time than their spouses in most 
European countries (Eurostat 2003). 



218 



Country 


Women's daily work (min) 


Men's daily work (min) 


Difference (min) 


Belgium 


488 


574 


86 


Norway 


496 


547 


51 


France 


502 


552 


50 


Netherlands 


491 


527 


36 


UK 


512 


546 


34 


Sweden 


503 


537 


34 


Denmark 


536 


541 


5 


Finland 


530 


529 


-1 


Hungary 


562 


528 


-34 


Slovenia 


617 


552 


-65 


Estonia 


558 


479 


-79 


Romania 


560 


477 


-83 



Table 20. Men with Children Work Longer Days than Women in Most 
Western Welfare States. 

The daily work in these figures includes paid work, domestic work, 
studying, charity work, and time spent on commuting (derived from 
Eurostat 2003). In the USA, men tend to work 17 minutes more per day 
than women, when counting together the time spent on paid work and 
domestic work. 75 The highly equal distribution of free time among men 
and women in Finland is questioned by a study by Piekkola, according 
to which Finnish men tend to perform 8.5 hours longer working weeks 
than their spouses, if paid work and domestic work are counted together 
(Piekkola 2003 p. 15, see Piekkola & Ruuskanen 2006, p. 22). When 
converted into minutes, the 8.5 h per week is equal to 73 minutes per 
day, which is at the same level as in Belgium and Norway, in the statistics 
concerning cohabiting men and women with small children. 



75 Press release from the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan 
(released 2002-03-12), see Kammer 2002, p. 79. 



219 

6.3.6 Ability to speak up in a relationship 

According to the radical feminist theory, men tend to patronize and 
dominate women in the small groups, and in the context of a heterosexual 
marriage. Based on this theory, some scholars have pointed out that men 
interrupt women far more often than vice versa. For example, according 
to Zimmerman and West (1983), men tend to interrupt and patronize 
women in small groups. This finding, however, is in conflict with a larger 
sample study, in which Beattie found gender parity in the frequency of 
interruptions (Beattie 1982). Although the study of Zimmerman and 
West is more widely quoted by feminist scholars of gender studies, the 
results of Beattie seem more reliable, due to the larger sample size. 

Another potential measure for the ability of men and women to speak 
up in social settings and in the private sphere is the amount of words used 
per day. According to the study of Mehl & al., there seems to be a strong 
gender symmetry in the usage of words by men and women: In a study, 
which used male and female college students as a sample, women used 
16,125 and men 15,669 words per day, on average (Mehl & al. 2007). 
Although this measure combines the speech in both the private and 
public spheres, the figures indicate that there is no clear male dominance 
of speech in the private sphere — as this would require that women speak 
clearly more in the public sphere. 

As the quantitative studies in this field seem to be relatively rare, there 
seems to be an insufficient basis for claiming that the radical feminist 
hypothesis is true, or that it is not. 



6.4 Summary 

The purpose of this chapter was to find the approximate location of 
the patriarchal and matriarchal subsystems of the Finnish society, and 
the neutral or debatable areas in between. The reviewed literature and 
statistics showed no indication that the Finnish families would belong 
to the patriarchal subsystem of the society, as the general hypothesis 
derived from radical feminism would claim. Although men have 20% 
higher earnings and possibly more resources of coercive power, this may 



220 

be balanced by the higher level of sexual power that women have, and by 
the flow of private and public transfer payments to women, to such an 
extent that women may actually consume more, and own more property. 
It also seems like an indicator of strong gender equality, that Finnish men 
and women with young children tend to have an equal amount of free 
time. Based on these findings, the Finnish families were located in the 
neutral or debatable area between patriarchy and matriarchy. 

In the context of the public sphere, all the various kinds of power 
resources seem to be segregated in a relatively coherent manner, so 
that areas of male and female dominance can be identified, as was the 
hypothesis derived from the general theory of gender discrimination. 
Table 21, summarizes the horizontal segregation of power in Finland. 



Power resource 


Male dominance 


Female dominance 


Labor or 
"manpower" 


Construction, transportation, defense, mining, 
industry, agriculture, hunting, fishing, forestry 


Social services, healthcare, customer service, 
cultural services, education, finance, journalists 


Managerial 
positions of power 


Construction, transportation, defense, industry, 
agriculture, hunting, fisliing, forestry, warehousing, 

telecommunication and IT, trade, sports and 

recreation, general line management, editors of daily 

newspapers, professors, principals and priests 


Social services, healthcare, hotels and 
restaurants, editors of monthly magazines 


Academic and 

professional 

know-how 


Technology, agriculture, forestry 


Social services and healthcare, 
customer service, teaching, 
humanistic sciences and art 


Formal political 
power 


Defense, foreign policy, commerce, state finances, 
technical issues 


Social services and healthcare, education and 
culture, moral leadership of the nation 


Informal and 
corporative 
political power 


Same as formal political powei plus industrial and 
technical labor unions 


Same as formal political power plus equality 

policy and issues relating to gender, family and 

morality 


Status symbols 


Status symbols related to paid work and careers (?) 


Status symbols related to family, leisure, and 

luxuries (?) 


Authority 
(outside management 
and politics) 


Most fields of scientific research, editors of 
newspapers 


Gender studies, study of social work 


Ability to 
speak up and 
be listened 


Male dominated organizations, newspapers, most TV- 
programs 
(+ discourses dominated by men, see below) 


Social service and healthcare organizations, 

equality policy, women's magazines, 

(+ discourses dominated by women, see below) 


Discursive power 
resources 


Discourses concerning technology, sports, commerce, 

state finances and the coiporative network of labor 

unions and employers' organizations 


Care taking, social services, equality policy, 
human relations, family and children 



Table 21. The Horizontal Segregation of Power Resources in the Public 
Sphere in Finland. 



The sphere of masculinity and the area of male dominance seem to be 
constructed around technical issues (technology and industry), outdoor 
activities (agriculture, forestry, hunting, fishing, transportation, defense 
and sports), commerce, and state finances. Yet, in some areas, men and 
women seem to have dominance over different kinds of resources. For 



221 

example, in the fields of finance, education and newspapers, men have 
a clear dominance over managerial positions, while women have a clear 
dominance in the numbers of labor, especially in the context of customer 
service. Therefore, these organizations may be classified to the neutral or 
debatable borderlands between patriarchy and matriarchy. Alternatively, 
the management of these organizations can be considered as part of the 
patriarchy, and the customer service may be classified to the matriarchal 
subsystem of the society. 

The sphere of femininity seems to be constructed around care taking 
(childcare, social services and healthcare), customer services (hotels, 
restaurants, employment agencies and care taking services), culture and 
humanistic sciences (magazines, libraries, art, qualitative methods), 
teaching (schools and universities), families and human relations 
(journalists of women's magazines, psychologists, social workers, maternity 
nurses), and equality policy (equality organs, scholars of women's studies 
and equality specialists). If we list only those organizational fields of 
activity, in which all or most resources of power are concentrated towards 
women, this list will include social services, the equality policy, daycare 
centers, healthcare, cultural services, hotels and restaurants, and women's 
magazines. As a conclusion, we may draw the following table concerning 
the segregation of power in Finland. Areas of equality and renegotiations 
are presented with white, and areas of male or female domination are 
indicated with explanatory texts: 



222 





Sphere of masculinity: 


Neutral or 


The sphere of 




Technology, commerce, state 


debatable sphere: 


femininity: Healthcare, 




finances, defense, agri- 


Financial services. 


social services, social 




culture, transportation, trade, 


education, environ- 


policy, equality policy, 




corporative labor and 


mental issues, 


hotels, restaurants, and 




employer organizations 


employment offices 


some cultural services 


Political and discursive 


Clear male dominance 




Female dominance 


power 








Top level positions in 


Clear male dominance 


Male dominance 


Some female dominance 


organizations and 




(especially in finance 


(especially in social 


academic authority 




and education) 


services and equality 
policy) 


Academic and 


Clear male dominance 




Clear female dominance 


professional know-how 








Labor and 


Some male dominance 


Potential female 


Clear female dominance 


organizational culture 




dominance 




on the grass roots level 









Table 22. The Approximate Location of Patriarchy and Matriarchy in 
Finland. 



The borders between patriarchy, matriarchy and the neutral area in 
between, may now be used in the empirical studies which measure the 
likelihood of men and women to face gender discrimination either in the 
patriarchal or matriarchal subsystem of the Finnish society (see chapter 
8). As Finland is one of the modern welfare states, we may also use this 
coexistence of patriarchy and matriarchy as a hypothesis for other modern 
welfare states, and to some extent for the countries such as the U.K. and 
USA, which are gradually reaching the status of a female friendly modern 
welfare state (see chapter 2.2.2). This hypothesis, however, needs to be 
tested with substantial amounts of empirical research in other welfare 
states, as the statistics above gave information mainly of the segregation 
of power in Finland. 

Although this delineation of patriarchy and matriarchy is sufficient for 
the analysis of the gender discrimination which occurs in organizations 
due to feminine bias or masculine bias (see 5.4), it fails to capture the 
general discriminative discourses which spread in the media, and in 
men's and women's interest group organizations. In order to address these 



223 



issues, the following chapter is devoted to the analysis of the discursive 
power and rhetoric arsenal that can be used for the subordination and 
discrimination of men. 



224 

7 An Empirical Examination of the Memeplexes, 
Discourses and Coalitions 
that Induce Discrimination against Men 

7.1 Introduction 

7.1.1 Hypotheses 

According to the general theory presented in chapter 5, gender 
discrimination is caused mostly by the theoretical paradigms and mental 
memeplexes which put either gender in a disadvantaged position. These 
paradigms and memeplexes also act as a source of discursive power, 
symbolic power and cultural power, which may then be used to dominate 
and discriminate men or women, depending on the context. According 
to the theory, the central memeplexes that may discriminate against men 
are sexism, sexist branches of feminism, the selfish core of feminism, the 
radical interpretation of the welfare state paradigm, and some conservative 
and sexist parts of the welfare state ideology. This leads to the first 
hypothesis that sexism, feminism and the welfare state ideology contain some 
identifiable memes, which can be classified as discriminative or misandric 
against men. Another hypothesis derived from the theory suggests that 
these misandric memes appear as popularized and radicalized mutations 
of some relatively moderate and scientific memes. These mutations 
emerge, spread and gain popularity, due to their cognitive simplicity and 
their opportunistic attractiveness, which is measured from the point of 
an interest group (see 4.8). According to the third hypothesis, sexism, 
feminism and welfare state ideology tend to form opportunistic coalition 
discourses, which benefit the interest groups behind sexism, feminism and 
the welfare state ideology. This means that we are likely to find alliances 
in which the discourses of conservative sexists, for example, align with 
the ideas of left wing feminists. This hypothesis seems to be a sufficiently 
surprising and unlikely one that the actual finding of such coalitions 
would be a relatively good proof of the predictive powers of the synthetic 
theory of sociocultural evolution. According to the fourth hypothesis, 
the radicalized and popularized versions and coalition discourses of 



225 

sexism, feminism, and welfare state ideology tend to manifest themselves 
into organizational practices, which discriminate against male customers 
or employees, or contain such an amount of misandry, that it is close 
to the definition of a hate crime. The purpose of this chapter was to 
find support for or against the three first hypotheses, however for the 
fourth hypothesis, the only purpose was to elaborate and explicate the 
hypothesis, not to evaluate or test it. 



7.1.2 Original research data 

The research data for the analysis of feminism contains the feminist 
theories, beliefs and texts, which have been quoted in Finnish university 
course books on women's studies. The most important sources were 
the general introduction to feminist women's studies by Koivunen & 
Liljestrom (2004), and the course books, which explained the feminist 
discourses concerning the relation between women and the welfare state 
(Anttonen & al. 1994, Silus & al. 1995, and Holli & al. 2002). 

The research data, concerning the evolution of the sexist memes and 
discourses, was based on the empirical observations and historical 
analysis made by other scholars of masculinity, femininity and the 
gender system (e.g. David & Brannon 1976, Hoch 1979, Gilmore 
1990, and Kammer 2002). These scholars have produced material for 
deconstructing the structure of the sexist memeplex, and for recognizing 
its historical alterations. These empirical examples were then elaborated 
by a process in which I followed the scientific references and acquired 
new texts, which contained empirical examples of the utilization of 
the sexist memeplexes as justification for the discrimination of men. 
Among these were the studies concerning the sexist discrimination of 
beta males in court trials (Gelsthorpe & Loucks 1997 and Jeffries 2005). 
The research data, concerning the evolution of the welfare state ideology 
towards misandric discourses, was adopted from the ideological analysis 
and empirical examples given by Harisalo & Miettinen (1995). This 
analysis was then enriched by the study of an alternative discourse, which 
perceived welfare states as tools for the reproduction of the patriarchal 
ideology (e.g. Pateman 1989). Since the content of the welfare state 
ideologies was already analyzed in chapters 4.9.1 and 5.8, this chapter 



226 



focuses on the misandric connections and coalitions between the welfare 
state ideologies, sexism and feminism. 

This original research data was expanded in the course of the study as 
explained in the following chapters. 



7.1.3 Methodological background 

The method of the study combines Foucault's genealogy discourse analysis 
and memetics. The genealogical approach is visible in the setting of the goal 
of the study which is to analyze the historical roots and contemporary 
appearances of the misandric and severely biased discourses, which have 
a capacity to harm men. 76 The genealogical approach means that the 
historical depth of the research data may flexibly reach long back into 
history, if ancient texts or events are required for explaining the present. 
In a similar fashion, the potential width of the research data is large, 
since some paths of the genealogical analysis may lead to the analysis of 
the intertextual appearance of discursive elements in very different types 
of texts, such as research reports, political programs, administrative papers, 
and possibly even some blog writings, in some cases, in order to illustrate 
the appearance of some forms of misandry. The principle research data, 
however, is to prioritize scientific and administrative texts over the mass of 
unofficial and unscientific texts found in the media and on the Internet. 
In those cases where reference to unofficial and unscientific texts are made, 
they are made in order to understand a phenomenon or a belief system, 
and not to make claims of its popularity and influence based on a couple of 
accidentally found texts that have been added to the research data. 

The method of the study resembles discourse analysis and memetics in 
the fashion that it tries to study the intertextual appearance of discursive 
elements (memes) within different discourses and memeplexes, some 
of which may be competing against each other (see Fairclough 1992, 
p. 102 and Phillips and J0rgensen 2002, p. 74). This lowers the focus 
and attention to single discursive elements, while keeping in mind the 
importance of the higher level discourses and paradigms. The study 
also combines genealogy and memetics, by concentrating on the random 



76 genealogy, Foucault 1972, p. 54—55 (see Stenvall 2000, p. 35 and Alasuutari 1996, p. If 



227 

processes which create discourses and political texts in a relatively chaotic 
manner, recombining discursive elements (memes) from different 
discourses in very creative and yet only "fuzzily logical" or "boundedly 
rational" ways. A methodological consequence of this perspective is the 
usage of googling, as a method for identifying the intertextual appearance 
of small discursive elements (memes). This method is a new and 
promising one, but it is still a very immature one, in such a fashion that 
well established methodological guidelines have not yet been produced. 
Therefore, the combination of memetics and discourse analysis also means 
that some methodological pioneering needs to be done, taking the risk of 
being criticized for the usage of unconventional methods. The main risk 
here seems to be the unconventionality of perceiving the entire Internet 
as research data, and then using Google as a tool for data mining. This 
is against the idea that research data is clearly delineated, and that all 
pieces of the research data should be handled in a systematic or identical 
manner. Although the method of googling directs the study slightly away 
from critical discourse analysis and genealogy, the method is still in line 
with the tradition of discursive psychology, which studies the contextual 
and informal discourses that people create in their personal contexts (see 
Phillips and J0rgensen 2002, p. 20). This perspective suggests that even 
the blog writings and web forum writings, found by googling, can be 
used as research data. 

At the end, the discovered potentially misandric memes and meme- 
plexes were structured in the form statements which were stated in a 
survey, to a target group in a pilot study. The purpose of this pilot study 
was to advance from qualitative analysis towards quantitative analysis, in 
an experimental manner, without seeking firm and quantitative evidence. 
Although modest in its goal setting, the pilot study connects the tradition 
of qualitative discourse analysis to the tradition of quantitative social 
scientific and humanistic studies. 



7.1.4 Description of the heuristic research cycle 

The method of this study began from the identification of the main 
discourses within the order of discursivity, meaning the discourses 



228 

concerning the gender system (phase 1). At this phase, the discourses 
that most likely give rhetoric support for the discrimination of men were 
found to be sexism, feminism and radicalized welfare state ideology. This 
preliminary understanding directed the collection of the original research 
data (phase 2). This initial picture of the main discourses was then enriched 
by the deconstruction of sexism, feminism and welfare state ideology into 
memeplexes and memes (phase 3). At this phase, the rhetoric and (fuzzily) 
logical connections from the memes to each other were also analyzed. This 
deconstruction of the discourses led to the separation of the male friendly 
versions of sexism, feminism and welfare state ideology from the more 
misandric versions, which were then illustrated as memeplex diagrams. 
These diagrams were drawn with the universal modeling tool "Rational 
Rose" (IBM), or with Word (Microsoft), which was sufficient for the 
presentation of the simpler diagrams. In the diagrams, the connections 
of memes to each other were shown as arrows of memetic reasoning, 
meaning the connections of memes in which one meme can be (fuzzily) 
deduced from another one. The usage of memeplex diagrams seems to 
be an original idea in the context of memetics and discourse analysis, 
although such network diagrams have been relatively widely used in the 
study of information structures and conceptual networks. 

After the modeling of the misandric versions of sexism, misandric 
feminism and radical welfare state ideology, the research data was analyzed 
again, in order to study the genealogy of misandry and discrimination 
against men, and to identify some coalition discourses, liaison memes, 
and political coalitions between the paradigms of sexism, feminism and 
welfare state ideology (phase 4). At this point, the research data was 
expanded to cover the entire World Wide Web, in order to allow for the 
tracing of the intertextual appearance of discursive elements in various 
texts in different contexts. 

The "final" part of this heuristic method was the evaluation of the 
popularity and influence of the misandric and discriminative memeplexes 
with a qualitative, discourse analytical approach (phase 5) and also by a 
structured pilot survey (phase 6). These methods for analyzing popularity 
and influence are described below in more detail. 



229 

7.1.5 Discourse analysis of the popularity 
and significance of memes 

The discourse analysis of popularity and influence proceeded in three 
steps: The first step was to check whether each identified misandric meme 
could be located in some texts, including unscientific and unofficial texts 
found on the web. Any incidence of the meme was taken as proof that 
the meme exists, and enjoys at least some popularity. 

The second step was to study, whether the identified memes could be 
located in public policy documents on the World Wide Web, focusing 
primarily on the Finnish administration, but also taking the European 
Union, the USA and the United Nations into account in the googling 
of documents and memes. Once spotted in a public policy document, 
the third step was to check, whether the memes were presented as "self 
evident and unquestioned truths" in the public policy documents, or 
whether they were posed with disclaimers — or whether some contradicting 
statements about the topic were posed in some other public policy texts. If 
the potentially misandric memes appeared in several documents without 
questioning and without disclaimers or contradicting occurrences, the 
memes were assessed as popular and influential. In some cases, it was 
also possible to spot the same memes in the political programs of several 
Finnish parties, which meant that the meme had reached an almost 
hegemonic status in the discourses of the Finnish parties and public 
administration. 

After these five phases, the original picture of the most influential 
misandric and discriminative memeplexes within the discourses of sexism, 
feminism and welfare state ideology were reconsidered. This led to a new 
cycle of research, in which the research data was expanded based on the 
increased understanding of the discriminative and misandric discourses. 
This heuristic method of research resembles the way in which scholars of 
discursive psychology encourage the usage of naturally occurring material 
(e.g. news articles accidentally encountered by the researcher), and the 
intertextual expansion of research data, especially if the research problem 
is a voluminous one (see Phillips and j0rgensen 2002, p. 120—121). 



230 



1. Distinguishing the main 
discourses and paradigms 



7 



5. Analysis of 

popularity, influence 

and significance 



Examples of influential 
and yet discriminative 
memes. Examples of 

discriminative practices. 



4. Analysis of historical 

developments, intertextuality, 

coalition discourses and 

political coalitions 



2. Collection of research 
data 



3. Deconstruction of the main 

paradigms and discourses into 

memes and memeplexes 



Presentation of the 

memeplexes and their 

coalition discourses as 

memeplex diagrams 



6. Formulation of a structured pilot survey to measure the 
popularity of the discovered discursive elements (memes) 



Figure 33. The Method of the Memetic Discourse Analysis. 



A central output of this process was the collection of examples of 
those memes and memeplexes, which seemed to have established a 
strong position in the public administration, despite their misandric 
or discriminative nature. Another central output was the collection of 
examples of those discriminative practices, which seemed to be caused 
and supported by the discriminative and misandric memeplexes. After 
these preparations, a structured pilot survey was formulated and executed, 
in order to measure the popularity of the discovered discursive elements 
(phase 6). This however, was not the end of the heuristic research circle, 
since the study of the memes and memeplexes continued even after the 
pilot study, with the analysis of the popularity and significance of the 
different memeplexes. 



231 

7.1.6 Description of the research data 
collected by the pilot survey 

In the pilot study, the identified memeplexes were formulated into 
statements, which were presented in a survey. The respondents of the 
survey were asked to rate, how strongly they agreed with the statements 
on a scale from 1 (totally agree) to 5 (totally disagree). The survey 
measured the popularity of misandric or discriminative beliefs on three 
areas or discourses: The first area concerned the patriarchal oppression 
of women in Finland. The second area measured the popularity of sexist 
generalizations concerning men and women, and the third area measured 
the popularity of positive action and reverse discrimination policies. 

The pilot survey was introduced as a "misandry test for feminists" on 
two mailing lists and one web forum. The mailing lists were a Finnish 
e-mailing list for women's studies (naistutkimus@uta.fi), and the gender 
equality mailing list maintained by the governmental TANE (man@ 
kaapeli.fi). The web forum was the professional discussion forum of 
social workers and scholars of social work (www.sosiaaliportti.fi). Thirty 
respondents volunteered for the survey and were sent the survey forms. 
Finally, 24 survey forms were returned. 18 of the respondents were 
female, and 6 were male. All of the respondents identified themselves as 
feminists. 17 of the respondents reported that they were in the role of a 
public decision maker, or a political activist. 



7.2 Sexism and Sexist Sciences as Discriminators of Men 

7.2.1 Introduction and overview 

The discourse or memeplex of sexism consists of the beliefs, concepts, 
stereotypes, norms and social practices that constitute masculinity and 
femininity. Some of these memes benefit men; some benefit women, 
and some only benefit the privileged alpha males and females of high 
social status (see 5.2.1 and 5.7.2). In the following chapters, the memes 
of sexism have been structured into four basic memeplexes, which are 
connected to each other, and which may all have some negative effects for 



232 

men in general, or for beta males specifically. The historical formulation 
of the sexist stereotypes of men and women has formed the basis for the 
role expectations concerning macho masculinity and chivalry, which both 
strengthen and reproduce the exaggerated stereotypes of men. Maternalism 
is an ideology, which cherishes the stereotype of women as perfect mothers 
and caretakers of children. It is based on the exaggerated stereotypes of 
men and women. Most of these memeplexes are also supported by sexist 
interpretations and branches of psychoanalysis, sociobiology and brain 
research. 



Psycho- 
analysis 
and brain 
research 




















Socio- 
biology 


Sexist 

stereotypes of 
men and women 












The ideals of 
macho masculinity 


\ 








i 
1 


' \ 










p 




The codes of chivalry and 
gentlemanly behavior 






Maternalism 





























Figure 34. Sexism as a Set of Interconnected Memeplexes. 

Although all of these memeplexes contain elements that work towards 
the superior status of men, they also contain elements that cause 
discrimination against men. 



7.2.2 Sexist stereotypes of men and women as a cause of 
discrimination 



The positive and neutral stereotypes of men and women act as role 
expectations that cause structural gender discrimination (see 2.1.2). 
Although the negative gender stereotypes do not create role pressure, they 
harm men and women by forming a basis for misandry and misogyny, 
and for the direct and indirect discrimination of the gender that is put 
down by the stereotype (see 5.3.1). 

Ancient gender stereotypes tended to present men in a very positive 
manner, emphasizing men's high ability for moral reasoning and self 
discipline. Women, on the other hand, were stereotyped as irrational, 



233 

mentally volatile, prone towards hysteria, and having a low ability for 
moral reasoning (see Nousiainen and Pylkkanen 2001). This low capacity 
for moral reasoning was also connected to the idea that women are the 
more sexual gender, meaning that they have a high propensity for sexual 
infidelity. These stereotypes were then used as rhetoric support for the 
arguments on the necessity of men to control women, and to keep 
them at home, and outside the public sphere of decision making (see 
5.5.2 and Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001). This misogynous branch of 
sexism, however, began to change in the 17 th century, when some authors 
presented women as the more noble gender. 77 At first, the changes in the 
old stereotypes were advancements towards neutrality and equality, as the 
old misogynous stereotypes were gradually abandoned. The development 
of the discourses, however, did not end there, and the misogyny of the 
old discourses was partly replaced by the glorification of women and by 
the misandric stereotypes of men. The older stereotypes and discourses 
that pictured men as tough, strong, competitive, assertive, courageous, daring 
and sexually potent (see 3.1) were gradually altered in the 19 th century 
towards a more misandric form. The idea of men as sexually potent, 
shifted towards the stereotype of men as the sex crazed gender that has 
difficulty in maintaining their self discipline. In a similar fashion, the 
idea of men as assertive, courageous and daring mutated towards the 
stereotype of men as aggressive and violent. According to Gordon, this 
change in the discourses of sexism can be traced from the thousands of 
novels of the 19 th century, which "were part of a campaign to present men 
as barbarians whose urges had to be leashed in by the forces of decency 
— meaning women — if civilization were to survive." 78 This development 
seems to have a connection to the discourses of the Victorian society, 
which created the stereotype of women as sexually uninterested and 
therefore morally superior to the sexually overactive and barbarian men. 
This stereotyping of men as brutal barbarians may be explained by the 
joint interests of women and the alpha males of the upper social classes: 
While women had an interest in ending the discrimination of women, 
the alpha males had the incentive to put down other men in order to 
distinguish themselves from the unsophisticated mob of the beta males (see 



77 E.g. Marinella 1600, see Kammer2002, p. 31 

78 Professor John Gordon of Connecticut College (see Kammer 2002, p. 30). 



234 

5.7). In a similar fashion, the stereotypes of women began to change in the 
17 th century. Women were no longer stereotyped in a misogynous fashion 
as the irrational, sexually overactive, morally weak and gender. Instead, 
the irrationality was replaced with sensibility, over sexuality was replaced 
by belief in the women's lower level of sexual desire, and moral weakness 
was replaced with moral strength. These developments are summarized 
into Table 23, which shows the historical variation in the misogynous 
and misandric versions of the stereotypes concerning men. The central 
column of the table aims to show a gender neutral stereotype, which can 
then be varied towards misogynous or misandric representations. 



Misogynous stereotype of 


Neutralized and 


Misandric stereotype of men 


men 


moderated 


(starting from 1 9 century) 


(1000 BCA- 1600 CA. 


stereotype 




Men are mentally and 


Men are stronger than 


Men's larger size is a threat to ladies, and the 


physically stronger than women 


women 


lack of men's self discipline shows that 
women are the mentally stronger gender. 


Men are more rational and 


Men have an equal or 


Men are the hypersexual or "sex crazed" 


spiritual, and less directed by 


stronger sex drive 


gender, and this makes men inclined to 


nature and flesh than women 


than women 


immoral behaviors such as sexual infidelity 


(women are prone to infidelity) 




and rape (although this does not apply to 
gentlemen). 


Men have a higher self 


Morality and self 


Women have a higher self discipline and 


discipline and higher morals 


discipline are not 


higher morals than common men. 


than women. 


questions of gender. 




Men are better at making quick 


Men are assertive. 


Men are aggressive and violent, on average 


decisions. 




(although gentlemen are not). 


Men are courageous and brave. 


Men are courageous 


Men on average, are not courageous and 




and brave. 


brave (although gentlemen may be). 


Men are more rational. 


Men are more goals 


Men are calculative, uncom passionate and 




oriented and 


detached from emotions. 




instrumental. 




Men are not as hysterical and 


Men do not cry as 


Men are emotionally detached. 


volatile as women. 


easily as women. 




Men are focused and 


Men concentrate on 


Men can not concentrate on several things at 


determined. 


one thing at a time. 


the same time in a similar fashion to women. 



Table 23. The Memetic Drift from Misogyny to Misandry in the Sexist 
Stereotypes of Men and Women. 



235 

The central reasons for the memetic drift from misogyny to misandry 
seem to be the discourses of chivalry, maternalism, psychoanalysis, 
Darwinism, and sociobiology, which are all discussed in chapters 
7.2.4—7.2.6. Feminism also contains elements, which have reduced the 
misogyny in gender stereotypes, and added some elements of misandry. 
These feminist memes are discussed in more detail in chapter 7.3. 



7.2.3 Macho masculinity and alpha females 
as discriminators of men 

Macho masculinity combines the ideas of men as tough, competitive, self 
assured, daring and capable of violence. It seems to originate from the 
primitive hunting societies, in which boys lived with their female relatives 
until they passed an explicit test of masculinity, an initiation rite, which 
enabled them to participate in hunting expeditions and military raids as 
a member of the group of adult men. An additional part of the memeplex 
of macho masculinity is sexual potency and experience. The proponents of 
macho masculinity, value men who have had sex with dozens of women, 
and who are capable of picking up almost any woman that they meet. 
At the same time, the machos tend to feel that their honor could not 
possibly endure if they found their woman cheating on them. This means 
that macho ideology tends to promote monogamous femininity, while 
being very liberal about polygamous masculinity. 

Although modern society differs dramatically from the primitive 
hunting societies, the basic ethos of macho masculinity is very similar to 
what it was thousands of years ago: Men still seek to be tough, competitive, 
self assured, fearless, capable of violence, and able to have sex with dozens 
of women. Some parts of macho masculinity also seem to be promoted 
by women, who tend to be sexually attracted to competitive, self assured, 
and sexually potent and experienced males (see Notko 2000 and Laasanen 
2006). Women may also promote macho masculinity by favoring tall, 
wealthy and powerful men in the dating, mating and marriage markets. 79 
This promotion of macho masculinity tends to be strongly programmed 



79 See Hitsch, Hortascu & Ariely 2004 and Buss 1999, p. 110. http://en.wikibooks. 
o rg/ wiki/Relatio nship s/ Ho w_Wo menS electMen 



236 



to women's culture, as even many feminists in their personal life prefer 
tough and traditionally masculine men to soft and equality oriented 
men. 80 All of these preferences induce macho masculinity among men, 
as men sense that they need to become wealthy and powerful, in order to 
attract women. The preferences of women, however, may vary from time 
to time and from country to another. There is a widely spread tendency 
in women to prefer men who cope well with kids (Buss 1999, p. 121— 
123), and this tendency seems to be a challenge to the most aggressive 
and competitive versions of macho masculinity. 



Men must be courageous and 
capable of using violence 

/ ft 



True men are tough and 
they do not complain 



True men are competive 
and self assured 



True men do not care if 
they are hit by women 



71 



7 



The honour of a true man does not tolerate 
being cheated by his wife (female monogamy) 



Men must be powerful physically, 
economically or in some other way 



yf 



True men are able to pick up dozens of women 
and to please them sexually (male polygamy) 



Powerful men 
are sexy 



Figure 35. Macho Masculinity as a Cause of Structural Discrimination 
against Men. 

The female promotion of macho masculinity may also appear in the 
way in which women expect their spouses to be tough and sturdy. For 
example, female university Students in the USA tend to initiate physical 
aggression against their boyfriends most often for the reason that 1) they 



80 Kitzinger & Wilkinson 1993, see Keskinen 2005, p. 58 



237 

do not believe that they can hurt men; 2) they expect that the men do 
not care about slaps and punches, and do not retaliate. 81 These beliefs 
pressure men into the role of a sturdy macho male, who considers 
women's violence against men as funny and insignificant. This idea of the 
macho men or "true men" laughing at female violence appears in several 
Hollywood movies, in which the heroes consider violent and furious 
women as charming. 



7.2.4 Chivalry and gentlemanly codes 

The earliest medieval codes of chivalry in Europe, mostly emphasized 
military courage and feudal loyalty, or gender neutral mental virtues 
such as honesty and fearlessness. This means that they were ideologically 
very close to the ideals of macho masculinity. The ideas of respecting 
and protecting the women were recorded as small and almost hidden 
remarks in the long lists of the virtues of the knights. 82 It seems that 
the chivalrous idea of men as the protectors of women was brought to the 
European knights by the Maures, as the Arabic culture had developed a 
strong culture of chivalry already in the 5 th century 83 In this culture the 
idea of protection appeared in the tradition of harems (harim), which 
were originally a synonym for a sanctuary — a place where women could 
be safe. The Arabic knights had also very clear codes of war, stating 
that the violence against civilians, especially women and children, is 
not acceptable. The chivalrous respect for women may have also arrived 
to Charlemagne's knights from the North, as the old Norse societies 
respected or even worshipped women (see 5.3.1). 

In the 12 th century, the connection between chivalry and respect 
for women was strengthened by the "Art of Courtly Love" by Andreas 



81 According to Fiebert & Gonzalez (1997), American female university Students 
often initiated physical aggression "because they did not believe that their male victims 
would be injured or would retaliate" (Fiebert 2006). 

82 For example, the Song of Roland, which describes the 8' h century knights serving 
King Charlemagne, lists 17 knightly virtues and only one of them relates to women, 
stating that a knight should "respect the honor of women". 

83 Burckhardt 1972, see http://www.chivalrytoday.com/Essays/Salloum/Salloum- 
Habeeb-l.html 



238 

Capellanus (12 th century), which requires that men put on a pedestal 
the woman that they love. 84 After the medieval times, the ideologies of 
chivalry and courtly love gradually converted towards general gallantry, 
as the highest aristocrats were no longer interested in engaging personally 
to wars in the 16 th century (see Hoch 1979, p. 118). This meant that 
the men were supposed to show their chivalry by perfecting the codes of 
aristocratic behavior and courtly love, in the connotation of "courting 
the women". The Arabic tradition of chivalry, meaning the need of men 
to protect women at the cost of their own life, continued its existence in 
military discourses that promoted conscription. This discourse has also 
been strengthened by the educated upper class men of the Victorian era, 
who developed the ideas of chivalry and gallantry towards the ideology 
of gentlemanly behavior. These gentlemanly ideas still appear today in 
the fashion, in which men are expected to open doors for women, give 
women their seat, pay for dates, and sacrifice their own comfort and safety 
for women. A modern version of the sexist ideology of gentlemanship is 
found in John Grays "Mars and Venus Together Forever", which requires 
men to be masculine in a heroic and Spartan manner, while permitting 
their wives to concentrate on hedonistic relaxation and aesthetic beauty 
(Gray 1995). 

The memeplex of chivalry is summarized in Figure 36, which shows the 
connections of chivalry to the ideals of macho masculinity (marked as grey 
boxes). Most of these chivalrous memes cause structural discrimination 
against men, in the form of role expectations. However, they are also 
likely to aggregate into institutionalized belief systems, in which men's 
lives are considered less valuable than female lives, and men's health and 
comfort are considered less important than female health and comfort. 

84 See http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/capellanus.html 



239 



Men must protect women's honour 



Conscription is a natural 
duty for all men 






The honour of a true man does not tolerate 
being cheated by his wife (female monogamy) 



Men must protect women's health and life 
(and prioritize them over their own) 



Men must be courageous and capable 
of using violence 



Men must protect women from the 
inconveniences of life (and prioritize women) 



Men must behave like gentlemen 



Men must put their beloved one 
on a pedestial 



Men must be powerful physically, 
economically or in some other way 



Men should be gentlemen in bed (and 
prioritize women's needs) 



True men give multiple orgasms to 
their mistresses 



Men must have good manners and 
courting skills 



True men are able to pick up dozens of women 
and to please them sexually (male polygamy) 



Figure 36. Chivalry as a Potential Cause for the Discrimination of Men. 



A naturalized and legitimized consequence of the discourses of chivalry is 
the perception of national defense as every mans duty. In many countries 
such as Finland, Sweden, Germany and Russia, all men have to go 
through an obligatory military training, which lasts about 6—24 months. 
Women do not have a similar obligation that is be enforced by police, 
and which results in imprisonment, if the duty is not performed properly 
This form of gender discrimination against young men, also gains support 
from the sexist gender stereotypes, which present women as the weak 
and fragile creatures that are best suited for childcare, while men are 
stereotyped as the strong, brave, aggressive and outgoing gender, which 
is better suited for the Spartan life of a soldier. These stereotypes and 
chivalrous discourses still help in the preservation of the ancient gender 
roles, although most modern wars of are solved by high technology, or 
by persistent civil resistance, guerilla war and terrorism — and not by the 
conventional wars fought on military frontiers. 



240 

7.2.5 Maternalism and psychoanalysis 
as discriminators of men 

Maternalism is an ideology, which originally started within the framework 
of sexism. This is the perspective of the majority of feminist scholars, who 
perceive maternalism as an analogical ideology to paternalism (e.g. Abbot 
& Sapsford 1990 p. 120; Snitow 1992, Sklar 1993, p. 45; Satka 1994, 
p. 75; Natkin 1994 p. 68, and Ollila 1994, p. 55). The core beliefs in 
conservative maternalism are the belief in the superiority of women in 
childcare, and the belief in the superior importance of mothers to children. 
Both are connected to the conservative and sexist interpretations of 
psychoanalysis. 

The belief in women's superior ability in childcare seems to be 
connected to the prehistoric and ancient traditions that pictured women 
as the fertile sex, which had the capacity to give birth and to breastfeed 
the children. These traces of ancient maternalism appeared in the clay 
figures of female fertility goddesses that were the most common divine 
figure around 10,000-3,000 BCA (Eisler 1988). The ideas of women's 
mystical and divine sexuality and fertility continued their existence in the 
worshipping of Isthar, Astarte, Aphrodite and Venus. After the influence 
of Christianity had institutionalized, the idea of maternalism was 
changed in a patriarchal fashion, diminishing the ideas of female fertility 
and sexuality, and emphasizing the idea of women as the morally pure 
care takers of children. This change in the female role may be considered 
as discrimination against women, since women were increasingly locked 
up in the private sphere, in the context of childcare and domestic work. 
The changes, however, were also harmful for men, as men's ability to form 
good relationships with their children was reduced. In the 19 th century, 
women's superiority in the domain of childcare and custody took another 
step. According to Warshack and Holter, the industrialization and men's 
work outside the home meant that women were appointed to the home, 
where they were perceived as the essentially important care takers of 
children (Warshak 1992, Holter 1995). However, it is also possible that 
the misandric stereotypes of the Victorian society acted as an impetus for 
the improvement of women's legal status (see 7.2.2). The weakening of 
men's status, in the context of childcare, may be also connected to the 



241 

emergence of psychoanalysis, which emphasized the essentially important 
bond between the mother and the child (Warshack 1992). Another 
thread in psychoanalysis, which seems to have weakened men's status in 
the context of custody and childcare, seems to be made of the ideas of the 
masculine death wish and the idea of men's overwhelming sexuality. K These 
memeplexes seem to have supported the negative stereotypes of men, in 
such a fashion that pictured men as completely unsuitable caretakers of 
small children. 

Conservative maternalism seems to have been revitalized in the 1970s 
and 1980s, when father's right activists required that men should have an 
equal right for custody as mothers. This led towards feminist perspectives, 
in which fathers were perceived as a threat to the joint interests of 
mothers and children. This means that conservative maternalism found 
allies among feminists and female psychologists. Feminists such as 
Ruddick began to dream about a fatherless society, 86 and some female 
psychologists gave strong statements about the unsuitability of men 
to the role of a single custodian. For example, according to Professor 
Annica Dahlstrom, "men can hurt children" and "the bizarre odor and 
low voices of men do not suit young children" (Dahlstrom 2007, see 
Solfors 2007). In the conversations of mothers and female social workers, 
the joint experiences of motherhood played an important role (Ollila 
1994, Forsberg 1995). This led to the spreading of a discourse, which 
presented fathers as brutal villains and as threats to the well being of the 
mother and the child. 87 These maternalist ideas were also amplified by 
the feminist theory of social work, which claimed that the interests of 
women and children are synonymous, and that female social workers 
should identify with their female customers (see 7.5.5.1). The discourses 
of men as brutal villains were also amplified by the feminist theory of 
gendered violence (see 7.3.2.4) and by the misandric stereotypes of men 
and women (see 7.2.2). 

The combined effects of these maternalist discourses in the context 
of custody and divorce are shown in Figure 37. The maternalist belief 

85 Although the idea of men's overwhelming sexuality originally referred to mankind 
(indlucind women), the ideas were easily mutated to the idea that "sex is always in men's 
minds" (meaning the male gender) . 

86 Ruddick 1989 (see Niitkin 1995, p. 68) 

87 Natkin 1997, p. 195-197 (see Juttula 2004, p. 45-46) 



242 



in the superiority of women in childcare aligns perfectly with the 
psychoanalytical idea that mothers are superiorly important to the children. 
Yet, the discourses of social workers and divorcing wives also tend to work 
towards the idea of mothers as superior custodians, through the creation of 
a "villain discourse", which presents men in general, and fathers specifically, 
as brutal villains who pose a threat to mothers and children. 



Belief in the superior 
psychological 
importance of the 
mother to the child 



Belief in the 
superiority of 
women in childcare 



Severe role 
pressures for 
women to fight 
for custody 




The favoring 
of mothers as 
custodians 



The fact that over 85 % of divorce 
children live with their mother 




Stereotype of fathers 
and men as selfish, 
cold, irresponsible, 
violent and sex crazed 



The belief that 
fathers are only 
secondary 
parents 



Figure 37. Maternalism as a Discriminator of Men in Custody Disputes. 



These maternalist discourses have led to the widely spread belief that fathers 
are only secondary parents, whilst women have the main responsibility 
of childcare and the well being of children (see Warshack 1992, Vuori 
2001, p. 148— 155, and Ailwood 2007). This idea of secondary parents 
also appears in the Finnish information system for handling children's 
dental care. In the system, the parents are stored into two fields, which 
are the "primary parent" and the "secondary parent". For some reason, 
men may be typed in as "secondary parents", even when they take alone 
their child for dental care, without the mother of the child. This idea of 
men's inferior ability to act as care takers of children, also reduces men's 
motivation to learn childcare tasks. This causes a feedback loop, which 
reduces men's abilities in childcare, and "proves" the unsuitability of men 
for childcare and for the custody of small children. 

The maternalist discourses have also led to role pressures on women: 
Even in the context of divorce, women feel that they have to fight for single 



243 



custody — or otherwise, they are not good mothers. These discourses, pressures 
and discriminative practices together, have led to a situation in which the vast 
majority of divorced children still live with their mother (see 7.5.5). 



7.2.6 Sexist interpretations of Darwinism, sociobiology 
and the brain research 

Not only psychoanalysis, but also other sciences have participated in the 
formulation of misandric stereotypes of men — or to the exaggeration of 
the differences between men and women differences. 

Darwinism tended to promote discourses and memes, which presented 
human evolution as a process of fierce competition and as a brutal quest for 
survival. These metaphora, which have some resemblance to the theory of 
functional selection (see 4.3), can easily be interpreted in a manner that 
pictures men as violent beasts who fight against each other and against 
the nature, in order to gain control over scarce natural resources. In these 
discourses, the "dominance of men over nature" is also easily interpreted 
in a fashion that man refers to the male gender, not to mankind in a more 
general sense that would include also women. 

This Darwinist legacy is continued by the sexist branches of 

sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, which emphasize essential and 

genetic gender differences in masculine and feminine behaviors. In these 

discourses, men are easily stereotyped as the more violent, competitive 

and sexual gender, while women are seen as a symbol of fertility, maternal 

care and unviolence. For example, in their book "The Demonic Males", 

Wrangham & Peterson argued that men are essentially the aggressive 

sex, based on the fact that male chimpanzees may commit organized 

aggression against members of competing tribes, and based on the fact that 

chimpanzees are genetically closer to humans than to gorillas (Wrangham 

& Peterson 1997). According to Wrangham, all men are capable of this 

demonic violence, "no matter how nice they are". 88 However, the same 

book reports that among bonobo chimpanzees male aggression is very 

rare, and females are the dominant sex, although the Bonobos are as 

88 For additional criticism against "The Demonic Males", see the book review by 
Jonathan Marks, a professional anthropologist from the University of California, http:// 
personal.uncc.edu/jmarks/pubs/demonic.pdf) 



244 

genetically close to humans as other chimpanzees. This observation seems 
to be a contradiction to the generalizations of Wrangham & Peterson: 
If bonobos have a peaceful and female dominated society, and if they 
have a high genetic resemblance to humans, how come the human males 
are essentially "demonic", based on the observed demonic behaviors 
of some male chimpanzees? In a similar fashion, some sociobiologists 
such as Thornhill also claim that men's ability to rape is an evolutionary 
adaptation, which increases men's breeding success. According to 
Thornhill, "A guy, regardless of how he has been raised. . . finding a female 
in a real vulnerable situation. . . in some conditions, rapes her" (Thornhill 
2000). This quotation has led simplified interpretations claiming that 
"All men are potential rapists" (Worden 2000). 

The problem with the gender stereotypes provided by Darwinism, 
sociobiology and evolutionary psychology, is their lack of emphasis to 
cultural evolution and to the social construction of reality. Yet, these 
essentialist stereotypes of men and women are cognitively attractive, as 
they simplify things and help in the maintenance of a clear dichotomy 
between masculinity and femininity. The attractiveness of simple 
essentialist explanations is illustrated by the high popularity of the 
"men have tube brains" memeplex, which has evolved in the theoretical 
periphery of brain research. This memeplex suggests that men have a 
thinner corpus callosum between the left and right hemisphere of the 
brain, and that therefore, men can concentrate and focus only on one task 
or issue at a time. The other part of this memeplex is the idea that women 
have a substantially thicker corpus callosum, and therefore, women have 
a much better capacity for holistic thinking and multitasking. Yet, the 
empirical studies, concerning men's and women's brains, find no evidence 
that would support the idea of women's thicker corpus callosum (see 
Lauerma 1999, p. 56-57 and 2007, p. 134). 

The sexist interpretations of brain research also appear in the study 
of testosterone. According to the sexist interpretation, testosterone is a 
symbol of competitiveness, aggression and violence, and low levels of 
testosterone are correlated with peaceful, uncompetitive and unviolent 
behaviors. The popularity of this thinking is revealed by the fact that the 
meme "testosterone poisoning" has become very popular in the media, 
and in unscientific discourses (see Kammer 2002, p. 55—56). This seems 
to be a case of memetic simplification and exaggeration, as the research 



245 

of hormones would also enable very different conclusions and stereotypes 
of men and women: For example, testosterone can also be linked to 
happiness, self assurance and competitiveness, while in some studies, 
low levels of testosterone have been connected with violence (Ibid, 
56—59. One must also note that some female hormones may produce 
behaviors, which do not fully fit the classic stereotype of the peaceful and 
unaggressive females. Therefore, it seems likely that the sexist, misandric 
and essentialist interpretations of natural sciences are simultaneously a 
cause and a consequence of the misandric stereotypes of men that began 
to spread around the 19 th century (see 7.2.2). 



7.2.7 The sexist discrimination of men in criminal court 

A highly likely case of sexist discrimination against men is the systematic 
favoring of female defendants in criminal courts. According to Samantha 
Jeffries, men tend to be prosecuted and convicted easier than women. 
Once convicted, they are given longer sentences with a higher probability 
of actual imprisonment, instead of remaining under parole. These 
differences remain, even if factors such as criminal records are counted 
out by statistical means (Jeffries 2005a). These conclusions were based 
on a study of 388 criminal court cases in New Zealand, with 194 males 
and 194 females committing serious drug, property and violence crimes 
between 1990 and 1997. It was found out that even controlling all other 
factors such as criminal history, the sex of the defendant had a significant 
impact on the sentences given (Jeffries 2005a and 2005b). According to 
Jeffries, a recent United Nations crime report also confirms this tendency 
for judges to treat men and women differently in courts. The lighter 
sentencing of women in courts is also supported by the British Home 
Office study "Understanding the Sentencing of Women", which shows 
that magistrates tend to divide the defendants into problem customers, 
which are usually men, and to problematized customers, which are 
usually female (Gelsthorpe & Loucks 1997, p. 26—29). This means that 
when women are charged, authorities tend to look for social explanations 
for criminal behavior, while in charges against men, the men are more 
strictly considered guilty for their actions. For example, the British courts 



246 

tend to explain female thefts with the idea that some women need to 
steal in order to guarantee a standard of living of their children. This 
argument has even been used in cases in which the women, actually, 
had no children. The favorable treatment of women in courts, and the 
bias against men, has also been acknowledged by the US Ministry of 
Justice, which has announced new gender-blind sentencing guidelines 
(see Kammer 2002, p. 85). 

This discrimination of men in criminal courts is also likely to occur in 
Finland. According to the database of the governmental Optula research 
institute, men tend to get longer jail sentences than women for the same 
crime categories. The penalties are also much more likely to be enforced 
inside prison, instead of letting the convict remain under parole (see 
Table 24). Men tend to get 7—13% longer jail sentences in the most 
common crimes such as assaults and thefts. In all categories, men have a 
1.5—4 times higher chance of being convicted to prison, depending on 
the category of the crime. These statistics, however, have the weakness 
of not containing information about the potential differences in the 
average criminal records of male and female violators of law. This means 
that additional studies, concerning the gender discrimination of men in 
Finnish criminal courts, would be required to verify the applicability of 
the international findings to Finland. 





Sex 


Ratio 


Probability of enforced conviction to prison 


male 


female 


(m/f) 


Theft 


19% 


7% 


271 % 


Fraud 


8% 


2% 


400 % 


Severe narcotics crime 


68 % 


46% 


1 48 % 


Assault 


4% 


1 % 


400 % 


Severe assault 


38% 


19% 


200 % 


Average length of conviction to prison 


male 


female 


(m/f) 


Theft 


1,8 


1,6 


113% 


Fraud 


2,2 


2,4 


92% 


Severe narcotics crime 


30,7 


28,8 


107% 


Assault 


2,9 


2,7 


107% 


Severe assault 


15,8 


15,5 


102% 



Table 24. The Different Treatment of Men and Women in Finnish Criminal 
Courts. 



247 

Not only the gender of the defendant, but also of the victim, has an effect 
on sentencing. According to the National Bureau of Economic Research 
at Harvard University, drunk drivers who kill women get prison sentences 
that are 56% longer than the sentences given to drunk drivers who kill 
men. (National Bureau of Economic Research at Harward University, 
April 2000, see Kammer 2002, p. 25). This seems to be a case of indirect 
discrimination against the male victims of drunk drivers. It is also a case 
of structural discrimination against all men, since male lives tend to be 
considered less valuable than female lives. 

These findings maybe explained mostly by the discourses of maternalism 
and chivalry. According to the maternalist and chivalrous discourses, 
women are the tender and fragile care takers of others, which are unlikely 
to commit crimes, and which are unlikely to stand imprisonment. 
Women are also perceived as so invaluable for their children that their 
imprisonment seems to be out of the question. On the basis of chivalry, 
female lives are considered more valuable, which explains the harder 
sentences for criminals who kill women, compared to the killers of 
men. On the contrary, men are stereotyped as tough, reckless, daring, 
risk taking and aggressive, meaning that they are more likely to commit 
crimes and more likely to deserve a harder punishment than the fragile 
women. Men are also considered less important for children, meaning that 
their imprisonment is not objected on the basis that they have children. 



7.3 Discourses of Patriarchy, Male Dominance and 
Reverse Discrimination 

7.3.1 Introduction 

The discourses of patriarchy, male dominance and reverse discrimination 
begin with the theory of patriarchy and male dominance, which claims 
that women are the disadvantaged and discriminated gender. From this 
starting point, it is possible to argue that the sole purpose of the equality 
policy is to advance women's status, and that public authorities should 
create a systematic network of double standards in order to support and 
favor women. 



248 




Prioritization of the advancement of 
women's status above the 
advancement of gender equality 



Women should be systematically 

supported and favored by public 

authorities (legitimization of 

double standards) 



Men should not interfere with 
feminism and equality policy 



Feminist standpoint epistemology: 
Women have a superior grasp of the 
truth, science and politics than men. 



Men's problems 
should be given 
a very low 
priority in the 
equality policy 



Figure 38. The Radicalized Theory of Patriarchy and its Misandric 
Implications. 

Other political implications of the theory of patriarchy are the belief that 
men should not be given a chance to interfere with feminism and the 
equality policy and that men's problems should be given very low priority 
in the equality policy. The belief in the patriarchal oppression of women 
also acts as the cornerstone of the feminist standpoint epistemology 
which claims that women have a superior grasp of the truth, science and 
politics compared to men. 



7.3.2 The belief in male dominance 

and patriarchal oppression of women 

7.3.2.1 Introduction 



The discourses of the patriarchal oppression of women appear in more 
theoretical and moderate, and in more political and radical versions. 
According to the theoretical version, patriarchy is a system in which 
men dominate women by their larger size, ownership of capital, control 



249 

of female labor and reproduction; and by the promotion of patriarchal 
ideology. 89 In other words, patriarchy is a system in which men control 
all the different resources of power. This theory of patriarchy may be 
presented in a less radical version, claiming that all societies tend to have 
a patriarchal subsystem and a matriarchal subsystem — but the matriarchal 
subsystem tends to be much smaller and less significant than the patriarchal 
subsystem (see chapter 5.6). These theoretical articulations of patriarchy 
may be easily converted to empirical versions, which claim that we actually 
live in a patriarchy, in which men control all resources of power. For 
example, according to Kate Millet "our society. .is a patriarchy. The fact 
is evident at once, if one recalls that the military, industry, technology, 
universities, science, political offices, finances — in short, every avenue of 
power within the society, including the coercive force of the police, is 
entirely in male hands." (see Hartman 1997, p. 103). The memetic drift 
from the theories of patriarchy to the radical empirical claims concerning 
patriarchy is shown in Table 25. In feminist and femocratic discourses, the 
more radical and exaggerating interpretations of the theory of patriarchy 
are more popular and influential than the moderate interpretations given 
in the left column of the table. It also seems that the empirical statements, 
concerning the patriarchal nature of our society, are more common than 
the theoretical definitions of patriarchy. 



Patriarchy is a society in which the patriarchal 
subsystem of the society is far larger than the 
matriarchal subsystem. 


Patriarchy is a society in which men control all the 
resources of power. 


We live in a patriarchal society, in which the 
matriarchal subsystem is far less significant than 
the patriarchal subsystem. 


We live in a patriarchy in which men control all the 
resources of power. 



Table 25. Memetic Alterations of theTheory of Patriarchy. 

The theory of patriarchy contains an embedded hypothesis about the 
discriminated and oppressed status of women. As chapter 4.5.2 suggests, 
the concentration of all power resources to men would most likely lead 
to the discrimination and oppression of women in all fields of the society 
and in all spheres of human life. In other words, one could conclude 



89 This definition is a synthesis of the following sources: Tolson (1977), Abramovitz 
(1989, p. 25), Hartman (1997, p. 103), andTong (1998, p. 49). 



250 

that women are the oppressed and discriminated gender. Under the 
assumption that men control all the different resources of power in all 
sectors of the society, it is rational to conclude that women should be 
helped, supported and favored by the public administration in all sectors of 
the society — to neutralize the discrimination against women that is caused 
by male dominance. 

However, if we assume that women control most of the power resources 
in the matriarchal subsystem of the society, the theory of patriarchy runs into 
severe problems, and the nature of women as the only discriminated gender 
may be questioned. This chapter presents some feminist arguments and 
memeplexes, which support the generalization that men have all the power 
in the society, and that women, therefore, are the one and only oppressed, 
discriminated and mistreated gender, which deserves systematic favorable 
treatment. As this is a study in the field of public administration, most 
emphasis is given to those feminist beliefs, which have gained an influential 
status in the public administration and in the private organizations which 
act in close cooperation with the public organizations. 



7.3.2.2 The patriarchal nature of our culture 

According to a common feminist belief, our culture is thoroughly 
patriarchal in its nature. In our culture, masculinity is the norm for all 
human beings, and women are considered as "the other", who deviate 
from this norm (Beauvoir 1949). According to feminist linguists, the 
idea of male supremacy is actually embedded in language, which 
therefore, has evolved into a system that oppresses women (Ortner 1974, 
69, 71—72 and Cixous 1987, p. 63—65). According to Hirdman, one of 
the cornerstones of the gender system is the positioning of masculinity 
and men in a hierarchally superior position compared to femininity and 
women (Hirdman 1988 and 1990). These feminist beliefs also appear 
in several popularized and radicalized versions. For example, according 
to Marklund and Snickare, mothers tend to give more attention and 
breast feeding to male babies than to female babies (Marklund and 
Snickare 2006, p. 11), and "Half year old girls already know that they 
have to wait for their turn, while it is clear for the boys that their needs 
must be filled — immediately" (Ibid, p. 14). According to the feminist 



251 

discourses of patriarchy, our culture socializes young boys systematically 
to a competitive, demanding and selfish role, while girls are required 
to be quiet, nice and cooperative. Based on this paradigm, it is widely 
believed that our culture trains men to take up more space than women, 
and to patronize women in discussions in such a fashion that women 
have a lowered chance to speak up. These beliefs, however, are simplified 
exaggerations, as they ignore the strong segregation of power resources 
in the context of discursive power and the ability to speak up (see 6.2.6, 
6.3.6 and 6.2.7.2). 

It is also widely thought, that culture is sexist in a fashion that 
discriminates against women, by putting them into the role of a sex object. 
It is believed that the advertisements and products of cultural industry are 
full of naked and half naked women, and that female nudity is commonly 
used to sell goods and services on the market (see Wolf 1991). Although 
this belief seems to be justified in the context of magazine advertisements 
and outdoor posters in many countries (e.g. Hennes & Mauriz), Finnish 
advertisers have been relatively progressive lately, especially in the context 
of television commercials. Naked or half naked women have not been 
used in commercials except in one or two cases. In contrast to that, it is 
curious to see the plurality of advertisements, in which goods are sold by 
male nudity: A fat naked man was used by Radiolinja to sell mobile phone 
services, and a naked male conductor was used for the selling of margarine. 
In a commercial for cider, a naked man was given an eroticized gaze by a 
woman in a bar, and in one more commercial, a half naked man, who had 
only his genitals covered, was chased by a group of female soccer players, 
who tripped him to the ground and forced his Jenkki chewing gum out 
of his mouth. Despite this bombardment of the Finnish audience with 
commercials which reverse the gender hierarchy, most respondents to the 
pilot query agreed with the statement "Female nudity is used more often in 
television commercials than male nudity" (see 7.1.6). 



7.3.2.3 Women are the discriminated gender in the public sphere 

According to the discourses of patriarchy and male dominance, women 
are the disadvantaged or even oppressed gender in the public sphere, which 



252 

is described as a sphere dominated by male managers, male politicians, 
male experts, and male chairmen of associations (see Pateman 1989 and 
Hartman 1997). This belief in the disadvantaged status of women in 
the public sphere appears indirectly in the Finnish equality legislation. 
The purpose of the equality law is to advance gender equality and help 
women's status, especially on the labor market (Equality Law § 1). This 
suggests that women's status is especially weak on the labor market. In 
most sectors of the labor market, this belief seems to be supported by 
empirical statistics, which show that a very small amount of managers 
and directors are female. The small number of female directors supports 
the hypothesis of a glass ceiling, which prevents women from advancing 
to positions of power (see Wahl 1992). The statistics concerning the 
generally higher income of men on the labor market, also suggest that 
women are in a disadvantaged position. However, in some sectors of the 
society, such as social services and healthcare, most managers are female, 
at least in Finland (see 6.2.3). It is also possible that the male dominance 
in managerial positions is being generally reversed, at least in the public 
sector, in which most managers less than 45 years old are women 
(Tilastokeskus 2006). This suggests that a majority of the newly recruited 
managers in the public sector have been female, lately. Despite these 
findings, the majority of the respondents in the pilot study agreed with 
the statement, according to which "The majority of newly nominated 
managers in the public sector are still male". This belief aligns with the 
generalized discourses of patriarchy and male dominance. Therefore, it 
seems to enjoy wide popularity among Finnish feminists, despite the fact 
that it is not supported by statistics. 

In a similar fashion, the discourses of patriarchy claim that schools 
are arenas, in which girls are discriminated by the double standards 
which permit boys to patronize and interrupt during class, while girls 
are required to stay nicely and quietly on the background (E.g. Gilligan 
1990 and Bailey 1992). This feminist belief, however, is not supported by 
the Finnish statistics, which show that more boys than girls report feeling 
discriminated at school due to their gender (Bruun & al. 2002, p. 13). 
Yet, the majority of the respondents in the pilot study agreed with the 
statement, according to which 'The gender discrimination against girls at 
school is a greater problem than the discrimination against boys'. 



253 

7.3.2.4 The oppression of women in the private sphere 

The radical version of the theory of patriarchy claims that women are 
severely oppressed in the private sphere. According to this radical line 
of thinking, our society is a patriarchy and this makes men likely rapists 
and perpetrators of violence against women. The patriarchal culture is 
also assumed to make fathers cold and distant patriarchs in the context 
of the heterosexual family. For example, according to Ward, "Fathers rape 
Daughters within the family; men rape women at work, in their homes, on 
the streets, in cars and car-parks. As long as the male principle has power to 
rule, at home, in the schoolyard, in the streets, at work, in culture, then we 
will have rape. Rape is the end result of the dehumanized authoritarian social 
structure called patriarchy, through which the Son becomes Father by rejecting 
his Mother and thereby gains unfettered access to the Daughter (Ward 1984, 
p. 201, see Seel 1987, chapter 11). This idea of men as rapists, aligns 
with the theory of patriarchy and with Freud's theory of incest, which 
claims that incest is a common form of behavior and that only cultural 
constraints limit men from doing it. (Sariola 2007, p. 43.) Yet, it does 
not enjoy support from the statistics concerning the sexual abuse of 
children by their parents: According to a survey done with Finnish school 
children, only 0.2% of female respondents reported having been abused 
or harassed by their biological father (Ibid, p. 44). Despite the weak 
connection to empirical evidence, several cases of mass hysteria against 
incest have occurred in Norway (Bjugin), Germany (Miinster), and the 
USA in the 1980s and 1990s. (Ibid p. 43; see also Niskasaari 1999). 

The feminist theory of gendered violence, suggests that women and 
girls are not only commonly sexually abused by men, but also 80—90% 
of the victims of intimate partner violence are female. This belief appears 
in dozens of statistics and fact sheets published by women's organizations, 
governmental organizations, and charity organizations. Yet, these 
statistics seem to be strongly filtered, in such a fashion that only the 
highest percentages of female victims are published. Table 26 shows all 
the figures concerning the proportion of women out of the victims of 
intimate partner violence or interspousal violence that were found on 
the Internet in August 2005. The search was performed using Google, 
with the Finnish search terms "naisten osuus" and "naisiin kohdistuva 
vakivalta" (proportion of women, and violence against women). 



254 



Amnesty 

International (2005) 

Amnesty & al 
(2005, p. 43) 



European Women's 

lobby 

(2005, p. 11) 

Labor Academy 
(2005) 

Naisasialiitto Unioni 
(2005) 



Professional Institute 
of Hameenlinna 
(2005) 

Saari & al (2005) 



Stimulus (2005) 

Takala & al 
(2005, p. 7) 

University of 
Tampere (2005) 



Source (in English) 

and notes about the authority of the publication 



Violence against women in figures / Intimate partner violence 



"Friidu — the rights of girls and women. Training material for 
young women". The authority of this publication is increased by 
the fact that two U.N. organizations have participated to its 
production. 

Guide for Young women for reaching gender equality in Europe. 



A guide for those who encounter domestic violence. 



The political program of Naisasialiitto Unioni aims to end 
"domestic violence, meaning the violence against women and 
children". This definition implies that men make up % of the 
adult victims of domestic violence. 

Collection of the abstracts of student's theses 



Gender Mainstreammg Dictionary / Violence against women. 
The dictionary has some official status, as it is recommended to 
readers by a link from tire web pages of the Ministry of Social 
Affairs and Health. 

Writing in student's magazine "Stimulus" of the University of 
Kuopio. 

Figures concerning violence against women (chapter 1 in a report 90 % 
provided by a task force nominated by the Ministry of Social 
Affairs and Health). 



Women % 


Sourc 


out of 




victims 




90% 


Not 




given 


90% 


Not 




given 


98% 


Not 




given 


90% 


Not 




given 


100% 


Not 




given 


90% 


Not 




given 


90% 


Not 




given 


80-90% 


Not 




given 



Weekly web magazine of the faculty of journalism. 



90" 



Table 26. Femocratic Figures Concerning the Gender Distribution of 
Intimate Partner Violence. 



These statistical figures — which were almost always presented without 
scientific references — give women the subject position of an innocent 
victim, while men are pictured as guilty perpetrators. Yet, the statistics 
are in sharp contrast with several other Finnish statistics, which suggest 
that the proportion of women out of the victims is something like 
40—70% (see 6.3.4). The belief in the 90% meme is also a deviation 
to international large sample studies, which suggest that about 45— 
60% of victims are women (see Straus & Gelles 1986, and Tjaden & 
Thoennes 2000 and Fiebert 2005). The table above seems to lend strong 
support to the synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution, which claims 



255 

that those memes that are simple, attractive and coherent with popular 
paradigms tend to outnumber and replace their rivals — no matter, what 
the correspondence of the memes is with the empirical findings. 

Due to the dominance of the "90 % of victims are female" meme in the 
media, the majority of respondents of the pilot study also agreed with the 
statement, according to which "The vast majority of hospitalized victims 
of intimate partner violence in Finland are female". This statement, 
however, is not supported by the data collected to the Hilmo register 
of the Finnish STAKES institute. For example, the data from the years 
2002—2003 suggests that 65% of the victims have been male (STAKES 
2005). As the statistics concerning the gender distribution of intimate 
partner violence have proven somewhat anomalous to the feminist theory 
of gendered violence, a new approach to the study and prevention of 
violence has been adopted by feminists and femocrats of the UN, EU and 
the USA. According to this new approach, the target of interest, study and 
public policy is no longer intimate partner violence or domestic violence, 
but violence against women. After these change of concepts, it is relatively 
easy to conclude that 100% of the victims of this violence against women 
are female. The discourses concerning the violence against women have 
a very strong rhetoric power, as most women object to this violence, 
and as the discourses also hail the chivalrous gentlemen of the welfare 
states, suggesting that all effort should be put towards the prevention 
of this crime against humanity 90 This tends to lead to double standards 
concerning the intimate partner violence against men, as the chivalrous 
men of the welfare states are not so interested in protecting men from the 
violence of women (see 7.2.4 and 7.5.3). 

The discourses of patriarchy and male dominance are also commonly 
used for claiming that men do not perform their share of domestic 
work and childcare, and that women have a double burden in hetero- 
sexual families, in which both parents work on the labor market (e.g. 
UNIFEM 2008). Due to this belief, the official goal of the Finnish social 
policy is to increase the amount of time that men spend on childcare 
and domestic work. For example, according to the Ministry of Social 



90 Hailing, see Althusser 1971, p. 174. Crime against humanity is an expression 
that is used to characterize the violence against women in the U.N. discourses. In more 
conventional legal discourses, crimes against humanity refer to crimes against for example 
ethnic minorities, taking the form of massacres and systematic extermination. 



256 

Affairs and Healthcare, the more active involvement of men in domestic 
work and childcare would help women's status on the labor market (STM 
1999, chapter 4.1). These conclusions are usually presented in a normative 
manner, hinting that men should spend more time on domestic work and 
childcare. In some countries such as Spain, entire laws have been written to 
oblige men to do more homework. These policies, however, are not based 
on solid data on the availability of free time to men and women in welfare 
states. For example, in most western welfare states, men with small children 
seem to have less free time than women with small children (see 6.3.5). Yet, 
the public policies pressure men into doing more domestic work and more 
childcare, which would lead to an increasingly disadvantaged status of the 
men, assuming that the amount of free time is used as a measure of the equal 
status of men and women in families. The idea of women's double burden 
is also so popular in Finland, that the majority of respondents of the pilot 
study agreed with the statement, according to which "Women in families 
with small children tend to have far less free time than the men in these 
families". According to Eurostat, Finnish men with small children have 
approximately one minute more free time per day, compared to women 
and another study suggests that men in general tend to have 73 minutes 
less free time per day, compared to their spouses (see 6.3.5). 



7.3.2.5 Summary of the radical theory of patriarchy 

According to the radical discourses of patriarchy and male dominance, 
men have the power and women are the oppressed gender. This paradigm 
leads to the conclusion that women should be favored by reverse 
discrimination policies in all sectors of the society, and that the sole 
purpose of the equality policy should be to advance the status of women. 
It has also led to a situation, in which most feminists cannot understand 
that white heterosexual men can be also discriminated due to their gender 
(see Holter 2000 p. 76, and Holter 2003). 

Although the status of women is exceptionally good in Finland and in 
other modern welfare states, 91 the discourses of women as the oppressed 
gender, make sense from the point of view of interest group ideology: If 
women are presented as the oppressed gender, they will be able to cumulate 

91 See Lopez-Claros and Zahidi 2005, p. 8. 



257 



enough discursive, moral and symbolic resources of power, so that they 
can demand 1) favorable changes to legislation and 2) favorable treatment 
from the officials of the welfare state, in all contexts. This is precisely the 
same strategy that all interest groups tend to use when they try to advance 
their status (see Nousiainen 2007 and chapter 4.5). This need for all interest 
groups to present themselves as discriminated and mistreated is connected 
to the welfare state ideologies, which suggest that public officials should 
try to locate disadvantaged groups in order to help them (4.9.3). After 
an interest group has managed to "monopolize" the discriminated status 
as its own property and "trade mark", it is likely to defend this resource 
of discursive power by using information filtering, biased statistics, crude 
simplifications, lobbying, and propaganda. Yet, it is important for the 
interest groups to try to withhold an image of scientific reliability. In the 
case of the feminist women's movement, this credibility is gained through 
the works produced in the field of women's studies. 



Men are 
stronger 



Men earn more 



Men own the 
— ;> capital 



V 



V 



/- 



y 



Men use violence 
on women 



Women are the oppressed 
gender in all contexts <; 

/7/ A \ 



Patriarchal ideology 
oppresses women 



A 



V 



Men control 
women's sexuality 



Language subordinates 
women 



Men created the 
patriarchal ideology 



V 



V 



Discrimination of men is a 
conceptual impossibility 



Reverse discrimination 
against men 



Figure 39. The Theory of Patriarchy in its Radical Form. 



258 

Although several points in the logic of interest groups support the 
radicalized generalization concerning the overwhelmingly patriarchal 
nature of our society, many feminist scholars of women's studies criticize 
the theory. For example, according to Rubin, the theory of patriarchy is 
too deterministic, as it does not take into account the potential ending 
of patriarchy as a result of continuous reforms and social improvements. 
(Rubin 1975, p. 168.) Several Nordic feminists such as Carlsson— 
Wettenberg and Hagenman criticize the theory of patriarchy for 
presenting women as impotent subordinates of the gender system and as 
subordinates of the linguistic gender dichotomy 92 This criticism against 
the exaggerated interpretation of the theory of patriarchy is also shared 
by postmodern feminists, who consider men and women as capable of 
renegotiating the gender system and its various representations. 93 The 
postmodern feminists such as bel hooks also emphasize the plentitude 
of simultaneous and possibly controversial forms of marginalization, 
and criticize all large and simplified theories that present women as the 
oppressed social group in all contexts. 94 Despite all of this criticism, the 
discourses of patriarchy and male dominance seem to be popular among 
the main stream feminists, as is indicated by the responses of the pilot 
study. The theory also seems to enjoy wide popularity in the discourses 
of the United Nations and the European Union, as the official discourses 
of equality policy seems to contain all the conclusions that align with the 
theory of patriarchy. These discourses and conclusions are described in 
more detail in the following chapters. 



92 Carlsson - Wettenberg 1992, p. 34, 37 and 46; Hagenmann 1994, p. 332 

93 About the renegotiation of the gender contract see Hirdman 1990 p. 78 and 
Rantalaiho 1994 p. 9-28. 

94 Hooks 1990, p. 27 (see Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 262). 



259 

7.3.3 Feminist equality policy as a conclusion 
from the theory of patriarchy 

7.3.3.1 Promoting the status and power of women 
instead of equality 

During the history of first wave feminism in the 19 th century and liberal 
feminism in the 20 th century, the promotion of equality and the promotion 
of women's status meant almost the same, as women were so severely 
discriminated. However, at the end of the 20 th century, the legislation 
in most countries has been changed in such a fashion that women are 
already formally equal to men, and the direct and indirect discrimination 
of women is forbidden. This has lead to a situation in which feminists, 
in some cases, need to prioritize between promotion of equality and the 
promotion of women's status and power. A large number of feminists have 
solved the problem of prioritization by considering the concept of equality 
as somewhat outdated. This perception is based on the observation that 
equality is commonly used as a "smokescreen" for promoting the interests 
of men at the cost of women, and that equality is something that all 
political parties promote, meaning that feminists can not distinguish 
themselves from the political mainstream simply by promoting equality 
(see Holli 2000). Another objection of equality is semantic, as equality 
has been interpreted as a synonym for the similarity of men and women. 
According to the difference theory, the common interpretations of 
equality have lead to a world, in which women try to be equal to men 
by being similar to men, which is against the interests of women. These 
two arguments have led to a situation in which the promotion of equality 
has almost disappeared from the more radical feminist discourses, and 
it has been replaced by an emphasis on the advancement of women's 
status and power. This low emphasis on equality has led to a situation in 
which feminists are commonly perceived as the only opponents of gender 
equality in the modern society (Holli 2000). 

Another somewhat misandric response to the problem of prioritization 
has been the perception of women as the discriminated sex on the 
aggregate level, if all sectors of human life are counted together. From 
this point of view, all advancements of women's status could be seen as 
an advancement of equality, on the aggregate level. This argument can 



260 

be used for legitimizing the discrimination of men within the sphere of 
femininity. For example, according to Ann Snitow, it is understandable 
that feminists do not want to help men gain a better position in custody 
disputes, as this is one of the only contexts in which women are in a 
privileged position (Snitow 1992, see Warshack 1992, p. 22—23). This 
argument is not approved of by the male friendly feminists, who demand 
that men and women should be equal in all sectors of life, and that the 
discrimination of men, in those sectors where it appears, should be ended 
as well as all discrimination against women. 95 

The prioritization of the interests of women over anything else, also 
appears in the final report of the Peking conference of the United Nations, 
which states that the empowerment of women should be given first priority 
in the equality policy of governments (U.N. 1995, see Pentikainen 2002, 
p. 76). If we take this statement literally, it means that the empowerment of 
women should be seen as more important than anything else — including 
gender equality. This literal interpretation, which seems to be supported 
by the selfish core of feminism, means that the empowerment of women is 
more important than the advancement of gender equality in all contexts, 
including the matriarchal subsystem of the society. According to this 
reasoning, women's empowerment in the context of custody disputes is 
more important than the advancement of gender equality. Although this 
conclusion may sound somewhat bizarre, it is still embedded into the 
international discourses concerning the advancement of women's status. 
The prioritization of women's interests over equality, also appears in the 
Finnish equality legislation and equality policy. According to the Finnish 
equality law, "the purpose of this law is to prevent gender discrimination 
and to advance gender equality, especially by advancing the status of 
women on the labor market" (Finnish Equality Law 1986 § 1). In this 
text, gender equality and the advancement of women's status are given an 
equally high value. However, the legislation and the application of the 
equality law are based on legislative preparation texts, in which the main 
purpose of the equality law is clearly the advancement of women's status 
(Finnish Government 1986, 1§). This has led to a situation, in which the 
first priority and almost the only goal of the equality policy in Finland is 

9 5 For example, Finnish equality feminists such as Rosa Merilainen and Paivi Rasanen 
have suggested that the society should stop the discriminative practices that put Finnish 
men in a disadvantaged status in the context of men's obligatory military service. 



261 

to advance women's status (see Varanka 2007, p. 226). This means that 
there are actually two competing discourses of equality policy inside the 
texts of public administration: The radical feminist discourse is based on 
the belief in the patriarchal oppression of women in all sectors of life, 
while the legalist European discourse is based on the idea that men can also 
be the discriminated or disadvantaged gender in some contexts. 





Radical feminist discourses on 
equality policy 


Legalist European discourses on equality 
policy 


Underlying 
assumption 


Women are the oppressed 
gender. 


Both genders may be discriminated in certain 
contexts. 


First priority in 
equality policy 


Advancement of women's 
status. 


Advancement of equality and the removal of 
gender discrimination. 



Table 27. The Alternative Discourses Concerning the First Priority of 
Equality Policy. 



The legalist European discourse appears in the double strategy of EU, 
according to which equal opportunities and special programmes to advance 
women's status are not sufficient to ensure gender equality, meaning that 
actually all administrative decision making should take gender equality into 
account (Kangasharju 2007, p. 8). In these discourses, the administrators 
speak of gender equality and gender mainstreaming, in such a fashion 
that the expression "disadvantaged gender" is context sensitive, and may 
also refer to men (Ibid, p. 8). This gender mainstreaming principle has 
been recorded to all the program plans of the European Social Fund. The 
differences between the legalist European discourses, compared to the 
relatively radical feminist discourses of the UN, can be understood by the 
fact that women's status in the European Union is clearly better than in 
the majority of the member states of the UN. 

Although the programme plans and resolutions of the Supreme Court 
emphasize gender equality, most lower level administrative discourses 
clearly prioritize the advancement of women's status over anything else. 
For example, according to Pentikainen, feminists have interpreted gender 
mainstreaming mostly as the inclusion of the female point of view into all 
decision making (Pentikainen 2002, p. 87) . This seems to ignore the fact that 
in some fields of activity, such as social services and healthcare, it is often 
the male point of view which is missing from decision making. This may 



262 



lead to a biased way of interpreting and applying gender mainstreaming, 
converting gender mainstreaming into a tool for advancing women's 
interests instead of advancing equality. This bias, however, is explicitly 
objected by equality feminists like Pentikainen and Borchorst, who 
claim that the male point of view should be taken into account in female 
dominated fields of policy formation, such as the formulation of equality 
policies (Pentikainen 2002, p. 93 and Borchorst 2001, p. 178-9). The 
feminine bias concerning gender mainstreaming may easily appear also 
in public administration when policies are formulated. For example, 
the foreign ministry of Finland makes the integration of the female 
point of view to all human rights activities as priority number one (see 
Rasanen 2002, p. 118). This implicitly means that when the human 
rights of fathers and men are discussed on an international level, it is 
more important to listen to feminist experts than to masculist experts or 
father's rights organizations, as the inclusion of the female point of view 
is more important than the inclusion of the male point of view. 

The contents of the memeplex which prioritizes women's interests over 
gender equality are described in Figure 40. 



Equality may be used for 
advancing men's status 



Equality may be used as 
weapon against women 



Equality means 
forced similarity 



Empowerment of women is 
the highest priority goal 



Prioritization of women's interests 
over equality 



<- 



Equality does not differentiate 
feminism enough 



Advancement of women's interests 
always improves gender equality 



Women are everywhere oppressed by 
men and the patriarchy 



perception of 
equality 



Figure 40. Prioritization of Women's Interests over Equality. 



263 

7.3.3.2 Reverse discrimination of men 

and the systematic favoring of women 



The idea of women as the systematically oppressed gender tends to lead 
to the political conclusion that the sole purpose of the equality policy is 
to advance the status of women. If the oppression of women is perceived 
severe and systematic in all sectors and contexts of human life, this is likely 
to lead to the memeplex of reverse discrimination, and to the systematic 
favoring of women and femininity in all contexts and sectors of human 
life. The following table shows, how the moderate and egalitarian ideas of 
positive action (1) tend to mutate to more radical and misandric ideas of 
the systematic favoring of women in all contexts (2 and 4). 



1. Positive action policy, in favor of the 
gender which is in a disadvantaged 
position in a specific context 



2. Positive action policies, discourses and practices that 
systematically favor women in all contexts of human life (as 
women are assumed to be the disadvantaged gender). 



3. Reverse discrimination of the gender, 
which is in an advantaged position in a 
specific context. 



4. Systematic reverse discrimination of men and systematic 
favoring of women in all contexts of human life (as women 
are assumed to be the disadvantaged gender in all contexts). 



Table 28. From Positive Action to the Systematic Reverse Discrimination of 
Men. 



The positive action policies in favor of the gender, which is in a 
disadvantaged position, are strongly supported by welfare state ideology 
and equality feminism. They hardly enjoy any support at all from sexism, 
since sexists tend to believe that men and women are suitable for very 
different roles, and therefore, it is not the task of the public administration 
to apply positive action policies. However, it is also possible for the sexists 
to support the systematic favoring of women (cell 2), as women are 
commonly considered the weaker gender in the sexist discourses. These 
sexist discourses hail the chivalrous gentlemen, who recognize that they 
should protect women and give them special treatment systematically in 
all contexts. 

The tendency of feminists to demand special treatment and protection 
from chivalrous gentlemen appears especially in American feminism. 
According to the novelist Anne Rice, the women's movement, when she 



264 

joined it, "was about power, earning the same pay for the same job. Now it's 
about protection. We are saying that we want to be allowed into a man's world, 
but we can't take it. You have to protect us. ' ,6 The American discourses 
of feminism have also merged with sexism in a coalition discourse that 
requires that the chivalrous gentlemen put women up on a pedestal. 
These ideas that require special and privileged treatment for women are 
also connected to the discourses that present women and female lives as 
more valuable than men and male lives (see chapter 7.4.5). 

The various feminist, chivalrous and popularized discourses of the 
systematic favoring of women are also reflected in the official discourses 
of equality policy. Most equality laws contain paragraphs that permit 
positive action or affirmative action, meaning the favoring of the under- 
represented or disadvantaged gender (see 2.1.3). These laws, however, 
can be applied in a biased manner by perceiving women as the only 
disadvantaged gender — counting out the chances of positive action in 
favor of men. This interpretation of positive action seems to be relatively 
common in the gender equality discourses in the USA and in the United 
Nations, where the disadvantaged gender is almost always assumed to be 
the women, and where equality laws and pacts are usually named in such 
a fashion that the name itself shows that the purpose of the legislation is 
to improve the status of women, and not to advance gender equality in a 
broader sense. Under the assumption that women are the disadvantaged 
gender, it is also possible that the magnitude and strictness of positive 
action raises to the level of reverse discrimination, as women have no fear 
of unfair treatment due to reverse discrimination, if they know that all 
reverse discrimination will be targeted only against men. It seems that this 
chain of reasoning has led to a situation, in which affirmative action in the 
USA appears in stricter forms than in the European Union. For example 
in Finland, where the equality law permits positive action in favor of both 
genders, the discussions about the favoring of male teachers in female 
dominated schools have diminished the interest of Finnish feminists in 
strict forms of positive action. —The Constitutional Court of Europe has 
also implied that all positive action policies must be carefully defined, 
implemented and monitored so not to cause discrimination against any 
individual citizen (see 2.1.3). In USA, however, the affirmative action 

96 Rice, Anne (1994) Interview by Julia Reed, "The Burden of Proof," VOGUE, Jan. 
1994, at 32 (see Goines & Popovica 1994) 



265 

policies may lead to a more explicit discrimination of those job applicants 
who belong to a social group that has an official status as an "privileged 
group", in contrast to the officially recognized disadvantaged groups (see 
2.1.3). 

Although the European legislation and public administration do not 
favor strict forms of reverse discrimination, it is still possible that public 
opinion demands that women are given systematically some favorable 
treatment in all sectors of the society. For example, according to some 
profeminists, we should develop a systematic gender bias in favor of 
women, in order to advance gender equality 97 Such a gender bias is 
practically synonymous to the development of subtle double standards 
in favor of women in all fields of human life. According to masculist 
authors, this is likely to lead, for example, to the (reverse) discrimination 
and demonization of men in the media (but not women), protecting 
women from domestic violence (but not men), discrimination of boys at 
schools, and to the general promotion of misandry (but not misogyny) 
in our society. This shows that the memeplex of reverse discrimination 
can cause widely spread discrimination against men, even if it is probably 
hard to win law suits based on this discrimination. Chapter 7.5 gives 
more examples of popular double standards in favor of women, while 
chapter 8 shows real cases of reverse discrimination, in which men have 
been intentionally discriminated with a feminist motive. 

The complete memeplex for the reverse discrimination against men 
is illustrated in Figure 41. The core memes of reverse discrimination 
are positioned at the central area: "Reverse discrimination of men in all 
areas of the society", "Positive action needs to be implemented in strict 
forms of reverse discrimination", and "Women should be favoured in all 
contexts". These core memes are indirectly connected to the memeplexes 
of welfare state ideology (top of the figure), traditional sexism (lower left 
hand side) and misandric feminism (lower right hand side). 



97 Kim Meyer, member of the Finnish Profeministimiehet (2006, writing on man@ 
kaapeli.fi mailing list). 



266 



Welfare state ideology 



Equality in front of the law is less important 
than the equality of consequences 



Wish to identify and help 
disadvantaged groups 



Suspicion, envy or hatred against 
the advantaged groups 



i/Vomen are the oppressed gender 
in all contexts 



Interventionist!! 



Ideals of chivalry and 
gentlemanship 



Reverse discrimination of men in 

all fields of the society 



Positive action needs to be implemented in 
strict forms of reverse discrimination 



Traditional sexism 



Prioritization of women's interests 
over equality 



Reverse strategy - women and femininity are better 
and more valuable than men and masculinity 



Women should be 
favoured in all contexts 



Men should not complain for mistreatment 



Misandric 
feminism 



Figure 41. The Memeplex for the Reverse Discrimination of Men. 



The memeplex of reverse discrimination may also have connections to 
the memeplex of gender mainstreaming (see 2.2.3). According to the 
more moderate interpretations, gender mainstreaming means that the 
perspectives and interests of both genders are always taken into account 
in all political and administrative decision making. For example, the 
equality programs of the European Social Fund systematically speak of 
the disadvantaged on the underrep resented gender suggesting that also men 
could be in a disadvantaged status in some contexts (see Kangasharju 
2007, p. 8). Despite these high level policy papers, it is still common for 
gender mainstreaming to be interpreted as a synonym for taking women's 



267 



opinions and interests into account in all decision making (see 2.2.3). 
This interpretation is very close to the idea that all decision makers should 
develop a systematic gender bias in favor of women. 



7.3.3.3 Separatism and the exclusion of men from equality policy 

The original meaning of feminist separatism was the opposite of political 
reformism, which meant the cooperation between feminists, political 
parties and governmental bodies. The separatists were afraid that too 
much cooperation with the state — and with men — may obscure the 
interests and visions of women, and allow men to even patronize women 
in the field of feminism. This original form of separatism evolved to the 
belief that men should stay out of feminism, as only women may know 
how it feels to be discriminated (Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004 p. 16—18 
& 26). This conclusion has been supported by profeminists, who have 
considered feminism as a women's project, and who have voluntarily left 
themselves in the role of supporters, and not as the shapers of feminism. 
This is also the reason why profeminists call themselves profeminists 
instead of feminists. 

The idea that men should not interfere with feminism may sound 
tolerable to men, assuming that feminism is defined and perceived 
as the interest group ideology of the women's movement. This 
perception, however, has been invalidated by the double strategy of the 
women's movement. According to this strategy, women's movement is 
simultaneously separatist and reformist: It acts as a separated movement 
which belongs to women only, but it simultaneously attempts to integrate 
to the state and represent itself as a responsible movement that advances 
gender equality in general, not just the status of women. 98 In modern 
welfare states, the reformist thread has been so successful that feminism 
has become almost synonymous to the equality policy (see Borchorst 
2001, p. 178—9). When we count together the memes "men should stay 
out of feminism" and "feminism is synonymous to equality policy", we 
reach the memetic conclusion that men should stay out of the equality 

98 According to Marx, it is the tendency of all rising classes to present their own 
(selfish) interests as synonymous to the general benefit of the entire society (Marx 1845-6, 
p. 27 and 35-37, see Mitchell 1973, p. 144-145). 



268 

policy. This form of memetic reasoning has created a wide spread belief 
that men have no role in equality discourses, except for the role of the 
defendant, who should feel guilty of the collective sins of men against 
women." The limited role of men in equality discourses is also supported 
by several influential profeminists such as Connell and Hearn, who claim 
that men's right activists, father's right activists and all "regressive groups 
of men" should be kept out of the equality policy due to the fact that their 
opinions could be harmful for the advancement of women's interests. 100 
In the USA, this policy first appeared in 1980, when men's right activists 
were not permitted to hold a workshop concerning the ways in which 
women oppress men (Parrish 1992). According to Hollstein, this 
profeministically motivated exclusion of men from the equality policy 
is driving men's right activists towards radical anti-feminism, at least in 
Germany (Hollstein 2006). 

According to some Nordic feminists like Anette Borchorst, women are 
already in a very strong position in the formation of the equality policy. 
Therefore there is no risk that the equality policy would be converted 
into a male project against women, by permitting men to participate in 
its design. Also, the equality policy is an increasingly large area within 
politics, affecting more and more directly the lives of men. Therefore, 
it would be odd if men were not allowed to participate in its design, 
applying their own male point of view to the topic (Borchorst 2001, 
p. 178-9). 



99 Jokinen 2002, p. 240; see also Lindqvist 1986, p. 73-81 and Sauri 1998, p. 18. 

100 According to Connell's report to the United Nations, father's right groups pose 
"explicit opposition to gender equality measures" (Connell 2003, p. 9). According to the 
Finnish Profeminist Men, which is an organization in which Hearn has played a very 
important role, father's rights and men's right activists are "reggresslve groups" (see the FAQ 
on www.profeministimiehet.net ). This argument about the need to keep the wrong kind 
of men out of the field of men's studies also appeared in the web pages of the "Critical 
studies of men", in an article by Arto Jokinen. 



269 



Women should not let men and 
the state interfere with feminism 



Feminism means the same as 
seeking for equality 

A \ 



Traditional logic 



Radical logic 



Women should not engage 
into equality policy 



^L 



Equality policy and 
feminism are the same . 

77 



J^_ 



Men should not interfere 
with equality policy 



Women are everywhere oppressed by 

men and the patriarchy 

(from RIG feminism) 



Figure 42. Men should not Interfere with the Equality Policy. 



7.3.3.4 Ignoring men's problems in equality policy 



Men's equality problems may appear in the form of direct, indirect 
and structural discrimination. According to some influential branches 
of feminism and women's studies, women are the disadvantaged and 
discriminated gender and therefore white heterosexual men can not really 
suffer from direct or indirect discrimination (see 7.3). The only form 
of discrimination against men that has been recognized in the feminist 
discourses is structural discrimination, meaning the traditional gender 
roles which demand men to express very masculine behaviors, and which 
make it difficult for men to take up feminine professions, tasks or roles. 
Although even the CEDAW treaty 1979 emphasized the need to fight 



270 

against rigid gender roles, the emphasis in feminism shifted in the 1980s 
away from the gender role theory, towards theories of patriarchy and male 
dominance (see Edley & Wetherell 1995). This change in feminism, led 
to the perception that women are the discriminated gender, and therefore, 
men's equality problems are of relatively low significance. The collision 
of the new, radical forms of feminism appeared particularly strongly 
in the context of parenthood. The father friendly equality feminism of 
the 1960s and 1970s was largely replaced with the theory of patriarchy, 
which claims that "Fathers rape Daughters within the family" (Ward 1984, 
p. 201) and that "fatherhood must be smashed or more precisely dropped bit 
by bit into the ocean" (Hearn 1983, p. 51). The new radicalized feminists 
also created Utopias of a father free society (e.g. Ruddick 1989). These 
developments in radical feminism seem to have had some effects on the 
equality policy in welfare states, and in other countries. The discussions 
concerning the bad status of fathers in the context of divorce have been 
labeled as regressive and therefore, have been cut out of the agenda of 
the official equality policy. In other areas in which men have equality 
problems, these problems have also been mostly nullified or ignored. As 
a consequence, the role of men in the equality policy has been reduced 
to the role of a defendant, and to the role of an assistant for the project 
for advancing women's status. These developments are analyzed below, 
using Finnish public policy documents and insider information from the 
equality organs as research data. 

In Finland, the central public sector actors in the field of the equality 
policy are the Finnish equality council (TANE), and the Equality Unit 
of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. Inside TANE, there is a 
Subdivision of Men's Issues (SMI) and inside the Equality Unit there is 
one dedicated person, Jouni Varanka, who is responsible for men's equality 
issues. The analysis of the "male friendliness" of the Finnish equality policy 
can be started by studying the history of TANE (Kumpumaki 2006). 
According to the history, TANE has created the SMI year 1988. The three 
"male friendly" discourses that TANE has promoted are the advancement 
of father — child relations, the helping of violent men, and the raising of men's 
gender awareness (Kumpumaki 2006). The advancement of father-child 
relations has occurred in the work of the SMI, which produced a Report 
of the Paternity Task Force (STM 1999). This report does not fully ignore 



271 

the bad status of divorced men, since the problems of men are described 
in one chapter (Ibid, chapter 5.1). However, the SMI distances itself from 
this theme, by stating that it has analyzed the status of fathers mainly from 
the perspective of the best interests of the child (Ibid, introduction). This 
means that the potential overpower of mothers and female social workers, 
and the potential discrimination of male customers, is given low value 
in the report (see also Sund 2007, p. 64). After the devaluation of this 
discourse, the SMI analyzes the improvement of men's status from a more 
feminist perspective, emphasizing the importance of men's increased effort in 
childcare and domestic work. (Ibid, 1.2). This argument is based on the idea 
that the increased work effort of men will help those mothers who wish 
to advance their careers, and it will also indirectly improve men's chances 
of winning custody disputes by improving men's capacity to take care of 
children. As a consequence, the report does not contains any proposals for 
improving the status of divorced men, or for performing research which 
would confirm whether men are at a disadvantaged status in the context 
of divorce or not (Ibid, summary of conclusions). These lack of proposals 
concerning father's status in divorce seem to have clear connections to the 
radical feminist memes, which perceive father's right groups as "explicit 
opposition to equality measures" (Connel 2003, p. 9). 

The pro-male initiatives of TANE, concerning the helping of violent 
men, are related to the reduction of men's violence against women. In 
order to help this goal, TANE has funded the Miessakit association for 
the maintenance of the "Lyomaton linja", which is a telephone service 
for men who wish to end their violence against their female partner. 
Although this service helps some men, who have been violent to women, 
the primary beneficiary of this service still seems to be women. The 
theme concerning the helping of male victims of domestic violence is 
completely absent in the proposals of TANE. 

The third pro-male theme of TANE has been to increase men's awareness 
of gender issues. Based on this goal, TANE began the e-mailing list man@ 
kaapeli.fi in 1997, and nominated Bert Bjarland from the Profeminist 
Men's association as a moderator for the list. In the introductory mail of 
this list, Bjarland presented the list as a forum in which men could discuss 
"the unbearable lightness of being a man" (Bjarland 1997). This e-mail, 
together with several consequent mails concerning men's privileged status 



272 

and women's disadvantaged status, seems to reveal a fundamental motive 
for the list: It was a place for men to recognize their own privileged 
status as men, and for starting to change their thinking in such a fashion 
that women's status could be improved. In 2006, TANE closed down 
the list, based on the argument that the list had "fulfilled its purpose" 
(Kumpumaki 2006, p. 18). However, if one studies the archives of the 
list, it is possible to see that the list was closed down during a phase of 
active discussion, in which several scholars of gender issues, together with 
former members of the parliament, had taken an increasingly active role 
in the list (see http://www.kaapeli.fi/hypermail/man/ ). 

Out of these three "pro male" discourses of TANE, the fatherhood 
discourse produced a proposal for entitling fathers to an extra 21 days of 
paternity leave. This proposal seems to benefit men and women equally, 
as men can gain important mental and practical skills by taking care of 
their children. At the same time, the mothers may reduce the duration 
of their maternity leave and return to paid labor, which enables better 
opportunities for career advancement and increases in salary. In the 
discourse concerning helping violent men, the primary beneficiary seems 
to be the women, against whom the men have been violent, although 
the men can also gain help from the "Lyomaton linja" telephone service. 
In the theme concerning the raising of men's gender awareness, both 
men and women seem to have been beneficiaries, although the original 
target of the man@kaapeli.fi list seems to have been the helping of the 
status of women. In summary, the three pro-male discourses of TANE 
did not produce any initiatives that would improve the status of men 
independently, without legitimizing this improvement of men's status by 
the simultaneous positive effects to women. 

After studying the discourses and proposals of TANE, it is worth 
taking a look into the paradigm of the Equality Unit of the Ministry of 
Social Affairs and Health (Equality Unit). According to Varanka, the unit 
perceives itself as an office, which only implements those policies that 
are determined by the equality program of the Finnish government, and 
by the international treaties that appear on the level of the EU and the 
UN (see Varanka 2007, p. 226—227). This interpretation undermines the 
capacity of the Equality Unit to interpret various and partly contradictory 
higher level policies in an active manner. For example, the programme 



273 

plans of the European Social Fund usually speak of "improving the status 
of the disadvantaged or underrepresented gender" in a gender neutral 
way, not emphasizing that this gender is always the women (Kangasharju 
2007, p. 8). This belief in the modest role of the Equality Unit as a passive 
"implem enter" has led to a situation, in which the Equality Unit interprets 
that the practically only goal of equality policy is to advance women's status 
(Varanka 2007, p. 226), although alternative interpretations and policy 
formulations would be completely possible. Varanka suggests that men 
should accept this fact that the purpose of the equality policy is to advance 
women's status, and try to advance men's status from this predetermined 
point of view. He suggests, for example, that men should improve their 
status in divorce by doing more domestic work and childcare during 
their marriage, easing the life of their spouse and therefore reducing the 
chances of divorce (Ibid p. 232). The obsession of the equality unit with 
the advancement of women's status is revealed by an incident, in which the 
equality unit had formed a task force for creating an "equality barometer" 
for measuring men's status in Finland. One of the proposed measures 
was the time that men spend doing domestic work and childcare. As the 
measure was supposed to measure men's good status, the implications 
of this measure would have been that the more men work at home, the 
better their status is (Varanka 2005, see also Orwell 1945). 

This analysis of Finnish equality policy shows that equality officials 
have not produced any initiatives to improve men's status, unless these 
proposals would have been likely to also improve women's status as a 
side product or as a primary consequence. Among those themes that are 
missing from the initiatives of the official equality policy are the ending of 
the discrimination of men in the context of men's obligatory military service 
and the advancement of men's status in the context of divorce. Both are 
themes which are likely to have an effect on most Finnish men. Several 
other themes that are not handled in the official equality discourses are 
described in chapter 8, which analyzes the complaints of men, concerning 
the discrimination of men. 



274 

7.3.4 Epistemological and methodological conclusions from 
the theory of patriarchy 

7.3.4.1 Feminist stand-point epistemology 

According to the moderate and relatively complicated version of feminist 
stand-point epistemology, disadvantaged groups are experienced in 
perceiving the world through two alternative paradigms, discourses 
or frameworks: The paradigm of the hegemonic or dominant groups, 
and through the paradigm or stand-point of their own. This gives the 
disadvantaged and discriminated groups an epistemological advantage 
(see Harding 1991, Haraway 1991 and Ronkainen 2004). This means 
that women, as members of a disadvantaged and discriminated group, 
are able to perceive the world through the paradigm of the hegemonic 
patriarchal ideology, and simultaneously from their own discriminated 
and disadvantaged stand-point. This is assumed to give women an 
epistemological advantage, compared to men. This version of stand- 
point epistemology is very close to the idea of feminine and masculine 
biases presented in chapter 5.4: If one single person is able to perceive 
the world through the femininely and feministically biased perspective, 
and alternatively through the masculinely and masculistically biased 
perspective, he or she is able to reach a higher degree of objectivity than 
those who look at the world only from one specificparadigm or stand-point. 
These complicated and moderate memes of stand-point epistemology, 
however, tend to be simplified into a radicalized and popularized version, 
which claims that women have a superior epistemological capacity compared 
to men, and therefore, women have a higher capacity in the fields of 
science, truth, morality and politics (see Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 
258—9 and Ruotsalainen 1991, p. 24).). The existence of these radicalized 
memes is verified by the writings of postmodern feminism, who claim 
that stand-point epistemology tends to reverse the gender hierarchy, by 
claiming that women are more valuable and important than men (Ibid. 
2004, p. 259). The radicalized interpretation of stand-point-epistemology 
is connected to the belief that women's feelings and writings are a more 
reliable source of information than the results of quantitative studies that 
have been performed in a hard "masculine" and "hard" manner. These 



275 

ideas, together with their widely spread influence in American faculties 
of women's studies, have been described by Christina Sommers, who 
poses severe philosophical criticism against the stand-point epistemology 
(Sommers 1994, p. ww). 

Even within mainstream feminism, the radicalized interpretations 
of stand-point epistemology have met with strong criticism. According 
to some postmodern feminists such as Haraway, it is naive to believe 
in the purity, innocence or objectivity of disadvantaged social groups 
(Haraway 1991, p. 191). 101 Therefore, one can argue that men have a 
right to their own masculine or masculist stand-point epistemology, 
which is no less valuable than the feminist stand-point epistemology 
(Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 260). According to Riley, the stand- 
point epistemology tends to be connected to the belief in the authenticity 
of women's feelings, experiences and writings. This belief is fallacious, as 
even women's feelings and experiences are culturally shaped and formed 
(Riley 1988, p. 100). 102 In the field of scientific methodology, stand-point 
epistemology has also been criticized by feminist empiricists, who claim 
that women should not abandon the existing principles and methods of 
scientific research. Instead, they should elaborate the traditional methods 
and perspectives of science with a feminine point of view, and replace 
the androcenrism of traditional male science with gender sensitivity 
(Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 255). Despite this criticism against the 
simplified and radicalized manifestations of stand-point epistemology, 
some profeminist sociologists even consider the female stand-point as 
somehow more valuable than the male stand-point, or consider women's 
feelings as a more reliable source of information than men's feelings. For 
example, according to Kimmel and Kaufman, men often report feelings 
of powerlessness, but these feelings are somehow biased and unjustified, 
since the society is actually patriarchal (see Kimmel & Kaufman 1994). 

The radical interpretation of standpoint epistemology appears in Figure 
40, which also shows its connection to the radical theory of patriarchy, 
and to the prioritization of revolutionary action over moderate scientific 
analysis. 



101 See Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 276. 

102 See Koivunen & Liljestrom 2004, p. 277 



276 



Women's feelings, perceptions and experiences are superior and superiorily 
important compared to men's feelings, perceptions and experiences 



Women have a superior grasp of truth, 
science, morality and politics 



^^T 



Male science should be 
replaced with feminist science 



Marginalized groups have a superior grasp 
on truth, science, morality and politics 



Women are everywhere oppressed by 
men and the patriarchy 



Revolutionary action is more important 
than traditional scientific analysis 



Figure 43. Feminist Standpoint Epistemology in its Radical Form. 



7.3.4.2 Replacement of analysis with feelings, bogus and 
revolutionary action 



The promotion of stand-point epistemology has lead to the tendency 
of many feminists to prefer female feelings, intuition and "progressive" 
actions to the scrutinuous scientific analysis of social problems. This 
has led to the idea that all women are actually specialists in issues 
concerning discrimination against women, and that the academic study 
of gender should not follow the rules of the traditional "male science". As 
Christina Sommers has noted (see 3.4), this has led to sloppy quantitative 
generalizations based on small samples and qualitative studies, and to 
the presentation and circulation of very strong statements without any 
scientific references. For example, the idea of the discrimination of girls 
at American high schools was presented by Gilligan as a simple truth 
without any empirical reference (Gilligan 1990, see Sommers 2001, p. 
17). In a similar fashion, a wide group of feminist activists claimed that 
the rate of domestic violence in the USA spurts up during important 



277 

national football matches (Sommers 1994, p. 189—191). The reasons 
for this peak in men's violence against women were hypothesized to be 
the appearance of cheerleaders, which positioned women as "servants of 
men", or the rush of testosterone to male bodies due to the excitement of 
the game (see Kammer 2002, p. 50). When these claims were inspected, no 
empirical evidence whatsoever was found to support it (Sommers 1994, p. 
189—191). This belief in the harmful effects of a rush of testosterone during 
matches has mutated into several variations of urban folklore that are spread 
around by feminists on web forums and mailing lists. For example, in the 
Finnish academic mailing list for women's studies, Doctor Kaarina Kailo 
claimed that the violence rates against women spurt up during important 
hockey matches (Kailo 2007). This statement was given without any 
scientific reference to empirical studies or statistics. Another wild belief 
that is circulating among feminists is the belief that Scandinavian male 
satanists have killed dozens of babies in their rituals. This meme has been 
promoted, for example, by Professor Eva Lungren of the University of 
Uppsala (Guillou 2001, p. 367—71 and Rubar 2005). No scientific or legal 
evidence has ever been found to support the claims of Lundgren. 

Another Finnish example of the tendency of feminists to ignore 
scientific references to empirical material is shown by six Finnish doctors 
of women's studies, according to whom "gender is the most significant 
factor that discriminates people in Finland" (Nousiainen & al. 2004, 
p. 7). This statement means that an average woman in Finland should 
be more discriminated than an average Finnish gypsy That is very hard 
to believe as the discrimination of gypsies is so common and severe 
that gypsies are not even allowed to enter restaurants in some cities in 
Finland. 103 Yet, the publication of these doctors presented the statement 
as a very strong generalization, without any scientific reference. Even if 
the scholars of women's studies give references to empirical material, they 
sometimes confuse hypotheses and research results, as the traditional 
concepts such as "theory", "hypothesis" and "testing" belong to the hard 
masculine science, which is disliked by many scholars of women's studies. 
For example, in her presentation in the seminar "Stopping violence against 
women", Leena Vaisanen claimed that empirical research by Babcock & 
Miller (2003) proves that women, who are violent against their spouse, but 
not against their children, use violence only in self defence (Vaisanen 2006, 

103 Helsingin Sanomat 6.6.2006 



278 

slide 3). When the research report of Babcock and Miller was checked, it 
revealed that this was just a hypothesis derived from the feminist theory 
of domestic violence, and that the actual empirical data did not give any 
support to this hypothesis. 

The sloppy research methods and laziness in the study of reference 
materials have lead to a situation in which fallacious generalizations 
and statistical figures may emerge, gain popularity and remain popular 
despite a lack of proper empirical evidence. These "noble lies" (Sommers 
1994, 188—208) are socially attractive despite their weak connection 
to empirical reality, as they may be used for changing the society or for 
advancing the status of women, which are both high priority goals of 
feminists and scholars of women's studies. This process, in which the 
feminist pieces of urban folklore are created, seems to align perfectly with 
the synthetic theory of cultural evolution, which claims that simplified, 
exaggerated and socially attractive memes are likely to be successful in the 
cultural evolution (see 4.8.1). The prioritization of changing the society 
over scrutinuos scientific analysis is supported by feminist standpoint 
epistemology, which emphasizes feelings, and by radical feminism, which 
emphasizes revolution over analysis and reforms. For example, according 
to five feminist professors at the University of Massachusetts: "The 
feminist classroom is the place to use what we know as women to appropriate 
and transform, totally, a domain which has been men's . . . Let us welcome 
the intrusion/infusion of emotionality — love, rage, anxiety, eroticism — into 
intellect as a step toward healing the fragmentation capitalism and patriarchy 
have demanded from us". 104 The prioritization of feelings and revolutionary 
action over scientific analysis is apparent in the manner in which some 
American faculties of women's studies base the degrees of students: 60% 
of the grade is based on exams and the rest is based on the way in which 
students have managed to do "outrageous" or "liberating" actions outside 
the campus, or written diaries or formed consciousness raising groups 
(see Sommers 1994, p. 88). This emphasis on "anxiety" and "outrageous 
acts" is connected to the way in which the Marxist ideology perceives 
anger and rage as positive elements in the changing of societies (see 
Holmes 2004). 

1 04 Margo Culley, Arly Diamand, Lee Edwards, Sara Lennox and Catherine Portuges 
in "The Politics of Nurturance", in Gendered Subjects: The Dynamics of Feminist 
Teaching (Culley & al. 1985). 



279 

A potential misandric consequence of this appreciation of revolutionary 
anger is the hatred against "the patriarchs", meaning the men. This may 
lead to hate speech and hate crimes targeted against men (see 7.5.3). The 
entire memeplex, which leads towards the prioritization of unscientific 
bogus and revolutionary action to scrutinuous scientific research, is 
presented in Figure 44. 



Traditional hard rationality should be replaced 
with more emphasis on women's feelings 



Radical version of feminist 
stand-point epistemology 



Quantitative methods should be 
replaced with qualitative methods 



Feminist science should 
be openly political 



/i 



The purpose of feminist science should be 
to show that we live in a patriarchy 



Quantitative generalizations may be made from small samples, 
qualitative studies and from theoretical assumptions 



^ 



^^ 



Feminist science should not be judged according 
to the standards of traditional science 



Revolutionary action is more 
important than scientific analysis 



k 



.NT 



Female chauvinist gender stereotypes 



kH V 1/0 



The spreading of "facts" that prove the existence of 
patriarchy is ok - even without scientific references 



Figure 44. The Replacement of Science and Analysis with Feelings, Bogus 
and Revolutionary Action. 



280 

It is important to notice, that the radicalized interpretation of feminist 
stand-point epistemology and the radical interpretations of the theory of 
patriarchy form a tautological circle: 1) as we live in a patriarchy, women's 
feelings and the feminist way of performing science produces a better 
grasp of the truth than the traditional masculine science. 2) As we live in 
a patriarchy, the purpose of feminist women's studies should be to show 
people that we live in a patriarchy so that women could be liberated, 3) As 
the traditional rules of performing science must be revolutionarized, it is 
perfectly acceptable to spread filtered, mutated and simplified statistics 
and qualitative stories that support the theory of patriarchy. 4) Based on 
this substantial evidence created by women's studies, we can conclude 
that we live in a patriarchy. 



7.4 Putting Women and Femininity 
above Men and Masculinity 

7.4.1 Introduction and overview 

Reverse strategy is a feminist strategy for reversing the gender hierarchy 
(Kuusipalo 2002, p. 220). According to the discourses of the reverse 
strategy, women and femininity should be appraised as much as possible, 
while men and masculinity are positioned as free targets for criticism. 
Although the reverse strategy is basically a feminist strategy, it also enjoys 
wide support from the old misandric stereotypes of men, which picture 
men as competitive, violent and sex crazed (see 7.2.2). It is also supported 
by the maternalist discourses, which emphasize the superiority of women 
in childcare due to their loving, unselfish and caring nature (see 7.2.5). 
Chivalry also contains elements for putting women on the top of the 
gender hierarchy, and for putting down the average men, who are claimed 
to pose a threat to the ladies (see 7.2.4). These sexist discourses are 
supported by profeminist discourses and the academic critique of men, 10 '' 
which use a concept of hegemonic masculinity as a negative stereotype 
of men. 



105 Critique of men, a synonym for the critical studies of men. 



281 











y 




Did and sexist traditions 
of psychoanalysis 




Glorification of 
women by the 
maternalists 














■* i 


v 








The demonization 
of men and the 
glorification of 
women 






i 
1 


r 








Glorification of women 
and criticism against 
stereotypic men in the 
memeplex of chivalry 












ii 




* 2 
















Popularized and sexist branches in sociobiology, 
and the study of hormones and brain structures 



Criticism against men by 
the radical feminists and 
the promoters of the 
feminist difference theory 



The profeminist 
"critique of men 
and masculinity" 



The discourses of patriarchy 
and male dominance 



Figure 45. The Demonization of Men and the Glorification of Women as a 
Coalition Discourse. 



The difference in the sexist and the feminist branches that demonize 
men and masculinity is that the traditional sexist branches are more 
essentialists in their nature. They perceive men's demonic nature as 
something that is caused by genes and testosterone. The feminist version 
of this demonization of men and glorification of women is a more social 
constructionist venture. Yet, it leads to similar simplistic generalizations 
concerning men and women as the sexist discourses. For example, it 
seems easy for the maternalists and ecofeminists to find a consensus of 
the loving, caring and responsible nature of women — and about the 
belief that men represent an opposite to this stereotype (e.g. Vaughan 
2007, see arrow 1). In a similar fashion, it is also easy for the conservative 
sexist gentlemen and the profeminist scholars of the critique of men to 
find a consensus about the belief that men are more often violent towards 
women than vice versa, and that all men should act in a gentlemanly 
fashion towards women. 

As the sexist memeplexes of maternalism and chivalry have already 
been discussed in chapters 7.2.5 and 7.2.4, this chapter concentrates 
on the analysis of the appearance of the reverse strategy in feminism, 
equality policy, contemporary sciences, and in the products of cultural 
industry and media. 



282 



7.4.2 All men pose a threat to women 
in the form of rape and violence 



7.4.2.1 Overview 



The feminist memeplex that characterizes all men as a threat to women 
and girls in the form of rape and domestic violence is based on essentialist 
and social constructionist arguments. The essentialist arguments are 
grounded on sexist discourses and interpretations within sociobiology, 
psychoanalysis and the study of the male hormones and the male brain 
(see 7.2.6). They also appear in the form of essentialist ecofeminism, 
which has a high resemblance with the sexist discourses of maternalism 
(see 7.2.5). The social constructionist arguments are based on the theory 
of patriarchy (see 7.3.2), which has led to the stereotype of men as tyrant, 
violent and possessive patronizers, and to the symbolic idea that all men 
rape women by their codes and by their male gaze. 





Essentialist arguments 




















Social constructionist arguments 




Testosterone makes men 
violent and sex crazed 






All men 
pose a 
threat to 
women 
and girls 
in the 
form of 
rape and 
violence 












Our patriarchal society 
makes men tyrannical 
patronizers and likely 
perpetrators of rape and 
domestic violence 


















Sociobiological and 
psychoanalytical 
arguments about the nature 
of men as violent rapists 
















All women are 
symbolically raped by 
men's codes and by the 
male gaze 
















Essentialist ecofeminism 
and the maternalist 
criticism of men 

































Figure 46. The Construction of the Memeplex Claiming that Men Pose a 
Threat to Women. 



This chapter concentrates on the description of the essentialist and social 
constructionist arguments within feminism, and on the analysis of official 
discourses and discursive practices that have derived from the feminist 
discourses. 



283 

7.4.2.2 The essentialist arguments 

Although the majority of scholars in the field of gender studies seem 
to object biological explanations, the theoretical periphery of feminism 
seems to gladly adopt all kinds of research results that support belief in the 
nature of men as violent rapists. For example, according to Wrangham, 
his book "The Demonic Males" is actually a feminist venture. 106 This 
suggests that essentialist criticism against men is generally considered 
coherent with the core ideas of feminism. In a similar fashion, the belief 
that testosterone is a poison also enjoys wide popularity in the theoretical 
periphery of feminism: According to the Feminist Dictionary (1985), 
"until now it has been thought that the level of testosterone in men is 
normal, simply because they have it. But if you consider how abnormal 
their behavior is, then you are led to the hypothesis that almost all men 
are suffering from "testosterone poisoning". 107 

This criticism against men is also supported by essentialist ecofeminism, 
which is based on the idea that the women, due to their womb and breasts, 
are closer to nature, reproduction, caring and altruistic love, while men 
are essentially more distanced from love, caring and unselfishness (Razak 
1990, p. 168). Some ecofeminists also use psychoanalytical arguments 
for explaining why boys gradually become detached from emotions, and 
why they distance themselves from feminine virtues such as love, caring 
and unselfishness (e.g. Vaughan 2007). Psychoanalytical arguments are 
also used by those feminist scholars of incest, who claim that biological 
fathers cause a threat to their daughters in the form of incest and rape. 
Although this argument is partly social constructionist, it is also based 
on the psychoanalytical idea that sexuality is such a strong force in 
the life of man that incest is actually a natural principle, which is only 
disguised and barely controlled by the habits, traditions and norms of 
our society (see 7.2.5). The essentialist arguments about men's tendency 
to rape their daughters are amplified by misinterpretations concerning 
the sociobiological theories that point out the interest of men in younger 
females. These theories are commonly misinterpreted as a proof of 

1 06 In an inteview by Wendy Cavenett, Richard Wrangham claimed that the book is 
essentially a "feminist venture" (http://www.thei.aust.com/isite/btl/btlindemonic.htm). 

107 See Dabbs, J.M. Jr. (1998) Testosterone and the concept of dominance. 
Behavioral & Brain Sciences 21:370—371. 



284 

men's tendency to have sexual attraction towards girls who have not yet 
reached their puberty, although the sociobiological theories clearly point 
towards the interest of men in fertile women (see Sariola 2007, p. 43). 
This misinterpretation gains support from the statistics showing that 
the majority of men, who are suspected of sexual abuse of children, are 
biological fathers. Although this may be true for the suspects of abuse, it 
does not prove anything of the actual perpetrators of incest: One must 
recognize that the majority of accusations concerning incest appear in 
the context of divorce, which means that the accusations contain a very 
subjective and potentially biased element (Ibid, p. 44). Despite the fallacy 
of equating suspects with convicts, the Finnish Governmental Optula 
Institute claimed in 2006 that "The typical perpetrator of sexual abuse 
against children is the father", based on statistics concerning suspects 
(Ibid, p. 45). This statement is likely to give the impression that biological 
fathers pose a threat to their daughters in the form of sexual abuse, 
although only 0.2% of surveyed 9 th grade Finnish girls reported that they 
had been victimized by the sexual abuse of their biological father (Ibid, 
p. 44, see also Sariola 1996). 



7.4.2.3 The social constructionist arguments 

about the threat that men pose to women 

The social constructionist version of the "all men are rapists" meme is 

partly based on the idea that men and the patriarchal ideology symbolically 

rape women. For example, according to a database containing famous 

quotations "All men are rapists and that's all they are. They rape us with 

their eyes, their laws, and their codes." 108 This quotation contains the idea 

that all men symbolically rape women with their male gaze, which places 

women into the role of a sex object. The idea of all men as symbolic 

and cultural rapists is also embedded in the discourses which present 

pornography as violence against women (E.g. Dworkin 1981, part IV). 

According to this argument, all men, who enjoy pornographic materials, 

are symbolic rapists who exploit women. Although these discourses 

present men as symbolic rapists, they tend to also support the mutated 

108 Quotation from Marilyn French. Aquired 2008-02-25 from http://www. 
brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/m/marilynfrel 08276.html 



285 

and simplified interpretation, according to which, all men are rapists — 
detached from the context of symbolic rape. Despite the attractiveness 
of generalizing all men as symbolic rapists, the main argumentation 
concerning men's tendency to rape women comes from the theory of 
patriarchy. As noted before, the radical theory of patriarchy claims 
that our patriarchal culture and our patriarchal power structures make 
men rapists. 109 Although this idea can be interpreted very moderately, 
suggesting that the patriarchal culture induces rape, a more simplified 
and therefore more attractive interpretation is to generalize that all men 
are potential rapists, due to the fact that we live in a patriarchy. 

The feminist discourses concerning men's violence against women 
and girls are more complicated, as they combine several elements from 
the theory of patriarchy and the critical study of men and masculinity. 
According to one thread in the theory of patriarchy, the violence of men 
against women is instrumental in a fashion that benefits men: Men can 
subordinate their wives and daughters simply by the threat of violence, 
and if that is not enough, men can force women into an obedient role 
with actual physical violence. In this system, men believe that they have 
the right to act as the head of the family (a patriarch), and violence is an 
instrument for achieving this goal (see Lundgren 2004). These discourses 
of patriarchy and male violence seem to have a high resemblance with 
the descriptions concerning a relationship between a normal woman 
and a man who has a narcissist personality disorder. The narcissists have 
an inflated self confidence and need for admiration. They are unable 
to feel empathy, and have a high need to feel superior. This potential 
linkage between narcissism and interspousal violence has also been found 
by the victims of this violence (see Klemi 2006, p. 95). Despite this 
likely connection of the narcissist disorder and domestic violence, the 
feminist scholars of domestic violence tend to generalize the stereotype 
of a narcissist man to all men in general. According to these discourses, 
men's violence against women can be characterized as "patriarchal terror", 
although some more moderate scholars of domestic violence have tried to 
question this hypothesis (e.g. Piispa 2002). 

The idea that all men are violent is also supported by Connell's theory of 
hegemonic masculinity (see Connell 1995). The theory may be interpreted 
in such a fashion that hegemonic masculinity is the dominant form of 

109 E.g. Ward 1984, p. 201 and Collard & Contrucci 1988, p. 1 (see Leahy 1998) 



286 



masculinity in a statistical and discourse analytical sense: Dominance 
means that the hegemonic masculinity is a hegemonic discourse or 
hegemonic memeplex. It is more common, popular or influential than 
rival discourses or memeplexes that construct masculinity (see Jokinen 
2003, p. 14—15). According to the more radical Gramscian interpretation, 
hegemonic masculinity means dominant masculinity which means the 
masculinity of those men who have gathered power and who use power 
to subordinate others. Under this interpretation, it is forgotten that in 
some societies the chivalrous or gentlemanly masculinity may be on a 
hegemonic status in the discourse analytical sense. It is also possible that in 
some cultures, pacifist and care taking masculinities dominate in the sense 
that they are more common than others (see Edley & Wetherell 1995). 
The ignoring of this discourse analytical interpretation of hegemonic 
masculinity tends to lead to simplified conclusions of the tyrant nature of 
common men. It also leads to the perception that violence is a masculine 
trait. For example, according to Husso, "violence is a masculine behavior, 
even if a woman fights like a man" (Husso 2001, p. 60). 



Hegemonic masculinity 
means the most common or 
most influential discourse of 
masculinity (Jokinen) 



Homo- 
social 
pressures 
and homo- 
phoby 
(Jokinen) 



Hegemonic masculinity is caused 
by the patriarchy (Connell) 



Hegemonic masculinity means a set of 
representations of masculinity, which are 
connected to the valuation of male power and 
patriarchal gender hierarchy (Connell, Jokinen) 



Most men represent or imitate 
hegemonic masculinity, meaning the 
aggressive tyrant masculinity. 



Most men are aggressive tyrants, 
which mean that they are also likely 
rapists and perpetrators of violence. 



Men's ability to use 
violence is appraised 
as a central part of 
masculinity in many 
cultural products and 
discourses (Jokinen). 



Figure 47. The Misandric Interpretation of Connell's Theory of Hegemonic 
Masculinity. 



287 

Although the texts of Connell and Jokinen do not explicitly contain the 
conclusion that most common men represent or imitate the aggressive 
and tyrant representations of masculinity, this conclusion is easily made 
within the critical studies of men: Although hegemonic masculinity is only 
a theoretical concept, most empirical studies in the critical studies of men 
seem to the lead to the conclusion that almost all men value and imitate this 
hegemonic, aggressive and tyrant form of masculinity (see Rojola 2004). 

On top of the theories of patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity, 
feminism also contains the theoretical periphery, which contains biased 
statistics, misandric stereotypes and urban legends. An example of a 
biased statistic is given by the European Women's Lobby, which claims 
that 98.5% of domestic violence is the violence of men against women 
(Women's Lobby 2005). This same idea also appears in the political 
programs of women's organizations, which may contain the idea that 
all perpetrators of domestic violence are male (e.g. Naisasialiitto Unioni 
2005). An example of a misandric urban legend is the story, according to 
which domestic violence rates always jump up during football matches. 
This feminist legend, which was originally created in the USA, has no 
connection to empirical reality. Yet, it appeared widely in the media 
in the USA, and still continues its existence in informal discourses 
(Sommers 1994, p. 189-191, Kammer 2002, p. 48-51). It also appears 
in a Canadian version, according to which domestic violence rates jump 
up during ice hockey matches. This Canadian version was e-mailed to 
the Finnish e-mailing list for women's studies in 2006 by a professor of 
women's studies. 110 These examples show that feminist discourses act as 
a breeding ground for statistics and stories, which can be used for the 
reproduction of the stereotype of men as a threat to women and girls in 
the form of rape and violence. 



7.4.2.4 Official discourses and practices in public administration 

The feminist theory of domestic violence is based on the older radical 
feminist theory of patriarchal violence, which has been renamed and slightly 

110 In order to protect the privacy of the distributor of this feminist legend, the name 
is not given here. However, it is possible to verify this piece of information by checking 
the archives of naistutkimus@uta.fi. 



288 

modified into the feminist theory of gendered violence (see Nikula 2005). 
A third discourse in the context of domestic violence is the discourse 
of ending the violence against women, which is especially popular in the 
context of the United Nations. These three feminist discourses have 
reached a hegemonic position in the public administration, within the 
programs and organizations for ending the violence against women. 
For example, according to Hagenman-White, the feminist paradigm 
concerning domestic violence has become so popular in Germany that 
nobody remembers any longer, what existed before it (Hagenman-White 
1998, p. 180). According to Keskinen, the feminist discourses of domestic 
violence have reached a hegemonic status in most European countries 
(Keskinen 2005, p. 101). The same seems to also apply to the USA and 
the United Nations. 

The hegemonic status of the feminist discourses means that alternative 
paradigms and anomalous statistics, concerning intimate partner 
violence, are likely to be silenced and filtered out. Out of the statistics 
indicating that 6%— 92% of intimate partner violence is men's violence 
against women (see 6.3.4), only the ones that support the hegemonic 
feminist discourse are published in official documents and web services. 
For example, the American Family Violence Prevention Fund (2008) 
claims that "In 2001, women accounted for 85 percent of the victims of 
intimate partner violence" despite the fact that even some feminist scholars 
have concluded that women account for only 60% of the victims, based 
on interviews with 15.000 Americans (see Tjaden & Thoennes 2000). 
However, due to its political attractiveness, the figure of 85% has spread 
very widely around the world, and also in Finland (see chapter 7.3.2.4). 
The filtering of statistics is partly intentional and voluntary, as there is a 
strong social pressure towards research reports, which are coherent with 
the official paradigm of domestic violence. For example, when Kennedy 
and Dutton performed a study that showed that more men than women 
are victimized by intimate partner violence, they published only the data 
on the victimization of women (Kennedy & Dutton 1989, see Silverman 
1996). This filtering of data leads to biased statistics, which picture men in 
a maximally negative manner, although several other statistics would give 
a totally different picture of the gender distribution of intimate partner 
violence (see 6.3.4). Also in Finland, the feminist paradigm of gendered 



289 

violence has led to discourses which give men the subject position of a 
guilty perpetrator, while presenting women as the innocent victims. A 
typical argument that promotes this discourse is that only a small fraction 
of domestic violence or partner violence is women's violence against 
men. This argument appears even in the political program of the Finnish 
government, according to which: 

"A small minority of the victims of domestic violence and partner 
violence are men. " (Finnish Government 2005, p. 23.) 

The first part of the statement claims that only a small minority of the 
victims of domestic violence are men. This is a confusing and tautological 
statement, as a majority of domestic violence seems to be violence 
against children. 111 Therefore, it is no wonder that adult men make 
only a small minority of the victims of domestic violence. The second 
part of the statement claims that only a small minority of the victims of 
partner violence are men: This is not supported by the Finnish National 
Victimological Survey, according to which 1.6% of men and 1.2% of 
women were victimized by the violence of their partner in 2003 (Siren 
& al. 2007, p. 4). Based on this figure, it seems misandric to claim that 
men make up only a small proportion of the victims, while giving the 
impression that the vast majority of the perpetrators of domestic violence 
and partner violence are men. Even if we combine domestic violence and 
partner violence together, we gain figures that show the high percentage 
of men among victims. In 2003 in Finland, 1.8% of men and 2.3% of 
women seem to have been victimized either by domestic violence or by 
partner violence (Ibid, p. 4). This means that 44% of the victims were 
men. Other Finnish survey studies, measuring domestic violence and 
partner violence, are difficult to find (see 6.3.4). 

The hegemonic feminist paradigm of domestic violence has led 
to several administrative double standards. For example in Finland, 
the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health has stated that only 10% of 
intimate partner violence is women's violence against men (Finnish 

111 According to Heiskanen, 10.6% of a random sample of Finnish women have 
experienced violence from their present male partner (Heiskanen 2006, p. 21). When this is 
contrasted with the fact that 76% of Finnish teenagers have reported victimization to physical 
violence by their parents (Sariola 1996), one can conclude that violence against children is 
clearly likely to be more common than intimate partner violence against women. 



290 

Government 1.6.2004). Based on this biased figure, the ministry has 
advised maternity nurses to survey pregnant women systematically with a 
questionnaire, whether they have been victimized with domestic violence 
(Ibid). In this questionnaire, women's own violence against men and 
children is not asked at all (Ibid, attachment 14). It is also notable that 
the spouses of the pregnant women are not given a chance to fill in a 
similar questionnaire. This means that men's violence against women and 
children is actively screened, while women's violence against men and 
children is nullified and ignored in the practices of maternity nurses. A 
similar discourse and memeplex concerning men's violence and women's 
innocence is also embedded in empirical studies like the Finnish "Faith, 
hope and battering", in which only men's violence against women was 
studied. In most of these studies, the context of violence is not checked 
in order to see, whether the female victims of violence had actually 
initiated physical violence themselves. Due to the lack of sensitivity to 
the context, the governmentally supported studies concerning violence 
against women tend to present women as innocent victims, while men 
are given the subject position of a guilty perpetrator. The lack of attention 
to the statistical connection of alcohol consumption and intimate partner 
violence also seems to be an integral part of this discourse. This seems to 
be caused by the historical fact that the feminist paradigm of domestic 
violence wanted to challenge the older paradigm of "family violence" 
(see Peltoniemi 1984). Due to this active questioning and challenging, 
it is no longer politically correct to point out the connection of alcohol 
consumption and social problems to domestic violence. The only 
politically correct "root cause" of domestic violence is the fact that we 
live in a patriarchy, and that our patriarchal culture makes men violent. 
The idea of such "root causes" of the violence against women appears in 
the discourses of the United Nations, in the context of ending violence 
against women (e.g. Erturk 2006, summary). 

The official instructions and statistics that the ministries of Social 
Affairs and Health send to the municipal social service organizations are 
likely to amplify the discourses that demonize men and glorify women in 
these organizations (see 7.5.5). For example, according to Vuori, family 
professionals such as social workers and psychologists tend to emphasize 
the importance of mother— child relations, while perceiving the father as 



291 

a potential threat to this symbiotic dyad (Vuori 2001, p. 148— 155). It is 
also common that the social workers indirectly encourage the customers 
in the production of a "villain discourse" which pictures all men as 
irresponsible, selfish, violent and possibly also sex crazed villains. 112 

Although these feminist discourses have also gradually achieved a 
superior position in Finland, they are not in such a strong hegemonic 
position as in most other EU countries. For example, the governmental 
STAKES institute has published articles which pay attention to the fact 
that 40% of the perpetrators of severe assaults against their spouses lately 
have been female in Finland (e.g. Karlsson 2005). The Finnish government 
has also refused to create special routines, practices or organs for handling 
the violence against women, in a manner that would put male and 
female victims of violence in a substantially different position, although 
such policies and organizations for ending the violence against women 
have been proposed by the United Nations and by Finnish women's 
organizations. This suggests that there is still some resistance against the 
feminist paradigm of domestic violence in Finnish society. A significant 
factor for the lack of the popularity of the feminist discourses seems to be 
the Finnish union for the organizations that arrange support to victims 
of domestic violence (Ensi- ja turvakotien liitto). This organization has 
strictly refused to participate in the discourses which picture men as guilty 
perpetrators and women as innocent victims. For example, the project 
manager of this association, Hannele Torronen, has written several 
articles on women's violence, and of women's tendency to patronize 
(matronize?) their family (E.g. Torronen 2001). She has also participated 
in the creation of the web site www.vaiettunaiseus.fi, which contains 
statistics and research reports that are anomalous to the hegemonic 
feminist paradigm. Due to the existence of these critical voices which 
challenge the feminist discourse of domestic violence, it seems reasonable 
to conclude that in Finland the feminist discourses of domestic violence 
have less influence on the public administration than in the USA and in 
the EU, in general. Yet, the existence of official instructions, statistics and 
administrative routines, that picture men as the perpetrators and women 
as the innocent victims, show that the feminist paradigm has also had a 
notable influence on the way in which men and women are treated in the 
context of domestic violence and intimate partner violence in Finland. 

112 Villain discourse, Natkin 1997, p. 195-197 (see Juttula 2004, p. 45-46). 



292 

7.4.3 Men are irresponsible and selfish pigs 

7.4.3.1 Feminist and maternalist discourses 

The feminist and maternalist stereotypes of men and women, present 
women as the altruistic and responsible caretakers of other people, while 
men are characterized as irresponsible, selfish and unloving (e.g. Vaughan 
2007). In some maternalist discourses, men's sex crazed nature and men's 
tendency towards sexual infidelity is also added to the stereotype (see 
chapter 7.2.5). These feminist stereotypes are also strengthened by the 
villain discourses promoted by mothers and family professionals. Atypical 
product of such a villain discourse is the belief in the commonness of 
"dead beat fathers", who first abandon their family, and then refuse to pay 
their child support payments. The idea of men as selfish pigs also appears 
in the feminist discourses, which claim that men do not do their share 
of domestic work and childcare and that this causes an unfair double 
burden onto women (see 7.3.2.4). 



7.4.3.2 Popular discourses and attitudes 

The feminist and maternalist "villain discourses" that severely criticize 
men have gradually established a strong position in modern culture. For 
example, the discourse of the epidemic of "dead beat fathers" seems to 
have appeared in the speeches of TV host Bill O'Reilly, Senator Evan 
Bayh, and president candidate Al Gore. 113 Yet, these discourses are based 
on very shaky evidence, which has been achieved mainly by interviewing 
divorced women. Other statistical sources have shown, that men clearly 
abandon their spouse less often than women, and that divorced men tend 
to pay their child support, unless they are unemployed (Braver 1998, see 
Baskerville 2002, p. 27). According to Kammer, the American culture, in 
general, contains a popular belief and attitude, according to which, men 
tend to be selfish pigs that cause problems in human relations due to their 
immature and selfish behaviors. For example, in the context of divorce and 
other break-ups of relationships, people may commonly suspect that most 
relationships break up due to the behavior of men (Kammer 2002, p. 82). 

1 13 See Baskerville 2002, p. 27 



293 



The popularity of discourses concerning the selfish and irresponsible 
nature of men seems to also apply to Finland to some extent. This was 
evaluated in a brief study in which I used Google to count the frequencies 
of some misandric and misogynous memes on the World Wide Web. In 
order to raise the validity of the results, the googling was done in the 
Finnish language, as in the English language sentences like "all men are 
pigs" could be part of a wider sentence such as "not all men are pigs". 
Another delineation of the study was the disregarding of such hot topics 
like "all men are rapists", as it seems that most hits by Google referred to 
a meta discussion concerning the claimed misandry of some feminists. 
A third choice was to use primarily casual grammar, in order to collect 
people's personal opinions. However, in the context of violence, the 
casual grammar produced only a couple of hits, which made me also 
check the frequency of the meme presented in formal grammar. In order 
to reduce speculative hits pointing to metadiscourses, the statements 
were also tested adding the word that ("etta") in front of the statement. 
The amount of these hits was then subtracted from the total hits of the 
statement. The results of this pilot study are shown in Table 29: 

Men Women Ratio 



Search terms 

miehet/naiset on elaimia 



Translation in English 

men/women are animals 



etta miehet/naiset on elaimia that men/women are animals 

Wef result for "men/women are animals 



miehet/naiset on sikoja 

etta miehet/naiset on sikoja 

Wef result for "men/women are pigs" 



men/women are pigs 
that men/women are pigs 



Miehet/naiset on seksihulluja 
etta miehet/naiset on seksihulluja 

Wef result for "men/women are sex crazed' 

kaikki miehet/naiset pettaa 
etta kaikki miehet/naiset pettaa 

Wef result for "all men/women cheat' 



men/women are sex crazed 
that men /women are sex crazed 



all men/women cheat 
that all men/women cheat 



miehet/naiset ovat vakivaltaisia men/women are violent 

etta miehet/naiset ovat vakivaltaisia that men are violent 



Wef result for "men/women are violent" 



9 


1 


1 





a 


1 


1500 


7 


235 





1265 


7 


4 











4 





101 


7 


6 


4 


95 


3 


212 


142 


5 


6 


207 


136 



31,7 



Table 29. The Relative Frequencies of Some Demonizing Memes. 



294 

The study revealed that in Finland, the misandric stereotype of men as 
"pigs" seems to be 180 times more common than the misogynous idea 
of women as pigs. The stereotype of all men as sexually infidel cheaters 
is 32 times more common than the idea of women as cheaters, based on 
the googling. Surprisingly, the idea of men as violent is only 1.5 times 
more common than the idea of women as violent, which means that 
about 40% of the complaints concerning violence appear as complaints 
against women. This seems to be in line with the statistics concerning 
the incidence of severe assaults among cohabiting partners, and statistics 
concerning the fear of intimate partner violence in Finland (see 6.3.4). 



7.4.3.3 Official discourses 

The idea of the irresponsible and selfish nature of men also appears in 
official discourses. As shown above, the discourses of "dead beat fathers" 
have also permeated the official and political discourses. This has had a 
strong effect on the legislation in USA. In Finland, the idea of men as 
"irresponsible and selfish pigs" appears in a campaign by Liikenneturva, 
which is the Finnish governmental organization for promoting traffic 
safety. Liikenneturva, found out that 85% of the deaths in traffic are 
caused by men. The organization launched an advertising campaign, in 
which about 100 men and no women at all, were standing on a highway 
shouting "I, me, myself!" symbolizing the selfish and irresponsible 
behavior of male drivers. The campaign was not judged discriminative 
against men by the Ethical Council of Advertising, as the majority of 
irresponsible drivers are male, according to a survey study performed in 2003 
(Resolution 24/2005). 114 The resolution, however, does not tell whether 
51% or 100% of the reckless drivers are men. Instead, it emphasizes that 
almost 85% of the deaths in traffic are caused by male drivers. When this 
85% is compared to the fact that men do 70—80% of all driving (Ibid), 
we may note that there is a relatively small difference in the distribution 
of deaths caused by men and women, per distance driven. This means, 
that the statistics do not actually prove a substantial difference in men's 
and women's attitudes and driving habits. Based on this analysis, it is not 

114 http://www.kauppakamari.fi/kkk/palvelut/Mainonnan_eettiset_ohjeet/fi_FI/ 
MEN_lausunto_24_2005/ 



295 

justified to place all the blame of selfishness and irresponsibility on men. 
Therefore, the demonization of men in this campaign seems to be close 
to structural discrimination against men (see 2.2.1), raising of hatred 
against a group of people (see 2.1.6), and negligence of the authorities in 
their duty to advance gender equality (Finnish Equality Law § 4). This 
campaign may have also led to direct discrimination of men, as policemen 
may create a belief system that perceives all female traffic violations as less 
severe than they are, and all male traffic violations as more severe than 
they are. In practice, this could mean that men receive stricter penalties 
from police than women do (see also 8.3.4). 



7.4.4 The valuation of women and femininity 
above men and masculinity 

7.4.4.1 Reverse strategy in feminism 

The feminist difference theory has produced discourses in which women 
and femininity are valued higher than men and masculinity. According 
to Kuusipalo, these discourses represent the reverse strategy in feminism 
(Kuusipalo 2002, p. 220). The term reverse strategy is based on the idea 
of reversing the gender hierarchy. This reversing appears commonly, for 
example, in the feminist stand point epistemology (see 7.3.4.1). The reverse 
strategy also has strong connections to maternalism and ecofeminism, 
which both glorify women's altruistic, loving, caring and responsible 
nature. 115 It is also supported by all the discourses that demonize men, as 
it is obvious that women are the superior gender, if men are characterized 
as violent, sex crazed, selfish, irresponsible and unloving (see 7.4.2 and 
7.4.3). Reverse strategy also appears in cultural feminism, which praises 
women's cultures, and perceives them as a positive alternative to men's 
competitive and hierarchal cultures (see Alcoff 1988 and Kuusipalo 
2002, p. 212-4). 

Although several theories and branches in feminism criticize men and 
masculinity or glorify women and femininity, the idea of putting women 
and femininity above men and masculinity in the gender hierarchy 



115 Maternalism, chapter 7.2.5, ecofeminism, see wwww and Vaughan 2007 



296 



seems to be also based on memetic mutations and on the accidental 
recombination of memes. For example, it seems typical that feminists 
combine elements from equality feminism and feminist difference theory, 
in a way that produces the reverse strategy. The difference theory contains 
several memes claiming that women are better than men in several ways 
and in several tasks — especially in the domain of human relations, morality, 
holistic thinking, unselfishness etc. Yet, equality feminism contains the 
idea that men are not essentially better than women in any tasks. When 
these memes are slightly mutated and then combined together, we can 
easily conclude that women are superior to men in many ways, but men are 
not superior to women in any ways. 



Maternalism and 

essentialist 

ecofeminism 



Cultural feminism 
and social 
constructionist 
ecofeminism 



z 



Anti-essentialist equality feminism 



Women are better than 
men in many ways 



Men are not essentially better 
than women in any ways 



Reverse strategy: Women 
and femininity are superior 
to men and masculinity 



Men are not better than 
women in any ways 



Figure 48. The Rhetoric and Memetic Basis of the Reverse Strategy. 



The appearance and popularity of the feminist reverse strategy, may be 
evaluated by asking feminists to list the positive feminine characteristics 
or positive elements of women's culture. This list is likely to be relatively 
long. When the respondents are asked to list the positive characteristics of 
men or positive elements of men's cultures, the list is likely to be very short 
or empty. This hypothesis, however, has not been tested in a systematic 
manner, although the hypothesis has received some tentative evidence 
from a few interviews and e-mail discussions with Finnish scholars of 
women's studies. The popularity of the reverse strategy can also be deduced 
from the fact that Sandra Bern's idea of androgyny has lost a large part 



297 

of its popularitywithin feminism: The theory of androgyny contained the 
idea that people can learn some valuable feminine and masculine skills, in 
a fashion that makes them androgynously skilled (Bern 1974). In the more 
modern feminist discourses, the idea of "positive masculine skills" is almost 
absent, and the theory of androgyny is criticized, as it contains too much 
emphasis on "andro", meaning the masculine. Even such proponents of 
difference theory, who claim that they promote a theory which perceives 
men and women as equally valuable, tend to glorify femininity without 
saying anything positive about men and masculinity (e.g. Nare 2004). The 
appearance and popularity of the reverse strategy in feminism has also been 
noticed by Finnish sociologists like Jallinoja (2004). 



7.4.4.2 The reverse strategy in popular discourses 
and in public administration 

As noted in chapter 7.2, sexism contains many elements that put women 
and femininity above men and masculinity: The misandric stereotypes 
of men, the maternalist glorification of women, and the chivalrous 
tendency of men to put women on a pedestal. These discourses have 
formed successful coalition discourses with the feminist discourses over 
the last centuries. For example, according to Lucretia Marinella, women 
have inherent nobility and excellence that men do not have (Marinella 
1600). This belief is reflected in sexist songs and poems, which glorify 
women and girls, and position them above men and boys. For example, 
according to an old rhyme, little girls are made of "Sugar and spice, and 
everything nice" while little boys are made of boisterous and somewhat 
filthy substances. It is also relatively common that the lyrics of popular 
songs picture men as clumsy, brutal and uncivilized, while women are 
presented as beautiful and divine beings in a romantic sense. 116 These 
discourses of the superiority of women, contain clear connections to the 
older sexist discourses of the beastly and barbarian nature of men (see 
7.2.2). The core ideas of these traditional and more modern versions 



116 A good example is the Finnish song "Rokaleita mokaleita" which criticizes men 
and presents women as "beautiful paintings and poems" (lyrics Nuotio & Reponen) 



298 

of the reverse strategy have been condensed into the statement by Lady 
Nancy Astor: "I married beneath me, all women do. " 117 

This reverse strategy also appears in the organization cultures of 
female dominated groups and organizations, such as the social service 
organizations. These organizations tend to combine maternalism, 
misandric psychoanalysis, and feminism, in a manner that produces a 
negative stereotype for men and a positive stereotype for women (see 
chapter 7.5.5). Another example of the appearance of the reverse strategy 
seems to be the school system, where the belief in the superiority of 
femininity over masculinity seems to be caused mostly by feminism and 
not by maternalism. According to Sommers and Kammer, the American 
school system has began a feministically motivated war against boys and 
men, in such a fashion that positions women and femininity as the new 
norm for the pupils at schools (Sommers 2001, Kammer 2002, p. 37, 53 
and 91). According to Sommers, special days and excursions are organized 
for girls, so that they get a chance to know the labor market and business 
organizations, while boys are required to stay in the classroom and feel 
guilty (Sommers 2001). Although this practice is not a very severe case 
of reverse discrimination, it shows the valuation of girls over boys, and 
the general dislike of masculinity by the school system. Some more 
concrete examples are given by male teachers, who feel uncomfortable 
about the new norms and values of the schools and educational organs 
of the government. For example, according to Wade "Feminine behavior 
is the model; it is the standard by which all children's behavior is judged. . . 
During one assembly, the headmistress of this primary school asked the 
children: "What does the color blue make you think of?" A little girl, who 
answered 'flowers' was praised. A boy, who enthusiastically answered 'Chelsea' 
[an English soccer team, whose color is blue] was given a pained look and told 
to think again. "" ls 

The feminist discourses, which present men and boys in a negative 
manner and present girls and women as the norm of humanity, seem 
to also appear within the Finnish school system. According to Arno 
Kotro, a teacher, writer and masculist, the feminist paradigm about 
the superiority of femininity over masculinity is systematically taught 

117 Lady Nancy Astor (1879-1964), see Kammer 2002, p. 33 

118 Alexander Wade, a teacher in training, in The Spectator (UK), September 2, 
2000 (see Kammer 2002, p. 91) 



299 

to new teachers during their training. This paradigm and the materials 
distributed to teachers, present boys and masculinity in an very negative 
manner, leading to the conclusion that women, femininity and women's 
cultures are superior to men, masculinity and men's cultures (Kotro 2007, 
p. 162). The same has been observed by children's psychiatrist Raisa 
Cacciatore, who claims that the Finnish school system has developed 
a severely misandric atmosphere and paradigm (Cacciatore, see Kotro 
2007, p. 162). 



7.4.5 The belief in the superior value of women's lives, safety 
and comfort 

7.4.5.1 Feminist discourses 

Hardly any feminists claim that women are more valuable than men. 
Yet, some feminist discourses suggest that the loss of female lives is worse 
than the loss of male lives, and that feminine suffering is more severe than 
male suffering. For example, according to Hillary Clinton, "Women have 
always been the primary victims of war. Women lose their husbands, their 
fathers, their sons in combat. Women ofien have to flee from the only homes 
that they have ever known. Women are often the refugees from conflict and 
sometimes, more frequently in today's warfare, victims. Women are often left 
with the responsibility, alone, of raising the children. " (Clinton 1998). This 
discourse suggests that even if a man dies or gets maimed in a war, the 
ones who suffer more from this death or maiming are the women. This 
means that male deaths are considered less significant than the mental 
pain that women have to face, due to the death of their father, husband 
or son. (Kammer 2002, p. 83) 

In some cases, the feminist discourses — in the theoretical periphery 
of feminism — claim that men have to be chivalrous and gentlemanly 
towards women, as women deserve it due to their inherent dignity and 
excellence. This thread of feminism seems to be actually 400 years old, 
as one of the first feminists in the world, Lucretia Marinella, wrote the 
following: "It is an amazing thing to see in our city the wife of a shoemaker, 
or a butcher, or a porter dressed in silk with chains of gold at the throat, with 



300 

pearls and a ring of good value. . . and then in contrast to see her husband 
cutting the meat, all smeared with cow's blood, poorly dressed, or burdened 
like an ass, clothed with the stuff from which sacks are made . . . but whoever 
considers this reasonable, because it is necessary that the lady, even if low- 
born and humble, be draped with such clothes for her natural excellence and 
dignity, andthe man less adorned as if slave, or a little ass, born to her service" 
(Marinella 1600, see Kammer 2002, p. 31). 

These discourses of women's superior dignity and excellence, continued 
in the discourses of the Victorian society, and in the early maternalist 
women's movement, which both have a clear connection to feminism. 
Although the equality feminism of the 1940s to 1960s questioned the 
superior value of women, the feminist difference theory and stand-point 
epistemology revived it once more in the 1970s and 1980s. Due to this 
trend in feminism, it is no longer uncommon to make statements of 
the superior value of women in magazines. For example, a Canadian 
woman, who works in public relations, gave the following statement 
in an interview in the National Post of Canada: "Of course men have 
to pay and buy you presents. Men have to spoil you. You have to be spoiled. 
If you don't think you're a princess, you're not going to be treated like one. 
You have to make sure you know — and they know —you're a princess. This 
is my feminism. It's the new feminism to say, "I'm expensive. I need lots of 
attention. I need men to bend over backwards for me". 119 According to this 
thread of "princess feminism", women have such inborn nobility and 
excellence that men must devote a lot of their time in protecting women, 
and ensuring their comfort. The idea of women as princesses, who need 
constant protection and comfort, is also illustrated by the statement by 
the novelist Anne Rice. According to Rice, the women's movement, when 
she joined it, "was about power, earning the same pay for the same job. Now 
it's about protection. We are saying that we want to be allowed into a man's 
world, but we can't take it. You have to protect us. " l20 



119 Interview of a 26 year old Canadian woman, in an article by Rebecca Eckler 
(National Post of Canada 2000-08-26, see Kammer 2002, p. 119). 

120 Rice, Anne (1994) Interview by Julia Reed, "The Burden of Proof," VOGUE, 
Jan. 1994, at 32 (see Goines & Popovica 1994) 



301 

7.4.5.2 Popular discourses and the media 

Popular discourses and texts in the media gain their idea of the superior 
value of female lives, partly from feminist difference theory and radical 
feminism, and partly from the sexist discourses of maternalism, chivalry 
and the gentlemanly pedestal treatment of women. Due to this attractive 
coalition discourse between feminism and sexism, the American media 
seems to emphasize the appalling nature of women's suffering and female 
deaths, whilst male suffering and the loss of male lives are not presented 
as an equal "crime against humanity". For example, according to the 
study of Boyce (1994), Canadian newspaper headlines tend to highlight 
and point out female suffering more strongly than male suffering. The 
volume of the study was 2000 newspaper articles, in which the headline 
of the story was compared to the content. This same phenomenon has 
been detected by Jack Kammer, who reports that statistics are commonly 
interpreted and headlined in the news in a "feminacentric" manner, 
hinting that women's suffering is more severe and important than 
male suffering. For example, an article which reported that 82% of all 
employees killed at workplace were men in 1987, was provided with a 
headline stating that "732 women were murdered on the job." (Kammer 
2002, p. 85). In a similar fashion, the Washington Post reported that 115 
girl babies and 158 boy babies were killed in the USA 1997. The story, 
however, was given the headline "A Matter Of Violent Death and Little 
Girls" (Ibid, p. 85). 



7.4.5.3 Official discourses and practices 

The higher value of women, compared to men, appears in the common 
discourses of chivalry, which have been described in chapter 7.2.4. 
According to these discourses, men should sacrifice their lives in order 
to save women and children, for example, in serious accidents and 
catastrophes. The thread of chivalrous sexism especially appears in the 
context of war, as male soldiers and officers tend to put a lot of effort 
into protecting and rescuing female soldiers (see Farrell 1994). Not only 
the soldiers, but also the generals and politicians do their best to avoid 
loss of female soldiers in wars, which makes this kind of chivalry a part 



302 

of the public administration (see Kammer 2002, p. 25). This chivalrous 
valuation of female lives above male lives also appears in court practices. 
For example, in the USA, drunk drivers who have killed a woman tend to 
get a 56% longer sentence than drunk drivers who have killed a man. 121 

The prioritization of female lives and women's welfare seems to also 
appear in the distribution of funds for the prevention and curing of 
women's cancers, compared to the prevention and curing of typical men's 
cancers. According to Kammer, the US department of health spends 
significantly more money on the prevention and curing of breast cancer 
than for the prevention and curing of prostate cancer. This difference 
still remains, even if the budgets are divided by the amount of deaths 
for breast cancer and prostate cancer. The department of health spends 
13.000$ per year per each breast cancer death, while using only 6.000$ 
per year per each prostate cancer death. 122 Arithmetically, this would lead 
to the conclusion that female lives are considered to be at least two times 
more important than male lives. This prioritization of female lives and 
female health above men's lives and men's health seems to also appear 
also Finland. The Finnish public healthcare has been arranging free of 
charge screenings for breast cancer for women for several decades. Similar 
screenings for men, to detect early appearance of prostate cancer, are not 
arranged, even though economically feasible and scientifically reliable 
methods would be available (Petays 2007, p. 110). 

The superiorly high value of female lives can also be deduced from 
the superior attractiveness of mutated memes that exaggerate the losses 
of female lives. For example, a study of violence — of all violence, 
not just domestic violence — was conducted in a poor, inner city 
Philadelphia neighborhood (Kammer 2002, p. 215). Twelve percent 
of the perpetrators of injuries to women were male domestic partners. 
However, when the Surgeon General Antonia Novello said correctly 
that "one study found violence to be the leading cause of injury to women 
ages 15- 44 years", it was misinterpreted and then quoted by a pamphlet 
of feminist activists in the following manner: "findings by the Surgeon 
General reveal that domestic violence is the leading cause of injury to women 
between ages 15 and 44, more common than automobile accidents, muggings 

121 National Bureau on Economic Research at Harward University 2000 (see 
Kammer 2002, p. 25). 

122 Men's Health Network, Washington DC (see Kammer 2002, p. 20). 



303 

and cancer combined. " This pamphlet was then quoted by Newsweek, 
which gave the mutated meme more credibility and transformed it 
into common knowledge (Ibid, p. 215). The mutated version has even 
spread to Europe, where a Parliamentary Assembly stated that "Statistics 
shows that for women between 16 and 44 years of age, domestic violence is 
thought to be the major cause of death and invalidity, ahead of cancer, road 
accidents and even war. " [23 In the discourses of the European Council, 
this mutated meme also appears in a form, in which the age limits 
have been completely removed. According to European Council, "It 
is estimated that more women in Europe die or are seriously injured every 
year through domestic violence than through cancer or road accidents. >124 
The extremely exaggerated nature of this meme is revealed by the fact 
that in Finland, 174 times more women die of cancer than of domestic 
violence (www.stat.fi, seeTakala & al. 2005, p. 6). The rapid exaggeration 
and spreading of this meme seems to suggest that in our culture, 
female suffering and the loss of female lives are, in an essentialist sense, 
considered more appalling than male suffering and the loss of male lives. 



7.5 Double Standards that Lead to Discrimination 

7.5.1 The origins of the misandric 

and discriminative double standards 

In the introduction of this chapter, the sources of misandric double 
standards were located into sexism, feminism, radical welfare state 
ideology, and the sexist branches of science such as psychoanalysis and 
sociobiology In the previous chapters, these discourses and memeplexes 
have been deconstructed into smaller memeplexes and elements. This 
enables us to draw a more detailed picture of the discriminative double 
standards and their origins. The most influential memeplexes that induce 
double standards in favor of women are chivalry and alpha bias, the 
feminist perception of women as the discriminated and oppressed gender, 
and the welfare state ideology for giving special treatment to such social 

123 Parliamentary Assembly, Recommendation 1582 / 2002 (seeTakala & al. 2005, p. 6). 

124 Council of Europe, Recommendation 1450 / 2000 (see Takala & al. 2005, p. 6) 



304 

groups which have been officially classified as disadvantaged. All of these 
memeplexes may be used for supporting dozens of double standards that 
favor women and discriminate men — even in the public administration. 
On a more detailed level, it may be seen that other sexist memeplexes 
such as macho masculinity, maternalism and the sexist stereotypes of 
men also have their misandric and discriminative implications that 
actualize into double standards in favor of women. In a similar fashion, 
some feminist memeplexes like the reverses strategy and the theories 
of gendered violence and social work are also likely to support double 
standards that favor women. The radical belief in the justified anger and 
rage of the oppressed groups also has its specific effects that work towards 
general misandry, especially when combined with the sexist and feminist 
discourses that support misandry. 



Wish to help disadvantaged groups 



i~r 



Legitimization of anger and rage against the oppressors 



Macho 
masculinity 



Double standards in favor of 
women; systematic bias against men 



Chivalry 

and alpha 

bias 



The humiliation of men is ok 



Discrimination of men in criminal court 



Military obligations for men only 



Sexist 
stereotypes 
of men + 
sociobiology 
and psycho- 
analysis 



The favoring of female clients in restaurants etc. 



Mis- 
andry 

is ok 



Belief that women are better, more valuable and deserve more 



Ignoring the problems of men and boys m equality policy 



General discrimination by social services and psychologists 



Discrimination of fathers in custody disputes 



KX 



Perception of 
women as the 
discriminated 
and oppressed 
gender 



Feminist 
theory of 
gendered 
violence 



Reverse 
strategy 



Femimst theory of 
social work 



Figure 49. The EmergenceofMisandricDoubleStandardsand Discriminative 
Practices. 



305 

7.5.2 Summarizing and explicating 

some double standards described so far 

7.5.2.1 Sexist double standards 

that also gain support from feminism 

In chapter 7.2.7, the discrimination of men in criminal court was 

described as a sexist phenomenon. However, it also contains connections 
to feminism. For example, in the USA, feminist activists and lawyers have 
lobbied the Federal Judicial Circuits to such an extent, that the 9 th Circuit 
pities the fact that the discrimination against men in courts has been 
removed by the new Guidelines that have been given to courts: "If women 
received lesser sentences prior to the implementation of the Guidelines, and 
now their sentences more close approximate those given to men, the Guidelines 
would have had a disproportionately harsher effect on women than on men. 
In other words, while many defendants receive longer sentences under the 
Guidelines than previously, women's sentences may have increased more than 
those of men. >125 This shows that feminist memeplexes can be used for 
arguing against the removal of the discrimination against men. It also 
shows that the feminist paradigm may contain a subtle double standard, 
according to which the advancement of gender equality is a positive thing 
— but only, if it leads to the advancement of women's status. 

Although men's obligatory military service was introduced as a 
tradition that is mostly supported by patriotic and chivalrous gentlemen 
(see 7.2.4), it is also supported by women in general. According to a 
survey of the Finnish population, 79% of Finnish women consider 
the present system as superior to any alternative system, while only 68 
% of men support the present system, in which the military service is 
obligatory for men, but voluntary for women (MTS 2007, p. 8). The 
link from feminism to the military obligations of men is controversial: 
Some equality feminists consider men's obligatory military service to be 
a violation against the principles of gender equality, 126 however some 
others claim that women already have the burden of having to give birth 



125 Gender Bias Task Force 1993, p. 181 (see Kammer 2002, p. 84). 

126 E.g. Rosa Merilainen, member of Finnish parliament (see Merilainen 2005). 



306 



to children, and therefore, men's obligatory military service is merely a 
fair, balancing factor. 



7.5.2.2 Feminist double standards 

that also gain support from sexism 

Feminism contains memeplexes that tend to lead to the ignoring of men's 
equality problems in the equality policy (see 7.3.3.4). This tendency of not 
seeing men's problems as equality problems is supported by chivalrous 
gentlemen, who like to prioritize women's comfort and female lives over 
men's comfort and male lives (see 7.4.5). It also gains support from the 
ideals of macho masculinity, which require that men do not complain 
"too easily", since complaining and the search for comfort are seen as 
feminine behaviors (see 7.2.3). 

In a similar fashion, the feminist belief in the higher value of women 
compared to men (7.4.5.1) also gains support from sexism, in the form of 
the chivalry and gentlemanly codes (7.2.4). 



7.5.3 Misandric double standards 

7.5.3.1 The humiliation of men is ok 

The double standard concerning the humiliation of men, means that the 
public humiliation of men is widely approved in the modern society, 
while the public humiliation of women in the media is considered as 
grossly old fashioned and retarded. The humiliation of men appears in 
four forms: 1) humiliation as an initiation rite, 2) moderate forms of 
humiliation as a continuous test of masculinity, 3) humiliation as a social 
punishment for those men, who deviate from traditional masculinity, 
and 4) humiliation as a feminist punishment for men. 

An example of humiliation in the sense of an initiation rite is given 
by the pennalism that occurs in the army. New recruits are commonly 
placed in humiliating situations by the older and higher ranking men. 
For example, they may be ordered to stand in line dressed in pyjamas and 



307 

a gas mask, or to crawl on the floor shooting "dust poodles" with their 
toothbrushes. There are also many examples of the ways in which the 
sexist culture teaches men to tolerate humiliation on a constant basis. An 
example of this appears in the snow-board culture, in which young men 
are encouraged to make themselves vulnerable to verbal humiliation (see 
Willis 1984, p. 40-41 and Mikola 2003, p. 48-51). Another example 
are the sexist and boisterous traditions, which encourage men to engage 
in humiliating and yet somewhat courageous and daring situations, and 
then to face public laughter without caring about it (e.g. the Jackasses and 
the Extreme Dudesons). This pressure on men to tolerate humiliation 
and to "stay cool" under humiliation, also appears in the cultures of black 
men, who are often placed in humiliating situations by the police (see 
Edley & Wetherell 1995, p. 112). The socialization of men to constant 
humiliation also appears in the nasty nicknames that men give to each 
other — and then expect that the ridiculed man stays cool and learns 
to appreciate the new humiliating nickname. Another typical example 
is made of the public presentation of "best home videos" on television, 
which often present men and boys in very humiliating situations, making 
fun of them. In many cases, the man who is laughed at, is suffering from 
severe pain due to some wrong assessment or decision. Yet, this painful 
situation is presented as something to laugh about. Similar humiliation 
of women is not as common on the home video shows (see Kammer 
2002). This all means that men who tolerate moderate humiliation are 
usually considered masculine in a positive sense, while women who 
tolerate public humiliation are considered as old fashioned and retarded 
(as they do not fight for their feminist right, not to be humiliated). This 
double standard is likely to reproduce the existence of the humiliation of 
men on a constant basis, while the humiliation of women is likely to be 
rooted out by the equality officials of the welfare states. 

An example of the humiliation of men, as a social punishment against 
men who fail to meet the standards of traditional masculinity, is shown 
by Malcolm George, in his writing "Skimmington revisited" (George 
2002). He describes the history of the old sharivari rituals, which were 
used to humiliate the men who had been beaten by their wives, and 
therefore proven not to meet the requirements of proper masculinity. 
In these common medieval rituals, the beaten husband, sometimes 
along with his wife, was seated backwards on a donkey. While riding 



308 

the donkey, the man was humiliated by a mob of his neighbors, relatives 
and fellow citizens, shouting and banging cattle drums. These rituals, 
although not an official punishment against the beaten husband, were 
quietly approved by the authorities as the breaking of the natural order 
between the sexes was seen as harmful. In Great Britain, the sharivari 
tradition appeared in the verbal ridiculing of men who had been beaten 
by their wife: These men were labeled as "Mr. Skimmington" after the 
skimming stick, which was a typical weapon used by wives for beating 
their husbands. The effects of the sharivari tradition and the skimmington 
metaphora still existed in late 19 th century literature, in which men used 
skimmington terminology and were seriously afraid of being humiliated, 
if they reported having been abused by their spouse (George 2002). The 
stereotype of a ridiculous husband, who can not defend himself against 
his wife, still exists in cartoons such as "Victor and Clara" and in Finnish 
comedies such as "Pekka Puupaa". 

The humiliation of men also has connections to feminism, in the form 
of feministic jokes and cartoons of men, who are shown as disgusting 
and ridiculous creatures who "deserve" bad treatment and misfortune. 
For example, Aro & Sarpavaara (2005) analyzed "Internet jokes" that 
were passed through the Internet from person to person. Such jokes 
were collected from the students and personnel of the faculty of women's 
studies at the University of Tampere. A large proportion of these jokes 
were clearly misandric in their nature, and made fun of situations, in 
which men were in painful or humiliating situations. An example of such 
a joke is a cartoon screen presenting a fat and ugly man at the doctors, 
having his penis and testicles squeezed between the glass plates of a 
"pappography" device. Another connection between feminism and the 
humiliation of men is the tendency of some feminists to call masculists 
"sissies" or "fags" on web discussion forums. The logic behind this kind 
of behavior, which is clearly against the principles of the mainstream 
feminist ideology, is probably based on the fact that masculists and men's 
right activists are stereotyped as "homophobic chauvinists" by many 
feminists. Therefore, the calling of masculists as fags is seen as a tactical 
maneuver to win a debate. This original logic, however, is easily forgotten, 
when the "masculists are fags" meme spreads to new discussions. As a 
consequence, the "masculists are sissies" may gradually establish itself 
as a dominant meme among web writers, who consider themselves as 



309 



feminists. An example of this "masculists are sissies" appeared after the 
publication of the "Men without equality" book in Finland 2007, when a 
feminist columnist gave the description that the male authors of the book 
are whining like sissies. 127 

When identifying the precise connections of the humiliation of men 
to other memeplexes, one clear case is the macho masculinity, which 
requires men to be tough, meaning that they can tolerate ridiculing and 
moderate humiliation (see 7.2.1). The connection of the humiliation of 
men to misandric feminism may be found in the stand-point-feminism, 
which encourages women to trust their feelings — including the feelings 
of anger towards men (see 7.3.4.2). It also appears in the memeplex of the 
reverse strategy, which is partly based on the creation of very misandric 
stereotypes of men (see 7.3.3.2). The joy that women may get out of the 
humiliation of men is also probably connected to the theory of patriarchy, 
which presents men as the oppressors of women (see 7.3.3). This idea of 
oppression may be easily used as a legitimization for making all men 
the free targets for ridiculing, humiliation and mistreatment, especially 
when connected with the idea that the advancement of women's status 
is more important than the advancement of equality (see 7.3.3.1). This 
meme is also connected to the double standards, according to which the 
demonization of men is progressive, and that violence against men is ok, 
especially if it is perpetrated by women (7.5.3.2—7.5.3.3). 



Ideals of macho 
masculinity 



Female violence 
> against men is ok 



^ 



Men should tolerate 
moderate humiliation 



Humiliation of men is 
functional for the society 



Women are the oppressed gender in 
all contexts 



Men who do not meet the requiremens 
should be humiliated 



Figure 50. Humiliation of men is functional for the society. 

127 Sari Pullinen, Etela-Saimaa Magazine 



310 

7.5.3.2 Severe criticism against men is progressive, 

whilst criticism against women is old fashioned 

During the ancient period and late medieval times, male philosophers 

and scholastics presented women as a somewhat demonic gender: 

Women were pictured as ruthless seducers of innocent men, sexually 

hyperactive, and morally immature. As described in chapter 7.2.2, these 

stereotypes gradually shifted during the 19 th century to the opposite 

extreme, so that the demonization of women became very unfashionable, 

whilst severe criticism of men became increasingly popular and 

"progressive". In the 20 th century, the older discourses that criticize men 

and masculinity have gained support from those feminist discourses and 

public campaigns, which have present men as violent and sex crazed (see 

7.4.2.4) or as selfish and irresponsible (7.4.3.3). These campaigns seem 

to express a double standard, as similar shaming and severe criticism 

of women would not be possible within the discourses of the public 

administration. 128 For example, the Finnish traffic safety campaign, that 

gave the impression that all selfish and irresponsible car drivers are men, 

is analogical to an imaginary campaign of traffic safety that gives the 

impression that only women crash cars in parking places. In both cases, 

the misandric or misogynous generalizations can be connected to the 

statistics of insurance companies. Yet, both campaigns can be interpreted 

as hate crimes, meaning the raising of prejudice and hatred against men 

or women. The connection of public campaigns to hate crimes is even 

clearer in the context of racism: According to Finnish statistics, about 

60% of the rape crimes in the capital of Finland, during 2006 and 2007 

have been committed by men who belong to ethnic or racial minorities 

(Helsingin Sanomat 2008). Yet, it would be considered as a hate crime 

to launch a public anti-rape campaign, giving the impression that only 

foreigners commit rape in Finland. This kind of protection for women 

and ethnic minorities from prejudicious generalizations is a privilege 

that white, heterosexual Finnish men do not enjoy in Finland. On the 

contrary, men seem to be a free target for all misandric stereotypes and 

generalizations. Examples of these stereotypes are the stereotype of meat 

eating heterosexual men (Rahkonen 2006) and the stereotype oifat middle 

128 The idea of impossibility in this context is related to Foucault's theory of genealogy 
and to Bourdieu's idea of a doxa, which prevents unorthodox discussions. 



311 

aged men (see Makela 2007, p. 192—195), which are both presented in a 
very negative manner. 

The double standards, concerning the acceptance of the demonization 
of men, are also illustrated by the fact that the feminists are actively trying 
to convert all campaigns and discourses that would blame women, into 
campaigns and discourses that would support problematized women. For 
example, the health officials in Finland have not commenced campaigns 
against women's violence against children, although the majority of 
violence against children is perpetrated by women (Sariola 1992, p. 825). 
In a similar fashion, women's violence against fetuses, in the form of 
alcohol consumption and fetal brain damage, has not led to campaigns 
that would blame women for this violence, although 100% of the 
perpetrators of this violence are female. 



7.5.3.3 Misandric promotion of violence against men and boys 

This chapter concentrates on the discourses, which present women's 
violence against men as harmless, funny or justified, and which present 
violence against men, in general, as something natural. Some of these 
discourses are clearly sexist or feminist in their nature, whilst others 
combine sexism and feminism together in order to encourage violence 
against men, or to legitimize and naturalize it. 

The sexist discourses that encourage women to be violent against men, 
rely on the idea of macho masculinity, meaning that men have to learn 
to cope with women who slap them "harmlessly" on the face (see 7.2.3). 
The sexist discourses also draw from the sexist and pennalist traditions 
of the ridiculing and humiliation of men, and from the sexist discourses 
which demand that men must learn to cope with ridiculing and humiliation 
(7.5.3.1). 

The feminist discourses encourage women to be violent against men 
in three fashions, which are the psychological argument, the radical 
left wing argument, and the radical feminist legitimization of women's 
counter actions and revenge. According to the psychological argument, 
women should learn to show their aggressive feelings in order to avoid 
burying them deep within (see Sperberg & Stabb 1998). This showing 



312 

of aggression easily leads to verbal assaults against men, but these assaults 
are mostly seen as therapeutic and important for women's well being. 
This seems to create a double standard, as verbal assaults against women 
are usually considered as a crime against human rights within the 
feminist discourses concerning violence against women, 129 while women's 
verbal assaults against men are considered as therapeutic. The belief in 
women's right to express their anger, may also be used as a retrospective 
legitimization for the spontaneous slaps and punches that women may 
have given their spouses due to anger or frustration. It is very easy for 
people to find retrospective legitimizations for their own behavior. Once 
these retrospective legitimizations have evolved, they may also be used 
as a way for legitimizing constant routines and practices of mild forms 
of violence against men. This hypothesis seems to be supported by the 
studies about the motives of women's violence. According to the study by 
Fiebert and Gonzales, the two most common reasons for milder forms of 
women's violence against men are 1) frustration and anger, when men are 
not perceived to pay enough attention to the woman, and 2) the belief 
that the slaps and punches can not possibly harm the man (Fiebert and 
Gonzales 1997). With this thinking, the slaps and punches are just a 
natural expansion of interspousal discourses, and they can be legitimized 
by the right of the women to express their anger. This thinking also gains 
support from the stereotype of men as tough and sturdy, which tends to 
make women believe that their milder forms of violence are harmless and 
insignificant. 

According to the radical left wing argument, oppressed classes and 
disadvantaged social groups should see anger and rage as valuable tools for 
their own empowerment, and for the changing of the society (see Holmes 
2004). This line of reasoning also appears within radical feminism, which 
has strong connections to radical left wing ideologies (Ibid) . This valuation 
of women's anger, may also be used as a tool for legitimizing women's 
"outrageous acts" against men (see 7.3.4.2), including some illegal acts of 



129 E.g. the feminist training material "Friidu" (Puhakainen 2004) for school girls 
defines violence in such a fashion that it includes verbal assaults in the definition (p. 
44). Then, this violence is defined as a crime against human rights (p. 43). This means 
that verbal assaults against women are considered as a crime against human rights. In 
an equivalent booklet "Fredi", the verbal assaults against boys are not mentioned as a 
violation against human rights. 



313 

anger and rage, as the radical feminists are not always satisfied by the legal 
and political ways of changing the society. This may lead to hate crimes 
against men. For example, according to the newspaper Dagen's Nyheter, 
an armed feminist group attacked the customers of a Swedish sex club in 
2005 (Kellberg 2005). In another case, a group of women raped a young 
man by inserting an object into his anus, stating that they want to show 
men, how it feels to be raped (Carlqvist 2004). This belief in justified 
hatred and rage against male oppressors may also indirectly appear in 
the official equality policy: The Finnish Council for Gender Equality 
(TANE) arranged a seminar, in which one of the key-note speakers was 
Sheila Jeffries, who is known for her radical recommendations, according 
to which women should not cooperate with men, since men represent 
the "enemy" (Jeffries 1981). This creates a double standard, as it has been 
the policy of TANE to be very cautious, in order to avoid giving the 
chance to speak to men, who are suspected of misogynous ideas. 130 

The third argument for women's violence against men also comes from 
the radical feminist tradition. According to this discourse, women are 
violent against men almost only in self defence or due to their desperate 
situation, which has been caused by the long lasting patriarchal violence 
the woman has been suffering (e.g. Renzetti 1999, see Keskinen 2005, p. 
84). This argument may appear in a moderate memeplex, which claims 
that women should not remain passive when victimized by men's violence, 
and instead, they should contact police or social workers, or file for a 
divorce when assaulted. However, the more radical versions of this 
memeplex encourage women to retaliate to men's violence, sometimes 
even suggesting that women should kill the men who are violent to them. 



130 Jarmo Lindhlom has reported by e-mail that he was not given a chance to speak at 
a seminar organized by TANE (Lindholm 2006 at man@kaapeli.fi ). This potential policy 
towards censoring men's right activists seems to be connected to the influential position 
of JeffHearn, Arto Jokinen and Bert Bjarland as gender equality experts in the context of 
TANE: Jokinen is a student of Hearn in the field of men's studies, and Bjarland belongs to 
the Profeministimiehet association, in which Hearn has been one of the founders. On the 
web forum of Profeministimiehet, a FAQ explicates that the association is not a part of 
the men's right movement, which is a "regressive movement". The same idea was found in 
an expert statement to TANE by Arto Jokinen, which suggested that the Anglo-American 
pro-male branch of men's studies is something that should be avoided, when developing 
studies on men in Finland (Jokinen 2005, acquired from the pages of the network of 
Critical Studies of men in Finland) . 



314 

(E.g. Dworkin 1991). This right for women to retaliate also appears in 
the Finnish popular culture. For example, a Finnish pop group called 
PMMP, which has a strong feminist background, recently recorded a 
song and a music video, in which they sing "if you hit me, I will kill you" 
in their own campaign to stop violence against women. 

These sexist and feminist discourses, which legitimize and naturalize 
violence against men, seem to have been manifested into several television 
programmes, movies and advertisements, which present women's violence 
against men as something legitimate and natural, whereas men's violence 
against women is presented as an extremely serious crime. For example, 
Walt Disney added two extra episodes to Tom Sawyer, when it was filmed. 
Both episodes contained female to male violence in an "entertaining" 
context (Kammer 2002, p. 98—99). Misandric humor is also common 
on American TV shows, although the law forbids hate speech and the 
raising of hatred against social groups. For example, the talk show hostess 
Roseanne began her national television career by saying, 'Did you hear 
the one about the woman who stabbed her husband 37 times?' The joke 
was presented in a manner that suggested that the 37 stabs were just 
right for the man, who deserved them (Kammer p. 85). In another case, 
a cartoon screen presented an angry woman who was waiting for her 
husband to return home late at night. On the wall, she had a set of 
three weapons, each connected to a tag giving instructions about the 
proper usage of the weapon. (E.g. the gun had the label "lipstick on 
collar"). Even if these movies, advertisements and comics are seen as 
nothing but jokes and signs of good humor, we must note that all the 
products of cultural industry are connected and based to the social reality 
(Naranen 1995, p. 54). They capture the most popular discourses and 
memes that are circulating around in general public discourses, while 
they simultaneously tend to amplify these discourses. 

Another example of the naturalization and legitimization of female 
to male violence is shown by the Finnish Nicorette ad, in which a 
young woman kicks, beats and crashes the male faced cigarette creature 
in a manner that presents this violence as completely acceptable. The 
double standard of this commercial is revealed by the fact that it would 
be almost impossible to imagine a Nicorette ad, in which a man would 
kick and beat up a female faced cigarette figure. This shows that men 



315 

are considered as legitimate targets for violence, while violence against 
women is considered so serious that it can not be joked about. A third 
example of the legitimization of female violence appears in the recurring 
intro of the soap opera "Desperate Housewives", in which a man makes 
a woman cry, and the woman retaliates by punching him so hard that 
he falls down and gets a black eye. The idea of the justified nature of 
female violence against men, provided by the cultural industry, has also 
reached younger women in the USA: In a study of Follingstad, Wright, 
& Sebastian (1991), female college students were found to be two times 
more likely to assault their dating partner than male students (see Fiebert 
2006). In Finland, the likelihood of young women to beat up their 
boyfriends maybe even 14—17 times higher than the likelihood of young 
men beating up their girlfriends (6.3.4). 



7.5.4 The favoring of female clients in recreational services 

7.5.4.1 The sexist favoring of female clients and the alpha bias 

Restaurants, night clubs and gyms may favor women, by giving them 
special discounts or privileges. Women, for example, may be permitted 
free entrance to a night club, a lowered age limit to enter a restaurant, or 
a discount on the monthly fee of a gym. These discriminative practices 
are explained in chapter 8.3.3 in more detail. This favoring of female 
clients can be explained by chivalry, traditions of macho masculinity, 
sexist gender stereotypes, and by the theory of alpha males and females. 
In most cultures, alpha males are synonymous to rich (and handsome) 
males, while alpha females are synonymous to beautiful (and rich) females 
(see 5.7). Most restaurants, night clubs and gyms have an incentive to 
attract alpha males and females into their clientele, as these alpha clients 
will then attract other people to the restaurant, nightclub or gym. Due 
to the traditional asymmetry in the construction of men's and women's 
alpha position, it is financially rational for restaurants, nightclubs and 
gyms to keep general prices high and then give discounts to women: 
This pricing model is likely to increase the amount of alpha females and 
reduce the proportion of beta males among the customers. The theory of 
alpha females and alpha males also explains the tendency of restaurants 



316 

and nightclubs to set a relatively high age limit for entrance (e.g. 24 
years), while the unofficial policy of the restaurants is to permit much 
younger women to enter. This policy is financially rational, as it reduces 
the proportion of young (and less rich) beta males among the customers, 
whilst increasing the proportion of young and good looking alpha females 
in the clientele. 

The sexist stereotypes of men and women, together with the ideals of 
macho masculinity, present men as the chasers of women, while women 
are given the subject position of a passive or somewhat resistant target. 
These memeplexes support the idea that men have to invest in the 
chasing of women, before they can be rewarded by the love (and sex) 
of the women. Due to this cultural legacy, men are still socialized into 
the habit of paying more for dates, dating services and party evenings 
than women. At the same time, women have learned to expect favorable 
treatment in the context of dating and nightclubs. This means that the 
special discounts and privileges for women are just a continuation of a 
long tradition. These female expectations for preferential treatment are 
also amplified by the discourses of chivalry, which make it natural for 
women to expect that they are treated like princesses (see 7.4.5). 



7.5.4.2 The feminist motive for favoring women 
as users of recreational services 

According to the theory of patriarchy, women are the disadvantaged 
gender. Therefore, it is natural that the private public administration 
should systematically favor women, for example, by arranging free 
swimming hall entrance to women on certain days or hours at public 
swimming halls. This idea of the disadvantaged status of women can 
also acts as a motive for feministically oriented private associations and 
organizations, to favor female clients, for example, by giving special 
discounts. 

On top of this general motive, it is also possible to argue that men are 
the patronizing gender that tends to take all the space from the women. 
This radical feminist argument may also contain the idea that women 
require situations, in which they are protected from the sexualized 'male 
gaze'. Based on these arguments, it is possible to claim that girls and 



317 



women should have special facilities and events arranged which are 
forbidden for boys and men. 

The actualization of these discourses into concrete discriminative 
practices is described in chapters 8.3.3.3 and 8.3.4.4 in more detail. 



7.5.5 The discrimination of men at the core of the matriarchy 

7.5.5.1 Introduction 

The core of the matriarchy in welfare states is likely to be constructed 
around childcare, maternity healthcare, support for single mothers, and 
the social services in general. Due to the historical segregation of the 
society, all of these functions and areas are likely to be dominated by 
female professionals, managers and employees. Maternity healthcare and 
social services are also mentally at the core of the sphere of femininity, 
since maternity, childcare and caretaking activities in general are mentally 
connected to the idea of femininity (see 5.6.1). Statistics from Finland 
show support to the concentration of all power resources to women, in 
those organizations that operate in the sphere of femininity (see 6.2). 

The purpose of this chapter is to show that matriarchal organizations 
tend to combine memes from many different sources in a femininely and 
feministically biased manner, creating double standards that put men in 
a disadvantaged position. As shown in chapter 5.4, this accumulation of 
bias is mostly unintentional, and only partly caused by the intentional 
activities of women's organizations. The main sources of biased, misandric 
and discriminative memes are sexism, the welfare state ideology, feminism 
and the general feminine bias, which is caused by female dominance in 
the core of matriarchy. 

The following chapters analyze the representations of these memeplexes 
and biases in social service organizations and in the maternal guidance 
centers. In these organizations, the clearest contexts where discriminative 
double standards appear are in divorce and custody, parental guidance, 
and domestic violence. 



318 

7.5.5.2 Double standards caused by maternalism 
and the feminine bias 

A likely reason for the discrimination of men in custody disputes is 
made of sexism and maternalism, which picture men as the breadwinners 
and mothers as the care takers of children. When this model is applied 
to divorce, it is likely to lead to a recommendation that men continue 
the breadwinning after the divorce (paying child support payments to 
mothers), while the mothers continue the care taking of children as 
single custodians. Even after the invention of "joint custody", this sexist 
model tends to lead to a system, in which women are recommended 
as the primary custodians (lahihuoltaja) in divorced families in which 
the parents have agreed on joint custody. In the 1960s and 1970s, most 
feminists and gender equality activists criticized the sexist discourses and 
practices that presented women as the natural and essential custodians 
of children (see Kurki-Suonio 1999, p. Kurki-Suonio 354—355). In 
Finland, several scholars of law and several administrative committees 
drew attention to the sexist discrimination of men in the handling of 
divorce and custody: 

"The marriage laws do not position either of the sexes above the other, 
when making decisions concerning custody at court. In practice, 
however, children are normally given to the mother, and according to 
dominant sex roles, the mother is privileged to custody even then, when 
the father would be equally or even more suitable to take care of the 
children. " (Governmental committee 1970: A 8, p. 101) 

"It is evident that the belief in children belonging to the custody of 
the mother is still the dominant way of thinking among courts and 
the social sector. Mother is the "natural" custodian and guardian 
of children, outside the context of the nuclear family. Therefore, the 
chances of the father in gaining custody are generally very limited. The 
privileged status of the mother may be passed only with very strong 
special arguments. " (Saarenpdd, Manila dr Mikkola 1972, p. 56) 

"In 1976, based on several complaints from men, the parliamentary 
ombudsman reacted to the fact that certain social councils (responsible 
for custody issues) were biased against men and did not give them 



319 

an equal chance to get the custody of their children. " (Kurki-Suonio 
1999, p. 419) 

This sexist discrimination of men still appears in the gendered practices 
of social workers, who tend to recommend custody to the mother even if 
the mother and father, objectively thinking, are equally capable custodians 
(Antikainen 2004, p. 3). According to Antikainen, the main argument 
concerning the superiority of women in custody seems to be the belief 
that mothers are better at the organization of the daily routines that are 
needed for children's welfare (Ibid). This maternalist argumentation is 
also apparent in the conclusions of court judges, who often base their 
decision to give custody to the mother on arguments such as "due to the 
young age of the mother, it is in the best interests of the child to be given 
to the custody of the mother" or "as the child is still very young, she needs 
a lot of maternal care" (Saikkonen vs. Saikkonen 2006, p. 9). 

These maternalist arguments seem to construct a large part of the 
informal organizational culture of the social service organizations, although 
the official guidelines of the social service organizations emphasize the 
importance of fathers in the life of children. For example, according to 
Forsberg, it is not uncommon for social workers to perceive fathers as 
incompetent custodians, who are actually "big children" themselves, 
requiring maternal care and supervision (Forsberg 1995, p. 143—144). 
The maternalist ideology is also present in the tendency of social workers 
to maintain a glorified perception of maternity, in their discourses with 
female customers (Kuronen 1994, p. 116—126). This feminine bias in 
social service organizations seems to be mainly based on maternalism, 
but it can also be fuelled by unintentional feminine bias, and by the 
professional ethics of social work. 

Due to the unintentional feminine bias, the female social workers seem 
to be at relaxed ease with their female customers. According to Kuronen, 
most of the discourses seem to be conversations between "two mothers" 
who can easily create a mental bond with each other (Ibid). A similar 
bond with male customers is not created as easily. Instead, social workers 
may characterize their male customers as "enclosed" or "strange", due to 
the fact that spontaneous conversation is more difficult between a female 
social worker and a male customer (Forsberg 1995, p. 143—144). In 
many cases, the social workers also refer to their male customers without 



320 

a name, calling them "the father" or "the Moroccan" in their reports, 
while female customers are referred to by their full name (see Sund 
2007, p. 69). The creation of this kind of feminine and maternalist bias 
against men is actually supported by the professional ethic of social work, 
which requires that social workers identify with their customers, trying 
to understand their motives, behaviors and interests (Forsberg 1995 and 
Kitunen 2007). Although this principle of social work seems egalitarian 
and rational on the surface level, it may induce indirect discrimination 
against men, as the vast majority of social workers are female, and as 
women contact social service organizations more commonly, in the 
context of family problems and divorce, than men. 131 It is likely to be 
very difficult for female social workers to treat the wife and husband of a 
divorcing couple in an equal manner, especially if it is the wife who first 
contacts the social workers. 



7.5.5.3 Welfare state ideology as a potential discriminator of men 

Radicalized welfare state ideology and the professional ethics of social 
work may lead to indirect discrimination of men in the context of divorce 
and custody. According to the radicalized, left wing interpretation of the 
welfare state ideology, social groups can be divided into disadvantaged 
and privileged groups. Based on this dichotomic thinking, one can then 
conclude that it is the task of the state and municipalities to help the 
members of the disadvantaged groups by creating a systematic bias in 
favor of the disadvantaged groups. This means, in practice, that reverse 
discrimination is applied against the members of those social groups 
that are dichotomically categorized as privileged (see 5.8.3). This line of 
argumentation is also likely to lead to the perception of the privileged social 
groups as "oppressors" of the disadvantaged social groups. This is likely to 
induce hatred and rage against the members of the privileged groups. For 
example, the Marxist tradition contains an element which encourages the 
members of disadvantaged groups to value their own rage, as this rage can 
be converted into the changes of the society (see 5.8.3). If these arguments 

131 See Forsberg 1995, p. 142 for the dislike of men towards social services, and 
Tjaden & Thoennes 2000 for the reluctance of male victims of domestic violence to 
contact healthcare or other authorities. 



321 

are connected to the assumption that women are the disadvantaged 
gender and that men are the privileged gender, the memeplex of the 
radical welfare state ideology is likely to induce reverse discrimination and 
female hatred against men. This discrimination and hatred may appear 
in an intersectional manner, in such a fashion that women, homosexuals 
and ethnic minorities are perceived as disadvantaged, while heterosexual 
men of the ethnic majority are perceived as the privileged group, which is 
a free target for all criticism, hatred, and reverse discrimination. 

These radicalized elements of the welfare state ideology are easily 
connected to the professional ethics of social work, which encourage 
social workers to identify themselves with their customers and with 
disadvantaged social groups in general. If women are assumed to be a 
disadvantaged social group, the professional ethics of social work are 
likely to pressure social workers towards the favoring of women in 
custody disputes. This form of memetic reasoning is likely to amplify the 
maternalist and feminist bias that was described in the previous chapter. 



7.5.5.4 Discourses of patriarchy and the feminist theory 
of social work 

Until the 1980s, most feminists wanted to end the maternalist 
discrimination of men in the context of custody and divorce. Even the 
CEDAW treaty for ending all discrimination against women contains a 
chapter that demands the weakening of the traditional roles that present 
women as the primary caretakers of children. 132 However, the raise of the 
father's movement seems to have made feminists much more suspicious 
against the "new men", who show an interest in childcare and custody 
(Snitow 1992, seeNatkin 1995, p. 68). After the changes in the legislation 
that gave American and European men the chance for joint custody after 
divorce in 1970s and early 1980s, several feminists have claimed that 
joint custody is just a Trojan horse that is used for introducing continuous 
patriarchal influence and control to the lives of divorced women. 133 It 

132 CEDAW 1979, article 5. The introduction or the convention also emphasizes 
that the domestic sphere is not only meant for women. 

133 Natkin 1995, p. 68. An example of the feminist hostility against joint custody is 
found in a writing by Savolainen 1990, which stated that joint custody is a Trojan horse 



322 

seems no coincidence, that the paradigm of feminism and women's 
studies shifted in the 1980s away from the gender role theory — which 
emphasized the right of men to become more active and influential in 
the context of childcare and custody — towards the theories of patriarchy 
and male dominance (see Edley & Wetherell 1995). According to these 
newer discourses, women are the one and only discriminated gender in 
our patriarchal society (7.3). Based on this argumentation, men's equality 
problems, in the context of custody, are either nullified, or given a very 
low priority in the official equality policy (see 7.3.3). According to a very 
typical argument, men's problems in the context of divorce and custody 
are mainly caused by the men themselves, and could be most easily solved, 
if men began to show more interest towards domestic work and childcare 
(e.g. Varanka 2007). Based on this radical feminist legacy, the equality 
officials have not taken the removal of the potential discrimination of 
fathers onto their agenda. This discrimination of men is not even actively 
researched by the scholars of women's studies, although some scholars 
in social work have pointed out the maternalist, femininely biased and 
discriminative practices of social service organizations (e.g. Antikainen 
2004, p. 3). The reluctance of equality officials to work towards the 
reduction of discrimination against men in custody disputes is also 
supported by those feminist discourses, which suggest that childcare and 
custody are the only areas in which women dominate, and therefore, it 
is not in the interests of women to give up this power too easily (Snitow 
1992, see Warshack 1992, p. 22-23). 

The discourses of patriarchy and male dominance also induce 
discrimination against men and fathers due to their tendency to 
create a very negative stereotype of the tyrant and violent "hegemonic 
masculinity", which is often assumed to be the most common form of 
masculinity that men express. In these discourses, men's expressions of 
paternal love towards their biological children are perceived as patriarchal 
gestures, which work towards the patriarchal possession of children by 
their fathers. For example, according to Hearn "Most importantly, the 
notion of fatherhood must be smashed or more precisely dropped bit by bit 
into the ocean. Parenting yes, childwork yes, creches yes, but fatherhood is 
the most pernicious part of the whole mess. (Hearn 1983, p. 51.) Although 

that is used for introducing paternal influence and control to the lives of divorced women 
(see Sariola 2007, p. 41). 



323 

Hearn seems to promote men's involvement in childcare, he perceives 
fatherhood as something extremely negative: Something that cannot be 
reformed by the appearance of "new men" and "new fathers". Instead, the 
monstrous institution of fatherhood needs to be completely destroyed 
and revolutionarized. When these radical feminist discourses are 
connected to maternalist discourses, they form a basis for the belief that 
misandry is completely ok, and that it is actually a rational and realistic 
approach towards men (E.g. Kramare & Treichler 1985). In the context of 
social work and family professionals, this line of argumentation is likely 
to strengthen the negative stereotypes of men. This hypothesis seems to 
gain support from studies, in which the discourses of family professionals 
have been analyzed (e.g. Vuori 2001, p. 148—155). In these discourses, 
mothers are commonly pictured as the primary parents, while fathers are 
placed into the subject position of a somewhat incompetent secondary 
helper. In many cases, the discourses of family professionals even picture 
fathers as outsiders, who pose a potential threat to the well being of 
the symbiotic dyad that is made of the mother and child (Ibid, see also 
Lehtonen 2003). These discourses seem to have a clear connection to the 
theory of patriarchy and the feminist study of domestic violence, which 
both picture women and children as collective victims of the selfish, 
patronizing, aggressive, and violent men (see 7.3.2.4). The findings of 
Vuori, also suggest that the "villain discourses" (Natkin 1997, p. 195— 
197), have actually managed to establish a relatively influential position 
in the organizational culture of social service organizations. 

This connection between feminism and the discriminative double 
standards in social work appears even stronger in the feminist theory of 
social work, which claims that the basis of all social work should be the 
shared feelings of femininity between the social worker and the customer. , 134 
This means that female social workers are encouraged to create a special 
bond between themselves and their female customers. In the context of 
divorce and custody, this theory encourages social workers to apply a 
feminine and feminist bias in favor of the divorcing wife, and against the 
interests of the divorcing husband. From a legal point of view, such a bias 
in favor of women is against the laws concerning the fair administrative 
treatment of customers by the public administration (e.g. the Finnish 

134 Brook & Davis 1985, Hanmar & Statham 1988, Dominelli & McLeod 1989, 
Phillipson 1992, and Forsberg & al. 1992 (see Forsberg 1995, p. 113). 



324 



Hallintolaki). The feminist theory of social work also claims that mothers 
and children have joint interests (see Kuronen & al. 2004, p. 16). This idea 
is based on the sexist and feminist interpretations of psychoanalytical 
discourses, which emphasize the symbiosis of the mother and child 
during infancy. This belief in the joint interests of women and children 
may lead to severe discrimination against men by social workers, as the 
laws concerning custody require that the decisions concerning custody 
should be made according to the best interest of the child (see Kurki- 
Suonio 1999, p. 225—227). If mothers and children are assumed to have 
joint interests, one can deduce that the interests of children can be found 
out by interviewing the mother. This very easily leads to the conclusion 
that it is in the best interests of children, to be given to the custody of the 
mother — if the mother wishes so. 



Women are more tender and 
less violent than men 



Women's stories of mens violence 
should not be questioned 



Men are aggressive and violent 



Women are superior care 
takers of small children 



Social workers should identify 
with their female customers 



Utopies of a 
fatherless society 



The interests of women and 
children are synonymous 



Women's negative claims concerning their husbands 
should be believed without questioning 



Radical theory of 
patriarchy 



Men are irresponsible risk takers 



Men are calculative and uncompassionate 



Women's body, women's choice (women are 
the sole proprietors of their children) 



Figure 51. The Feminist Theory of Social Work and its Connections to 
Maternalism. 



In summary, the feminist theory of social work tends to put women 
and children into the subject position of the customer, while the father 
is presented as a potential threat to the well being of this customer (see 
Kuronen & al. 2004, p. 16). The feminist theory of social work also 
has indirect consequences: The strong identification of social workers 
with their female customers is likely to lead to feminine bias in the 



325 

interpretation of men's and women's family issues, and to the tendency 
of social workers to believe everything that their female customers say. 
This is likely to amplify and support the villain discourses that divorcing 
women commonly apply to their ex-husbands. 

The results of the feminist theory of social work are found in many 
reports and recommendations, written by social workers in the context of 
divorce and custody settlements. For example, it is possible that children 
are recommended to the custody of the mother "as the granting of 
custody of the children to the mother will reduce her risk of problematic 
consumption of alcohol" (see Sund 2007, p. 64). Similar arguments are 
not used for granting custody to fathers, who have problems with alcohol. 
The anti-male bias can appear in any case and any kind of custo dy dispute. 
Although it is especially typical that social workers recommend custody to 
the mother of small children, it is also possible to find recommendations 
written by social workers, claiming that puberty is such a difficult phase 
in a girl's life that it is recommended that custody is given to the mother 
(Ibid, p. 65). Similar arguments are not used in favor of men. This seems 
to suggest that the female social workers tend to identify themselves too 
strongly with their female customers. 

The radical feminist discourses that present men as a threat to women 
and children have also led to a situation, in which social workers tend to 
believe the accusations that divorcing wives target against their husband, 
without giving the men a chance to defend themselves, or to present 
their own version of the developments and incidents. This also applies to 
accusations of rape, domestic violence, sexual abuse and incest. At least 
in Finland, this has led to several cases, in which the social workers have 
broken the law concerning criminal investigations, as the social workers 
have listened to accusations, believed them, and acted on the basis of the 
accusations, without giving the suspect a chance to defend himself. In 
Finland, the peak in false incest accusations against men appeared in the 
1980s, right after the legislation had permitted men's joint custody in 
1984 (Sariola 2007, p. 41). Based on these problems, the governmental 
STAKES Institute in Social Affairs and Healthcare had to give new 
instructions to municipal social services, reminding them that the laws 
concerning criminal investigations also apply to social work, and that all 
accusations of incest must be investigated by the police, not by the social 
workers (Taskinen & al. 2003). 



326 

7.5.5.5 Discrimination of male employees at the core of matriarchy 

In social service organizations, not only male customers can be 
discriminated. Male employees may also face gender discrimination. 
Such discrimination would be a logical consequence of the fact that 
social service organizations are matriarchal, and therefore are likely to 
develop a femininely and feministically biased organization culture. 
In a femininely biased culture, it is likely that male social workers are 
pressured towards the more masculine jobs, while women wish to protect 
the maternalist core of social work from male intruders. This means that 
men are subtly pressured towards the more 'masculine' tasks, such as 
social work with male alcoholics — and not some more feminine work 
with female customers, or with families (see Holter 2004). This pressure 
meets the definition of gender discrimination, in those cases in which 
the man would like to do some tasks that belong to the 'feminine core' 
of social work. If men attempt to enter the feminine core, they are likely 
to face strong resistance, especially if they question some old femininely 
biased traditions, policies or routines of social work. In these cases, the 
treatment of male social workers is likely to resemble the treatment of 
female policemen during the last millennium, as male social workers 
are still as rare as female police officers used to be. In general, the male 
intruders, who try to change old femininely biased traditions of social 
work, are likely to be labeled as difficult and uncooperative — just as 
ambitious women are labeled in male dominated organizations, if they 
try to change old traditions in the core of masculinity. This feminine bias 
of social service organizations, however, is matched with a strong feminist 
bias. This means that all male social workers, who wish to question the 
demonizing stereotypes of men that appear in feminist discourses, are 
likely to be perceived as unprofessional, old fashioned or chauvinist 
(see Kitunen 2007, p. 113—114 and 118). Although these findings are 
not sufficient for proving the existence of widely spread discrimination 
against men in social service organizations, they are sufficient for making 
an explicated hypothesis, according to which social service organizations, 
in general, tend to discriminate male customers and male employees far 
more commonly than female customers and employees. 



327 



7.5.5.6 Summary 



Since the connections from memeplexes to each other are very complicated 
and numerous, the purpose of this chapter is to summarize them into one 
single figure. The arrows in Figure 52 represent the rhetoric and memetic 
arguments, which give support from one memeplex to others. Due to 
the plurality of connections, the wish to help disadvantaged groups and 
the perception of women as the discriminated and oppressed group are 
not connected by an arrow to every one of the double standards that 
discriminate against women. Instead, they are connected to the general idea 
of the creation of double standards in favor of women, and the systematic 
bias against men (see the thick arrows and the grey box in Figure 52). 



Wish to help disadvantaged groups 



IZE 



Legitimization of anger and rage against the oppressors 



Sexist 
stereotypes 
of men; 
sociobiology 
and psycho- 
analysis 




Maternalism 



Double standards in favor of 
women; systematic bias against men 



Misandry is ok 



Belief that women are better, more 
valuable and deserve more 



Ignoring the problems of men and 
boys in equality policy 



General discrimination of men by social 
services and by family professionals 



Discrimination of fathers m custody disputes 



Perception of 
women as the 
discriminated 
and oppressed 
gender 



Concentration of all of the power resources to women in 
social services, and the feminine bias in the organizational 




Figure 52. Memetic Causes for the Discrimination of Men in Social Service 
Organizations. 



328 

7.6 Results of the Pilot Survey 

7.6.1 Introduction 

In order to deepen the preliminary perception of the popularity of 
some misandric memes — acquired by the qualitative discourse analysis 
presented in chapters 7.2—7.5, a pilot survey was targeted to a group 
of Finnish feminists. The research sample was described more closely in 
chapter 7.1.6. 

7.6.2 Popularity of some sexist memes 

The study did not reveal any significant popularity for sexist memes that 
require men to act in a gentlemanly fashion, sacrificing their own comfort 
in the favor of women. Yet, some sexist statements enjoyed popularity 
among the respondents. These statements (memes) are summarized in 
the Table 30: 

The results show that a substantial proportion of the feminist 
respondents fully or to some extent agreed with sexist memes belonging 
to the memeplexes of chivalry, macho masculinity or maternalism. For 
example, the chivalrous idea of men as the protectors of women was 
supported by 15% of the respondents. Some role expectations towards 
alpha male or macho masculinity were supported by more than 20% of 
the respondents. These expectations related to the wish that men should 
be able to use violence for defending women (26 % support), and that men 
should have the same or higher level of education than their female partner 
(21% support). Some respondents also felt that men, who use cosmetics 
and jewellery, and who frequently check their looks from the mirror, 
are unmasculine in a negative sense (21% support). Even wider support 
was found for the maternalist meme, according to which "Women in 
general, are more caring than men, and can better sense the needs of small 
children than men" (36 % support). This statement can be interpreted as 
an essentialist statement, as the term "sense" that appeared in the original 
Finnish statement could also be translated as "instinctively sense". 



Respondents 


who agree 


37 


% 


26 


% 


26 


% 


22 


% 


21 


% 


21 


% 


17 


% 


16 


% 


16 


% 


15 


% 


13 


% 


13 


% 


11 


% 


11 


% 


11 


% 


10 


% 


10 


% 



329 



Women in general, are more caring than men, and can better sense the needs of small children than men. 

Men should be able to use violence, if necessary, to defend the life or safety of their female partner. 

It is good, if a man is at least as highly educated as his male partner. 

Women are clearly less competitive than men. 

Women are usually more sensitive and can better sense the needs of other people than men. 

I feel that men, who use jewelry and cosmetics, and who check their appearance often at the mirror, are 
somewhat unmasculine in a negative sense. 

Women are clearly less aggressive than men. 

Women are usually clearly better than men in care taking and childcare tasks. 

Successful men, who have managed to reach a notable status, feel positively masculine to me. 

Men should protect women from dangers and discomforts. 

If I were single, I would try to find a tall and wealthy man, or at least these characteristics would be among my 
most important criteria. 

Mingy men are hopelessly unromantic and uninteresting. 

Women are better fit as custodians of small children than men. 

A man who continuously complains about the discomforts of his life, feels negatively unmasculine to me. 

I promote such gentlemanly behaviors, according to which women should always be rescued before men, when 
there is an emergency. 

Men are rather prone to violent and aggressive behaviors due to testosterone. 

I do not respect those men who lack education, property and success. 

Women are usually more responsible users of money than men. 6 % 

Women are usually more responsible than men. 6 % 

Men usually concentrate too much on one task at a time. Therefore, it is impossible for most men to take care of 

children and other household duties at the same time. 6 % 

Men should be able to tolerate some discomfort and harms, so that they could offer comfort and welfare to their 

female partner. 5 % 

Women are weaker and more vulnerable than men and therefore men should be especially protective and 

considering towards women. 5 % 

Romanticism is essentially something that men should give to women. 5 % 

Women usually have a higher ability to control their sexual desires than men. % 

Women are morally and spiritually on a higher level than men, due to the fact that men are so strongly guided 

by their sexual desires and violent instincts. % 

Table 30. Popularity of Some Sexist Statements among the Feminist 
Respondents. 

Despite the small sample of the survey, it is possible to form a preliminarily 
supported hypothesis that a relatively large minority of feminists promote 
sexist discourses, which may cause at least structural discrimination 
against men. Some of the maternalist memes, promoted by some of the 
respondents, may also cause direct and indirect discrimination (see 7.2.5 
and 7.5.5.2). 



330 

7.6.3 Popularity of the memes 

concerning the patriarchal nature of the Finnish society 

In the section concerning the status of women in Finland, most statements 
enjoyed wide popularity, despite the lack of scientific evidence for the 
statement (or despite the existence of contrasting scientific evidence). 

The vast majority of the respondents believed in several statements 
about the patriarchal nature of the Finnish society, although these 
statements are not supported by empirical evidence — or are contrasted by 
it. For example, 95% of the respondents believed that women (in families 
with children) have notably less free time than their spouses, despite the 
statistics that show that the men in these families have only one minute 
more free time per day (see 6.3.5). These widely spread misconceptions, 
concerning these supposedly patriarchal nature of our society, seem to 
support the memetic model of sociocultural evolution, which claims that 
the popularity of memes is caused more by their political attractiveness 
than by their match with reality (see 4.8). It must also be noted that 
the vast majority of the respondents were teachers of women's studies. 
This means that we can estimate that the less academic feminists would 
support scientifically questionable statements, even more commonly 
than the respondents of this survey. 



331 



Statement 


% who 
agree 


The majority of women are engaged in paid work outside the home. In addition to that, they do most of 
the domestic work. As a result, women in Finnish families (that have children) have notably less free 
time than Finnish men 


95 % 


The vast majority of the victims of such domestic violence, that has caused severe injuries, are female in 
Finland. 


91% 


The salaries of women in Finland are less than 90% of the salaries of men, when comparing identical or 
similar jobs. 


80% 


When managers or directors are recruited for the public sector, the majority of the chosen ones are still 
male. 


80% 


The Finnish school system discriminates girls, as the teachers do not give positive feedback to girls as 
easily as to boys, and because the system requires girls to be "nice". This discrimination is more severe 
and more common than the discrimination that is potentially targeted against boys. 


67% 


Finnish TV commercials discriminate women, by presenting women far more often performing 
traditional domestic tasks (such as cooking) than men. 


52 % 


Finnish TV commercials discriminate against women, by showing naked or half-naked women in 
commercials far more commonly than naked or half-naked men. 


50 % 


Men are a very privileged group, compared to women. This is the case in all sectors of life, even in 
Finland. 


50 % 


In modern wars, women and girls tend to suffer more than men and boys. 


47% 


Interspousal violence means practically the same thing as men's violence against women. 


27% 


In Finland, most murders and killings of children (in families) are committed by men. 


16% 


Men pose a threat to the safety of women and children. 


16% 


In Finland, more domestic violence against children is peipetrated by men than by women. 


5% 



Table 31. Beliefs about the Finnish Patriarchy. 



7.6.4 Policy recommendations 



The statements and beliefs, concerning the patriarchal nature of the 
Finnish society, seem to have a clear connection to the way in which 
the respondents promoted some policies that would potentially improve 
women's status. The popularities of these policies are given in the table 
below: 



332 



% who 
Statement agree 

Public authorities should write such equality plans, so that clearly more women than presently would be hired for 
directorial positions in all areas of the public sector. 74 % 

The equal division of domestic work and childcare is such an important principle that it should not be given up in any 

circumstances. 63 % 

Men, who live with a female partner, don't do enough domestic work. The officials should launch campaigns to 

increase men's usage of time for domestic work. 53 % 

The determination, anger and even rage of women are positive phenomena, as they empower women to change the 

society and to stop the subordination of women. 45 % 

The society should actively defend women and children from the violent nature and sexual traits of men. 40 % 

The claims that men are widely discriminated in Finland are somewhat misogynous, as they are commonly used to 

hide the severity of women's problems and women's bad status. 35 % 

Men should understand their own privileged status and stop complaining about the rare instances in wliich they face 

some minor forms of discrimination, or in which they are at a somewhat worse status than women. 32 % 

I feel that there is no need to ask the spouses of pregnant women whether they have been victimized by the violence 

of their female partner (although pregnant women are systematically interviewed to find out, whether they have been 

victimized). 25 % 

Men are privileged in many ways compared to women. Therefore, positive action should be systematically used in all 

sectors of the labor market and public policy - and in all issues that relate to the status of men and women, in general. 22 % 

I feel that it is completely alright if some companies give women discounts on a gym, boat cruises, horse racing 

arenas or in a restaurant - based on the sex of the female customers. 21 % 

The women's part in this life is so hard that the women have deserved all the possible comforts that their male 

partners can possibly provide them in their personal life. 16 % 

Men should bear collective guilt about the fact that women's status is as bad as it is in our' society. 16 % 

The discrimination against women is so common that it should be balanced by public policies that systematically and 

widely favor women in Finland. 1 5 % 

According to newspapers, there have been instances in Sweden, in which some feminists have assaulted or raped men 

in order to get men to understand how it feels to be raped or assaulted. Although these actions are illegal, I believe 

that the people that committed them had good reasons to do what they did. 1 1 % 

It is important that the maternity guidance centers remain an institution, wliich is purely targeted towards women. 1 1 % 

The most important task of the "Men's crisis centers" should be to help violent men to lean away from their violent 

traits - so that women and children could be guaranteed a safe family life. 10 % 

The oppression of women is such a severe phenomenon even in Finland that sometimes even illegal means can be 

used to fight against it. 6 % 

All men should feel guilty about the fact that they can reap the benefits of a society in which women are oppressed. 6 % 

In fact, it would be just right if men would face some discrimination for a change, as women have already been 

discriminated against for thousands of years. 5 % 

The key to a better world is that men should change fundamentally, while there is no special need for women to 

change themselves. 5 % 

Table 32. Political Statements Supported by the Respondents. 

The respondents seem to give strong support to the systematic favoring 
of women — without exceptions. For example, 74% of the respondents 
recommend that more women should be hired to managerial and 
directorial positions in the public sector, although over 50% of the 
younger managers in public administration are already female. In a 
similar fashion, the equal division of domestic work is perceived as a 
primary value without exception by 63% of the respondents. This would 
that men should do 50% of the domestic work, even if their spouse is 
unemployed or works part time. In order to support this principle, 53% 
of the respondents recommended that public officials should launch 
campaigns that promote men's increased time usage in domestic work. 



333 

The strong beliefs concerning women's disadvantaged and oppressed 
status (see 7.6.3) seem to also have led to the conclusion that men should 
not complain, if they face gender discrimination: 32% of the respondents 
supported the statement "Men should understand their own privileged 
status and stop complaining about the rare instances, in which they face 
some minor forms of discrimination, or in which they are at a somewhat 
worse status than women." Some 21% of the respondents also feel that it 
is completely alright for gyms, horse racing arenas, boat cruise companies 
and restaurants to give discounts to female customers, based on their 
gender. This can be seen as an extended interpretation of the positive 
action principle — leading to a public policy that would permit the 
discrimination of men. 



7.6.5 Conclusions 

Due to the small sample of the pilot survey, it is not possible to make 
generalizations about the entire group of people who identify themselves 
as feminists. Yet, the results offer the chance to draw preliminary 
conclusions, which can be used as hypotheses in additional studies. The 
first conclusion (or hypothesis) is that sexist memes that belong to the 
memeplexes of chivalry, macho masculinity and maternalism, enjoy 
popularity among a notable minority of feminists. This gives support 
to the idea that sexist and feminist memes can — and actually do — form 
coalition discourses. 

Another finding is the substantial popularity of beliefs on the patriarchal 
nature of our society. These memes, although not supported by solid 
empirical evidence, continue their popularity and seem to lead frequently 
to policy proposals and perceptions, according to which the discrimination 
against men is a relatively rare and insignificant phenomenon — and that 
men should not complain about it. 

The results may also be interpreted by concentrating on those 
respondents, who did not agree with the statements. These respondents 
can be seen as potential allies to men and masculists. 



334 



7.7 The Coalitions behind Misandry and Discrimination 

7.7.1 Introduction and overview 



Paradigms and coalition discourses may be interpreted as mental 
constructions. However, they are also easily connected to the promoters 
of the paradigm. This chapter analyzes the social groups and interest 
groups, which seem to promote certain misandric and discriminative 
discursive elements and which seem to create occasional alliances with 
each other, producing policies which work against the interests of men. 
The most significant groups are described in the figure below. Each group 
is shown with its typical misandric or discriminative ideology or motive. 
Alliances are shown with arrows. 



Conservative parties: Sexism, matemalism, 

chivalrous special treatment of women, 
conscription, no sympathy for beta males. 



Alpha males: Motive 
to put down beta males, 
gentlemanly codes 



Women's organizations: Women 

are the oppressed gender, reverse 
discrimination, reverse strategy 



The Matriarchal 
Organizations of 
the Society: 

Feminine and feminist 

bias. 



Alpha females: Motive to make 

alliances with alpha males, matemalism, 
requests for special gentlemanly treatment 




Mistreated women: Negative 

expenences and stereotypes of men, 
general mrsandry and bitterness, 
requests for reverse discrimination 



Left wing parties: Belief in 
the reverse discrimination of the 
privileged groups 



Figure 53. The Coalitions of Misandry and Discrimination. 



On top of the interest groups that consist of men and women, we may 
also identify the matriarchal and femocratic subsystem of the society as 
an "interest group", which consists of organizations that have an interest 
in defending such ideologies that ensure the viability, growth, and 
expansion of the organizations within this matriarchal cluster (see 5.6.3). 
As the empirical evidence presented in this chapter is relatively modest, 
this chapter should be interpreted as an empirically elaborated hypothesis 
— and not as empirical proof for the model presented. 



335 

7.7.2 Conservative parties 

Conservative parties, in general, tend to promote ideologies, which are 
more sexist than the left wing ideologies. They promote, for example, 
the traditional nuclear family in which the man is the breadwinner (see 
Faludi 1991). In most Nordic countries, this has been revealed by political 
debates concerning childcare at home vs. childcare at daycare centers: 
The conservative parties have been more eager to promote subsidies to 
housewives, who take care of their children at home, while the left wing 
parties have promoted public daycare services (see Bergqvist, Kuusipalo 
& Styrkarsdottir 2002, p. 152—171). The sexist ideology of the right wing 
does not only harm women. Men may also be harmed by this conservative 
sexism. This appears, for example, in the way in which the conservative 
parties promote nationalism and conscription, and the chivalrous special 
treatment of women in the context of military service. For example, in 
Finland, the right wing parties tend to promote the continuation of the 
present system of national defense, which is based on men's obligatory 
military training — and on women's voluntary military service. 

The right wing parties also tend to be unsympathetic against the 
"beta males", meaning the uneducated, unemployed and lower class 
males. This means that the conservative parties do not recognize the 
problems of lower status men as gender equality problems, or as any 
real social problems, which would require action from the part of the 
society. According to the main stream conservative thinking, the male 
suicides, alcoholics, homeless and unemployed should accept their own 
responsibility for their bad status. Of course, this harsh ideology may also 
be applied to lower status women. However, the conservative ideology 
has produced several maternalistic volunteer organizations, which have 
specialized in helping low status women (see Ollila 1994, Saarinen 1994 
and Ailwood 2007). Similar conservative activity to help low status men 
is found more rarely. This means that conservative parties seem to have a 
stronger bias against beta males than against beta females. This seems to 
also appear in court, as the conservative judges seem to have a tendency to 
favor female suspects, which means the same as systematic discrimination 
of male defendants (see 7.2.6). This link between men's discrimination 
and conservativism seems to also appear in the maternalist and chivalrous 
discrimination of men in the context of custody and divorce. 



336 

7.7.3 Alpha males and alpha females 

Alpha males and alpha females refer to the high status men and women, 
which have been described in chapter 5.6. The financially powerful 
alpha males tend to support conservative parties, which do not "waste" 
money on helping the low status men and women. The high status alpha 
males benefit from distinguishing themselves from the beta males, as this 
discrimination emphasizes their own superior status and attractiveness in 
the eyes of alpha females. The alpha males may put down beta males by 
stereotyping them as uncivilized barbarians, who pose a potential threat 
to the ladies (see 7.2.2). In the context of equality policy, alpha males are 
often so high up in the hierarchies of power, that they feel they cannot 
really loose anything by giving special gentlemanly treatment to women, 
or by promoting positive action policies that favor women. 

The alpha females are a group which consists of wealthy and good 
looking women. The wealthy alpha females tend to vote for conservative 
parties for the same reasons as the alpha males. They may also promote 
such conservative welfare state policies, which direct public subsidies to 
housewives or to the wealthier families who wish to hire a nanny or a 
cleaning lady. The physically attractive alpha females have a motive to 
support sexism and the traditional gender system, since sexism forms 
a structural framework in which the alpha females may cash in on a 
maximum reward for their sexual power (see 3.5, 4.5.3 and 5.7). This 
group of women may also develop ideologies, which combine sexism and 
feminism, in the manner described in chapter 7.4.5.1. 



7.7.4 Mistreated women 

An important group behind misandric ideologies and coalitions 
consists of women, who are disappointed at men due to their personal 
experiences. This group has a psychological motive to project their own 
disappointments to ideologies which put all the blame on men. They may 
also perceive themselves as mistreated by men, and therefore, feel that 
they need to activate politically against the discrimination of women by 
men. This group, therefore, is likely to adopt feminist ideologies, which 
support their own "villain discourses" concerning men and masculinity, 



337 

or conservative and sexist ideologies which suggest that women are 
the weaker casket, which needs protection and special treatment (see 
7.2.4—7.2.5). It is also obvious that divorced women, who have custody 
disputes with their ex-husbands, are likely to promote ideologies which 
always suggest custody to the mother. A typical response for working 
class women for mistreatment by men is to engage into discourses that 
picture men as animals or as irresponsible children (see Edley & Wetherell 
1995). For the more educated women, a likely reaction to mistreatment 
is the adoption of feminist memeplexes — and the filtering and twisting of 
these memeplexes, in such a fashion that the more radical interpretations 
of each memeplex are selected (see chapters 4.4—4.6). 

7.7.5 Left wing parties and feminist parties 

As described in chapter 5.8.3, the left wing parties are likely to perceive 
the society as a struggling field, in which the privileged social groups put 
down the disadvantaged groups, unless the state and municipalities make 
public interventions. This ideology encourages social groups to present 
themselves as disadvantaged and encourages politicians and public 
officials to search for disadvantaged groups, whom they could serve. 
This means that the left wing parties may be more willing to support the 
discourse of women as the severely disadvantaged group, and men as the 
privileged group. This logic may also lead to demands for the systematic 
favorable treatment of women in all sectors of the society. 

Traces of these memes may be found in the policies of the Swedish 
Social Democratic Party, which has declared itself as a feminist party. 
According to the political programs of the party, the society suffers 
from "konsmaktstruktur", which means that women are systematically 
discriminated by the gender system, which gives men a dominant and 
privileged status (Laxen 2006, see also Rubar 2005). In Sweden, there 
is also the Feminist Party (Feminist Initiativ), which has proposed that 
men's salaries should be reduced in order to reach gender equality in 
regards to salaries (Rosenberg 2005). One of the leaders of the party has 
also proposed a special tax for men, due to the fact that most of the 
perpetrators of rape and domestic violence are men (Schyman 2004). 



338 

Both of these proposals seem to be relatively misandric suggestions, 
especially the latter, as a special tax for men would also punish those men 
who have not been violent to women. In Finland, the Left Wing Coalition 
(Vasemmistoliitto) does not draw such a clear picture of women as the 
disadvantaged gender and men as the oppressors. However, its political 
program contains the conclusion that '90% of the perpetrators of 
domestic violence are men'. 135 This figure does not align with the statistics 
concerning domestic violence, which show that about 50—70% of the 
perpetrators of interspousal violence are men, and that majority of the 
perpetrators of domestic violence against children are women (see 6.3.4). 
This indicates that the party is ideologically vulnerable to the exaggeration 
of the discriminated status of the disadvantaged social groups. 

The Finnish Green Party has also declared itself as a feminist party. 
The study of its political program did not reveal any traces of misandric 
ideas. 136 Instead, it declared that the green feminism is also a liberation 
movement for men. The program was very careful not to put excessive 
blame on men in issues such as domestic violence. The well being of 
men after divorce, and the children's right to maintain contact with both 
parents after divorce were given emphasis in the program. The Finnish 
social democratic party did not have links to any gender equality programs 
on its web pages. 

Due to the very impartial nature of the discourse analysis described 
above, we may not draw wide conclusions concerning the general 
misandric nature of the left wing parties. In Sweden, some misandric 
themes seem to be popular among the left wing and feminist parties, 
whilst in Finland, the traces of misandry in the political programs of left 
wing and feminists parties are relatively few. 



7.7.6 Women's organizations 

Although the term women's organization is often used to refer to 
feminist organizations, women have also founded charity and volunteer 



135 E.g. the political program of the Finnish Left Wing Coalition, see http://www. 
vasemmistoliitto.fi/politiikka/ohjelmat/ 

136 http://www.vihreat.fi/fi/system/files?file=periaateohjelma2006.pdf 



339 

organizations, and women's divisions into the political parties. All of 
these women's organizations have some elements of women's interest 
group ideology embedded in their discourses and ideologies. 

Most women's charity and volunteer organizations seem to have a 
historical connection to conservative and maternalist ideologies of the 
late 19 th and early 20 th century (see Saarinen 1994 and Ollila 1994). 
This means that their ideologies tended to emphasize gender difference, 
and women's special abilities in the domain of childcare, responsible care 
taking tasks, and morality. This early history of women's organizations 
is also strongly connected to the activities of the upper status "alpha 
females", who acted as founders and leaders in the early philanthropic 
organizations and campaigns (Saarinen 1994). This maternalist legacy has 
left its traces in the organizational cultures of these charity and volunteer 
organizations even after many of them have been integrated into the 
welfare state apparatus, making the volunteers into employees of the 
welfare state (see Rantalaiho 1994). This history suggests that women's 
volunteer organizations tend to connect maternalism to welfare state 
ideologies, in a fashion that easily leads to a stereotype of women as the 
more responsible, unselfish and peaceful gender, while men are perceived 
as the more selfish, competitive and capitalist gender, which does not 
understand human needs and human welfare as well as women. 

The feminist organizations tend to promote the feminist paradigm, 
which appears in antisexist braches, and in branches that emphasize 
gender difference (see 5.5). According to the synthetic theory of cultural 
evolution, feminist women's organizations are likely to form opportunist 
coalition discourses with all possible allies, in order to advance their 
agenda. For example, the discourses of gender difference connect well 
with the ideologies of conservative and maternalist women and with 
alpha females in general. They also give support to the "villain discourses" 
promoted by mistreated women. Yet, the discourses of gender difference 
may be used for alliances with sexist men and alpha males, who are 
vulnerable to such rhetorics, which picture women as the weaker gender, 
which needs constant protection and special treatment. For example, in 
the Finnish discussions concerning the right of women to participate 
to military training, the pacifist feminists made an alliance with the 



340 

conservative men, in order to prevent the "militarization" of women (see 
Holli p. 2001,245). 

However, the antisexist branches of feminism also focus on the 
interests of women. Even if men's obligatory military service is against the 
ideology of the antisexist feminist organizations, these organizations have 
been passive in making formal initiatives for ending this discriminative 
practice. In a similar fashion, the antisexist women's organizations have 
been passive in the reduction of gender discrimination against men in 
the context of custody. The basis for this passivity seems to be connected 
to the idea that women's dominant position in childcare and custody 
is one of the only strongholds of female dominance and therefore, this 
power should not be given up too easily (Snitow 1992, Warshack 1992, 
p. 22-23). 



7.7.7 The Matriarchal Organizations of the Society 

The matriarchal organizations of the modern welfare states are likely to 
appear in the field of childcare, social services, healthcare, equality policy, 
and the protection of women and children. Due to the strong female 
dominance among the employees, managers and professionals of these 
organizations, they are likely to create a femininely biased organization 
culture, which establishes the female stand-point as the cornerstone of 
the informal organizational culture — even if the official organizational 
culture may be seemingly gender neutral and unbiased against men. 
On top of this natural and mostly unintentional feminine bias, the 
matriarchal organizations also form a matriarchal organizational cluster, 
which intends to ensure its organizational existence and resources, by 
forming ideological coalitions with potential political and administrative 
allies. 

The matriarchal organizations connect to the conservative parties, 
for example, through the labor unions of the care taking sector. These 
organizations have been traditionally led by women from conservative 
parties in Finland. This means that some matriarchal organizations have 
a legacy of maternalist and sexist discourses, which emphasize the care 
taking abilities and moral responsibility of women. Recently, however, 



341 

the matriarchal labor unions have been more closely connected to the left 
wing parties, as the labor unions have began to perceive their members as 
severely underpaid employees, who would benefit from more "left wing" 
style interest group activities and rhetorics. (During the earlier decades, 
the legacy of the charity and volunteer organizations maintained a 
discourse that was critical towards selfish interest group activities such as 
strikes in hospitals). At the same time, the matriarchal labor unions have 
approached feminist organizations, which offer them rhetoric support 
for the raising of the salaries on underpaid, female dominated fields of 
organizational activity. The feminist discourses have also challenged the 
strict fiscal policies of the welfare states since 1980s, claiming that the 
society can manage without budget savings from the female dominated 
sectors like healthcare, social services and education. This means that most 
women in matriarchal organizations are beginning to perceive feminism 
as their ideological ally, while the "hard and masculine" ideologies, 
connected to budget cuts, are beginning to look like an ideological enemy 
(seejulkunen 1994). 

Due to these interests of the matriarchal organizations and their 
employees, the matriarchal subsystem of the society is vulnerable to the 
creation of a systematic maternalist and feminist bias in its organization 
culture. This means that the matriarchal organizations are likely to 
prioritize women's interests over gender equality (7.3.3. 1), perceive men's 
problems as relatively insignificant (7.3.3.4), call for special treatment 
for women (7.3.3.2), and construct negative stereotypes for men and 
masculinity (7.4). Some evidence of this kind of ideological development 
is found in the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs, in the municipal social 
service organizations, and in the education of new teachers for the school 
system, as is shown by the examples given in the previous chapters (e.g. 
7.5.5). 



7.8 Summary 

The most discriminative memeplexes within sexism seem to be the negative 
stereotypes of men, maternalism and the chivalrous pedestal treatment of 
women, which is also related to the tendency of upper status men to 



342 

discriminate the lower status beta males. The ideals of macho masculinity 
also tend to produce structural discrimination against men in the form 
of role expectations. 

The most influential feminist memeplexes that induce discrimination 
against men are reverse strategy and the systematic bias against men (SBAM) . 
The reverse strategy is a memeplex that glorifies women and criticizes 
men, in a fashion that reverses the gender hierarchy, putting women, 
femininity and women's cultures at the top. According to the reverse 
strategy, women are caring, loving, unselfish, peaceful and responsible, 
while men are quite the opposite. This idea of reverse strategy tends to lead 
to the negative stereotyping of men as competitive, aggressive, violent, 
patronizing, selfish, unloving, and irresponsible. The SBAM memeplex 
is based on the theory of patriarchy, which categorizes dichotomically 
women as the disadvantaged gender and men as the privileged gender. 
Based on this assumption, which ignores the contexts and sectors in which 
men are the disadvantaged gender, the SBAM memeplex contains the 
following memes which are all biased against men: 1) The advancement 
of women's status is by far the most important goal of equality policy, 
2) the solving of men's equality problems should be given a low priority 
in the equality policy, 3) in order to improve women's status, public 
authorities should systematically support, help and favor women, 4) the 
female point of view should be taken in account in all public decision 
making, but , the male point of view should be treated with suspicion. 
The SBAM memeplex gains rhetoric support from the radicalized welfare 
state ideology, which divides social groups sharply into the privileged and 
the disadvantaged. This exaggerated dichotomy makes it impossible to 
see men's equality problems as something irrelevant, while the radicalized 
welfare state ideology supports the idea that women (the disadvantaged 
gender) should be systematically supported and favored by the public 
administration. 

The appearance of the misandric and discriminative memes in sexism, 
welfare state ideology and feminism seems to follow the synthetic theory 
of the sociocultural evolution. In almost all cases, the discriminative 
and misandric memes seem to be produced by memetic mutations, 
simplifications, exaggerations, recombinations, and misinterpretations of 
some more moderate and complex memes. For example, the idea that 



343 

"men have all the power" is a simplified and radicalized conclusion of 
empirical results, which give a much more complicated picture of the 
distribution of power to men and women (see chapter 6). In a similar 
fashion, the reverse strategy can be accidentally produced by combining 
memes from the feminist difference theory, which claims that women 
are better than men in many ways, and equality feminism, which claims 
that men are not essentially better than women in any ways. Another 
hypothesis that gained support from this chapter was the idea that 
sexism, feminism and welfare state ideology form opportunistic coalition 
discourses. For example, the idea of reverse discrimination appears in 
feminism and welfare state ideology, but it also gains support from 
sexism, in the form of the special gentlemanly treatment of women. 
In a similar fashion, the reverse strategy gains rhetoric support from 
sexist maternalism and chivalry, and from the sexist interpretations of 
sociobiology and psychoanalysis. Alpha males also have a motive for 
creating a demonizing stereotype of the brutal and barbarian beta males. 
Yet, the reverse strategy is also supported by several branches of feminism 
such as radical feminism, cultural feminism, gynocentric epistemology, 
standpoint epistemology, ecofeminism, lesbian feminism, and the neo- 
maternalist discourses of feminism. 

The appearance of SBAM and reverse discrimination was also analyzed 
in the context of official policy texts. This led to the conclusion that 
SBAM has had a substantial effect on Finnish legislation and on the 
Finnish equality policy, to the point at which double standards and mild 
forms of reverse discrimination against men are systematically used. For 
example, the preparatory texts of the Finnish equality law explicitly state 
that women are the disadvantaged gender, and the law itself is strongly 
focused on fighting against those forms of discrimination, which mainly 
work against the interests of women. In the Finnish equality policy, very 
few initiatives have been made in order to remove gender discrimination 
against men. In some cases, the prioritization of women's interests over 
gender equality is explicitly written into the resolutions of equality 
officials, who may easily perceive that "the purpose of the equality law 
is to advance women's status, especially on the labor market". A similar 
prioritization of women's interests over gender equality also appears also 
in the discourses of the United Nations, which aim to improve the status 



344 

of women, but which contain no policy proposals for ending the direct 
and indirect discrimination against men (e.g. U.N. 1995). 

The misandric and discriminative memes of sexism, welfare state 
ideology and feminism can be used for producing rhetoric support for 
several double standards that discriminate against men. 




Misandric 
stereotypes 



Belief that women are better, 
more valuable and deserve more 



Ridi- 
culing 

and 
humili- 
ation of 

men 



Eco- 
nomic 

exploi- 
tation of 
men 



Rai-iii2 

of 
hatred 
against 




Discrimination 
in the context of 

healthcare, 

social services, 

domestic 

violence and 

custody disputes 



Discrimination of men in the context 

of the school system and equality 

policy 



Other double 
standards and 
discriminative 

practices 



General feminine bias in female dominated organizations and women's networks 



Figure 54. The Appearance and Causes of the Discrimination of Men. 



Due to the wide and iteratively expanded research data, the causal arrows 
in Figure should be interpreted as an elaborated and preliminarily 
supported hypothesis — and not as an empirically tested and proven 
hypothesis. 

When analyzing the evolution of discrimination against men from the 
perspective of power and political coalitions, we may notice that misandry 
and discrimination are supported by a coalition of men and women, both 
from the right wing and the left wing. The left wing women tend to carry 
feminist memes, which present femininity as somehow superior to the 
'competitive and selfish' masculinity. In these discourses, masculinity is 
seen as analogical or synonymous to the hard and instrumental capitalist 



345 

ethos. The left wing in general, including men and women, tends to 
promote welfare state ideologies and discourses, which legitimize the 
preferential treatment of those groups which have been classified as 
categorically disadvantaged. Since feminist and official discourses picture 
women as the disadvantaged gender, the promotion of positive action and 
reverse discrimination tends to appear systematically in favor of women, 
and against the interests of men. The right wing women tend to promote 
conservative and maternalist ideologies. This right wing maternalism has 
found a memetic connection to the left wing feminists and to the reverse 
strategy, according to which, women are superior to men, in general. The 
right wing men tend to be conservative and nationalist, in a fashion that 
supports chivalrous and gentlemanly treatment of women. This makes 
the conservative men allies to all women, who want to maintain a sexist 
system, which gives special benefits to women (such as paid dates and 
special treatment in criminal courts), or extra obligations to men (such as 
men's obligatory military training). 



346 

8 Gender Discrimination, 
According to the Complaints 
Sent to the Finnish Equality Ombudsman 

8.1 Hypotheses, Research Data and Method 

8.1.1 Hypotheses 

According to the general theory of gender discrimination, all modern 
welfare states are segregated in such a fashion that female employees 
have a higher risk of being discriminated in the patriarchal subsystem of 
the society, while male employees are at a higher risk in the matriarchal 
subsystem. When this general hypothesis is combined with the empirical 
data, concerning the delineation of matriarchy and patriarchy in Finland, 
we may predict that in Finland, male employees are at risk of being 
discriminated by the matriarchal organizations in social services, equality 
policy, healthcare, cultural services, restaurants and hotels, whilst female 
employees are at risk of being discriminated in the organizations within 
defense, police, industry, trade, transportation, construction, mining 
and agriculture, and in the "neutral" or debatable fields such as finance 
and education, in the context of career advancement to the managerial 
positions (see 6.4) 

When applying the general theory of gender discrimination to the 
discrimination of male and female customers of organizations, the theory 
suggests that the matriarchal cluster will discriminate male customers 
more likely than female customers, while the patriarchal cluster is more 
likely to discriminate female customers. However, due to the mechanisms 
of alpha discrimination, the patriarchal organizations such as courts and 
police are likely to discriminate lower status males, who are suspected of 
crimes, while the matriarchal organizations such as philanthropic charity 
organizations are likely to discriminate those lower status females, who 
operate in the context of prostitution and porn industry (see 5.7). 

According to a hypothesis concerning the female friendly nature of the 
welfare states, we may predict that the organizations of the Finnish welfare 
state have adopted somewhat feminist and female friendly organization 
cultures, lowering the chances of women to face gender discrimination 



347 

in the public sector, compared to the private sector (see Hemes 1987 
and 1988). This hypothesis, concerning the female friendly nature of 
the welfare states, is contrasted with a contrary hypothesis, according to 
which it is precisely the private organizations, which seek for the efficient 
usage of human resources, and therefore, avoid such discrimination of 
women that would lead to the inefficient usage of human resources (e.g. 
selection of less competent male managers instead of more competent 
female managers). The hypothesis, concerning the female friendly nature 
of welfare states, may also be rephrased in a form that presents the welfare 
state organizations as femocratic, feminist and somewhat biased against 
men. According to this hypothesis, the proportion of men out of the 
complainants is far higher in the public sector than on the private sector, 
and feminism can be identified as a likely motive of the discrimination 
of men in many cases. 

The chapter also intends to evaluate the hypothesis, that reverse 
strategy and the SBAM memeplex can be identified as likely causes for 
the discrimination against men, at least in some cases (see 7.8). It is also 
hypothesized that in several cases and themes of discrimination, sexism 
and feminism can be simultaneously identified as potential or likely causes 
for the discrimination against men, based on the analysis of coalition 
discourses (5.5.1 and 7.5) and discriminative coalitions (7.6). 



8.1.2 Target and context of the study 

The study intends to find a higher understanding of the themes and 
reasons of discrimination in the context of a modern welfare state, taking 
Finland as an example. This understanding is produced by descriptive 
statistics, which illustrate the frequency of different themes, contexts and 
causes of gender discrimination that appear in the research data. The 
statistics are also used for giving answers to the question concerning the 
relative frequency of discrimination against men compared to women, 
in the different themes, contexts and sectors of the society. A central 
purpose of this chapter is also to evaluate the validity of the hypotheses 
presented in the previous chapter. The term evaluation of the hypotheses 
means a process, in which the empirical findings are compared to the 
hypotheses and to some alternative explanations, in order to gain a 



348 

rationally justified opinion of the validity of the hypotheses, compared to 
alternative explanations. The term deviates from the statistical testing of 
hypotheses, in its recognition that the statistical significance (p) is not a 
sufficient factor for guaranteeing the validity and objectivity of results. In 
the evaluation of the hypotheses, more emphasis is given to the reading 
and interpretation of the research data from several angles that make it 
possible to produce alternative hypotheses and interpretations during the 
research process, giving the reader a chance to compare the interpretations 
that support the hypothesis with some alternative interpretations (see 
Ronkainen 2004). 

The practical target of the study was to collect, record, and classify 
all cases of discrimination, which were reported to the Finnish equality 
office between the years 1997 and 2004, and which were then resolved by 
the ombudsman. The Finnish equality ombudsman is a public institution, 
the purpose of which is to monitor the manner in which the equality law is 
followed by Finnish organizations. The equality ombudsman receives and 
handles complaints and information requests from citizens and from other 
authorities. In some cases, the purpose of the ombudsman is to create a 
formal statement, which will assist the complainer sue the discriminator, 
or to decide about not pressing charges. In other cases, the ombudsman 
acts as an information provider, which gives general advice concerning 
equality law and existing prejudices, including the previous statements of 
the ombudsman. In some cases, the ombudsman acts in order to stop the 
discrimination without advancing the case to the court. 



8.1.3 Research data and method 

The original research data consisted of 1 147 complaints and requests of 
action that were sent to the ombudsman's office during 1997—2004. Out of 
these, a subset was chosen in order to concentrate only on those 800 cases 
that could by classified as clear cases of suspected gender discrimination. 
The research data was then classified in such a manner that enabled the 
evaluation of the hypotheses, as all the discriminators were classified to 
the patriarchal or matriarchal cluster, based on the gender distribution of 
employees and managers. 



349 

The method of the study was a combination of quantitative and 
qualitative approaches: The majority of the cases that were recorded to 
the research data were analyzed using a quantitative approach, which 
used the diario summary of each case as its basis. Some interesting cases, 
however, were checked from the complete statements of the ombudsman, 
in order to allow for a qualitative and legal analysis of the case. The raw 
data that was recorded to the research data was then typified, according to 
a scheme that was meant to support the connection of the data and results 
to the theoretical models, and to the hypotheses derived from them. After 
this classification, the research data was supplemented with information 
concerning the field of activity of each of the organizations that had acted 
as potential discriminators in the complaint cases. This allowed for the 
connection of the case to the gender distribution of each specific field of 
activity. The fields of activity and the gender distribution of employees, 
within each field, were based on the data of Tilastokeskus (see 6.2.2). 



8.1.4 Classification of customers and outcomes 

The initial research data consisted of all information requests and 
complaints of discrimination that had been sent to the ombudsman 
between 1.1.1997 and 31.12.2004, and which had been marked to 
the diario of the office as summary markings by the secretaries of the 
office. This data included all traditionally mailed and faxed requests and 
complaints of action from the year 1 997, and also all e-mailed requests and 
complaints from the beginning of year 2001. The "information requests 
and complaints of discrimination" are referred to as "cases" from here on. 
These cases were typed into a computer database by the researcher, over 
approximately six days of work in the bureau of the ombudsman. 

The outcomes of the cases were classified using an adjusted version 
of the classification used by the secretaries of the ombudsman's office. 
The original classes of the outcomes were "No action required", "Not 
against equality law", "No authority", "Cancelled", "Information given", 
"To be resolved in court" "Conflicts with equality law" and "Assumed 
discrimination". The problem with this classification was its rough 
and arbitrary nature, which especially appeared in the categories of 
"Information given" and "No authority". Some cases that created an 



350 



obvious assumption of discrimination had been classified as "Information 
given", particularly if the customer had reached an agreement with the 
discriminator, or if the discriminator had changed its discriminative 
policy. This class was also sometimes confused with the category of "No 
authority", as there were cases in which the ombudsman would have 
had authority, but which were directed to some other authority, such 
as the Equality Council of Advertisement. The adjusted classification of 
outcomes contained the classes shown in Table 33. 

Explanation 

Appearance of an already recorded case as a duplicate instance 

Cases in which a person suspected discrimination, which was not 
based on gender or parenthood 

Requests for advice concerning the interpretation of legal 
paragraphs, such as the gender quota paragraph in a m anner that 
revealed no suspicion of discrimination. 

Frustrated and fuzzy complaints about the inequality of people in 
Finland, together with general criticism against the authorities. 

Potential but unlikely connection to gender or parenthood. 

Neither gender was put in a disadvantaged position and the case 
revealed no discrimination concerning pregnancy, maternity or 
parenthood. 

Ombudsman concluded to have no authority, although case was 
clearly related to gender and although it contained a complaint. 

A gender related case, which was transferred to another authority 

The customer cancelled the case. 

Those cases which had no recorded outcome and no completion 
date. 

Potential discrimination cases, in which information was given 
instead of a formal statement. 

The summary referred to positive action (9§4). 

Cases in which either gender seems to have been put in a 
disadvantaged position, but which were not explicitly classified as 
discrimination by the ombudsman. 

Complaints of men's obligatory military service, which factually 
puts men in a disadvantaged position, but which is not illegal 
according to the Finnish equality law. 

Cases classified as "discrimination" or "assumed discrimination" by 
the ombudsman. 

Cases which had been confirmed as discrimination in court. 



Class 


Explanation 


la 


Double issue 


lb 


Not related to gender 


lc 


Information request with no 




suspicion of discrimination 


Id 


Untargeted complaint 




containing no request for 




action 


le 


Weak link to gender 


2a 


No discrimination 


3a 


No authority 


3b 


Transferred 


3 c 


Cancelled 


3d 


Uncompleted 


3e 


Information given 


4a 


Positive action 


4b 


Seems to be discrimination 



4c 



5b 



Discrimination with a good 
cause 

Stated discrimination 

Court confirmed 
discrimination 



Table 33. The Classified Outcomes of the Cases. 



351 

The senders of the complaints and requests for action were shown by 
two fields of data, which were the sender and the customer. The sender 
referred to the representative of the customer, in those cases that were sent 
by a lawyer or some other representative. The original customers of the 
cases were recorded to the research data and classified as "men" (N=374), 
"women" (N=597), "both genders" (N=2), "transsexuals" (N=2) and 
"unknown" (N=172). The category of unknown consisted of cases sent 
by collective bodies such as municipalities, associations, organizations 
and courts, and those private persons whose first name was too hard to 
classify (mostly refugees and immigrants). 



8.1.5 Delineation of the primary research data 

Those cases which did not have a clear outcome relating to gender 
discrimination (la— le) were omitted from the research data. This omitted 
data is shown in Table 34: 





Male 


Female 


Unknown 


Both 


Transs. 


Total 


1a Double case 


9 


7 


1 








17 


1b Not gender issue 


76 


46 


42 





2 


166 


1c No discrimination suspected 


7 


11 


85 








103 


1d No request for action 





1 











1 


1 e Weak link to gender or parenthood 


7 


7 











14 


Total 


99 


72 


128 





2 


301 



Table 34. Outcome Classes, which were Excluded from the Research Data. 

The double issues were mostly requests for the hurrying up of the handling 
of an existing issue. The cases that did not relate to gender were mostly 
cases, in which the customer felt discriminated or unjustly treated based 
on unemployment, age, sexual orientation, or geographical location. 
These cases were classified mostly as "no authority" by the ombudsman, 
and returned to the customer with a suggestion of contacting the Minority 
Ombudsman, the Ombudsman of the Parliament, or the Ministry of 
Employment. The higher percentage of men within this outcome class 
suggests that men are not as well aware of the purpose of the equality law 
and the equality ombudsman's office as women are. 

The cases classified as "no discrimination suspected" referred mostly 
to general information requests and to the visits of the ombudsman to 



352 

organizations. The biggest subgroup of information requests were the 
ones which requested general advice about equality planning or the 
application of the paragraphs concerning gender quotas. The cases that 
had a weak connection to gender or parenthood were mostly cases, in 
which a mother or father placed a claim about the low level of transfer 
payments concerning parenthood. These cases could possibly be related to 
gender discrimination, as the discrimination that is based on parenthood 
is also one form of gender discrimination, according to 7 § of the equality 
law. However, the summaries of these cases seemed to show that this was 
not the case. 

After this first delineation of the primary research data, all the cases 
in which the gender of the discriminated person could not be deduced 
were omitted from the data, except for the ones which were concluded as 
discrimination by the ombudsman or by the court: In these exceptions, 
the gender of the customer was checked from the ombudsman's statement, 
which contained a full description of the case. Those relatively few cases, 
in which both genders were simultaneously discriminated (N=2), were 
omitted. The omitted cases are summarized in the table below: 





Unknown 


Both 


genders 


Total 




gender 


discriminated 




2a No discrimination 


11 







11 


3a Related to gender but no authority 


6 







6 


3b Moved to another authority 


1 







1 


3c Cancelled 


4 







4 


3d Uncompleted 













3e Instructions given 


22 




2 


24 



Total 44 2 46 

Table 35. Cases with Uncertainty of the Discriminated Gender. 

Most cases, in which there was no clear indication of the gender of the 
discriminated person, were related to the selection of members to public 
councils and decision making bodies. In this context, discrimination 
refers to complaints about decision making bodies, in which the 40% 
minimum quota for both genders had not been applied. This uncertainty 
reduces the validity of the gender distribution of discrimination within 
the final research data concerning the selection to public decision making 
bodies (see 8.3.6.2). 



353 



The remaining 800 cases, which were considered as the final or primary 
research data, are described in the chapters below. As they all contained 
some kind of complaint or suspicion concerning gender discrimination, 
they are referred to as complaints. 



8.2 Quantitative Overview 

and the Gender Distribution of Complaints 

8.2.1 The outcomes of the complaints 

The distribution of the data according to outcome class and gender is 
shown in Table 37. The explanations of the outcome types are given on 
page 350. The most typical outcome class was "Stated discrimination", 
which means that the summary concluded the case as "Discrimination" 
or "Assumed discrimination". In this category, the proportion of men was 
lower (26%) than in the research data in general (36%). 



Result 


Men 


Women 


Total 


Men% 


2a No discrimination 


82 


131 


213 


38% 


3a No authority 


20 


27 


47 


38% 


3b Transferred 


1 


6 


7 


14% 


3c Cancelled 


25 


67 


92 


27% 


3d Uncompleted 


1 


3 


4 


25% 


3e Instructions given 


32 


104 


136 


24% 


4a Positive action/discrimination 


5 




5 


100% 


4b Seems to be discrimination 


39 


14 


53 


74% 


4c Discrimination with a good cause 


9 




9 


100% 


5b Stated discrimination 


59 


171 


230 


26% 


5c Court confirmed discrimination 


2 


2 


4 


50% 


Total 


275 


525 


800 


34% 



Table 36. The Outcomes of the Complaints. 



This can be explained by the fact that a higher proportion of men's 
complaints ended up in outcome types "seems to be discrimination" 
(N=5 1), "no authority" (N=47), discrimination with a good cause (N=9), 
or "positive discrimination" (N=5). The relatively high proportion of 
men (74%) in the "seems to be discrimination" class, may be caused by 
the masculine or masculist bias of the researcher, or by the feminine or 



354 

feminist bias of the equality ombudsman's office, in which 90% of the 
employees are female. Typical examples in this outcome class related to 
the discounts and free services that women receive due to their gender 
(N=12). These were rarely stated as discrimination by the ombudsman's 
office, and instead, they were usually classified as "instructions given", as 
it is the policy of the ombudsman not to consider temporary discount 
campaigns as gender discrimination (all of the temporary discount 
campaigns mentioned in the summaries concerned discounts given to 
women). Another typical theme in which the researcher classified the 
case as "seems to be discrimination" was made of those cases, in which 
the ombudsman had sent the complainant a copy of a prior statement. 
This usually occurred for complaints concerning the policy of the 
National Pension's fund (KELA) not to subsidize men's medications for 
osteoporosis (N=10). 

In the "no authority" outcome class, the men's proportion (38%) 
is slightly higher than in the overall research data (34%). This higher 
percentage can be explained by the fact that the policy of the ombudsman's 
office has been to not comment on the complaints within the theme of 
"custody and divorce", as the ombudsman does not want to interfere 
with the operation of the court system. This policy, however, seems to be 
a little biased against men, as it is one of the ombudsman's tasks to give 
statements to courts concerning suspected discrimination. Therefore, it is 
possible that the real reasons of the ombudsman for not giving statements 
concerning the custody issues is the lack of resources, and the wish to 
avoid a flood of new complaints from men. According to this logic, the 
practical reason for not giving statements in custody issues is the wish to 
focus on the labor market, and on the advancement of women's status, 
which are explicitly mentioned as focus areas of the equality law. This 
thinking can be connected to the memeplex of prioritizing women's status 
over equality (see 7.3.3.1). 

The outcome class "Discrimination with a good cause", refers to the 
complaints of men concerning men's obligatory military service, which is 
only voluntary for women. These cases were classified as discrimination 
by the researcher, although the ombudsman's office classified them as 
"no authority" or "no conflict with equality law", as the Finnish equality 
law is not applicable to men's obligatory military service. Based on these 



355 



outcome types, the complaints were classified into four major outcome 
types, which are shown in Table 37: 



Outcome 
type 


Label of category 


Subclasses 


2 


No discrimination 


2a No discrimination 


3 


Potential 
discrimination 


3a No authority, 3b Transferred, 3c Cancelled, 3d Uncompleted, 
3e Information given 


4 


Either gender seems 
privileged 


4a Positive action, 4b putting either gender in a disadvantaged 
position due to a good cause, 4c cases that seem like discrimination, 
even if the ombudsman did not specifically state so. 


5 


Confirmed 

discrimination 


5a Discrimination confirmed by the ombudsman, 5b discrimination 
confirmed in court. 



Table 37. Outcome types of the complaints. 

The most subjective type is "Either gender seems privileged", as this 
category combines together the cases of positive action (N=5), legalized 
putting of either gender into a disadvantaged status based on a good 
cause (N=9) and those cases that indicated clear gender discrimination, 
although the ombudsman had not stated it clearly (N = 47). Due to 
this subjectivity, it is important to analyze the proportion of men 
separately for all complaints, complaints in outcome categories 3—5, and 
in the category 5, which means confirmed discrimination. Out of these 
percentages, each reader may choose their favorite measure for the gender 
distribution of gender discrimination in the research data. 



8.2.2 The contexts of the complaints 



The summaries of the complaints were read and classified to themes, and 
then the themes were organized into contexts of discrimination. After 
this, the summaries were re-read, and then reclassified in a heuristic 
process, in which increased understanding of the phenomena was used 
for producing improved themes and contexts (see Phillips & j0rgensen 
2002, p. 124). The five major contexts are shown in Table 38. The 
measures of the gender distribution of discrimination that show high 
values for the discrimination against men are shown in bold. 



356 











Men% of 


Men% of 


Men% of 


Men% of 


Context 


Men 


Women 


Total 


outcome 


outcome 


outcome 


outcome 










type 2-5 


type 3-5 


type 4-5 


type 5 











type 2-5 


type 3-5 


typ 


e4-5 


type 5 


Discr. on the labor market 


164 


427 


591 


28% 


24% 




26 % 


23 % 


Discr. of administrative customers 


63 


46 


109 


58% 


61 % 




70% 


47% 


Discr. of customers by enterprises 


24 


15 


39 


62% 


59% 




89% 


60% 


Discriminative legislation 


10 


3 


13 


77% 


77% 




83% 


.... 


Diverse 


14 


34 


48 


29 % 


23 % 




25% 


25% 



Table 38. The Relative Frequency of the Discrimination of Men in Each 
Context. 

If we take these figures as a valid indicator of the discrimination of men 
and women in Finland, we can conclude that men have a higher chance 
of being discriminated as customers of private and public organizations 
than women, and also the cases of discriminative laws seem to have a 
higher effect on men than on women. An alternative interpretation 
would be to claim that the percentage of men out of outcome categories 
4—5 is such a subjective and (masculinely) biased figure that it can not be 
applied. However, this same argument could also be turned against men's 
percentage in outcome category 5, which can be biased due to the feminine 
bias of the employees of the ombudsman's office. Therefore, it is suggested 
that men's percentage of categories 3—5 is used as the best estimate, as it 
also fits in between the two other measures. If this selection is made, 
we can estimate that the discrimination of male customers is 1.5 times 
more common than the discrimination of female customers. 138 In the 
context of discriminative legislation, we can conclude that a substantially 
higher proportion of men than women are discriminated by legislation, 
as almost all Finnish men have to enter military or civil service, while 
only a small minority of women seems to suffer from discriminative laws 
in Finland, based on the complaints sent to the ombudsman. 

If we wish to question the validity of the primary research data as a 
picture of the gender distribution of gender discrimination in Finland, we 
may use some alternative studies such as the Finnish "equality barometer" 
as benchmarks. According to the barometer, 48% of Finnish women and 
17% of Finnish men had felt discriminated against due to their gender 



138 The figure 60% means that discrimination of men is 1.5 times more common 
than 40%, which is the figure for the discrimination of women. This means that we may 
say that it is 1.5 times more common. 



357 

at work, in 2004 (Melkas 2004, p. 25). This means that 26% of the 
employees, who have felt disadvantaged, were men in 2004. This is very 
close to the fact that 24% of the complaints in outcome types 3—5 had 
been filed by men, in the context of the labor market. This supports the 
idea that the complaints sent to the ombudsman are not systematically 
biased in a manner that would prevent their use for wider generalizations 
to the population. 

It is possible to argue, that men claim easier than women, and therefore, 
more cases of discrimination against men have ended up in the files of 
the ombudsman, and into the research data. This argument would mean 
that men complain to the ombudsman more often without good cause 
than women, or that women underreport discrimination systematically 
more often than men. This interpretation gains some support from the 
research data, as men's proportion among complainants is higher within 
all complaints (34%) than in the outcome category 5 (24%). This 
difference, however, may well be caused by the fact that the equality 
ombudsman does not confirm any cases that relate to custody or men's 
obligatory military service as discrimination, and that the ombudsman's 
office is an organization that is likely to contain a feminine and feminist 
bias in its organizational culture (see chapters 5.4—5.5). It must also be 
noted that some other studies have shown that men are somewhat more 
reluctant to contact authorities than women with their problems (see 
Erasaari 1995, p. 196 and Tjaden & Thoennes 2000, p. 49). 



8.2.3 The field of activity of the suspected discriminator 

The field or sector of the discriminator was classified according to 
the classification scheme of the statistical authorities (Tilastokeskus). 
However, in some cases, the high level classification was broken down 
into smaller fields, in order to separate male dominated and female 
dominated fields from generic statistical sectors. These fields were then 
grouped into patriarchal, neutral and matriarchal fields, based on the 
analysis of the horizontal segregation of the society in chapter 6.4. In 
several cases, the summary of the case did not contain information on the 
field of activity of the suspected discriminator. The gender distribution of 



358 



gender discrimination on different fields is shown in Table 39. The results 
cover only outcome types 3—5 (potential for confirmed discrimination). 



Field of activity 


Men 
3-5 


Women 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Men 
5 


Women 
5 


Men% 
of 5% 


Matriarchal fields 


Cultural services 


6 


1 


86% 


4 


1 


80% 


Hotels and restaurants 


10 


2 


83% 


2 


1 


67% 


Social services and national pension fund 


51 


19 


73% 


14 


10 


58% 


Healthcare 


18 


41 


31% 


9 


28 


24% 


Matriarchal, TOTAL 


85 


63 


57% 


29 


40 


42% 


Neutral fields 


Legislation 


10 


2 


83% 










Media 


4 


1 


80% 


1 





1 00% 


Recreation and dating (excl. restaurants) 


7 


3 


70% 










Other public and personal services 


2 


1 


67% 


1 





1 00% 


Labor services 


4 


6 


40% 


2 


2 


50% 


Court system 


4 


8 


33% 


4 


8 


33% 


Renting, cleaning, real estates 


2 


4 


33% 


2 


2 


50% 


Third sector and personal services 


1 


2 


33% 





1 


0% 


Education (grades 1-9) 


6 


16 


27% 


4 


13 


24% 


Public administration (other) 


18 


51 


26% 


5 


19 


21% 


Associations (labor, charity) 


1 


5 


17% 





3 


0% 


Universities and research 


4 


23 


15% 


2 


9 


18% 


Education (medium level & administration) 


6 


37 


15% 


2 


19 


10% 


Neutral, TOTAL 


69 


157 


31% 


23 


76 


23% 


Patriarchal fields 


Police and prisons 


3 


4 


43% 


1 


1 


50% 


Telecommunications 


1 


2 


33% 





1 


0% 


Finance and insurance 


4 


9 


31% 





2 


0% 


Religious organizations 


4 


9 


31% 


3 


5 


38% 


Technical services and b to b services 


10 


36 


22% 


2 


17 


11% 


Trade 


4 


17 


19% 


1 


6 


14% 


Agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing 


1 


9 


10% 


1 


2 


33% 


Industry 


1 


24 


4% 





8 


0% 


Associations (sports, outdoors) 





3 


0% 










Defence 





3 


0% 





1 


0% 


Public administration (finance, sports) 





6 


0% 





1 


0% 


Transportation 





10 


0% 





2 


0% 


Patriarchal, TOTAL 


28 


134 


17% 


8 


46 


15% 


Unspecified field 


5 


39 


11% 





13 


0% 


GRAND TOTAL 


187 


393 


32% 


60 


175 


26% 



Table 39. The Gender Distribution of Discrimination in Different Fields. 



After these classifications, the table reveals that only 1 7% of the complaints 
in outcome types 3—5 were filed by men within the patriarchal fields. 
However, in the matriarchal fields, the proportion of male complainants 
was 57% in the outcome types 3—5. This seems to give strong support 
to the hypothesis that the patriarchal organizations of the society are 



359 

much more likely to discriminate against women than the matriarchal 
organizations. It also gives support to the hypothesis concerning the 
higher risk of men to be discriminated by the matriarchal organizations. 
An alternative explanation to these findings is that there is actually no 
difference between the likelihood of discrimination in the patriarchal and 
matriarchal fields — but men and women just interpret all gender neutral 
discrimination (e.g. tyosyrjinta) in a gendered fashion. This would 
mean that men, who suffer from mistreatment in the matriarchal fields, 
interpret all gender neutral discrimination as gender discrimination, while 
women in the patriarchal fields interpret all gender neutral mistreatment 
as gender discrimination. In order to count out this explanation, there is 
a need for additional studies that would ask separately for gender neutral 
discrimination (e.g. tyosyrjinta) and gender discrimination, in a fashion 
that would allow the summing up of these experiences in different fields 
of the society. 

The patriarchal, matriarchal and neutral fields contain some exceptions 
that are worth mentioning. In healthcare, which is a clearly matriarchal 
field, the percentage of men out of the potential, likely and confirmed 
cases of discrimination is only 31%. This can be explained by the fact 
that the vast majority of the cases occurred in the labor market, where 
about 80% of the employees in healthcare are female (see chapter 8.2.4). 
Among the patriarchal fields, police and prisons are a deviation, as 43% 
of the complaints in outcome types 3—5 were filed by men. This seems 
to support the hypothesis that policemen tend to seek for an alpha male 
position, in which they can favor women, and put down men, with the 
support of a sexist ideology (see 5.7). An alternative explanation is that 
men, when confronted with an authority like the police, are more willing 
to complain than women, as the confrontation with the authority is a 
situation in which the competitive side of masculinity is activated. 

Among the neutral fields, the media and legislation were deviations, 
as 79—80% of the cases in outcome types 3—5 concerned discrimination 
against men. This finding seems to align with the hypothesis and findings 
concerning women's relatively strong control of the normative, symbolic 
and discursive power resources in the Finnish society (see 6.2.7.2), and 
with the findings concerning the relatively strong influence of misandric 
and discriminative memeplexes in Finnish society (chapter 7). A more 



360 

moderate version of this explanation is that there is something in the 
Finnish legislation and in the Finnish media that makes men feel more 
discriminated against than women — even if this does not mean that 
men are actually more often discriminated. It must also be noted that 
the amount of complaints in these fields was relatively low, making it 
necessary to avoid too strong generalizations. 

On recreation and dating, which contains casinos, gyms, horse racing 
arenas and dating services, the proportion of men out of the complaints 
in outcome types 3—5 was 67%. In this field, the alpha male bias and 
traditional sexism seem to direct companies towards discriminative 
pricing and other forms of favoring women, in order to attract more 
women to the clientele (see 8.3.3.3). 



8.2.4 Effects of the field of activity 

to the discrimination of employees 

If we focus only on the labor market, we can define the borderline 
between patriarchy and matriarchy more accurately than in the context 
of all gender discrimination. As noted in chapter 6.2.3, the management 
of educational organizations and financial services is heavily dominated 
by men. Therefore, in the context of discrimination against employees, 
these fields need to be classified as parts of the patriarchal subsystem 
of the society, although the organizations in these fields may possibly 
contain a feminine and feminist bias in their informal organizational 
culture that affects the way in which customers are treated at the grass 
roots level (see 6.4). 

The focus on the labor market and employees, also allows us usage 
weighted and adjusted measures for men's and women's propensity to be 
discriminated. These weightings are based on the fact that in a sector of 
activity, in which 80% are female, the expected proportion of women out 
of the discriminated would be 80%, assuming that there are no gender 
differences in the propensity to be discriminated. In order to take this 
into account, the following equation was developed for WFM, meaning 
the Weighted Frequency of Men's discrimination. 



361 

RFM/MOL 
WFM= 

(RFM/MOL + RFW/WOL) 

The meanings of the variables in the equation are the following: 

RFM, Relative frequency of men discriminated, counting together 
male customers in selected outcome types and dividing the 
sum by the total amount of men and women in these types. 

RFW, Relative frequency of women discriminated. This is equal to 
1-RFM. 

MOL, Men of labor (%) 

WOL, Women of labor (%). This is equal to 1-MOL. 

In this case, the WFM was calculated for outcome types 3—5, which were 
used to summarize the frequency of discrimination. The WFM describes 
the hypothetical percentage of men in types 3—5, assuming that both 
genders would have been equally represented in the field of activity, 
keeping all other factors constant. Most of the MOL figures in Table 
are based on the statistics shown in chapter 6.2.2. However, the figures 
marked with one asterisk are based on the "Teacher statistics 2003" of the 
Finnish Center of Statistics. According to this data, 27% of the teachers 
in 1 st — 9 th grade are male, and 60% of the teachers in universities are men. 
In senior high school, professional institutes and professional college 
figures vary from 32% to 40%, making 36% a suitable estimate for this 
category. The figure marked with ** is based on Poliisilehti (2002/3). 
The figures marked with *** are interpolations in which the MOL of 
the wider category has been used as an estimate for the subcategories. 
For example, the 47% of "Public administration and defense" has been 
applied to all subcategories that have been distinguished from this main 
category. Those fields, in which there were very few observations or the 
percentage of men out of labor could not be found out, were excluded 
from the table. 



362 



Field of activity of the suspected 
discriminator 

Patriarchal fields 

Industry 

Transportation 

Trade 

Agriculture, hunting, forestry and fishing 
Neutral fields 

Finance and insurance 

Education (grades 1-9) 

Education (high schools, institutes and 

administration) 

Police and prisons 

Universities and research 

Technical services and b to b services 

Labor services 

Real estate, renting and cleaning services 

Public administration 

Court system 

Religious organizations 
Matriarchal fields 

Hotels and restaurants 

Health services 

Cultural services 

Social services and national pension fund 



Men 


Women 


Men% 


Men of 


WFM 


3-5 


3-5 


of 3-5 


labor 


for 3-5 


1 


22 


0% 


71 % 


0% 


2 


10 


0% 


78% 


0% 


1 


14 


7% 


52% 


7% 


2 


10 


14% 


69% 


7% 


1 


7 


0% 


30% 


0% 


5 


20 


21 % 


27 %* 


9% 


17 


41 


16% 


36 %* 


11 % 


2 


7 


50% 


89 %** 


11 % 


13 


34 


19% 


60% 


14% 


11 


43 


21 % 


62% 


14% 


5 


6 


20% 


47 %*" 


22% 


2 


5 


20% 


46% 


23% 


28 


50 


30% 


47 %*** 


33% 


7 


17 


36% 


47 %*** 


39% 


5 


11 


31 % 


38 %*** 


42% 


2 


1 


50% 


46% 




19 


49 


27% 


14% 


69% 


8 


4 


83% 


47 %*** 


85% 


19 


17 


54% 


8% 


93% 



Table 40. Weighted Frequency of Discriminated Male Employees on Each 
Field. 



The table gives support to the hypothesis, according to which female 
employees have afar higher chance of being discriminated in the patriarchal 
organizations, while male employees are more likely to be discriminated in 
the matriarchal organizations. This finding is even clearer than the one 
provided in chapter 8.2.3, as now police and prisons are no longer a 
deviation among other patriarchal fields, and the percentages in healthcare 
align with other matriarchal fields. For example, in the field of social 
services, men's likelihood of being discriminated seems to be more than 
13 times higher than the chances of a female employee being discriminated 
against (93% versus 7%). In cultural services, male employees seem to have 
almost a six times higher chance of being discriminated against (85% vs. 
15%). In a similar fashion, the propensity of women to be discriminated 
in the patriarchal fields such as universities and research, and in technical 
services and b to b services, is almost six times higher than men's propensity 
to be discriminated (14% vs. 86%). In some other patriarchal fields such 



363 

as finance and insurance, industry and transportation, women's chances 
of being discriminated against seem to be infinitely higher than men's 
likelihood of being discriminated due to their gender. 

Although the research data seems to give strong support for the 
hypothesis on the matriarchy as a discriminator of men and the patriarchy 
as a discriminator of female employees, it is also possible that the 
gendered interpretations of discrimination exaggerate this phenomenon 
(see 8.2.3). 

One surprising finding seems to be the location of the religious 
organizations close to the group of matriarchal organizations. This, 
however, can be explained, when analyzing the cases of potential, 
likely and confirmed cases of discrimination against men. It seems that 
organizational positions are strongly segregated internally, so that some 
professions are considered part of the sphere of femininity, while others 
are considered more masculine. All cases of recruitment discrimination 
against men in religious organizations appeared in the recruitment of 
employees to "feminine" professions. Examples of these cases were the 
recruitment of PR and communication professionals (N=2), organ player 
(N=l) and family advisor (N=l). Therefore, the high proportion of men 
in outcome types 3—5 in the "patriarchal" church organizations can be 
explained by the fact that the discrimination occurred in the "feminine" 
professions within the field of activity. 



8.2.5 The vertical segregation of the society 

According to scholars of women's studies, women are the discriminated 
gender in the labor market, and this discrimination appears especially 
in the form of a glass ceiling, which prevents women from advancing to 
managerial positions or positions as leading experts (Wahl 1992). Yet, 
according to the hypotheses of the political wish for gender equality at 
the highest level of management, it would be easier for women to get 
into director level positions than managerial positions, especially in the 
neutral fields of the society (see 6.4). In order to evaluate these hypotheses, 
all cases of recruitment discrimination were classified according to the 
level of the job that was searched for. The distribution of complaints 
concerning recruitment discrimination is shown in Table 41. 



364 



Position and level of job 


Men 
3-5 


Women 
3-5 


Men% 
3-5 


Men 
5 


Women 
5 


Men% 
5 


Director 


9 


22 


24% 


6 


16 


27% 


Manager or managing professional 


8 


32 


15% 


4 


19 


17% 


White collar worker (higher level) 


31 


58 


27% 


17 


33 


34% 


White collar worker (lower level) 


15 


21 


35% 


9 


14 


39% 


Blue collar worker 





2 


% 





1 


0% 


Unknown position 


1 


7 


8% 





2 


0% 


TOTAL 


68 


224 


24% 


37 


116 


30% 



Table 41. Recruitment discrimination at different job levels. 



The table seems to support the glass ceiling hypotheses, as the vast majority 
of discrimination against the candidates for managerial and managing 
professional positions appears against women (83—85%). However, 
the second hypothesis of the egalitarian political influence at the top 
directorial level also receives some support, as it is seems less difficult for 
women to advance to director positions than to managerial positions. 
These results, however, only apply to the public sector, as almost all 
complaints concerning director positions appeared in the public sector. 

The data also shows the surprising fact that 34—39 % of the confirmed 
victims of gender discrimination in the group of white collar workers 
appeared against men. In the summed up outcome types 3—5, men's 
proportion of complaints was 27—35%, among white collar workers. These 
figures suggest that women and men have relatively equal opportunities 
for advancing to white collar and managerial professional status, and the 
gendered problems of women truly only escalate when women attempt to 
enter the managerial level. On the general level, the men's proportion in 
outcome classes 3—5 was 24%, and in confirmed cases of discrimination, 
30% of the discriminated were men. The difference in these figures 
suggests that women complain more easily and with less cause than men 
(in the context of recruitment), or that men are more persistent than 
women in continuing their complaint, until a formal statement has been 
given by the ombudsman (outcome type 5). 

The analysis of the consequences of the level of job to the gender 
distribution of discrimination may be extended by including all themes, in 
which the organizational level of the discriminated person is identifiable. 
This applies to most of the cases that appear in the contest of the labor 



365 



market, and also to those cases in which decision makers are selected to 
public decision making bodies, or task forces of specialists. 



Position and level of job 


Men 
3-5 


Women 
3-5 


Men% Men 
3-5 5 


Women 
5 


Men% 
5 


Director 


10 


26 


28 % 6 


16 


27% 


Manager or managing professional 


10 


60 


1 4 % 5 


28 


15% 


White collar worker (higher level) 


20 


36 


36 % 1 


19 


34% 


White collar worker (lower level) 


36 


92 


28 % 21 


52 


29% 


Blue collar worker 


7 


28 


20 % 3 


15 


17% 


Unknown position and level 


16 


89 


1 5 % 5 


33 


13% 


TOTAL 


99 


331 


24 % 50 


164 


23% 



Table 42. Discrimination, in General, at Different Organizational Levels. 

This extended analysis confirms the findings of the more limited analysis: 
Women, who are entering management, have it more difficult than white 
collar workers, even in the director level, where the democratic control 
of the organization is stronger than in the middle management. Again, 
this finding mostly applies to public organizations. The low proportion 
of male blue collar workers out of the cases of discrimination can be 
possibly explained by the male role of the working class men: These men 
are likely to consider the filing of complaints to the equality ombudsman 
as unmasculine whining. It is also possible, that working class men are 
somewhat uncomfortable in the context of communication to authorities, 
which reduces their willingness to file complaints (see Forsberg 1994). 

The low level of male complaints in the "unknown" category seems 
to be partly explained by the fact that the case summaries that described 
maternity related discrimination, concentrated on pregnancy and 
maternity related issues, and gave relatively little information of the 
organizational position of the employee. 



8.2.6 Is the public sector 

more female friendly than the private? 



According to Nordic scholars of women's studies, the welfare state may 
be seen as a friend or a defender of women (Hemes 1987, Julkunen 



366 

1990, Anttonen 1994, p. 206, Julkunen 2002 p. 34). This conclusion 
is challenged by arguments that claim that it is actually the private 
market which treats men and women in a more gender blind fashion, 
since all discrimination would mean an inefficient usage of resources 
(see Walby 1986, Hirdman 1990). In order to evaluate these contrasting 
hypotheses, the research data was classified according to the administrative 
type of the discriminating organization. In this classification, the state and 
municipalities were classified into the same type, as they are directly controlled 
by democratic processes. In contrast to that, autonomic public institutions 
such as municipal coalitions (kuntayhtyma), educational institutes and 
universities were classified separately, as these organizations are under 
weaker democratic control than the state and municipalities. Enterprises 
were classified into private enterprises and publicly owned enterprises to 
see, whether the ownership has some effect on the gendered practices of 
enterprises. Table 42 summarizes the potential, likely and confirmed cases of 
gender discrimination, according to the organizational type. 



Suspected discriminator 


Men, 

outcome 
types 3-5 


Women, 

outcome 
types 3-5 


Men% of 

outcome 
types 3-5 


Men, 

outcome 
type 5 


Women, 

outcome 
type 5 


Men% 
of 
type 5 


State or municipalities 


128 


194 


40% 


45 


100 


31 % 


Autonomic public institution 


7 


44 


14% 


2 


19 


10% 


Association or the church 


7 


29 


19% 


4 


12 


25% 


Publicly owned enterprise 


4 


5 


44% 


1 


3 


25% 


Private enterprise 


39 


81 


33% 


8 


26 


24% 


Private person 





2 


0% 










Unknown 


7 


38 


16% 


1 


15 


6% 


TOTAL 


192 


393 


33% 


61 


175 


26% 



Table 43. The Effects of Organization Type on the Gender Distribution of 
Discrimination. 



State, municipalities and publicly owned enterprises seem to be the least 
discriminative organizations against women, as almost as many men as 
women had complained to the ombudsman of gender discrimination. 
This supports the hypothesis, concerning the friendliness of the public 
sector. However, the private enterprises seem to treat women far 
better than autonomic public institutions. This suggests that efficient 
market mechanisms may reduce the risk of women of facing gender 
discrimination, compared to such public institutions, which are controlled 



367 

neither by democratic processes nor by market forces. It is curious that 
in autonomic public institutions, only 10% of the cases of confirmed 
discrimination appeared against men. This seems to indicate that women 
have a nine times higher chance of being discriminated in autonomic 
public institutions than men. This finding seems to confirm both of the 
hypotheses given above. It also draws a picture of the public autonomic 
institutions as organizations controlled by men's fraternity networks 
(hyva-veli-verkostot), which are not well controlled by democratic 
processes or by the market forces. 



8.2.7 Summary of the evaluation of the main hypotheses 

Chapters 8.2.3—8.2.4 have already handled the effects of the horizontal 
segregation on the likelihood of men to be discriminated on the patriarchal, 
matriarchal and neutral (horizontal) fields of the society. In this chapter, 
the distinction between the patriarchal and matriarchal subsystems is 
made more explicitly and specifically, marking all managerial positions 
of neutral organizations as part of patriarchy, while all white collar and 
blue collar worker positions remain in the debatable borderlands between 
patriarchy and matriarchy. Another adjustment to the patriarchal 
vs. matriarchal subsystems is made in the treatment of customers, as 
all administrative decisions, concerning sports and technology, were 
classified to the domain of patriarchy. After this clarification, it is now 
possible to analyze the gender distribution of potential, likely and 
confirmed discrimination, using the patriarchal vs. matriarchal nature of 
the situation as one explaining variable, and the context of the complaint 
as another. 



368 



Context 


Men 
3-5 


Women 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Men 
5 


Women 
5 


Men% 
of 5 


Labor market 


Matriarchal context 


34 


51 


40% 


20 


36 


36% 


Neutral or debatable 


27 


89 


23% 


13 


45 


22% 


Patriarchal context 


32 


138 


19% 


15 


64 


19% 


Unspecified context 


3 


33 


8% 





13 


0% 


Labor market Total 


96 


311 


24% 


48 


158 


23% 


Administrative customers 


Matriarchal context 


40 


11 


78% 


6 


4 


60% 


Neutral or debatable 


8 


8 


50% 


2 


2 


50% 


Patriarchal context 


5 


13 


28% 





3 


0% 


Unspecified context 





1 


0% 










Administrative customers total 


53 


33 


62% 


8 


9 


47% 


Private sector customers 


Matriarchal context 


9 


1 


90% 


2 




1 00% 


Neutral or debatable 


5 


1 


83% 


1 


1 


50% 


Patriarchal context 


8 


10 


44% 





1 


0% 


Unspecified context 


1 


2 


33% 










Private sector customers total 


23 


14 


62% 


3 


2 


60% 


Customers of private and public organizations 






Matriarchal context 


49 


12 


80% 


8 


4 


67% 


Neutral or debatable 


13 


9 


59% 


3 


3 


50% 


Patriarchal context 


13 


23 


36% 





4 


0% 


Unspecified context 


1 


2 


33% 










Customers Total 


76 


32 


70% 


14 


10 


50% 


GRAND TOTAL 


171 


355 


33% 


59 


169 


26% 



Table 44. Discrimination in Patriarchal and Matriarchal Contexts. 



The table shows a clear and significant connection between dominance 
and discrimination: Men have systematically the highest chances of being 
discriminated in matriarchal contexts, and women in the patriarchal 
contexts. Although women have a three times higher chance of being 
discriminated in the labor market in general (76% versus 24%), men 
are discriminated almost as often as women in the matriarchal fields and 
contexts of the labor market, even if there are far fewer men working in 
these organizations (see 8.2.4). The figures concerning the discrimination 
of the customers of public and private organizations show that in the 
matriarchal organizations, male customers have a 2—4 times higher 
chance of being discriminated than women: Out of the potential, likely 
and confirmed cases of discrimination, 80% of the complaints concerned 
discrimination against men. Even if we focus only on the confirmed cases 
of discrimination, 67% of the discrimination appeared against men. In 



369 

the neutral or debatable organizations, over 50% of the discrimination 
against customers seems to appear against men. 

When evaluating the hypothesis concerning the alpha discrimination 
of men, one can see that even patriarchal organizations tend to put male 
customers at an almost equal risk of discrimination as female customers, 
since the proportion of men in outcome types 3—5 is 36%. This finding 
seems to have connections to chivalry and macho masculinity, which are 
both basically alpha male ideologies. Additional analysis on the topic is 
found in chapters 8.3.3.3 and 8.3.4.4. 



8.3 The Themes and Motives of Discrimination 

8.3.1 Introduction to the classification of themes and motives 

The complaints were divided into five different contexts, and 
simultaneously, divided into more specific themes in a heuristic process. 
The classification to themes appeared in a process, in which the goal was 
to find themes of highly similar cases, and yet stop the distinction of 
themes, when the number of cases in each theme dropped below three. 
The remaining cases were classified to themes such as "other discriminative 
treatment of employees" or "other discriminative laws". 

The classification scheme for the motives of discrimination was based 
on the general theory of gender discrimination. According to the theory, 
the potential causes of discrimination are the feminine bias, masculine 
bias; feminist bias, masculist bias, traditional sexism, and financial 
pressure (see 5.9). In order to rate the significances of these biases, they 
were operationalized in the manner described in this chapter. It must be 
noted that this operationalization is merely one possible alternative, and 
the choices of the operationalization may have a strong impact on the 
results of the analysis of the memetic motives. Yet, this kind of analysis 
of the causes and motives behind gender discrimination was seen as a 
necessary exercise towards the understanding of the significances of 
alternative causes. After the conceptual operationalization, the likelihood 
of the six different causes was rated on the scale of 1 (very unlikely) to 
5 (very likely) for all complaints in outcome types 3—5 (potential, likely 



370 

or confirmed discrimination). In this rating, certain default values were 
first given to all complaints, using the principles shown below. After 
that, the ratings were adjusted for each theme of complaints, changing 
the values to more appropriate ones for the theme. At the final stage, 
some individual cases, which deviated from the general ratings of the 
themes, were adjusted. These included the ones in which positive action 
was specifically mentioned as a motive and legitimization of the different 
treatment of men and women. 

The feminine bias was operationalized as the general tendency of 
female dominated groups and organizations to create cultures, discourses 
and paradigms, which favor women at the cost of men. Therefore, the 
likelihood of the feminine bias as a potential cause of discrimination 
was set to 5 for all men's complaints that appeared in the matriarchal 
subsystem, 3 in the debatable borderlands, and 1 in the patriarchal 
subsystem. In a similar fashion, the likelihood of masculine bias was set 
to 5 in the complaints on the patriarchal subsystem, 3 in the debatable 
borderlands and 1 in the matriarchal subsystem. 

The contents of the feminist bias appear in the form of reverse 
strategy and the SBAM memeplex, which suggests that women should 
be systematically favored in all public decisions, campaigns and policies 
(see 7.8). In the context of the Finnish society, the SBAM seems to be 
a relatively influential memeplex, as the core purpose of the Finnish 
equality policy is the advancement of women's status, especially in the 
labor market, while the removal of men's gender problems is given very 
low priority, or completely moved outside of the scope of the equality 
law. Therefore, its significance in the discrimination of men was set 
to 4 in all of the cases of recruitment discrimination against male 
candidates for managerial positions, and in all cases in which positive 
discrimination was mentioned as a motive. In other cases, its significance 
was set to 3, meaning some potential significance. Another feminist 
memeplex was reverse strategy, according to which, women are superior 
to men in the fields of care-taking, human relations and morality, but men 
are not superior to women in any manner. This memeplex can be used 
to give women normative superiority over men, and for claiming that 
women's superior position in the mentioned fields should be recognized, 
naturalized and legitimized. Therefore, it can be seen as a motivation and 
legitimization for the discrimination of men. Its likelihood as a motive 



371 

for the discrimination against men was set equal to 4 in the matriarchal 
subsystem, 3 in the neutral subsystem, and 2 in other cases. 

The masculist bias had not taken a clear form in the Finnish society 
1997—2004, and at that time the men's movement was very weak or 
almost non-existent. The ideology of the men's movement is relatively 
unclear, since men's groups such as the Miessakit association have not 
produced a formal program concerning gender equality. However, it 
is possible to condense the masculist bias into a memeplex, according 
to which, men should actively defend themselves against the coalition of 
women and the state, as this coalition attempts to worsen the status of men 
in the society. This memeplex does not take into account the fact that 
women, on average, are in a disadvantaged position in many sectors of 
the society, and therefore in many cases, the advancement of women's 
status would be a step towards higher gender equality. The likelihood of 
this memeplex was set to 3 in all cases of discrimination against women, 
as this kind of masculism seems to be a potential, but not a likely factor 
in the discrimination of women, for example, in the labor market. 

Sexism was operationalized as an ideology, which promotes the 
horizontal and vertical segregation of the society. Therefore, sexism, as a 
reason for the discrimination against women, was given the same value as 
the masculine bias, meaning 5 in the patriarchal cluster, 3 in the neutral 
cluster, 1 in the matriarchal cluster of organizations, and 3 in the cases, 
where the sector or field of the discriminator was not known. After this 
initialization, the cases of recruitment discrimination were rated in such 
a fashion that in the case of recruitment discrimination against male 
applicants to managerial positions, the likelihood of sexism was put to 1, 
and in the cases of discrimination against female applicants to managerial 
positions, sexism was rated as a very likely cause (rating 5). These ratings 
reflect the nature of sexism as a promoter of both the horizontal and 
vertical segregation. 

Financial pressure was rated as an unlikely cause of discrimination 
for all cases, based on the fact that in the largest and most common 
themes such as recruitment discrimination, the discriminator gains no 
real benefit for choosing a less competent person. 

After these initializations, the ratings concerning the likelihood of financial 
pressure, sexism, masculism, discourses of patriarchy, and reverse strategy 
were reconsidered for each theme, as shown in the following chapters. 



372 

8.3.2 Labor market 

8.3.2.1 Quantitative overview 

Discrimination in the labor market was the most common context of 
the complaints. In most themes within this category, women filed more 
complaints than men. The most common themes of the complaints were 
the recruitment discrimination, wage discrimination, and the termination 
of work or the weakened position of the employee, which totaled 85% 
of the cases within the theme. Table 45 shows the distribution of the 
complaints according to theme and gender. The themes are shown in 
three groups which are 1) typical themes, in which women seem to be 
discriminated more often, meaning that men make less than 31% of the 
cases in outcome types 3—5; 2) themes, in which discrimination against 
both genders is of the same magnitude (31—69% of discrimination 
against men), and 3) the themes, in which discrimination against men is 
clearly more common, meaning that at least 70% of the cases in outcome 
types 3—5 related to discrimination against men. After this grouping, the 
themes were sorted in such a fashion that the most common themes were 
shown first. 



Theme 






M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


Total 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Wage discrimination 






8 





8 


33 





27 


76 


21 % 


Pregnancy and parenthood 









1 





16 


2 


24 


43 


2% 


Termination of work or weakened terms 


of 


work 











10 





5 


15 


0% 


Treatment at work 









1 


1 


10 


1 


2 


15 


13% 


Sexual harassment at work 






1 





1 


6 





2 


10 


20% 


Multiple forms of discrimination by the 






















employer 















8 





2 


10 


0% 


Funding of researchers 















1 








1 


0% 


Counteractions by the employer 















3 








3 


0% 


Recruitment forms 





















3 


3 


0% 


Recruitment discrimination 






28 





36 


57 





85 


206 


31 % 


Recruitment announcements 









6 


2 


1 


4 


8 


21 


38% 


Dressings and accessories at work 






1 


2 








1 





4 


75% 


TOTAL 






38 


10 


48 


145 


8 


158 


407 


24% 



Table 45. Discrimination on the Labor Market 



373 



8.3.2.2 Themes of discrimination, 

in which women formed the clear majority 



discrimination was a typical theme of discrimination (N=91). 
Out of the confirmed cases of discrimination, 27 were against women 
and 8 against men. The cases of wage discrimination were related to 
the field of activity of the employer, in such a fashion that men faced 
wage discrimination in social services, healthcare and schools, while 
discrimination against women occurred diversely, in all fields of activities. 
The most likely motive for the wage discrimination against women 
seems to be sexism, according to which men are the breadwinners, and 
women are the less ambitious gender. The likely motives for the wage 
discrimination against men are feminine bias and sexism, which together 
promote the favoring of women, especially in the matriarchal subsystem 
of the society. 

Pregnancy and parenthood 'was a very common theme (N=48), in which 
almost all the complainants in outcome types 3—5 were women. The 
cases in this theme mostly described the termination of work contracts 
due to pregnancy (N=33), the weakened status of the employee after 
returning from parental leave (N=ll), or recruitment forms, in which 
employees were asked about pregnancy or plans to have children (N=3). 
In one case, a man complained about the policy of a large corporation 
to pay salaries to women taking maternity leave, but not for men who 
take parental leave. Although men's complaints within this theme were 
far less frequent than women's, it seems that a large number of men may 
be affected by such corporate policies that discouraged men from taking 
paternal leave. A clear motive for the discrimination within this theme 
of discrimination seems to be financial, since the employers wish to 
avoid the costs of parental leaves and also the costs of paid absences from 
work that parents of young children are likely to have, taking care of sick 
children (rating 5). Another likely motive is sexism, as the employers 
assume that it is precisely the mothers who will be absent from work 
during the illness of children. This motive was rated as 4 in general, and 
5 within the patriarchal subsystem. 

The theme of recruitment forms, referred to cases in which the employer 
had asked about the potential pregnancy of the applicants for a job (N=3). 



374 

All of these cases were discrimination against women, and positioned 
to the outcome class 5 (confirmed discrimination). The motives of 
this discrimination were given the same ratings as in the pregnancy and 
parenthood theme. 

Termination of work or weakened terms of work referred to all other 
cases (N=20), in which the work contract was terminated or the position 
and role of the employee was weakened. All of the potential cases of 
discrimination were against women, and related to temporary lay- 
offs (N=3) or weakened position at work (N=2). The likely motives of 
discrimination seemed to be partly financial (saving money by lay-offs) 
and partly sexist (targeting the lay-offs towards women, or weakening the 
position of female employees). The motives were rated as discrimination 
due to pregnancy and parenthood. 

The treatment of employees at work contained various cases (N=19), in 
which primarily women complained about the unfair division of tasks 
and duties among the genders. For example, in one company, only female 
workers were required to perform cleaning tasks on top of their normal 
duties. In another case, women were not selected for the training of train 
drivers. The case of confirmed discrimination against men referred to the 
policy of a mental hospital to only appoint men for night shifts. In most 
cases, sexism could be identified as a likely cause of the discrimination. 
However, in one case, a man complained of the preferential treatment 
given to female guards in the delivery of ID cards, and the ombudsman 
classified it as positive action. This case was positioned to the outcome 
class 4 (positive action or positive discrimination) and rated as most likely 
to be caused by the feminist memeplex SBAM. A connection to financial 
reasons was also found in the case of the mental hospital, as the male 
nurses were used simultaneously as nurses and guards, saving the hospital 
the money from hiring specialized guards. 

Another theme, which was dominated by women's complaints, was 
the multiple forms of discrimination by employer. The eleven cases within 
this theme combined complaints of wage discrimination (4), slow career 
advancement (3), discriminative work conditions (3), sexual harassment 
(3), counter actions (2), and termination of work contract (1). However, 
only two cases were confirmed as discrimination by the ombudsman. 
This indicates that it is very difficult for the ombudsman to confirm 



375 

discrimination, or even create assumptions of discrimination (as defined 
by law), if the employee and employer give a different version of the events, 
actions and motives related to the case, and if there are several subtle 
forms of discrimination, instead of one single and more identifiable one. 
The theme of 'multiple forms of discrimination' was classified as having 
a likely connection to sexism, and no connection to rational financial 
reasons was found. 

Six out of the seven complaints concerning the potential cases of sexual 
harassment, were filed by women. However, the two confirmed cases of 
harassment were equally divided between male and female employees. 
The harassed woman was a worker in a flower shop, and the harassed man 
was a nurse at a hospital. The motives for sexual harassment were linked 
to sexism (rating 5), as the strong perception of gender differences makes 
people treat each other not as workers, but as men and women. Another 
cause was seen in the matriarchal or patriarchal organization cultures, 
which could easily promote a biased and dirty sense of humor against 
the gender that is underrepresented among employees. In the cases of 
sexual harassment against women, masculism was rated as a possible and 
yet unlikely reason, since sexual harassment can be seen as an attempt to 
nullify the potential empowerment of women (rating 2). In the cases of 
sexual harassment against men, the feminist memeplex SBAM was given 
a rating as a potential cause (rating 3). This is linked to the idea that 
women have the right to advance their own status by reversing the gender 
roles and by adopting behaviors that have been earlier typical for men 
only 139 Other motives for sexual harassment were rated as very unlikely. 

The cases concerning the funding of researchers (N=5) were mostly 
classified as no discrimination by the ombudsman. The case of potential 
discrimination was about the statistical bias against female researchers 
in the distribution of stipends. In this case, sexism was rated as the most 
likely cause of discrimination. 

The four cases in the theme of counter actions by the employer, referred 
to cases in which women suspected counter actions after filing complaints 
of gender discrimination. These cases were all classified as potential 
discrimination, since the ombudsman did not find sufficient proof of 

139 According to Kotro, for example, the presidential candidate Elisabeth Rehn has 
stated in an interview that she likes to pinch good looking young men by the rear end 
(Kotro 2006, the original reference to the article not found). 



376 

discrimination, as the employer and employee gave very different versions 
of the situation. A likely motive for the counteractions was assumed to 
be the masculist bias (rating 5), meaning the wish of men to defend 
their power position against the equality law, which could be seen as an 
indication of the coalition of the state and women. 



8.3.2.3 Discrimination with a high percentage 
of male complainants 

Recruitment discrimination was the most common theme of the 
complaints (N=352). In this theme, 42% of the 121 confirmed cases 
of discrimination related to the discrimination of men. Recruitment 
discrimination seemed to be strongly connected to the field of activity of 
the employer, in such a fashion that men were especially discriminated in 
the matriarchal fields (social services, healthcare, cultural services, hotels 
and restaurants) and women were discriminated in the more patriarchal 
fields (see 8.2.3—8.2.4). This horizontal segregation of discrimination 
was matched with vertical segregation, since female applicants were 
far more commonly discriminated when managers and directors were 
recruited (see 8.2.5). After these findings, it seemed reasonable that the 
default values set for the motives of discrimination in chapter 8.3.1 
would be slightly altered for the case of upper white collar workers. At 
this level of work, sexism was rated as a somewhat likely cause (score 
3), even for the discrimination of women in the organizations of the 
matriarchal subsystem of the society. When the cases were analyzed one 
by one, the feminist memeplex SBAM also appeared as a potential cause 
of discrimination against men. This appeared in a case, in which a male 
teacher was discriminated against, based on the exaggerated usage of 
positive action: In a school, where the majority of teachers were women, 
a female teacher was favored in recruitment on the basis of the municipal 
equality plan, which proposed for the advancement of women's status 
in the labor market. This case was confirmed as discrimination by the 
equality ombudsman, as positive action can be legitimately used only to 
help the status of the disadvantaged or underrepresented gender, and in 
this context, men were the disadvantaged or underrepresented gender. 



377 

The complaints, concerning discriminative recruitment announcements, 
were classified to outcome types in an unsystematic manner by the 
secretaries of the ombudsman's office. Cases in which the employer 
had promised not to repeat the discriminative announcement had been 
classified either as "instructions given" or as "discrimination". In a similar 
fashion, the recruitment announcements concerning the selection of a 
female gynecologist (published by private persons) were classified either 
as "instructions given" or "no discrimination". These cases were solved 
by the researcher, by classifying all cases of ceased discrimination as 
"discrimination", and all complaints concerning the search for female 
gynecologists as "no discrimination". After these classifications, the 
cases revealed discrimination of women in the search of candidates to 
traditionally masculine tasks such as chauffeur, or to various tasks in 
the technical field of activity. Men were discriminated typically by the 
announcements, which searched for women for traditionally feminine jobs 
such as a secretary, customer service assistant, or restaurant assistant, or to 
dull and patience demanding tasks like a lobby assistant or fish fillet cutter. 
In these cases, sexism was seen as a very likely motive of discrimination. In 
one complaint, the relation of sexism and the discriminative recruitment 
announcement was more difficult to judge. This was an announcement, 
in which a car maintenance company searched for a "girl" for the task of 
changing oils for cars. This could be seen as motivated by positive action, 
since the underrep resented gender in the context of car maintenance was 
encouraged to apply for the job. However, it could also be connected to 
sexism, since the culture in car maintenance workshops usually positions 
"girls" as sex objects, who are pinned up on the wall of the workshop. In 
this case, the likelihood of reverse discrimination as a cause was given the 
rating 4 (likely) and sexism the rating 5 (very likely). 

The theme of dressing and accessories at work contained three 
complaints by men and one by a woman. The men complained about 
not being able to wear as casual clothing as women (e.g. shorts), and 
for not being permitted to wear earrings at work. The complaint by a 
woman concerned a case, in which a female worker had to wear a work 
uniform that was too large and unfitting, as there were not small enough 
sizes in the uniforms which had been designed for men. None of these 
cases was clearly classified as discrimination, and the cases of forbidding 



378 

men to wear shorts at work were explicitly stated as "no discrimination". 
However, all of these cases meet the criteria of gender discrimination, as 
men and women were put in a different position by the double standards 
and by the lack of suitable work uniforms. Therefore, all of these cases 
were rated into the outcome class 4 (either gender seems favored). It 
seems that the double standard concerning the wearing of shorts at work 
is not based on solid biological differences between men and women: 
The fact that men have more hair on their legs does not seem to be a 
legitimate argument. Instead, the cause of the double standard seems to 
be based on the sexist argument that women have traditionally had the 
right to show their legs at work, wearing skirts. Therefore, it is "natural" 
that women are permitted to wear shorts, while men are not. The same 
also applies to jewellery, as women have had the traditional right to wear 
ear rings, while for men there is no such long lasting tradition in Finland. 
The memetic cause for the discrimination of men seemed to be basically 
sexism, as men were not permitted to break the traditional gender roles 
by using ear rings at work, or by showing their legs at work. However, it 
seems to have also a connection with SBAM, as this positioning of men 
and women in a different status in the context of dressing was not seen 
as discrimination, even by the ombudsman. (One can argue that women 
are the disadvantaged sex and that the purpose of the equality law is 
to improve the status of women, and therefore, the complaints of men 
concerning sexist dressing codes are insignificant). Another potential, 
but more weakly connected cause for this discrimination is the reverse 
strategy, which gives the impression that women are better than men. 
(As women are better than men, and made of "sugar and spice", it is only 
natural that women have the right to show their legs at work). 



8.3.3 Customers of Enterprises 

8.3.3.1 Quantitative overview 

Complaints, concerning the discrimination of customers by enterprises, 
appeared most often within the themes of pricing (N=13), tailored 
marketing (N=8) and advertisements (N=l 1). The table below shows that 



379 



advertisements cause more feelings of discrimination to women, while all 
the other themes show that more cases of potential discrimination appear 
against men. 



Theme 


M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


Total 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Advertisements 


1 








9 





1 


11 


9 % 


Other discrimination of the customers of enterprises 








3 


2 








5 


60% 


Pricing by enterprises 

Tailored marketing 

Dressing standards for customers 



3 



12 
2 
2 









1 








1 





13 
6 
2 


92% 

83% 

1 00 % 


Total 


4 


16 


3 


12 





2 


37 


62% 



Table 46. Discrimination of the Customers by Private Companies. 



8.3.3.2 Themes of discrimination, 

in which women formed the clear majority 



The complaints regarding discriminative advertisements mostly concerned 
cases, in which women were represented as sex objects. One advertisement, 
for example, presented a female model with a text saying "Pens for all 
locations", hinting that women are a potential target for penetration — 
even by pens. The male complainant criticized the frequent usage of naked 
men in advertisements in Finland. Naked men, for example, have been 
used to sell mobile phone operators, cider, margarine, and chewing gum. 
While the motivation of the usage of women as sex seems to be caused 
by sexism, the memetic motive behind the frequent usage of naked men 
in advertisements seems to be SBAM, as the usage of naked men can be 
seen as a way of advancing women's status by reversing the gender roles. 
None of these cases was clearly stated as gender discrimination by the 
ombudsman. Instead, the cases were redirected to the Ethical Council 
of Advertisers, which is originally a private organization. In this council, 
a body of journalists and politicians handle issues based on common 
sense, and not on solid legal analysis and expertise. This means that the 
decisions of the Ethical Council of Advertisers may be discriminative or 
systematically biased against either gender. In this case, it seems possible 
that the council has been systematically biased against men, since few 
complaints of the discrimination against men in advertisements ever end 



380 

in the conclusion that men have been discriminated. The reason for the 
ombudsman not to handle these cases is that the office does not have 
enough resources. 



8.3.3.3 Discrimination with a high percentage 
of male complainants 

The most common theme in the treatment of customers by private 
organizations was discriminative pricing, meaning the discounts given 
especially to women (N=12). This favorable treatment of women seems 
to be a clear case of gender discrimination. However, the ombudsman has 
created a policy, according to which, the gender which is the minority 
among customers may be favored in pricing as long as the favoring is 
not continuous. This policy is based on the positive action clause of the 
equality law of 1995, which states that temporary actions and policies, 
which are based on a plan to advance the substantive gender equality, 
should not be considered as discrimination (9 § point 4). Based on this 
argument, the ombudsman has not classified the discounts given to 
women for boat cruises, discotheques and dancing places as discrimination 
against men. This policy, however, may be criticized as the discounts 
given to women are not based on an equality plan that has been made 
by the private enterprises. The "temporary" nature of such discounts is 
also questionable, as in many cases the discounts appear either once a 
week (systematically) or in recurring campaigns. Based on this policy 
of the ombudsman, 10 out of the 12 complaints filed by men resulted 
in the outcome of "information given", while 2 cases were confirmed 
as discrimination by the ombudsman. Yet, the cases of discriminative 
pricing were classified to the outcome class 4 by the researcher. 

One of the confirmed cases was the targeted offer by Theatre "Virus", 
which offered theatre tickets to young women at a special price. This 
could not be legitimized by positive action for the minority of customers, 
as the majority of the audience in theatres is already female. Another 
was the pricing of dating services, which had continued to discriminate 
against men for such a period of time that it could not be classified 
as temporary special treatment. Boat cruises, which were offered to 



381 

women at a 50% discount, were not considered as discrimination, as 
the ombudsman argued that the majority of customers among seminar, 
conference and relaxation cruises are men, and therefore it could be seen 
as positive action that women are treated favorably. In the same fashion, 
yearly fees for gymnastics were allowed to be sold to women at a 33% 
discount. Free entrance of women to restaurants and horse races were 
seen as no problem, and this also applied to the discounts for the prices 
of drinks at restaurants. This makes it seem as if the ombudsman was 
somewhat reluctant to classify discriminative pricing as discrimination 
against men. At the same time, 100% of the complaints sent by women 
were classified as gender discrimination. This, however, may be a 
coincidence as only one case was filed by a woman. This case concerned 
the higher prices of haircuts for women. Traces of the potential bias of the 
ombudsman's office against men may be found in the argumentation of 
statement 7/59/99. The statement concludes that "As the main purpose 
of the equality law is to improve women's status especially in the labor 
market, the ombudsman has not seen it necessary to take special actions 
concerning these cases". According to this logic, the equality law needs to 
be applied strictly, in cases concerning the labor market or discrimination 
against women, whereas the discrimination against men is seen as a low 
priority issue — especially if it appears outside the labor market. The 
argumentation concerning the purpose of the equality law, however, is 
a memetic mutation, as the real purpose of the law is "to prevent gender 
discrimination and advance the equality of men and women, and in order 
to reach this goal, improve women's status especially in the labor market" 
(1§). The mutation has changed the original priority, which emphasized 
the equality of men and women over anything else, to an interpretation 
that prioritizes the advancement of women's status over anything else. 
When the ombudsman claims that no "special actions" seem necessary 
to end this discriminative pricing, we must note that the removal of this 
discrimination would not require any other "special action" than firm 
statements that conclude that all cases of discriminative pricing are gender 
discrimination, unless based on an explicit reference to the equality plan 
of the company. 

The strongest motive in the discriminative pricing seems to be sexism, 
as women are charged a higher fee for haircuts, and men are charged 



382 

more for entering restaurants, boat cruises, dating services and other 
places in which (the passive) women are chased by (the active) men. 
Based on this sexism, the financial pressures also play a large role. Yet, 
feminism also seems to be connected to the discrimination against men 
in discounts, as almost all of the pricing discrimination against men can 
be explained by SBAM and the biased interpretation of positive action 
(positive discrimination). 

A relatively similar theme to the discriminative pricing is the tailored 
marketing of services that are specially designed for either of the genders. 
Clear examples of gender discrimination, in this theme, included two 
complaints concerning the "Lady Kasko" car insurance, which offered 
a lower fee for women than for men. The service is almost identical 
to the insurances given to men, and the only relevant difference is the 
price of the service. In another case, the company "Women's City" 
marketed a discount card for women only. Some men also complained 
about discount campaigns, in which only products targeted to women 
were discounted. The case of potential discrimination against women 
concerned the reservation of special aerobics classes for men in a gym 
(no entrance to women). None of these cases was clearly classified as 
discrimination by the ombudsman, and instead, they were categorized as 
"information given". The main motive in the discrimination of men and 
women in this theme seems to be financial pressure, which is supported 
by sexism in many cases. However, the feminist memeplex SBAM also 
seems to play a role, as companies can favor women as much as they 
want in their marketing, without a fear of facing consequences from the 
authorities (as the authorities seem to perceive that the advancement 
of women's status is the main purpose of the equality law). In the case 
concerning Lady Kasko, the reverse strategy may also play a role, as 
women are easily perceived as more cautious and responsible than men, 
based on this memeplex. 

The dressing standards relating to customers was a theme that 
consisted of cases, in which men complained for not being permitted 
to a casino wearing shorts, while women with shorts were permitted to 
enter. Although these cases were classified as "no discrimination" by the 
ombudsman's office, they were positioned in the outcome class 4 (either 
gender seems favored) by the researcher. This is based on the definition 



383 

of discrimination, which states that the setting of either gender to the 
privileged status is gender discrimination (see 2.1.1). The motives 
concerning the double standards concerning dressing are similar to the 
ones that appear in working places: Due to sexism, male customers are 
not permitted to wear shorts, and due to the feminist memeplex SBAM, 
this is not seen as a problem, and instead, it is seen as a legitimate favoring 
of women. 

The theme other discriminative treatment of customers contained two 
complaints concerning the higher age limits for men in restaurants. 
These cases were both confirmed as discrimination by the ombudsman, 
as well as one case, in which the rules of an apartment were changed in 
such a fashion that only female inhabitants were allowed. The women's 
complaints concerned the fact that, in restaurants it is mostly the right 
of the men to ask women for a dance, although men and women pay the 
same entrance fee. In another case, a credit company had a policy that the 
credit limit may not be raised for women who are on a maternity leave. 
These cases were classified as "information given by the ombudsman", 
which fits the outcome class of "potential discrimination". When analyzing 
the motives of these forms of discrimination, sexism seems to be the 
clearest cause. This particularly appears in the cases concerning the lower 
age limits of women in restaurants: From a sexist perspective, shaped by 
the alpha males and alpha females (see 5.7.2), women of the ages 16—20 
should be given a very high status, while men of the same age should be 
seen as "kids" or "lesser men" who are of no value among the clientele 
of restaurants and discotheques. This sexist double standard, concerning 
the age limits, may also gain some support from the feminist memeplex 
SBAM, according to which, women are the disadvantaged gender, and 
therefore, they should be given favorable treatment in all contexts. The 
memeplex of the reverse strategy may also play a role, as it claims that 
women are the gender with higher morals and better behavior (and this 
can be used as an argument for letting young women into restaurants, 
while young men are forbidden entrance). 



384 

8.3.4 Administrative Customers 

8.3.4.1 Quantitative overview 

The discrimination against administrative customers refers to those 
cases, in which the target of discrimination was the customer of a public 
organization, using a wide definition of customers. In some themes, 
women were discriminated much more often than men, while in others, 
it was especially the men who faced discrimination. 



Discrimination of administrative customers 


M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


Total 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Being represented by one's spouse against one's will 











2 





5 


7 


0% 


Other treatment of the customers 


















of public organizations 


3 








3 





1 


7 


43% 


Selection tor public training (courses or institutions) 





2 


1 


1 


2 


2 


8 


38% 


Public monetary benefits other than pensions 


1 


3 





4 





1 


9 


44% 


Harassment of customers in the public sector 


1 








2 








3 


33 % 


Public funding of recreational activities 


1 








2 








3 


33% 


Discriminated by police 


2 

















4 


50% 


Healthcare customer discriminated 


6 


10 


2 


1 








19 


95% 


Pensions and retirement age 


6 


3 


5 


2 








16 


88% 


Treatment during or after divorce 


7 








3 








10 


70% 


Total 


27 


18 


8 


22 


2 


g 


86 


62% 



Table 47. Discrimination of Administrative Customers by Public Organizations. 



8.3.4.2 Themes of discrimination, 

in which women formed the clear majority 

Being represented by one's spouse against one's will is a theme that appeared 
only in the complaints of women (N=8). In three cases, authorities 
had sent personal mail to the women, using the address and name of 
her spouse as the receiver. Authorities that were complained about, 
included the social service organizations, taxation authorities, and the 
National Land Survey of Finland. In one case, the authorities demanded 
the husband's permission for a stererilization. These cases seem to be 
motivated by the sexist idea of men as breadwinners and decision makers, 
and women as the housewives, who are legally and practically represented 



385 

by their husband. No financial reasons were found for these forms of 
discrimination against the women. 



8.3.4.3 Themes with relatively high gender parity 

The theme concerning the selection of students to schools or public courses was 
a relatively common one (N=l 1). In this theme, potential discrimination 
against women appeared in two cases, in which girls were not given a 
chance to select carpentry and metal work in school, in a similar fashion 
as boys. In one case, an employment office did not select a woman for 
skyscraper pilot training due to the pregnancy of the applicant. In these 
cases, a clear memetic cause for discrimination may be found in sexism. 
The ombudsman also classified as discrimination, two cases in which 
some universities had given extra credits for those who had passed officer 
training during their military service. This was concluded as gender 
discrimination by the ombudsman, since the voluntary military service 
for women had only existed a short while, meaning that women had 
not enjoyed a similar chance to gain these extra credits as men. Sexism 
and masculism were rated as possible motives for this form of indirect 
discrimination. In the cases of discrimination against men in the selection 
of students for training, positive action and the feminist memeplex SBAM 
seemed to play a major role. In one case, a school was applying a policy 
which gave boys and girls separate quotas to the special class reserved for 
sportively talented kids, in such a manner that the quotas allowed girls 
to enter the sports class with less merit than boys. In another case, male 
actors were discriminated by officials in the selection of trainees to the 
entrepreneur course meant for unemployed actors. One case, in which 
men were not permitted to participate to the course "Women to the 
transportation services", appeared as positive action, as the transportation 
industry is so heavily occupied by men that it may be considered as 
an advancement of equality, if women are encouraged to the industry 
through special public courses. 

Public monetary benefits other than pensions was a theme, in which 
nine cases of potential discrimination occurred. Out of these, the cases 
in outcome types 4—5 are described here. In one confirmed case of 
discrimination, women were discriminated by the manner in which a 



386 

social service organization mailed their transfer payment decisions to 
the husbands of the female applicants, instead of sending them to the 
applicants. In another case, parents were discriminated by the policy of 
a municipality, which did not permit the paying of parental subsidies to 
employees working in part time or temporary jobs. This was classified as 
discrimination against women, since the majority of the applicants for 
this specific kind of parental subsidy are women. Discrimination against 
men within this theme appeared in three cases, which were classified to 
the outcome class 4. In one case, a man complained of the policy of 
the municipality to give one room apartments to men who have joint 
custody of their children with their ex-wife, while female custodians in 
a similar case received municipal apartments with two rooms. This case 
seems to be connected to sexism, as the decision makers have reasoned 
that children live primarily with their mothers, and not with their fathers, 
if joint custody is ruled in court. In another case, a man complained of 
the policy of the municipality to permit free entrance to a swimming 
pool for women on special days, but not for men. This case was not 
classified as gender discrimination in the summary information, but 
the argumentation of the ombudsman could not be checked, since the 
documents describing the case were missing from the folders. A third 
case of the differential treatment of men and women appeared in the 
policy of the Governmental Fund for Regional Development (Kera), to 
offer investment subsidies only to female entrepreneurs. This case was 
not clearly classified as discrimination against men by the ombudsman, 
as the policy of the ombudsman is to advise organizations that temporary 
campaigns are not discrimination. The motive in the special free entrance 
for women, and the special advantages in investment subsidies, seems to 
be SBAM — the wish of the authorities to favor the disadvantaged gender, 
meaning the women. 

The harassment of the customers of the public organization contained 
two complaints by women and one complaint by men. All of these were 
classified as "information given" (outcome class 3). The case in which a 
man felt harassed concerned the manner in which swimming halls use 
female cleaners in the dressing rooms of men. The complaints of women 
concerned the harassment of the customers during train passages (trains 
run by the national Finnish Railroad Company), and the harassment of 
female students by a teacher in a municipal school. The motive for the 



387 

potential harassment of men in dressing rooms seems to be connected to 
the reverse strategy, which assumes that men are the overly sexual gender 
— so that the presence of male cleaners in women's dressing rooms would 
mean harassment — while women are the less sexual gender which has 
higher morals, so that the presence of female cleaners in men's dressing 
rooms does not mean sexual harassment of the male customers (rating 5). 
For the potential harassment against women, sexism was also classified as 
a very likely motive (rating 5). 

Public funding of recreational activities was a theme, which appeared 
in three potential cases of gender discrimination. The two complaints 
of women, referred to the discrimination of girls and women in the 
insufficient and unfair funding of horse riding and ringette. The potential 
discrimination in these cases seems to be connected to sexism, as the 
sports and teams of men and boys have traditionally been seen as more 
important than the activities of girls and women in the context of sports. 
The male complainant criticized the decision of the youth services division 
of a city to reserve one youth house (nuorisotalo) for women only. The 
most likely motive for this discrimination is SBAM, which emphasizes 
the need for giving special treatment to the disadvantaged gender. 

The treatment of customers by police appeared in four cases of 
discrimination in the outcome types 3—5. In two cases, men felt that 
policemen had given them a higher traffic ticket than to a female driver, 
who had exceeded the speed limit by the same magnitude. The motive 
in this potential discrimination seems to be sexism, in the form of 
gentlemanly favoring of women. The two cases of potential discrimination 
against women concerned the disrespectful and rude treatment of female 
customers by the police. 



8.3.4.4 Themes of discrimination, 

in which men formed the clear majority 

The treatment of customers within public healthcare w&s a theme containing 
19 cases of potential discrimination, all filed by men apart for one. In 15 
cases, men complained about the policy of the Finnish National Pension 
Fund, which did not give subsidies for men's medicines for osteoporosis, 
while giving a subsidy for women's osteoporosis. The ombudsman 



388 

confirmed this as gender discrimination in two cases, and sent a copy of 
this statement to the other complainants. In two cases, men complained 
that women are provided with free public screenings for breast cancer, 
while men are not screened for prostate cancer. In one case, a man 
complained that his wife had been given a vaccination at the public 
vaccination center outside the official vaccination hours, while he had 
not been given this favorable treatment himself. The female complainant 
complained of the occupational health policy, according to which, women 
had to pay for gynecological treatments, while men were allowed to have 
urological examinations at the cost of the employer. The most likely reasons 
for the favorable treatment of female healthcare customers seemed to be 
sexism and reverse strategy, which can both be used for promoting the 
idea that more public funding should be devoted for improving women's 
health, compared to the improvement of men's health (see 7.4.4). Sexism 
may also be used for arguing that true men do not complain, even if they 
have health problems (see 7.2.3). Sexism and SBAM may also be used for 
arguing that women, who are the disadvantaged gender, should be favored 
in the treatment of healthcare customers (see 7.3). Yet, financial reasons 
were rated as the largest reason for the discrimination of men and women 
in the healthcare sector, pressuring the administrators and directors of 
finance to find out reasons for not paying too many subsidies (see 4.3). 

The theme of pensions and retirement age contained 14 cases of 
discrimination against men in the outcome types 3—5, and two against 
women. Nine of these cases related to the policy of the Finnish National 
Pension Fund to give special "veteran's pension" to women, but not 
to men who had served at the frontier in unarmed tasks during the 
wars between Finland and Russia (1939—44). This was confirmed as 
gender discrimination by the equality ombudsman. Two other cases 
of discrimination concerned the fact that it used to be common that 
men had the retirement age of 65 years, while women retired at the age 
of 60. Although this policy had been noticed as discriminative a few 
years ago, the transition period was still going on in a manner which 
resulted in the continuation of the discrimination against some men. 
One woman complained about the lower retirement age for soldiers, 
compared to female office employees in the Finnish army. Another female 
complainant complained about not having received the veteran's pension 
during the war, despite having worked at the frontier. The motive for the 



389 

discrimination against men in the context of higher retirement age seems 
to have a strong connection to sexism (idea of men as the breadwinners). 
The cases concerning the granting of the veteran status to women, but 
not to unarmed men, may possibly be connected to sexism or to SBAM, 
as the initial motivation in the granting of the veteran's pension to 
women seems to have been in the elimination of discrimination against 
women, and as the memeplex of sexism supports the idea that unarmed 
men should not be called veterans of war. 

The treatment during or after divorce was a theme in which mostly men 
complained about receiving unfair treatment by the social workers or by 
the courts in the handling of issues relating to divorce, custody, the right 
to meet the children after divorce, or the amount of payments paid to the 
ex-spouse. In this context, the potential discrimination of men seems to be 
connected with sexism, as it is one of the core memes of sexism that mothers 
are special to children, and that fathers should be satisfied with the role of a 
breadwinner (see 7.2.5). The potential discrimination of fathers, however, 
is also connected to the reverse strategy, according to which women are 
better than men in the care taking of children. In three cases, women 
complained about gender discrimination based on the fact that they were 
ordered to permit their ex husband to meet their children even though they 
had claimed in court that the father of the children is violent, and that the 
meetings of the husband and children should be organized in a controlled 
environment. In these cases, the motive for this potential discrimination of 
women was assumed to have a connection to masculism. 



8.3.5 Discriminative Laws 

8.3.5.1 Overview 

The analysis of discriminative laws is important, as laws have an effect 
on everybody, and not just on an a few individuals. Their analysis is 
also important, as laws tend to be considered as "legal" by the usage of 
common sense. However, the modern legal perspective on laws recognizes 
the concept of a "discriminative law". This idea is based on international 
treaties which emphasize the priority of human rights over traditional 



390 

national legislation (Nousiainen & Pylkkanen 2001). Therefore, those 
laws that cause gender discrimination are also illegal, or at least, violations 
against international treaties. The themes in the context of discriminative 
laws were men's obligatory military service and other discriminative 
laws. 



Discrimination in the context of legislation 


M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


Total 
3-5 


Men% 
Of 3-5 


Men's military service 


9 

















9 


1 00 % 


Other discriminative laws 











1 


2 





3 


0% 


Total 


9 








1 


2 





12 


75% 



Table 48. Discriminative Legislation. 



8.3.5.2 Description of the cases 

Men's complaints of discriminative laws all related to the Finnish military 
service, which is obligatory for men, but not for women. The duration 
of the military service is 6—12 months, depending on the branch and 
the level of the training. However, men may also choose to replace the 
military service with a non-military "civil service" that has the duration 
of 13 months. The men, who refuse to perform the military and the 
civil service duty, are sentenced to prison for more than 6 months. The 
length of the prison sentence is equivalent to the length of imprisonment 
that a first time convict of young age usually receives for manslaughter 
in Finland (Kotro 2007, p. 77). If the length of the civil service is 
compared to such civil service that is sentenced in criminal court (instead 
of imprisonment), the 13 months of civil service are equivalent to the 
imprisonment of 7 years, using the general conversion principles used 
for converting imprisonment to civil service (Ibid p. 78). The reason for 
the long duration of the civil service and imprisonment is to keep these 
alternatives as sufficiently unattractive, so that not too many men choose 
them as an alternative to the military service. In a way, the imprisonment 
of 6 months and the civil service of 13 months indicate the "market 
price" for the military service, by being its substitutes. 

The high price that men have to pay, if they wish to avoid the military 
service, is explained by the fact that military service is physically and 
mentally very demanding, and it also puts men's health at risk to some 



391 

extent. Potential risks are hearing injuries, caused by the insufficient 
usage of earplugs in combat exercises, and knee injuries, caused by the 
usage of uncomfortable kneeling positions, when instructions are given 
to privates by the officers. 140 Other health risks include deaths caused by 
the misusage or malfunctioning of old equipment — for example, men 
drowning into supposedly waterproof tanks, while crossing over lakes, or 
men dying in explosions during artillery practices. Young men are also 
frequently killed in car accidents as they leave the barracks for holiday, 
after a long period of deprivation of sleep in military exercises. The mental 
pressure on the men is severe, even during peacetime, as men who are 
used to individual thinking and human value are treated as cattle, and 
deprived of their privacy 141 This mental pressure on men is considered 
as functional, as it acts as a test of the men's ability to tolerate mental 
pressure and stress. This mental pressure, however, makes a proportion of 
soldiers break down, or to show such symptoms of mental instability that 
they can not continue their training. The mental damage done to these 
men in the army is not compensated to the men in any manner. 

Due to the disadvantaged position that the men are placed in, 
by the obligatory military service, the Finnish law concerning men's 
military service is classified as gender discrimination in this research (see 
definition 2.1.1). However, the Finnish constitution has a clause that 
states that "discrimination is not allowed without a good cause" (Finnish 
Constitution 2000, 6). This means that discrimination is permitted, if a 
good cause can be found. In the case of the obligatory military service 
for men, such a good cause seems to be based on the fact that it would 
be rather expensive to change the present system to an army that is based 
on paid, professional soldiers. This interpretation of a "good cause", 
however, is against international treaties and legal literature, according to 
which, economic causes can not be used as the legitimization of gender 
discrimination (Pellonpaa 2000, 457—459, see Pentikainen 2002 p. 81). 
Due to this analysis, I have classified the output of men's complaints 
about the military service to the category of "Either gender seems to be 
favored". 



140 These observations are based on my own experiences as a soldier in the Finnish 
army 1983-1984. 

141 For example, in most barracks, the toilets have no doors in order to prevent men 
from escaping to toilets when "volunteers" for extra duties are searched for. 



392 

The motive for this discrimination seems to be strongly connected to 
sexism, which presents women as the care takers of children, while men 
are pictured as the breadwinners, and as the defenders of women and 
children. Men's obligatory military service is also somewhat connected to 
SBAM, as the extension of the obligatory military service also to women 
would harm the status of women, and as the removal of men's military 
service could possibly lower the safety of women or raise the tax burden of 
women (if a professional army were to be recruited). This connection to 
SBAM, however, is relatively weak as the Finnish NOW has suggested that 
legislators should consider totally ending the practice of men's obligatory 
military service. Also, in one article in the Tulva magazine of the NOW, 
the interviewer of the equality minister Tuula Haatainen, argued that 
men's obligatory military service is a form of sexist discrimination against 
men. 

The theme other discriminative laws contained three cases of potential 
discrimination against women. In one case, a woman complained of the 
14§ of the Conditioning Payment law (Kuntoutusrahalaki), which offers 
men and women compensation that is proportional to their income 
prior to the conditioning. Another case was a complaint about the fact 
that women can not apply to the civil service, which is an alternative for 
men's military service. The third case contained a complaint about the 
fact that the costs of maternity leave are divided between the state and 
the employer of the mother. The complainant wished for a system, in 
which the employer of the father of the child would also participate in 
the costs. All of these complaints by women, concerning discriminative 
legislation, were classified as potential discrimination (outcome type 3). 
Clear motives for these forms of discrimination could not be identified. 



8.3.6 Diverse themes 

8.3.6.1 Quantitative overview 

The context "diverse" emerged as a collection of themes that did not 
fit under the contexts of the labor market, discrimination of customers, 
or discriminative laws. Out of the themes in the diverse context, the 



393 



themes concerning quotas and associations were dominated by women's 
complaints, while the complaints concerning gender discrimination in 
the media were mostly filed by men. 



Discrimination in the diverse context 


M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


Total 
3-5 


Men% 
of 3-5 


Quotas not met 


1 





1 


16 





6 


24 


8% 


Associations as discriminators 











3 








3 


0% 


Media and opinions 


5 








3 








8 


60% 


Unclear 


3 





1 


4 








8 


50% 


Total 


9 





2 


26 





6 


43 


33% 



Table 49. Diverse Themes of Discrimination. 



8.3.6.2 Themes of discrimination, 

in which women formed the clear majority 



The most significant theme within the diverse context was formed of the 
complaints concerning the gender quota of 40% that had not been met in 
public decision making bodies. The complaints of women related typically 
to the decision making bodies in the fields of public finance or monetary 
policy (N=6), sports and recreation (N=3), technology and long term 
planning (N=3), military recruitment councils (N=2), and hunting and 
reindeer herding (N=2). The cases in which men were underrepresented 
among the decision makers, occurred in the field of social services (N=l) 
and healthcare (N=l). These figures contain only the cases in the outcome 
types 3—5. It seems likely that the low representation of women in the 
decision making bodies in the patriarchal sector was caused by masculine 
bias and sexism, while men's low representation in the matriarchal 
organizations was caused by sexism and the feminine bias. 

Another theme in which women were more often discriminated was 
made of the treatment of members in associations. Two cases of potential 
discrimination against female members occurred in hunting clubs, which 
were claimed to give preferential treatment to male members. In one 
case, a woman complained about a sports association, which awarded 
more valuable prizes to men in competitions than to women. The most 
likely motives connected to these forms of discrimination seemed to be 
sexism and masculine bias. 



394 

8.3.6.3 Themes of discrimination, 

in which men formed the majority 

Discrimination in media was a theme that was distinguished from 
advertisements, which was a theme positioned within the context of 
discrimination of the customers of enterprises. After this distinction, the 
complaints concerning the media mostly related to such writings, lyrics 
and campaigns, which were felt to put down either gender. One female 
complainant was offended by an article with the headline "Metal men 
valued highly — a hundred more metal men needed at the ship yard." 142 
In another case, the complaint was about an interview in which a dance 
teacher told that "In dancing, it is the man who decides the pace". The 
third woman complained about the municipal advertising campaign with 
the theme "Live it up like gentlemen in Kuopio" (in Finnish: "Elakaa 
herroiksi Kuopiossa"). In all of these cases, sexism was rated as the most 
likely motive for this potential discrimination. 

Men's complaints mostly referred to the negative stereotypes of men 
in the media (see 7.4). In one case, the complaint was about an article 
"Sexually infidelity is typical to all men". In another case, the complainant 
was offended by the lyrics of a song, which stated that "All men are pigs". 
A third case was a complaint about a campaign, which aimed to reduce 
intimate partnership violence against women, in a fashion that gave 
the impression that only men are violent and women are not. For all of 
these cases, reverse strategy was rated as the most likely motive, as this 
memeplex claims that women are morally superior and far less violent 
than men. 

The theme "unknown" refers to such complaints, in which the topic 

of the complaint was not known (N=ll). This appeared, for example, 

in those cases in which the summary of the complaint referred to some 

external decision or document, such as the statements or decisions 

made by the legal ombudsman of the parliament. In some other cases, 

the summary was so generic like "About the status of gender equality 

in Finland", or otherwise unclear that the topic of the complaint could 

not be reasoned. No potential motives for these cases were possible to 

identify. 

142 In the Finnish language "metallimies" (metal man) refers to a male employee 
working in the field of the metal industry. 



395 



8.3.7 Combined themes 



On top of the themes mentioned above, some cross contextual themes 
are also worth mentioning. One of these themes were the dressing codes, 
which appeared either for customers of enterprises, customers of the 
public administration, or for employees of organizations. 

















Total 


Men% 


Theme 


M3 


M4 


M5 


W3 


W4 


W5 


3-5 


of 3-5 


Dressing and accessories at work 


1 


2 








1 





4 


75% 


Dressing standards for customers 


















of private organizations 





2 














2 


1 00 % 


Dressing standards for administrative customers 





1 














1 


1 00 % 


TOTAL 


1 


5 








1 





7 


86% 



Table 50. Gender Discrimination Concerning Dressing Standards. 



In this combined theme, almost all cases in the outcome types 3—5 were 
filed by men. The dressing codes at work related to the requirement for 
not using shorts at work (although women were permitted the usage of 
shorts), or to the demand for men to wear very conservative clothes at 
work, while women were permitted more casual clothes. The dressing 
codes that discriminated against male customers of enterprises, related 
to the forbidding of men to wear shorts in a casino (while women were 
permitted to enter in shorts). The case of double standards, concerning 
the discrimination of the customers of the public administration, referred 
to the policy of school teachers to forbid boys from wearing a hat (pipo) 
during class, while girls were permitted to wear a scarf. 

In these cases, the most likely motivation of discrimination seems to 
be sexism, which contains the idea that women's bodily parts should 
be exposed for men's looks, while men's bodies should be covered in a 
conservative manner. Another sexist meme that supports the double 
standards in dressing is the gentlemanship, which demands that men 
act in a gentlemanly manner, while permitting women to wear more 
comfortable clothes — especially if that means the exposing of women's 
bodies for men's gaze. These sexist double standards seem to receive 
some indirect support from SBAM and the reverse strategy, as the 
ombudsman's office did not consider them as gender discrimination. 
Using SBAM as an argument, one may conclude that dressing codes 
that discriminate against men are such a minor issue that they need not 



396 

be removed — at least, before women have gained equality in all of the 
more important issues. The reverse strategy may be used for arguing that 
women are the more beautiful gender, and therefore, it is only necessary 
that men are required to cover their hairy legs in casinos. Although these 
argumentations do not clearly fit the framework of main stream feminism, 
they may be seen as hang-around memes in the discourses of side-line 
feminists, or as coalition discourses between sexism and feminism. 



8.4 Summarizing the Memetic Causes 
of Gender Discrimination 

8.4.1 Review on the validity of the ratings on likely motives 

The connection of potential motives to the cases of discrimination was a 
very difficult task and it may have been affected by the stand-point of the 
researcher in someway (see 1.4). One of the difficult motives to assess was 
the financial pressure. This was due to the fact that the financial pressures 
were most often caused by sexism, in such a fashion that the sexism of 
the customers or interest groups of organizations created the financial 
pressure for the organization to apply sexist policies. For example, the 
discrimination against mothers of small children by companies is caused 
by financial reasons, as mothers are more likely than fathers to take long 
parental leaves or to take care of sick children than men. This poses an 
economic burden on the employers of mothers with small children. This 
burden, however, is basically caused by sexism, which pressures women 
into the role of caretaker of children, while men are pressured away from 
this role, towards the role of a breadwinner. In this study, this dilemma 
was solved by classifying both financial reasons and sexism, as likely 
causes for the discrimination. 

Another difficult motive to evaluate was the masculist bias, as this 
memeplexes is either rare in Finland, or it appears merged with general 
sexism, in those cases in which women are discriminated. Due to this 
evaluation problem, masculist bias was systematically rated as a relatively 
unlikely cause for the discrimination of women (rating 2), in all themes 
except for the counteractions by the employer (rating 5) and the treatment 



397 

of women after divorce (rating 4). The rating of the likelihood and 
significance of the feminist memeplexes SBAM and reverse strategy was 
easy and difficult at the same time. It was relatively easy to form general 
rating rules for these memeplexes, but the analysis of their significance 
in individual cases was more difficult. According to the general rating 
rules, SBAM, meaning the belief in the need of organizations to favor 
women in all contexts, plays at least some role in all the discrimination 
against men in Finland. The real significance of SBAM, however, was 
more difficult to estimate, except for those cases which contained explicit 
reference to positive action or to positive discrimination. In a similar 
fashion, the reverse strategy, meaning the belief that "women are better in 
many ways but men are not better than women in any ways" was found 
as a potential cause in all the discrimination of men in the matriarchal 
subsystem, as difference feminism emphasizes the differences between 
men and women and claims that women are better than men in some 
specific tasks — which are usually located within the sphere of femininity, 
and within the matriarchal subsystem of the society (see 6.4). Despite 
this general rule, the individual cases were more difficult to connect to 
the reverse strategy, meaning that the general rating was altered only in a 
relatively few cases and themes. For example, the potential discrimination 
of men in the context of divorce and custody was connected with the 
reverse strategy as a somewhat likely motive. 

The feminine bias and masculine bias were easy to rate in a consistent 
manner, as they were rated in such a fashion that masculine bias was 
assumed to have a high relevance in the discrimination of women in the 
patriarchal subsystem of the society, while the feminine bias was assumed 
to play an important role in the discrimination of men in the matriarchal 
subsystem of the society. Due to these challenges to the rating of the 
likelihood of potential causes and motives of discrimination, the results 
in this chapter have a limited validity. Still, they give some tentative results 
of the relative significance and commonness of alternative motives. 



8.4.2 The median values of motives in the different themes 

In order to show the motives of discrimination in a way that differentiates 
between sexism against women and sexism against men, the following 



398 



analysis is divided in such a fashion that the motives of discrimination 
against women and against men are shown separately. The table below 
shows the median motive ratings for all the evaluated motives and for all 
the themes of discrimination. 



Context and theme 


Men 


Women 


Labor market 


Fern 
bias 


SBAM 


Reverse 
strategy 


Sex- 
ism 


Fi- 
nan 
cial 


Sex- 
ism 


Mas- 
culin 

e 
bias 


Mas- 
culist 
bias 


Fi- 
nan 
cial 


Counteractions 












5 


5 


5 


1 


Dressing and accessories at work 


3 


4 


3 


5 


3 


5 


5 


2 


3 


Harassment at work 


3 


3 


1 


5 


1 


5 


4 


2 


1 


Multiple forms of discrimination 












4,5 


4 


2 


1 


Pregnancy or parenthood 


3 


3 


2 


4 


3 


4 


3 


2 


5 


Recruitment announcements 


1 


1 


1 


5 


1 


5 


5 


2 


2 


Recruitment discrimination 


3 


3 


3 


3 


2 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Recruitment forms (pregnancy) 












5 


5 


2 


5 


Research stipends 












5 


5 


2 


2 


Termination of work contract 












4 


3 


2 


3 


Treatment at work 


3 


4 


3 


3 


3,5 


5 


5 


2 


1 


Wage discrimination 


3 


3 


3 


3 


2 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Treatment of administrative customers 




















Being represented by one's spouse 












5 


2 


2 


1 


Discrimination by police 


1 


4 


3 


5 


1 


5 


5 


2 


1 


Harassment of customers 


3 


2 


3 


4 


3 


5 


5 


2 


1 


Healthcare customer discriminated 


5 


4 


4 


4 


5 


2 


1 


2 


5 


Public monetary benefits other 
than pensions 


4 


4 


3 


4 


4 


3 


3 


2 


4 


Other treatment of the customers 
of public organizations 


3 


3 


3 


3 


2 


3 


3 


2 


1 


Pensions and retirement 


4 


4 


3 


5 


4 


4 


3 


2 


4 


Funding of recreational activities 


4 


5 


3 


2 


1 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Selection for public training 


5 


5 


3 


2 


2 


5 


3 


2 


1 


Treatment during or after divorce 


5 


3 


5 


5 


1 


1 


1 


4 


1 


Treatment of customers by enterprises 




















Advertisements 


3 


5 


2 


1 


5 


5 


5 


2 


5 


Dressing codes for customers 


2 


4 


4 


5 


5 










Other discr. of the customers 


4 


4 


4 


5 


5 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Pricing by enterprises 


3 


5 


3 


5 


5 


5 


3 


2 


5 


Tailored products or 
marketing campaigns 


1 


4 


2 


5 


5 


3 


3 


2 


4 


Discriminative leqislation 




















Men's obligatory military service 


3 


4 


3 


5 


5 










Other discriminative laws 












3 


3 


2 


2 


Diverse 




















Associations 












5 


5 


2 


2 


Media and opinions 


3 


3 


5 


3 


1 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Quotas not met 


4 


2 


3,5 


4 


1 


5 


3 


2 


2 


Unclear 


2 


2 


2 


2 


2 


3 


3 


2 


2 



Table 51. Summarizing the Memetic Causes of Gender Discrimination. 



Sexism appeared among the most likely reasons in 15 themes of the 
discrimination against men. The usage of sexism as an argument for the 



399 

discrimination of men was based on the idea that men are the tougher and 
stronger: gender (e.g. men's obligatory military service), the breadwinners 
(e.g. higher retirement ages), the more ambitious and impatient gender 
(not suitable for dull jobs), the less beautiful gender (double standards in 
dressing codes), the less caring and loving gender (treatment in the context 
of divorce and in the handling of parental leaves), the more irresponsible 
gender (treatment by police, and the stereotypes presented in the media), 
and the sexually more active gender (higher prices for men in dating 
services and in restaurants). 

Feminine bias was among the most likely causes of the discrimination 
of men in six themes, measured by the median rating for the likelihood of 
the feminine bias. The themes were "healthcare customer discriminated" 
(by healthcare), "other public monetary benefits than pensions" (given 
by social services or by the National Pensions Fund), "selection for public 
training" (by employment agencies), and "treatment during or after 
divorce" (by the social services). 

The feminist memeplex SBAM, according to which women are 
the discriminated gender and therefore all decision makers should try to 
advance the status of women, appeared among the most likely causes 
of discrimination against men in seven themes. This means that this 
memeplex can be used very flexibly to legitimize all kinds of the favoring 
of women, and discrimination of men. These themes were "Treatment 
at work" (positive action), "Other public monetary benefits other than 
pensions" (positive action), "Public funding of recreational activities" 
(positive action), "Selection for public training" (positive action), 
"Advertisements" (reversed gender roles, usage of nude men), and "Pricing 
by enterprises" (discounts to women). Although positive action, in its 
limited sense, is permitted only in those contexts in which women are the 
disadvantaged gender, the ideology of positive action may easily slip into 
reverse discrimination, which appears in all contexts, also in the ones in 
which women are the privileged or equally positioned gender. 

The reverse strategy appeared among the most likely causes of 
discrimination in two themes, which were "Treatment during or 
after divorce" and "Media and opinions". Within both themes, the 
discrimination of men could be based either on the glorification of 
women (and mothers), or on the severe criticism of men (and fathers). 



400 

Financial motives were among the most likely causes of discrimination 
against men in eight themes, especially in the context of the treatment of 
customers of the public organizations or private enterprises. Such themes 
included "Healthcare customer discriminated", "Other public monetary 
benefits other than pensions", "Advertisements", "Dressing codes for 
customers", "Pricing by enterprises", "Tailored products or marketing 
campaigns" and "Other discrimination of the customers of enterprises". 
The discriminative law concerning men's obligatory military service also 
had a strong connection to financial reasons, as the maintenance of the 
system of obligatory military service saves huge amounts of money for 
the state compared to an army of professional soldiers. 

When analyzing the motives of discrimination against women, sexism 
seems to be among the main reasons, as it appeared as the most significant 
motive in 23 themes, measured by median ratings. In these themes, 
discrimination seems to have been based on the stereotype of women, as 
the less ambitious gender (requiring less salary, fewer career advancements), 
the less technical gender (recruitment), the less intellectual gender (research 
stipends), the caretakers of children (risks of disturbances to career), the 
less important and less sportive gender (lower funding of sportive hobbies, 
lower prizes from competitions), and the "sex object gender" (target for 
harassment and to objectifications in advertisements). 

Another significant motive for the discrimination of women is the 
masculine bias, which appeared among the most likely causes in 10 
themes. These themes related to the discrimination of women within the 
male dominated fields of the society (see 6.4). Financial reasons appeared 
among the most likely motives in 8 themes. In these cases and themes, 
the financial benefit of discrimination was mostly based on the sexism of 
the society, for example, on the sexism of the potential clients, or on the 
sexist traditions, which positioned women as the more likely care takers 
of children than men. In some cases, however, financial reasons appeared 
with a weaker connection to sexism. In the context of the labor market, 
the financial reason was usually related to the attempt of the employer 
to avoid the costs of parental leaves, and in private enterprises, financial 
reasons were used in a systematic manner for reducing the need for public 
subsidies to citizens. The financial motives also seemed dominant in the 
marketing of some products to men only (e.g. aerobic), and in the usage 
of differential pricing for men and women (e.g. haircuts). 



401 

According to the memeplex of masculist bias "men need to actively 
defend themselves against the coalition of women and the state". This 
memeplex was difficult to identify, as it seemed to mostly merge with 
general male sexism. However, the connection appeared clearer in two 
themes. In the theme of "Counteractions", masculist bias seems to have 
played an important role as the employers might have wished to fight 
against the coalition of women and the state, trying to "beat the equality 
law" with the counteractions against the complainant. In the theme of 
"Treatment during or after divorce", the cases related to the need of 
women to allow their ex-husband to meet the children, despite a history 
of violence against children or the ex-wife. In this case, the masculist 
bias may be seen as a motive for demanding men the right to meet the 
children, and for the policy of forcing women to allow ex-husbands to 
have meetings with their children, despite the history of violence. 



8.4.3 The appearance and frequency of the motives 

The above analysis did not take the frequency of the different themes into 
account. Therefore, the motives, within some very small themes, may 
have been given a disproportionately high relevance. In order to view 
the relative significance of the motives from another angle, the amount 
of appearances for all the complaints with the outcome type 3—5 and a 
motive rating 4—5, was counted for all contexts. 





Reasons for the discrimination of men 


Reasons for the 
discrimination of women 


Context 


Feminine 
bias 


SBAM 


Reverse 
strategy 


Sexism 


Finan- 
cial 


Sexism 


Mas- 
culine 
bias 


Mas- 
culist 
bias 


Fi- 
nan- 
cial 


Labor market 


34 


23 


30 


39 


5 


236 


102 


3 


51 


Treatment of 

administrative 

customers 


44 


35 


25 


43 


35 


17 


6 


5 


9 


Treatment of 
customers 
by enterprises 


6 


23 


7 


18 


22 


13 


8 




12 


Discriminative 
legislation 




9 




9 


9 


- 








Diverse 


2 




5 


2 


- 


5 


9 






TOTAL 


86 


90 


67 


111 


71 


294 


125 


8 


72 



Table 52. Comparing the Frequency of Alternative Causes for Gender 
Discrimination (ratings 4-5). 



402 

If we assume that the ratings of motives are valid, we can conclude that 
sexism was the most frequent cause for the discrimination of women in 
the research data (N=294), although both the masculine bias (N=125) 
and financial reasons (N=72) also played an important role. For men, 
there seem to be five alternative and co-existing causes for gender 
discrimination. Although sexism (N=l 1 1) is the most significant one, all 
other causes also play an important role. The appearance of the feminine 
bias as a motive (N=86) is almost as high as the appearance of sexism. 
When evaluating the significance of the feminist memeplexes SBAM 
and the reverse strategy, we may note that they, together, formed a more 
common motive for the discrimination of men than sexism did alone. 

Due to the problems with the validity of the ratings, it might be worth 
concentrating only on those cases, which were given the likelihood rating 
5 (very likely) for some of the motives. This is done in Table 53, which 
shows that the relative frequency of the feminist memeplexes SBAM 
and the reverse strategy is now reduced, so that they appear as relatively 
insignificant causes for the discrimination against men, compared to 
sexism (N=74) and the feminine bias (N=66). In the causes for the 
discrimination against women, the relative frequency of the masculist 
bias as a cause, drops almost to zero (N=3), if only the cases with a rating 
of 5 (very likely) are summarized. In other ways, the relative frequencies 
of the motives resemble the ones in the previous table. 





Reasons for the discrimination of men 


Reasons for the 
discrimination of women 


Context 


Fern. 
Bias 


SBAM 


Reverse 
strategy 


Sexism 


Fi- 
nan- 
cial 


Sexism 


Mas- 
culine 
bias 


Mas- 
culist 
bias 


Fi- 
nan- 
cial 


Labor market 


34 


2 


7 


38 


1 


194 


102 


3 


45 


Treatment of administrative 
customers 


29 


5 


4 


12 


19 


15 


6 





1 


Treatment of customers 
by enterprises 


1 


13 


11 


13 


22 


13 


7 





11 


Discriminative legislation 






- 


9 


9 


- 


- 







Diverse 


2 




- 


2 




21 


9 







TOTAL 


66 


20 


11 


74 


51 


243 


124 


3 


57 



Table 53. Comparing the Frequency of Alternative Causes for Gender 
Discrimination (rating 5). 



In total, the study of the motives of gender discrimination and their 
frequencies supported the hypothesis that the discrimination of men is not 



403 

only caused by sexism: The feminine bias and some parts of the feminist 
ideology also seem to have a causal connection to the discrimination of men. 
Yet, the results of the analysis of motives may also be interpreted, in such a 
fashion that the masculine bias is two times more a common problem in the 
Finnish society compared to the feminine bias, and that sexism alone harms 
women substantially more than sexism and feminism together harm men. 



8.5 Summary 

This chapter described the results of a study, in which 800 complaints 
to the Finnish equality ombudsman were analyzed. The purpose of the 
study was to get an improved qualitative and quantitative understanding 
of the appearance and causes of the discrimination against men. The first 
fundamental finding in the study was that 33% of gender discrimination 
seems to appear against men, if potential, likely and confirmed cases 
are counted together. This result may be compared to the results of the 
Finnish equality barometer, according to which 25% of those respondents, 
who had felt discriminated in the labor market due to their gender, 
were men. These figures give a good picture of the relative frequency of 
gender discrimination against men. They seem to produce an anomaly 
to the radical feminist paradigm of women's studies, according to which, 
women are the discriminated gender. They also challenge the Finnish 
equality policy, which is targeted almost completely for the improvement 
of women's status. 

As predicted by the general theory of gender discrimination, the cases 
of discrimination were strongly segregated, according to the field of the 
organizational activity. Within the matriarchal fields of organizational 
activity, male employees seem to have a 3—9 times higher chance of facing 
gender discrimination than female employees. In the patriarchal subsystem 
of the society, female employees have over twenty times higher chance of 
being discriminated against than male employees. The general theory also 
predicted that alpha males tend to treat beta males in a somewhat harsh 
manner, while females are likely to be given favorable treatment. The 
study gives some support to this hypothesis, as Finnish men seem to have 
a 2 times higher chance of being discriminated in issues concerning the 



404 

treatment of customers, both by private and public organizations. Even 
in the patriarchal organizations, 36% of the discriminated customers 
seem to be men. This means that the gentlemanly favoring of women in 
patriarchal organizations almost balances the masculine bias that appears 
in these organizations. 

The proportion of women out of the discriminated seems to be highest 
in the context of the labor market. The study finds support for the 
hypothesis that the public sector is more female friendly than the private 
sector. However, the study also indicates that private organizations are 
less likely to discriminate against women than the autonomous public 
institutes such as the municipal coalitions (kuntayhtymat ja kuntien 
kehitysyhtiot) and educational institutes. This supports the hypothesis 
that the lack of market mechanisms, combined with weak democratic 
control, delegate all decision making power to men's fraternity networks 
in the patriarchal fields of activity. 

When analyzing the reasons of gender discrimination, it seems that 
sexism, patriarchy and financial reasons explain almost all the cases of 
discrimination against women. For men, the reasons for discrimination 
are more complicated. Although sexism and matriarchy seem to explain 
a lot of the discrimination against male employees and customers, 
feminism is also a potential cause for the discrimination against men. 
Examples of feminist discrimination appear in the privileges given to 
female customers by public organizations and associations, and in the 
feminist discrimination of male job candidates. Financial reasons seem 
to also be a notable motive for the discrimination against men, although 
in most cases, it is entangled with sexism, in such a fashion that the 
removal of sexist attitudes would remove the financial rationality of the 
discrimination against men. 

The study also revealed that men often complain of such issues that the 
equality ombudsman systematically refuses to handle. One of these topics 
is the Finnish military service, which is obligatory for men while at the 
same time being voluntary for women. Another topic is the discrimination 
of men in the context of divorce and custody. Misandry and misogyny in 
the media also formed a theme, in which most complainants were men, 
and which was not handled by the ombudsman, due to a lack of resources. 
The study also revealed that in some cases, the ombudsman uses radical 



405 

feminist rhetorics for arguing that the discriminative treatment of male 
customers is not actually gender discrimination. In one case, for example, 
the equality ombudsman did not want to state that special discounts 
to women are gender discrimination, based on the argument that the 
purpose of the equality law is to advance the status of women, primarily in 
the labor market. In another case, the ombudsman claimed that discounts 
to female customers on boat cruises are actually positive action, in order 
to advance the status of the disadvantaged gender. These findings suggest 
that there may be a small but systematic bias against men in the Finnish 
equality law and in the way that complaints are handled and classified 
by the ombudsman's office. This means that the research data may be 
slightly biased against men, and show a disproportionately low degree of 
discrimination against men. 



406 

9 Summary of Contributions 

9. 1 Contributions to Discourse Analysis and Memetics 

The first theoretical contribution of the work was the synthetic theory of 
sociocultural evolution (chapter 4), which claims that societies, cultures 
and organizations evolve and change due to the combined effects of 
economic, reproductive, coercive and cognitive selection. According to 
the model, the evolution of societies and cultures, on the macro level, is 
understood best as competition between alternative political, religious 
and scientific paradigms, memeplexes and discourses. On the micro level, 
however, evolution is a much more chaotic process, in which theoretical 
and complicated memes tend to degenerate into simplified, exaggerated 
and mutated memes. These micro level memes or discursive elements 
have lost their original context. They enjoy popularity, not because of 
their validity, but because of their social attractiveness. The macro 
level and micro level are interconnected, as the higher level discourses, 
memeplexes and paradigms act as memetic filters, which filter out pieces 
of anomalous data, in order to protect the higher level memeplexes from 
destructive changes. These processes of macro and micro level evolution 
are also highly dependent on the ability of social groups to cumulate power 
and to create discourses, paradigms and memes that serve their interests. 
This shaping of the discourses by social groups may be intentional, but 
the unintentional mutations, simplifications and exaggerations can 
also explain a large part of the biasing of the paradigms and discourses 
promoted by social interest groups. 

This theory shows that discourse analysis and memetics alone, are 
not sufficient for describing and predicting sociocultural evolution. 
Discourse analysis, to some extent, tends to ignore the cognitive and social 
psychological limits of people, which drive the evolution of memeplexes 
(discourses) and memes (discursive elements) towards the generation of 
biases, due to the mutation, simplification, exaggeration, and filtering of 
memes. Discourse analysis is also often concentrated too much on the 
macro level memes like discourses, and not enough on the intertextual 
diffusion of small discursive elements. Due to this tendency, discourse 
analysis has failed to develop methods that measure the popularity and 



407 

frequency of some specific memes. The lack of emphasis on the small or 
"atomic" memes has also meant that discourse analysis has not developed 
methods for drawing out the content of larger memeplexes such as 
discourses and paradigms — or for showing their intertextual linkages 
between different discourses. The theory of sociocultural evolution, 
and its usage for the analysis of feminism and sexism, has shown that 
memeplex diagrams can act as a good tool for the deconstruction and 
reconstruction of discourses. In memetics, one of the greatest problems 
is the dispute between the externalists, who perceive memes as cultural 
elements, and the internalists, who see memes as mental constructions. 
The synthetic theory of the sociocultural evolution solves this problem 
by showing how the mental memes manifest themselves into cultural 
memes, which may then be interpreted by other people back to 
mental memes. The theory also adds sociostructural memes as a new 
category of memes. With these categories and concepts, memetics can 
be integrated with sociology and discourse analysis, making use of 
all advancements achieved in these fields. After this integration, it is 
possible to use the Marxist and Althusserian arguments to show that 
cultural and sociostructural memes can reproduce with very high fidelity 
from one generation to another, although some critics of memetics 
have claimed that this is impossible. The memeplex diagrams shown 
in chapter 7, may prove to be a useful tool in the study of memetics. 



9.2 Contributions to Gender Studies and Sociology 

Gender studies and sociology tend to promote a relatively popular 
paradigm, which perceives some social groups as dominators, while 
others are seen as oppressed or disadvantaged (e.g. Bourdieu 2001). The 
synthetic theory of sociocultural evolution and the general theory of gender 
discrimination show that this perspective is too simplified. The discourses, 
which differentiate social groups like men and women from each other, tend 
to lead to the horizontal segregation of the society, in such a fashion that 
all social groups gain spaces, niches or contexts, in which they are superior 
compared to other social groups. For example, the differentiation of men and 
women, in most cultures, has led to the dominance of men in the discourses 
and contexts that relate to defense, industry and trade, while women tend to 



408 

dominate in the discourses and tasks related to childcare, home, care taking, 
and human relations. This means that some sectors and contexts of the 
society may become very patriarchal, whilst others can develop a matriarchal 
and femininely biased culture, and a set of practices that discriminate against 
men. This discrimination refers not only to structural discrimination, but 
also to direct and indirect gender discrimination. 

According to the general theory of gender discrimination, the 
discrimination of men and women in the sphere of the opposite gender is 
the main principle, but this is complicated by the tendency of alpha males 
and females to discriminate the lower status betas of their own gender. These 
processes of alpha discrimination against the betas, connect the discourses 
of gender studies and sociology to sociobiological discourses, which have 
identified several motives for alphas to put down the betas (see 5.7). 

This thesis has not only developed an improved theory of gender 
discrimination. On top of that, it also examined the empirical validity 
of the theory. The hypotheses of the synthetic theory of sociocultural 
evolution were given support by the analysis of the paradigms of sexism, 
feminism and welfare state ideology. All of these ideologies were found 
to contain discursive elements and memeplexes, which can be used for 
the discrimination of men, or for the raising of hatred against men. In 
most cases, the discriminative and misandric elements appeared in the 
theoretical periphery of the paradigms, just as the synthetic theory of 
sociocultural evolution predicted. In the main empirical study of the 
thesis, the general theory of gender discrimination received support by 
the empirical findings, which showed that men have a clearly higher 
chance of facing gender discrimination in the matriarchal subsystem 
of the society than women (see 8.2.3—8.2.4). The empirical study 
also gave some tentative evidence of the causal role of some sexist 
and feminist memes in the emergence of discrimination against men. 



9.3 Contributions to Administrative Sciences 

The thesis connects to administrative sciences in three major perspectives, 
which are the study of power and dominance, the study of organizational 
evolution, and the study of public policy formation. 



409 

The study of power and dominance in administrative sciences is a 
very diffuse field of dozens of conflicting definitions of power. Some 
definitions of power and dominance have a high resemblance with the 
simplified Marxist models of dominance described in the previous chapter, 
while others perceive power as a relation between two interactors, or as 
a network of dependencies between interactors. This thesis solves the 
problem of power by concentrating not on power, but on the resources 
or sources of power. According to the model, those social actors that 
manage to cumulate more power resources than others are able to achieve 
a dominant position. This means, that they gain the potential to dominate 
and discriminate others. According to the model, the total power resources 
of a social group are made of its (wo)manpower, political and managerial 
positions of power, social resources of power, and positions of authority 
(e.g. academic positions), which can all be quantitatively measured. On 
top of that, social interactors may also have qualitative resources such as 
discursive, symbolic and normative resources of power. In an empirical 
analysis of the distribution of these resources to men and women in 
Finland, it was seen that power resources are also horizontally segregated: 
In some sectors of the society, men have a clear dominance over all the 
significant resources of power, while in social services; healthcare and 
equality policy, women seem to control almost all the resources of power. 
This means that Finland is divided into a patriarchal subsystem and a 
matriarchal subsystem. The horizontal segregation of power also acts as a 
wider hypothesis: One can predict that all welfare states tend to contain a 
patriarchal and matriarchal subsystem. As predicted by the general theory 
of gender discrimination, this would also mean that all welfare states 
tend to discriminate women in the patriarchal subsystem, while men are 
at a risk of facing discrimination by those organizations that belong to 
the matriarchal subsystem of the society. In the context of the Finnish 
society, this hypothesis gained strong support in the empirical study of 
the complaints sent to the equality ombudsman: In male dominated 
organizations, the female employees were at a significantly higher risk 
of being discriminated against than men, and in female dominated 
organizations the men were at a higher risk. These findings, however, 
may be partly explained by the perceptions of employees. It is possible 
that men in female dominated organizations interpret all mistreatment 
more easily as gender discrimination than the female employees of 



410 

these organizations. In a similar fashion, the concentration of women's 
complaints of gender discrimination in male dominated organizations 
may be partly explained by the women's own interpretations. 

The study of organizational evolution contains different branches, 
which emphasize economic selection, organizational cultures, or 
organizational learning. The problem with these traditions is that they 
have not gained a strong reputation, popularity and methodology in the 
field of administrative sciences. For example, the population ecologists 
(e.g. Aldrich & McKelvey) and scholars of evolutionary economics (e.g. 
Nelson & Winter) already created the cornerstones of the theory in the 
1980s, but their ideas have not been widely applied in administrative 
sciences. Even after the integration of the theories of paradigms and 
memeplexes to the theory of organizational evolution and learning (see 
de Jong 1999), the ideas of organizational evolution still have not made a 
break through. This work may help the study of organizational evolution 
by creating a large and coherent theory of sociocultural evolution, which 
specifies the connection of memes, memeplexes, paradigms, discourses 
and different selection and learning processes to each other. This thesis 
also table tested the theory in a couple of empirical studies, showing the 
significance of memetic drift, mutations, simplifications, exaggerations 
and memetic filtering in the context of feminism and the femocratic 
organizations of the welfare states. 

The study of the public policy formation already contains a long 
tradition of the analysis of the activities of pressure groups, such as 
lobbying, propaganda, and information warfare. This work studied the 
public policy formation especially in the context of equality policy, and 
showed that the processes of propaganda and information warfare have 
a high relevance in this context as the formulation of the equality policy, 
at least in Finland, is shaped by a corporative network of interconnected 
interest group organizations, which mostly promote a feminist paradigm. 
The thesis challenges the old rationalist paradigm of the public policy 
formulation by claiming that the equality policy is not created by a 
simple democratic process in which parties promote important issues 
that the voters support, and then formulate the equality policy into 
governmental policy papers. Instead, the Finnish equality policy seems 
to be formulated by women's organizations, faculties of women's studies, 
and by international organizations, which place pressure on the Finnish 



411 

government and ministries. Due to the non-democratic elements of the 
equality policy, the primary objective of the equality policy in Finland 
is not to advance gender equality, but to advance women's status. The 
study showed that the Finnish equality policy is based on the simplified 
discourses which picture women as the disadvantaged gender and men 
as the dominant and privileged gender. This feminist bias in the equality 
policy tends to hide the concentration of power to women, and the risk 
of men to face gender discrimination in the matriarchal subsystem of the 
society. Due to this emphasis in the improvement of women's status, the 
Finnish equality policy has failed to recognize men's problems, and men 
are invited to the formulation of the equality policy only in order to help 
in the advancement of women's status. This bias in the formulation of 
the equality policy resembles the concentration of bias into the agrarian 
cluster of the Finnish society in the 1970s and 1980s, when the interest 
group organizations of agricultural producers controlled the public policy 
formation, concerning the pricing of agricultural products and the public 
subsidies to agricultural producers. 

The empirical studies contained only a relatively few examples of the 
feminist bias in the public administration of other countries. Yet, the 
results of the study can be used as a hypothesis concerning the feminist and 
femocratic bias in the public administration of all the other welfare states. 



9.4 Implications to the equality policy on the EU 
level, and predictions about the future of gender 
discrimination in the welfare states 

The study began with statistics, which show that most welfare states are 
advancing towards the status of a modern welfare state, meaning a society, 
in which women have a high share of political and managerial power and 
in which marriage is no longer an institution that ties women to the role 
of a housewife (Walby 2001). For example in Finland, this has led to a 
society in which women hold the presidency of the state and Supreme 
Court, and have 60% of ministerial positions in the government. Yet, the 
modern welfare states still promote the international feminist discourses, 
which picture women as the discriminated, disadvantaged and oppressed 
gender — while men are given the subject position of a privileged 



412 

oppressor. In these feminist discourses, women are also perceived as the 
(only) victims of intimate partner violence, although statistics suggest 
that 30—50% of the victims are male and that in younger age groups, the 
proportion of male victims may actually be over 50%. 

If the fundamental assumption of women as the disadvantaged and 
discriminated gender is not challenged in the public administration of the 
welfare states, the evolution of modern welfare states is likely to lead to the 
expansion of the matriarchal subsystem of the society, and to the gender 
mainstreaming of femocracy to all sectors of the public administration. 
This scenario may lead to the institutionalization of double standards in 
favor of women in public policy, and to the spreading of feminine bias 
and subtle forms of misandry to most sectors of the public administration. 
In this scenario, women's organizations and the femocrats of the public 
administration nullify and ignore the discrimination and violence against 
men, and claim that the central purpose of the equality policy should still 
be the advancement of women's status — not the advancement of gender 
equality. However, it is also possible that the discourses of the equality policy 
could adopt the idea that men may also face direct, indirect and structural 
gender discrimination. This scenario is likely to contain the idea that the 
discrimination against women is a more serious issue, but that that equality 
policy should also aim at the locating and ending of the discrimination 
against men. Traces of this male friendly scenario are found in the 
discourses of the European Social Fund (euroopan sosiaalirahasto), which 
systematically speaks of the advancement of the status of the disadvantaged 
gender or underrepresented gender in each specific context — hinting that 
women are not necessarily the disadvantaged gender in all cases. 

The implications and effects of this thesis to the equality policy in 
the welfare states may include the strengthening of the alternative male 
friendly paradigm of the equality policy. For example, it is possible 
that public administrators will realize the structural discrimination 
against men as a gender issue — and not just as part of the traditional 
gender insensitive part of the social policy and healthcare. In a similar 
fashion, unquestioned traditions such as men's obligatory military service 
may be recognized as direct gender discrimination and as a breach of 
international treaties, as these treaties do not permit the discrimination 
of any social group even when based on economic reasons. This can mean 
that equality laws and even constitutions may have to be changed: For 



413 

example, in Finland, the constitution permits gender discrimination 
"if there is a good reason". Based on such arguments, the equality laws 
of several European countries permit the obligatory military service of 
young men, as the high costs of a professional army are considered a 
"good reason" to put men in a disadvantaged position in the context of 
men's obligatory military service. 

This thesis may also lead to the questioning of some unquestioned truths 
of the equality policy and women's studies. For example, according to a 
common belief, women have a "double burden", as they have to work in the 
labor market and simultaneously, take the main responsibility of domestic 
work. These discourses ignore the fact that in most western European 
countries, men with small children have less free time than their spouses. 
In chapter 7.3, some other similar myths of women's oppressed status 
were also identified and spotted even in official documents of the equality 
policy. Although such beliefs that hide the equality problems of men seem 
to be promoted by several feminists and scholars of women's studies, the 
field of feminism is very diverse and also contains male friendly branches, 
which question the more radical, misandric and discriminative discourses. 



9.5 Suggestions for Additional Research 

The study has opened several paths towards additional research, as it has 
presented extremely widely applicable theories and compared them to 
empirical reality in a couple of empirical studies. The most fruitful topics 
for additional research appear in the theoretical advancement of discourse 
analysis, memetics, sociology, administrative sciences and gender studies, 
and in the empirical research on the following topics. 

The empirical results concerning the matriarchal subsystem of Finland 
and its tendency to discriminate against men require some additional 
studies in other countries, to confirm the hypothesis of the co-existence 
of patriarchy and matriarchy in modern welfare states. Such studies seem 
to be easiest in those countries, which have an institution such as the 
equality ombudsman, which records and files all complaints concerning 
gender discrimination. The results of Finland, showing that about 33% 
of the complainants are men, and that the discrimination against male 
employees is 3—9 times more likely than discrimination of women in the 



414 

organizations of the matriarchal subsystem, act as a good starting point. 
These sources of information maybe combined with survey studies, which 
measure men's and women's feelings of discrimination: In Finland, 25% 
of the ones who reported experiences of gender discrimination at work 
were men in the governmental Equality Barometer study. These results 
were also strongly segregated according to the field of the employer. A 
third type of empirical data that should be studied to verify the results 
of this study, is made of the discrimination complaints and statistics 
collected by labor unions. For example, according to Ailus (2008), about 
50% of the cases concerning the discriminative treatment against the 
members of the employee union Jyty, referred discrimination against 
male employees. This is statistically a very surprising result, since 90% 
of the members of Jyty are female. This indicates that the files of the 
labor unions could possibly reveal, that male employees in these highly 
matriarchal organizations have a ten times higher chance of being 
discriminated than female employees. 

Another important target for additional studies is the discrimination 
of men in criminal court, and as customers of the law enforcement system 
in general. Although literature contains references to studies and statistics 
which suggest that men are systematically discriminated in criminal 
courts, the quality and reliability of these references and studies is not 
sufficient for proving that this phenomenon appears in most countries, or 
in most welfare states. Therefore, additional research is required. 

This thesis has also shown half a dozen memeplexes and coalition 
discourses that promote the discrimination of men in the context of 
custody disputes. This forms a strong basis for the hypothesis, according 
to which, men are systematically discriminated in custody disputes, not 
only in Finland, but also in other welfare states. In order to test this 
hypothesis, it would be necessary to measure the attitudes, beliefs and 
memes of social workers with surveys and interviews, and then connect 
this information to the actual decisions made by these social workers in 
the context of custody and divorce. These studies would then continue 
on the footsteps of some existing qualitative studies in the field of 
social work, maternity care, and healthcare (e.g. Forsberg 1995, Vuori 
2001, and Antikainen 2004, p. 3). However, they might also advance 
the topic towards a more quantitative point of view, in order to test the 
hypothesis concerning the effects of misandric memes on discriminative 
administrative practices. 



415 

Sources 

The following list of sources presents the primary sources in bold and the 
secondary sources in normal text. The purpose of this distinction is to 
warn readers not to quote secondary sources without checking with the 
original source. Without this, the use of secondary references could lead to 
the use of tertiary references etc. causing a risk of misinterpretations and 
memetic mutations. Another important feature of the list of references is 
the marking of non-scientific sources with italics. These sources have been 
judged necessary to illustrate the development of mental and cultural 
representations (memeplexes), especially in chapter 7. 

Abbot, Pamela & Sapsford, Roger (1990) "Health Visiting: Policing the Fami- 
ly?", writing in "The Sociology of the Caring Professions", edited by Pamela 
Abbot & Claire Wallace. The Falmer Press. London. 

Acker, Joan (1992) "Two Discourses of Reform and Women in the Future Wel- 
fare State", writing in "Kvinnor och mans liv och arbete", edited by Annika 
Baude, unpublished manuscript from 1992. 

Ahtela, Karoliina (2004) "Tasa- arvolakiin perustuva positiivinen erityiskohtelu 
erityisesti virkanimityksissa". Tyoelaman tutkimus 2004 nro 2—3. 

Ailus, Merja (2008) Interview by Matti Simula. Published 26.9.2008 in Suomen 
Kuvalehti. 

Ailwood, Jo (2007) "Mothers, Teachers, Maternalism and Early Childhood 
Education and Care: some historical connections", Contemporary Issu- 
es in Early Childhood, 8(2), pp. 157-165 http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/ 
ciec.2007.8.2.157 

Alasuutari, Pertti (2001) "Johdatus yhteiskuntatutkimukseen", Hanki ja jaa. 
Gaudeamus. Helsinki 2001. 

Alcoff, Linda (1988) "Cultural Feminism versus Post-Structuralism: the Identity 
Crisis in Feminist Theory", Jstor, Vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 405-436. The Univer- 
sity of Chicago Press. <http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0097-9740%28 19882 
1%2913%3A3%3C405%3ACFVPTI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-V>. 

Althusser, Louis (1969) "For Marx", Harmondsworth: Penguin. 

Althusser, Louis (1971) "Ideology and ideological state apparatuses", writing in 
"Lenin and Philosopy and Other Essays" edited by Althusser, New Left Re- 
view, London. 

Althusser, Louis (1976) "Editions Sociales". Published in Finnish as "Ideologia ja 
ideologiset valtiokoneistot". Kansankulttuuri ja vastapaino. Tampere. 

Amnesty International (2005) "Naisiin kohdistuva vakivalta numeroina. Lahi- 



416 

suhdevakivalta" (Violence against women in Figures), obtained from http:// 
www.amnesty.fi/jokuraja/svaw.htm in August 2005 

Amnesty & al. (2005) "Friidu — tyttojen ja naisten oikeudet", Training material 
for young women. Obtained from http://www.ihmisoikeudet.net/Pdffiles/ 
Friidu.pdf in August 2005. Published by Amnesty International Finland, 
FinnWID, Human rights association (Ihmisoikeusliitto), Finnish U.N. as- 
sociation, Finnish UNIFEM, Girl's house association (Tyttojen Talo), the 
Finnish NOW (Unioni Naisasialiitto Suomessa), and Rape Crisis Center 
(Tukinainen) 

Antikainen, Mari (2004) "Sosiaalityontekijan ammatillinen ymmarrys eroon 
liittyvassa huolto- ja tapaamisneuvottelussa: Foucault'lainen diskurssiana- 
lyysi Pohjois-Savolaisten sosiaalityontekijoiden ammatillisista asiantuntija- 
kaytannoista". Kuopion yliopisto. Sosiaalityon ja sosiaalipedagogiikan laitos. 

Antikainen, Pekka (2002) "Korkeakoulupoliittista vallankayttoa oppimassa: Ta- 
pausesimerkkina ammattikorkeakoulujen vakinaistamis- ja laajentamispro- 
sessi vuosina 1995—2000". Akateeminen vaitoskirja. Tampereen yliopisto. 
Hallintotieteiden laitos. 

Anttila, Outi (2005) "Sukupuolisyrjinnan kielto Suomen ja EU:n oikeudessa". 
Artikkeli, joka on tarkoitettu julkaistavaksi Oikeustiede - Jurisprudentia - 
vuosikirjassa 2005. 

Anttonen, Anneli (1994) "Hyvinvointivaltion naisystavalliset kasvot", writing 
in "Naisten hyvinvointivaltio", edited by Anttonen, Henriksson & Natkin, 
Vastapaino. Tampere 1994. 

Aro, Jari & Sarpavaara, Harri (2005) "Maskuliinisuus huumorissa", presentati- 
on in the 2nd yearly conference of Cultural Studies" University of Tampere 
9.-10.12.2005 

Siren & al. (2007) "Suomalaisten kokema vakivalta 1980-2006. Web report 
1/2007. Written by Reino Siren, Janne Kivivuori, Juha Kaariainen & Mik- 
ko Aaltonen. Aquired from http://www.optula.om.fi/uploads/yjxmplzt96i0. 
PDF March 2008. 

Babcock, Miller & Siard (2003) "Toward a Typology of Abusive Women: Dif- 
ferences between Partner-only and Generally Violent Women in the Use of 
Violence". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 27(2):153-l6l, June 2003. 

Bacharach & Lawler (1981) "Power and politics in organizations. The social 
psychology of conflict, coalitions, and bargaining". Jossey-Bass publishers. 
San Francisco. 

Bailey, S. (1992) "How Schools Shortchange Girls: The AAUW Report". New 
York, NY: Marlowe & Company 

Barnard, Chester I. (1974) "The Functions of the Executive", Harward Univer- 
sity Press. Cambridge. 



417 

Barker, Stephen (1989) "The Elements of Logic". Fifth Edition. McGraw-Hill. 

Bar-Tal, Daniel & Kruglanski, A. (1988) "The Social Psychology of Knowledge" . 
Edited by Bar-Tal & Kruglanski. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 

Baskerville, Stephen (2002) "The Myth of Deadbeat Dads", http://www.geod- 
ties.com/capitolHill/5910/Baskerville/Deadbeatsl.pdf 

Bastiani, Adolf (1859) "Kaynti San Salvadorissa" 

Baumeister, Catanese & Vohs (2001) "Is There a Gender Difference in Strength 
of Sex Drive? Theoretical Views, Conceptual Distinctions, and a Review of 
Relevant Evidence", Personality and Social Psychology Review, 5, 242—273", 
http://www.psy.fsu.edu/-baumeistertice/baumeistercatanesevohs2001.pdf 

Baumeister, Roy & Tice, Dianne (2001) "The Social Dimension of Sex", Allyn 
& Bacon, USA. 

Baumeister, Roy & Vohs, Kathleen (2004) "Sexual Economics: Sex as Female 
Resource for Social Exchange in Heterosexual Interactions". Personality and 
Social Psychology Review. Vol. 8, No. 4, Pages 339—363. http://www.psy.fsu. 
edu/-baumeistertice/baumeistervohs2004.pdf 

Baumol, William J. & Blinder, Alan S. (1988) "Economics: principles and po- 
licy". 4. ed. San Diego, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich 1988. 

Beattie, Geoffrey (1982) "Look, just don't interrupt!", New Scientist, 23 Sep- 
tember 1982, pp. 859-860. Article available at http://www.fortfreedom.org/ 
k08.htm 

de Beauvoir, Simone (1949) "Toinen sukupuoli", julkaistu suomeksi vuonna 
1999. Helsinki. Tammi. 

Benedict, R. (1932) "Kulttuurin muodot". Porvoo 1966. 

Benzon, William L. (1996) "Culture as an Evolutionary Arena", Journal of So- 
cial and Evolutionary Systems, 19(4), 321-362. 

Bern, Sandra (1974) "The measurement of psychological androgyny", Journal of 
Consulting and Clinical Psychology. Vol. 42, pp. 155—62. 

Berger, Magnuson, Maxwell, & Tubbs (1996) "Optimistic Bias in Perceiving 
Physical and Mental Health Risks", Living in a Social World, Psy 324: Ad- 
vanced Social Psychology, Miami University, Fall, 1996, see http://www. 
users.muohio.edu/shermarc/p324opt.shtml 

Bergqvist, Kuusipalo & Styrkarsdottir (2002) "Keskustelu lastenhoitopolitii- 
kasta", writing in "Tasa-arvoiset demokratiat. Sukupuoli ja politiikka Poh- 
joismaissa", edited by Christina Berqvist. Edita. Helsinki. 

Berne, Eric (1970) "Games People Play: The Psychology of Human Relation- 
ships", Penguin Books Ltd. 

Bishop, KM. & Wahlsten, D. (1998) "Sex differences in the human corpus 
callosum: myth or reality?" University of Indiana, Bloomington, Indiana. 
Abstract available at http://www.indiana.edu/-pietsch/cc-sex.html 



418 

Blau, Peter. (1964) "Exchange and Power In Social Life". John Wiley & Sons, 
New York. 

Bjarland, Bert (1997) Introduction of the man@kaapeli.fi mailing list. Archieved 
in http://www.kaapeli.fi/hypermail/man/0000.html. 

Bjarneskans, Gronnevikand Sandberg (2005) "The Lifecycle of Memes", http:// 
www.aleph.se/Trans/Cultural/Memetics/memocycle.html 

Blackmore, Susan (1996) "Waking from the Meme Dream", Paper presented 
at: The Psychology of Awakening: International Conference on Buddhis, 
Science and Psychotherapy Drtington 7-10. November 1996. http://www. 
susanblackmore.co.uk/Chapters/awaken.html 

Blackmore, Susan (1999) "The Meme Machine", Oxford University Press. 
March 1999. 

Bland, Lucy (1983) "Purity, Motherhood, Pleasure or Threat? Definitions of Fe- 
male Sexuality 1900—1970", writing in "Sex & Love. New Thoughts on Old 
Contradictions", edited by Sue Cartledge and Joanna Ryan. The Women's 
Press. London. 

Bloch, Maurice (2001) "A well-disposed social anthropologist's problem with 
memes", writing in "Darwinizing Culture: The Status of Memetics as a 
Science", edited by Robert Aunger. Oxford University Press. 

Blum, Linda M. (1993) "Mothers, Babies, and Breastfeeding in Late Capitalist 
America: The Shifting Contexts of Feminist Theory", Feminist Studies, Vol. 
19, No. 2, Women's Bodies and the State (Summer, 1993), pp. 290-31 1 

Bly, Robert (1990) "Iron John: A Book About Men", Addison-Wesley, New York 

Borchorst, Anette (2001) "Mita on institutionaalinen tasa-arvo", writing in 
"Tasa-arvoiset demokratiat", edited by Christina Bergqvist. 

Boulding, Kenneth (1956) "The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society", Uni- 
versity of Michigan Press 

Boulding, Kenneth (1981) "Evolutionary Economics" 

Bourdieu, P. (1989) "Social Space and Symbolic Power". Sociological theory 
7/1, p. 18-26. 

Bourdieu, P. (2001) "Masculine Domination". Polity Press, Cambridge 

Boyce, Jim (1994) "Manufacturing Concern — Worthy and Unworthy Victims. 
Headline Coverage of Male and Female Victims of Violence in Canadian 
Daily Newspapers, 1989 to 1992". Master's thesis. Wilfrid Laurier 

Bray, Abigail (2004) "Not woman enough: Irigaray's culture of difference", Fe- 
minist Theory, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 311-327. Abstract available at http://fty. 
sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/2/3/3 1 1 

Braver, Sanford L. (2000) "Divorced Dads: Shattering the Myths: Cost Shares 
Child Support Guidelines", paper presented at the Southern Economic Asso- 
ciation Annual Meeting, Alexandria, New York (Nov. 20, 2000). 



419 

Brinkerhoff, Jennifer (2006) "Diasporas, Skills Transfer, and Remittances: Evol- 
ving Perceptions and Potentialy & Bromler", writing in "Converting Migra- 
tion Drains into Gains: Harnessing the Resources of Overseas Professionals", 
edited by Clay Wescott and Jennifer Brinkerhoff. Asian Development Bank, 
Manila. See http://www.adb.org/Documents/Books/Converting-Migration- 
Drains-Gains/Converting-Migration.pdf 

Brodie, Richard (1995) "Virus of the Mind:The New Science of the Meme", 
Integral Press. 

Brooks, Virginia (1982) "Sex differences in student dominance behavior in fe- 
male and male professors' classrooms", Sex Roles, Volume 8, Number 7 / 
July, 1982 

Bruijn, Hans & Hufen, Hans (1998) "The Traditional Approach to Policy 
Instruments" in "Public Policy Instruments", edited by Guy Peters and Frans 
van Nispen. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK & Northampton, MA, USA. 

Bruun, Niklas & al. (2002) "Tasa-arvolain uudistamistoimikunnan mietinto". 
Committee Report 2002:9. Finnish ministry of social affairs and health. 
Chairman of the committee: Niklas Bruun. Secretaries: Karoliina Ahtela, 
Carita Heinanen and Anneli Kajastie. 

Bruun, Niklas & Koskinen Pirkko (1997) "Tasa-arvolaki". Kauppakaari Oy, 
Lakimiesliiton kustannus. Kolmas painos. 

Buckley, Walter F. (1967) "Sociology and Modern Systems Theory", Englewood 
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall." 

Buchy, Marlene & Basaznew, Felekech (2005) "Gender-blind Organizations 
Deliver Gender-biased Services. The Case of Awasa Bureau of Agriculture in 
Southern Ethiopia." Gender, Technology and Development, Vol. 9, No. 2, 
235-251 

Burkhardt, Titus (1972) "Moorish culture in Spain ", McGraw-Hill. 

Buss, David M. (1999) "Evolutionary Psychology", Allyn & Bacon. 

Butler, Judith (1990) "Gender Trouble", Routledge. 

Campbell, James (1973) "The Pleasure Areas", Eyre Methuen, London. 

Cancian, Francesca (1987) "Love in America: Gender and Self-Development", 
Reprint edition from 1990, Cambridge University Press. 

Carlqvist, Ingrid (2004) "Han valdtogs — av fern kvinnor", writing in Aftonbla- 
det, 2004-08-15 

Carlsson— Wettenberg, Christina (1992) "Fran patriarkatet till genussystem — 
och vad kommer sedan?", Kvinnovetenskaplig tidskrift 3 (1992). 

Cagatay, Niliifer (1998) "Engendering Macroeconomics and Macroeconomic 
Policies", United Nations Development Programme, Working Paper 6. 1998, 
http://www.iknowpolitics.org/files/Engendering%20Macroeconomics%20 
and%20Macroeconomics%20Policies.pdf . 



420 

Cedarblom, Jerry & Paulsen, David (1991) "Critical Reasoning". Third Edition. 
Wadsworth. 

Chapman, Amanda "Gender Bias in Education", http://www.edchange.org/ 
multicultural/papers/genderbias.html 

Choiliaraki, L. (1999) "The constitution of ethnographic texts in social scientific 
discourse: "realists" and "polyphonic" representations", Interface. Journal of 
Applied Linguistics 10(l):27-46. 

Cixous, Helene (1987) "Sorties: Out and out: Attacks / Ways out / Forays" in 
the book by Cixous Helene & Clement, Catherine (1987) "The newly born 
woman". Manchester University Press. Manchester. 

Clinton, Hillary (1998) Presentation at the First Ladies Conference on Domestic 
Violence in San Salvador, 1998-1 1-17. (See Kammer 2002, p. 83). 

Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) "A Garbage Can Model of Organizational 
Choice", Michael D. Cohen, James G. March, and Johan P. Olsen. Admi- 
nistrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Mar., 1972), pp. 1-25 

Colebach, H.K. (1998) "Policy", Open University Press, Buckingham. 

Collard, A. & Contrucci J. (1988) "Rape of the Wild: man's violence against 
animals and the earth", Indiana University Press. 

Connell, R.W. (1995) "Masculinities", University of California Press 

Connell, R.W. (2000) "The Men and the Boys", Polity Press in Association with 
Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 

Connell, R.W. (2003) "The Role of Men and Boys in Achieving Gender Equa- 
lity", United Nations, EGM/Men-Boys-GE/2003/BP.l http://www.ashanet. 
org/focusgroups/sanctuary/articles/Connell-bp.pdf 

Corney, William & Cummings, Theodore (1985) "Gambling behavior and in- 
formation processing biases", Journal of Gambling Studies, Volume 1 , Num- 
ber 2 / September, 1985. pp. 111-118. 

Cook, Cook, K. (1987) "Social Exchange Theory". Sage, USA. 

Cook, K. Cheshire, C. Gerbasi, A. (2004) "Power, Dependence and Social Exchan- 
ge." http://www.sims.berkeley.edu/-coye/papers/powerdepl01204rev.pdf 

Cose, Ellis (1995) "Man's World: How Real Is Male Privilege - And How High 
Is Its Price?", Cose, Harper Collins, New York, 1995 

Craig, WC. (1985) "Theories of Development". Prentice-Hall. 

Culley, Margo & al. (1985) "The Politics of Nurturance", in Gendered Subjects: 
The Dynamics of Feminist Teaching", Routledge and Paul Kegan, Boston. 

Dahl, Robert A. (1971) "Johdatus politiikan tutkimukseen". Tammi. Helsinki. 
(Originally published 1970). 

Dahlstrom, Annica (2007) "Konet sitter i hjarnan", Corpus-Gullers. Sweden. 

David, Deborah & Brannon, Robert (1976) "The Forty Nine Percent Majority", 
Random House. 



421 

Dawkins, Richard (1976) "The Selfish Gene", Oxford University Press 

Dawkins, Richard (1991) "Sokea kelloseppa", the Finnish translation of "The 
Blind Watchmaker". 1987 (Norton paperback) 

Dawkins, Richard (1993) "Viruses of the Mind". In "Dennet and his Critics", 
edited by B.Dahlbom. Oxford, Blackwell. 

Dawkins, Richard (1999) "Foreword" in the "The Meme Machine" by Susan 
Blackmore. Oxford UP. 

Dawkins, Richard (1999) "The Selfish Meme", article in the web pages of Time 
19.4.1999, retrieved in 13.8.2007. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/ 
article/0,9171, 990753-2,00.html 

Dawkins, Richard (1999) "Snake Oil and Holy Water", Article in FORBES 
ASAP October 4, 1999. See http://www.simonyi.ox.ac.uk/dawkins/Worl- 
dOfDawkins-archive/Dawkins/Work/Articles/1999-10-04snakeoil.shtml 

Delacroix, Nitya (1978) "The Art of Tantra", Thames and Hudson, London. 

Dowd, Maureen (2005) "Are Men Necessary?", Putnam Adult. Summary avai- 
lable in the Internet. 

Dutton-Greene, L. & Straus, M. (2005) "The relationship between gender hos- 
tility and partner violence and injury. Paper presented at the 9 th International 
Family Violence Research Conference, Portsmouth, NH. 

Dworkin, Andrea (1974) "Woman Hating: A Radical Look at Sexuality", 

Dworkin, Andrea (1981) "Letters from a war zone : writings 1976—1987", Lon- 
don, Seeker & Warburg 1981. New editions 1988 and 1993. Available at 
http://www.nostatusquo.com/ACLU/dworkin/WarZoneChaptIVC.html 

Dworkin, Andrea (1991) "Terror, Torture, and Resistance", keynote speech at the 
Canadian Mental Health Association's "Women and Mental Health Confe- 
rence—Women In a Violent Society" held in Banff, Alberta, May 1991. http:// 
www.nostatusquo.com/ACLU/dworkin/TerrorTortureandResistance.html 

Dye, Thomas (1984) "Understanding Public Policy", Fifth edition by Prentice- 
Hall, Englewood Cliffs. First printed 1972. 

Edley, Nigel & Wetherell, Margaret (1995) "Men in Perspective: Practice, Po- 
wer and Identity". 

Ehrick, Christine (2001) "Affectionate Mothers and the Colossal Machine: Fe- 
minism, Social Assistance and the State in Uruguay, 1910—1932", The Ame- 
ricas, Volume 58, Number 1, July 2001, pp. 121-139. 

Eisler, Riane (1988) "The Chalice and the Blade", Harper SanFrancisco. 

Eisler, Riane (1996a) Statements in interview "Sex, myth and politics" by Scott 
London. Radio Series "Insight & Outlook. Program 205. http://www.scott- 
london.com/insight/scripts 

Eisler, Riane (1996b) "Sacred Pleasure: Sex, Myth, and the Politics of the Body- 
-New Paths to Power and Love". HarperSanFrancisco. 



422 

Eisler, Riane (2005) "The Economics of the Enlighter Use of Power" writing in 
"Enlightened Power: How Women are Transforming the Practice of Leader- 
ship". Edited by Lin Coughlin, Ellen Wingard and Keith Hollihan. 

Emerson, R. (1962) "Power-Dependence Relations". American Sociological Re- 
view. 27, pp. 31-41. 

Erturk, Yakin (2006) "Integration of the human rights of women and the gender 
perspective: Violence against women. The due diligence standard as a tool 
for the elimination of violence against women." Report of the Special Rap- 
porteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences. Summary. 
Commission on Human Rights. E/CN. 4/2006/61. 20 January 2006. https:// 
listserv.uta.fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0607b&L=naistutkimus&T=0&P=218 

Esping-Andersson, Gosta (1990) "The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism", 
Polity Press, Cambridge 1990. 

European Women's Lobby (2005) "Opas nuorille naisille naisten ja miesten valisen 
tasa-arvon saavuttamiseksi Euroopassa". Guide for young women for reach- 
ing gender equality in Europe. Obtained from http://youngwomen.women- 
lobby.org/pdf/JF_FI.pdfin August 2005. 

Eurostat (2003) "Time use at different stages of life. Results from 13 European 
countries". July 2003. Theme 3: Population and social conditions. Europe- 
an Comission. Luxemburg. http://www.unece.org/gender/timeuse/DataRe- 
ports/TU_Diff_Stages_of_life.pdf 

Etzioni, Amitai (1968) "The Active Society. A Theory of Societal and Political 
Processes", Free Press. New York. 

Etzioni, Amitai (1975) "A Comparative Analysis of Complex Organizations. On 
Power, Infolvement, and Their Correlates" Free Press. New York. 

Fairclough, Norman (1989) "Language and Power", Longman. London. 

Fairclough, Norman (1992) "Discourse and Social Change", Cambridge. Polity 
Press. 

Fairclough, Norman (1993) "Critical discourse analysis and the marketization of 
public discourse: the universities", Discourse and Society, 4(2):133— 68. 

Faludi, Susan (1991) "Backlash. The Undeclared War Against American Wo- 
men". Published in Finnis 1994 with name "Takaisku. Julistamaton sota 
naisia vastaan. Translation by Marjo Kylmanen and Tuuli-Maria Mattila. 
Kaantopiiri. Helsinki. 

Farrell, Warren (1974) "Liberated Man", Berkley, Reprint edition 1993. 

Farrell, Warren (1994) "The Myth of Male Power: Why Men Are the Disposable 
Sex", Berkley, USA. (First printed 1993) 

Farrell, Warren (1999) "Women Can't Hear What Men Don't Say: Destroying 
Myths, Creating Love", Jeremy P. Tarcher. 

Farrell, Warren (2001) "Father and Child Reunion: How to Bring the Dads We 
Need to the Children We Love", Tarcher. 



423 

Farrell, Warren (2004) "Why Men Earn More: The Startling Truth Behind the 
Pay Gap — and What Women Can Do About It", American Management 
Association (Amacom). New York, 2004. 

Fasteau (1974) "The Male Machine". McGraw-Hill. New York. 

Family Violence Prevention Fund (2008) "Domestic Violence is a Serious, Wi- 
despread Social Problem in America: The Facts", Aquired 2008-02-25 from 
http://www.endabuse.org/resources/facts/ 

Feyerabend, Paul (1975) The summary of "Against Method". Published in 
http://www.galilean-library.org/feyerabend2.html 

Feyerabend, Paul (1978) "Science in a Free Society". NLB. Manchester 1978. 

Fiebert, Martin & Gonzalez, D. (1997) "Women who initiate assaults: The 
reasons offered for such behavior". Psychological Reports, 80, 583—590. 

Fiebert, Martin (2005) "References examining assaults by women on their 
spouses or male partners: An annotated bibliography". Sexuality and Cul- 
ture, 2004, 8, (No. 3-4), 140-177. Retrieved from http://www.csulb. 
edu/-mfiebert/assault.htm in 2005. 

Finger, Mercier & Burgin-Brand (2001) "A Critical Analysis of Power in Orga- 
nizational Learning and Change", Hallinnon tutkimus, Volume 20, Number 
2, pp. 107-119. 

Fitzgerald, Matthew (1999) "Sexploytation", April House. 

Follingstad, D.R., Wright, S., & Sebastian, JA. (1991) "Sex differences in moti- 
vations and effects in dating violence". Family Relations, 40, pp. 51—57. 

Forsberg, Hannele (1995) "Sosiaalitoimiston isa: Kaivattu, toivoton ja uhkaa- 
va", writing in "Naiset yksityisen ja julkisen rajalla" (edited by Leena Erasaari, 
Raija Julkunen and Harriet Silius). Vastapaino. Tampere 1995. 

Foucault, Michel (1972) "The Archaeology of Knowledge" . New York. 

Foucault, Michel (1980) "Power/Knowledge. Selected Interviews and Other Wri- 
tings 1972—1977". Edited by Colin Gordon. Translated by Colin Gordon, 
Leo Marshal, John Mepham and Kate Soper. The Harvester Press. Brighton. 

Foucault, Michel (1982) "The Archaeology of Knowledge", Pantheon Books. 
New York. 

Franzway, Court and Connell (1989) "Staking a Claim. Feminism, Bureaucracy 
and the State. Polity Press. Oxford. 

Frasier, Nancy (2000) "After the family wage: a postindustrial thought experi- 
ment", Writing in "Gender and Citizenship in Transition", edited by Barbara 
Hobson. Macmillan. London. 

French, Marilyn Quotation http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/rn/ma- 
rilynfrel08276.html 

Friedan, Betty (1963) "The Feminine Mystique". Julkaistu suomeksi 1967 ni- 
mella "Naisellisuuden harhat. Suom. Ritva Turunen ja Jertta Roos. Kirjayh- 
tyma. Helsinki. 



424 

Galbraith, Jay (1977) "Organization design", Addison Wesley Publishing Company. 

Gatherer, D. (1997) "Macromemetics: towards a framework for the re-unifica- 
tion of philosophy", Journal of Memetics — Evolutionary Models of Informa- 
tion Transsmission, 1 . 

Gay, Peter (1998) "Freud: A Life for Our Time", W. W. Norton & Company 

Gelissen, John (2002) "Three worlds of welfare capitalism or more? A state-of- 
the-art report", Journal of European Social Policy, Vol. 12, No. 2, 137—158 
(2002). 

Gelsthorpe, Loraine & Loucks, Nancy (1997) "Understanding the sentencing 
of women". Edited by Carol Hedderman and Loraine Gelsthorpe. Brittish 
Home Office Research Study 170. http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs/ 
horsl70.pdf 

Gender Bias Task Force (1993) Final Report of the 9th Circuit Gender Bias Task 
Force. USA. 

George, Malcolm (2002) "Skimmington revisited: Abused husbands", The Jour- 
nal of Men's Studies. 1.1.2002. 

Chang, Mariko (2001) "Shortchanged: Gender, Social Structure and Wealth", 
Harward. 

Gherardi, S. (1995) "Gender, symbolism and organizational cultures. London: 
Sage. 

Giddens, Anthony (1981) "A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materia- 
lism", Vol. 1, Power, property and the state. MacMillan. London. 

Giddens, Anthony (1983) "Central Problems in Social Theory. Action, structure 
and contradiction in social analysis", MacMillan Press. London. 

Giddens, A. & Christopher P. (1998) "Conversations with Anthony Giddens: 
Making Sense of Modernity", Standford Universtity Press. 

Giddens, Anthony (1984) "Yhteiskuntateorian keskeisia ongelmia. Toiminnan, 
rakenteen ja ristiriidan kasitteet yhteiskunta-analyysissa. Suomentaneet Pasi 
Andersson ja Ilkka Heiskanen. Otava. Helsinki. 

Giddens, Anthony (1993) "The Constitution of Society. Outline of the Theory 
of Structuration. Polity Press. Oxford. 

Gilbert & Gubar (1979) "The Madwoman in the Attic: The Woman Writer and 
the Nineteenth-Century Literary Imagination". Collection of essays. 

Gill, Peter & Remahl, Carita (2005) "Kvinnor lika valdsbenagna som man i 
parforhallanden", http://www.dn.Se/DNet/road/Classic/article/0/jsp/print. 
jsp?&a=370807 

Gilmore, D. (1990) "Manhood in the Making: Cultural concepts of masculini- 
ty", New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 

Ginrich, Paul (1999) "Power, Domination, Legitimation, and Authority", Socio- 
logy 250, October 7 and 12, 1999, http://uregina.ca/-gingrich/ol2f99.htm 



425 

Gleick, James (1987) "Chaos: Making a New Science". Viking. New York. 

Goel, Sanjay & Karri, Ranjan (2006) "Entrepreneurs, Effectual Logic, and 
Over-Trust", Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice, Volume 30, July 2006 
P. 477. 

Goldberg, Steven (1973) "The Inevitability of Patriarchy", Morrow, New York. 

Gordon, Tuula (1992) "Citizens and Others: Gender, Democracy and Educati- 
on", International Studies in Sociology of Education 2 (1992):1, 43—56. 

Gornic, Janet (2005) "Wealth Holdings and Gender", paper presented in se- 
minar "Construction and Usage of Comparable Microdata on Household 
Wealth: The Luxembourg Wealth Study", S.A.Di.Ba., Perugia / 27-29 Ja- 
nuary 2005. 

Goffman, Erwin (1959) "Frame Analysis, an Essey of the Organization of Ex- 
perience". 

Goines, David & Popovica, Neil (1994) "Sex, Violence and Rockn Roll. The 
First Amendment at the Close of the Millennium", re-edition available at 
http://www.goines.net/Writing/sex_violence_rock_n_roll.html 

Gould, Stephen & Lewontin, Richard (1979) "The Spandrels of San Marco 
and the Panglossian Paradigm: A Critique of the Adaptationist Programm", 
Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Series B, Vol. 205, No. 1161 
(1979), pp. 581-598. 

Gramsci, A. (1991) "Selections from Prison Notebooks", Lawrence & Wishart. 
London. 

Gray, John (1995) "Mars ja Venus ikuisesti yhdessa". WSOY The Finnish trans- 
lation of "Mars and Venus Together Forever: Relationship Skills for Lasting 
Love. Harper Collins Publishers. 

Greenspan, Allan (2000) "Shockingly wealthy women — News & Trends — Brief 
Article - Statistical Data Included", California Society of Certified Public 
Accountants. Available at http://findarticles.eom/p/articles/mi_mOICC/ 
is_10_70/ai_87700810/pg_l 

Guttentag, Marcia & Secord, Paul (1983) "Too Many Women? The Sex Ratio 
Question", Sage, Beverly Hills, CA. 

Gynther, Pdivi (2006) "Hegemonioista ja aktiivisesta vaikenemisesta", writing in 
naistutkimus@uta.fi mailing list, archived to https://listserv.uta.fi/cgi-bin/wa 
?A2=ind06l0d&L=naistutkimus&D = 0&T=0&P=479 

Haataja, Anita (2001) "Naisten tyossakaynnin tunnusluvut uusiksi", Hyvin- 
vointikatsaus 1, 43—47. 

Hagenman, Gro (1994) "Kjon og industrialisering". Universitetetsforlaget. 
Oslo. 1994. 

Hahn, Eduard (1896) "Die Haustiere und ihre Beziehungen zur Wirtschaft des 
Menschen: eine geographische Studie", Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1896. 



426 

Hallberg, Margareta & Hermansson, Jorgen (2005) "Granskning af professor 
Eva Lundgrens forsking i enlighet med Uppasla Universitets regler avseende 
forfarandet vid anklagelse om vetenskaplig ohederlighet", University of Upp- 
sala http://www.samfak.uu.se/rapporter/Granskarnas_rapport.pdf 

Hanifi, Riitta (2005) "Vapaa-aikatutkimus", Tilastokeskus, http://www.stat.fi/ 
til/vpa/tau.html 

Hannan, Michael & Freeman, John (1977) "The Population Ecology of Orga- 
nizations". American Journal of Sociology 82: 929—64. 

Haraway, Donna J. (1991) "Cimiance, cyborgs and women. The reinvention of 
nature" Routledge, New York 1991. 

Harding, Sandra (1991) "Whose Science? Whose Knowledge?: Thinking from 
Women's Lives", Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY. 

Hare, Robert (1999) "Without Conscience: The Disturbing World of the 
Psychopaths Among Us", The Guilford Press 

Harisalo, Risto & Miettinen, Ensio (1995) "Vastuuyhteiskunnan peruslait", 
Tampere University Press 

Harisalo, Risto & Miettinen, Ensio (2004) "Hyvinvointivaltio: Houkutteleva 
lupaus vai karvas pettymys", Tampere University Press 

Harrison, James (1978) "Warning: the male sex role may be dangerous to your 
health" in Journal of Social Issues, vol. 34 no. 1, pp. 65—86. 

Hartman, Heidi (1997) "The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism", in 
the book "The Second Wave" edited by Linda Nicholson. 

Hautamaki, Antti (1988) "Kognitiotiede", Helsinki. Gaudeamus 1988. 

Hayek (1978) "The Constitution of Liberty", University of Chicago Press 

Hazard, Kaarina (2006) Writing in naistutkimus@uta.fi, see https://listserv.uta. 
fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0608e&L=naistutkimus&D=0&T=0&P=l678 

Hearn, Jeff (1983) "Birth and Afterbirth", London. Achilles Heel. 

Hearn, Jeff (1999) "The Violences of Men. Men Doing, Talking and Respon- 
ding to Violence against Known Women", working paper in the conference 
"Women's Worlds 99. GenDerations", 7th International Interdisciplinary 
Congress on Women, Tromso, Norway, June 20—26, 1999. 

Heiskanen & al. (2004) "Suomalaisten turvallisuus 2003. Vuoden 2003 haastat- 
telututkimuksen ennakkotietoja suomalaisten tapaturmien ja rikosten koh- 
teeksi joutumisesta ja pelosta. Oikeuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen tutkimus- 
tiedonantoja 58. Poliisiammattikorkeakoulun tiedotteita 29. Helsinki. 

Held, David (1996) "Models of Democracy", Second edition, Polity Press. 

Helin, Markku (1974) "Suomalainen avioeroprosessi". Helsinki. Tammi 1974. 

Henriksson, Lea (1994) "Ammatillisen sisaruuden uudet jaot — sota terveystyon 
taitekohtana", writing in "Naisten hyvinvointivaltio", edited by Anttonen, 
Henriksson & Natkin, Vastapaino. Tampere 1994. 



427 

Harris, Thomas (1995) "I am ok, you are ok", Arrow Books Ltd; New Ed edi- 
tion (4 May 1995) 

Helsingin Sanomat (2008) Article about the statistics concerning rape and 
other crimes by different ethnic groups, http://www.hs.fi/kuvat/iso_ 
webkuva/ 1 1 3523394720 1 .jpeg 

Hemes, Helga (1987) "Welfare State and Women Power". Essays in State Femi- 
nism. Norwegian University Press. Oslo. 

Hemes, Helga (1988) "The Welfare State Citizenship of Scandinavian Women", 
writing in "The Political Interests of Gender", edited by Kathleen Jones and 
Anna Jonasdottir. Oxford. Sage Publications. 

Heiskanen, Markku (2006) "Miesten naisille tekeman vakivallan kehitys ja ko- 
konaiskuva", writing in "Naisiin kohdistuva vakivalta 2005". Oikeuspoliitti- 
sen tutkimuslaitoksen julkaisuja 225. Available at www.optula.om.fi 

Heusala, Kari (2005a) "Miksi nainen ei ole hella?", Writing in Helsingin Sano- 
mat 12.10.2005. 

Heusala, Kari (2005b) "Syita miehen haluttomuuteen". Writing in the Helmi 
service of the Finnish MTV3 channel, http://www.mtv3.fi/helmi/ 

Hirdman, Yvonne (1988) "Genussystemet — teoretiska reflexioner kring kvin- 
nors sociala underordning", Kvinnovetenskaplig tidskrift 3 (1988). 

Hirdman, Yvonne (1990) "Genussystemet", writing in "Demokrati och makt 
i Sverige". SOU 1990:44, Maktutredningens huvudrapport. Stockholm 
1990. 

Hite, Shere (1976) "The Hite Report: A Nationwide Study of Female Sexuali- 
ty". Seven Stories Press. New York. 

Hitsch, G.J & Hortascu, A. & Ariely D. (2004) "What Makes You Click: An 
Empirical Analysis of Online Dating", UCSC Economics Department Semi- 
nars. University of California, Santa Cruz http://repositories.cdlib.org/ucsc 
econ seminar/winter2005/3 

Hoch, P. (1979) "White Hero, Black Beast: Racism, sexism and the mask of 
masculinity", London: Pluto Press. 

Holmes, Mary (2004) "Feeling Beyond Rules", Politicizing the Sociology of 
Emotion and Anger in Feminist Politics, European Journal of Social Theory, 
Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 209-227. 

Holli, Anne (2000) "Suomalaisen tasa-arvon nousu ja tuho", Historiallisia Pa- 
pereita 3, Historiallinen Yhdistys, http://www.helsinki.fi/hum/hist/yhd/julk/ 
tasaarvo/holli.html 

Holli, Anne (2001) "Kiista naisen asemasta maanpuolustuksessa — suomalai- 
nen tapaustutkimus" in "Tasa-arvoiset demokratiat? Sukupuoli ja politiikka 
Pohjoismaissa", edited by Christina Bergqvist. Translated to Finnish from 
"Likestilte demokratier? Kjonn og politikk i Norden"., Edita. Helsinki. 



428 

Holli, Anne (2002) "Suomalaisen tasa-arvopolitiikan haasteet". Kirjoitus teok- 
sessa Holli, Saarikoski & Sana "Tasa-arvopolitiikan haasteet". WSOY. Tasa- 
arvoasiain neuvottelukunta. Sosiaali- ja terveysministerio. 

Holli, Anne (2003) "Discourse and Politics for Gender Equality in Late Twen- 
tieth Century Finland". Department of Political Science, Acta Politica 23, 
Helsinki University Press, Helsinki 2003. 

Hollstein, Walter (2006) "Men's status and the need for an equality policy 
concentrating on men", presentation in EU conference "Men and Gender", 
organized by the Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs during the Finnish presi- 
dency of the European Union. 6.10.2006. Kalastajatorppa, Helsinki. 

Holmes, Mary (2004) "Feeling Beyond Rules: Politicizing the Sociology of 
Emotion and Anger in Feminist Politics", European Journal of Social Theory, 
Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 209-227, abstract available at http://est.sagepub.com/cgi/ 
content/abstract/7/2/209 

Holter, Harriet (1971) "Sex Roles and Social Change". Acta Sociologica 1971, 
14(1), 2-12. 

Holter, 0ystein (1995) "Gender, Patriarchy and Capitalism: A Social Forms 
Analysis". Doctoral thesis, the University of Oslo. Published by the Work 
Research Institute, Oslo. 

Holter, Oystein (2000) "Kan menn. Menn og likestilling I arbeidslivet - et idedo- 
kument". Nord 2000:24. Also available in English translation "Can men?". 

Holter, Oystein (2004) "Social theory and men's studies: Patriarchal primacy 
versus structural inequality", writing in "Hanbook on the studies of Men and 
Masculinity", edited by Kimmel, Hearn and Connell. 

Honkatukia, Paivi (2001) "Ilmoitti tulleensa raiskatuksi - Tutkimus polii- 
sin tietoon vuonna 1998 tulleista raiskausrikoksista". Tilastokeskus. Oi- 
keus 2001:2. Oikeuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen julkaisuja 180. Helsinki. 
(Review available at http://www.haaste.om.fi/10558.htm ). 

Honko, Lauri & Pentikainen, Juha (1975) "Kulttuuriantropologia". WSOY. 
Toinen painos. 

Holvikivi, Jaana (2003) "Matriarchy: history or reality?", http://www.saunalah- 
ti.fi/penelope/Feminism/matriarchy.html 

Honkatukia, Paivi (2003) "Naiset rikoksen tekijoina ja uhreina" teoksessa Ri- 
kollisuustilanne 2002: Rikollisuus tilastojen valossa. Julkaisuja nro 200. Oi- 
keuspoliittinen tutkimuskeskus. Helsinki. 

Hooks, Bel (1990) "Yearning: Grace, gender, and cultural studies". Southern 
Press, Boston. 

Hull, David (1981) "Units of Evolution: A Metaphysical Essay", in the book 
"The Philosophy of Evolution" edited by Jensen and Harree, Harvester Press, 
Brighton. 



429 

Hurtta, Olli (2002) "Kuolemaan johtanut lahisuhdevakivalta", Poliisiammatti- 
korkeakoulun tiedotteita 21. Espoo. 

Huseby-Darvas, Eva (2004) "Elderly women in a Hungarian village: Childless- 
ness, generativity, and social control", Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontolo- 
gy, Springer Netherlands, Volume 2, Number 1 /January, 1987. pp. 15—42, 
see http://www.springerlink.com/content/vl671088770024l3/ 

Husso, Marita (2001) "Kokemuksia vakivaltaseminaarista ja vakivallan koke- 
musten kommunikoitavuuden ongelmallisuudesta", writing in "Naistutkijan 
rukouskirja eli opetuksen laadun arviointia toisin", edited by Tuija Saresma. 
University of Jyvaskyla, Faculty of women's studies. 

Huttunen, Pekka & Santalainen, Timo (1993) "Strateginen johtaminen julkises- 
sa hallinnossa", Weilin & G66s. 

Hyyppa, Markku (1995) "Sukupuolten kirjo", Yliopistopaino 1995. 

Irigaray, Luce (1993) "An Ethics of Sexual Difference", translated to English by 
Carolyn Burke and Gillian C. Gill. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New 
York. 

Jacobsen, Joyce (2006) "The Economics of Gender", Blackwell Publishers, avai- 
lable at http://jjacobsen.web.wesleyan.edu/wps/ 

Jallinoja, Riitta (2004) "Tasa-arvo arjen areenoilla", presentation in the IV Fin- 
nish — Carelian women's forum 17.— 18.6.2004 in Kuopio. 

James, Thomas (2003) "Domestic Violence: The 12 Things You Aren't Supposed 
to Know", Aventine Press. 

Jeffries, Samantha (2005a) "Gender differentiation in criminal court outcomes", 
http://www.crime.co.nz/c-files.asp?ID=12365 

Jeffries, Samantha (2005b) "Is differential treatment by gender warranted?", 
http://www.crime.co. nz/c-files.asp?ID= 12366 

Jeffries, Sheila (1981) "Love Your Enemy?: The Debate Between Heterosexual Fe- 
minism and Political Lesbianism", London: Onlywomen Press, 1981, ISBN 
0-906500-08-7. Leeds Revolutionary Feminist Group. 

Johnson, Orna & Allen (1988) "Oedipus in the political economy, theme and 
variations in Amazonia", writing in "Dialectics and Gender: Anthropological 
approaches", edited by Randolph, Schneider, and Diaz. Westview Press. 

Jokinen, Arto (2002) "Mihin miehet tarvitsevat tasa-arvoa", writing in "Tasa- 
arvopolitiikan haasteet", edited by Holli, Saarikoski & Sana. Finnish equality 
council, Ministry of social affairs and health. WSOY. 

Jokinen, Arto (2003) "Miten miesta merkitaan? Johdanto maskuliinisuuden 
teoriaan ja kulttuuriseen tekstintutkimukseen" writing in "Yhdesta puusta. 
Maskuliinisuuksien rakentuminen populaarikulttuureissa", edited by Arto 
Jokinen. Juvenes Print — Tampereen Yliopistopaino Oy. Tampere 2003. 



430 

Jokinen, Arto (2005) Presentation at the workshop "Naiset ja miehet tutkimassa 
miehia: eroja ja yhtalaisyyksia" in the "Naistutkimuspaivat" for Finnish Scho- 
lars of Women's studies, Helsinki Business School, 18.1 1.2005. 

de Jong, Martin (1999) "Survival of the institutionally fittest concepts". 
http://jom-emit.cfpm.org/1999/vol3/de_jong_m.html 

Jourard (1971) "The Transparent Self". 

Julkunen, Raija (1995) "Feministiseen analyysiin", writing in "Naiset yksityisen 
ja julkisen rajalla", edited by Leena Erasaari, Raija Julkunen and Harriet Si- 
lius. Vastapaino. Tampere 1995. 

Julkunen, Raija (1990) "Suomalainen hyvinvointivaltio — naisten liittolainen?", 
Hyvinvointivaltion sukupuolijarjestelman tutkimusprojekti. Jyvaskylan yli- 
opiston yhteiskuntapolitiikan laitoksen tyopapereita nro 58. 

Julkunen, Raija (2002) "Timanttejakin parempi ystava? Hyvinvointivaltion 
murroksen sukupuolittuneet seuraukset", writing in "Tasa-arvopolitiikan 
haasteet", edited by Anne Maria Holli, Terhi Saarikoski and Elina Sana. Fin- 
nish equality council. WSOY. 

Jungnitz, Lenz, Puchert, Puhe & Walter (2005) "Violence Against Men: Men's 
experiences of interpersonal violence in Germany" — Results of the pilot stu- 
dy. Federal Ministry for Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth. 
Germany. 

Juttula, Sanna (2004) "Odotuksissaan ja toiveissaan kuten 'tavalliset' aidit — 
Tutkimus paihderiippuvaisten aitien kulttuurisesta jasentymisesta", master's 
thesis, University of Tampere. http://www.yhteisvastuu.fi/pdf/Paihdeaidit_ 
GRADUnettiin.pdf 

Kailo, Kaarina (2007) Writing on naistutkimus@uta.fi concerning ice hockey 
mathces as causes for peaks in the statistics that measure violence against 
women. 13.01.2007. WWW 

Kammer, Jack (1994) "Good Will toward Men: Women Talk Candidly about 
the Balance of Power between the Sexes", St. Martin's Press, NY. 

Kammer, Jack (2002) "If Men Have All the Power, How Come Women Make 
the Rules", http://www.RulyMob.com 

Kangasharju, Riitta (2007) "ESR:n uusi ohjelmakausi ja sen haasteet sukupuol- 
ten tasa-arvon kannalta", kirjoitus teoksessa "Tasa-arvo kaytannoksi: Tyoka- 
luja projektityohon" toim. Marja-Leena Haataja ja Johanna Matinmikko. 
Oulun yliopisto, Kajaanin yliopistokeskus. 

Kansanterveyslaitos (2000) "Terveys ja toimintakyky Suomessa. Terveys 2000 
tutkimuksen perustulokset". National Public Health Institute. B3/2002. 

Kansanterveyslaitos (2004) "Itsemurhat", web publication at http://www.ktl. 
fi/portal/5175 



431 

Kanter, R.M. (1977) "Some effects of proportions in group life", American Jour- 
nal of Sociology, 82, pp. 965-990. 

Kantola, Anu (2002) "Markkinakuri ja managerivalta. Poliittinen hallinta Suo- 
men 1990-luvun talouskriisissa." Loki-kirjat. Helsinki. 

Karjalainen, Timo (2007) "Halpoja ikamiehia", writing in "Mies vailla tasa- 
arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. 

Karkola, Kari (2002) "Lapseen kohdistuva vakivalta", presentation in Kuopion 
Lastenlaakaripaivat 7.— 8.1 1.2002, http://www.suomenlastenlaakariylidistys. 
fi/luennot/llp_2002/karkola_llp02.pdf 

Karlsson, Mirja (2005) "Naisen nurjat puolet. Naisen vakivalta jaa usein pii- 
loon", writing in Dialogi 6:2005, Stakes, http://www2.stakes.fi/dialogi/05/ 
dia605/28.htm#Joka 

Kellberg, Christina (2005) Writing in Dagen's Nyheter, 7.5.2005. 

Kelles, Anita (2006) "Re: "Huippusaalis - finanssialan loistava loyto!", comment 
to Hilkka Pietila in the mailing list of women's studies, writing archieved to 
https://listserv.uta.fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0608e&L=naistutkimus&D = 0&T= 
0&P=815 

Kennedy, Todd (2006) "Exploiting Behavioural Bias with a Quantitative Mo- 
del", Active Equity, Essays and Presentations, http://www.ssga.com/library/ 
esps/toddkennedyexploitingbehaviouralbias20060823/page.html 

Kennedy, Leslie & Dutton, Donald (1989) "The Incidence of Wife Assault in 
Canada," Canadian Journal of Behavioral Science, Vol. 21, 1989, pp. 40-54. 

Keskinen, Suvi (2005) "Perheammattilaiset ja vakivaltatyon ristiriidat. Suku- 
puoli, valta ja kielelliset kaytannot". Vaitoskirja. Tampereen yliopisto. 

Kimmel, Michael (2000) "The Gendered Society", New York: Oxford Univer- 
sity Press. 

Kimmel, Michael (2001) "Male Victims of Domestic Violence: A Substantive 
and Methodological Research Review". A report to: The Equality Commit- 
tee of the Department of Education and Science, http://www.xyonline.net/ 
downloads/malevictims.pdf 

Kimmel, Michael & Kaufman, Michael (1994) "Weekend Warriors: The New 
Men's Movement", writing in "Theorizing Masculinities", edited by Brod, 
Harry & Kaufman, Michael (1994), Sage publications. 

Kinnunen, Tiina (1993) "Ylistyslaulu naisellisuudelle. Johdatus Ellen Keyn fe- 
ministiseen teoriaan". Naistutkimus-Kvinnoforskning 3 (1993). 

Kishwar, Madhu Purnima (2005) "Strategies for Combating the Culture of 
Dowry and Domestic Violence in India" expert paper in the meeting "Vi- 
olence against women: Good practices in combating and eliminating violence 
against women" organized by: UN Division for the Advancement of Women 
in collaboration with: UN Office on Drugs and Crime 17 to 20 May 2005, 



432 

Vienna, Austria, http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/vaw-gp-2005/ 
docs/experts/kishwar.dowry.pdf 

Kitunen, Timo (2007) "Sosiaalityon naennainen tasa-arvo", writing in "Mies 
vailla tasa-arvoa" edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. Tammi. Jy- 
vaskyla. 

Klemi, Anna (2006) "Henkinen vakivalta parisuhteessa. Kokemuksia henkisen 
vakivallan luonteesta ja satuttavuudesta." Master's thesis. University of Jyvas- 
kyla. http://thesis.jyu.fi/07/URN_NBN_fi_jyu-200778.pdf 

Klein, Naomi (1999) No logo / taking aim at the brand bullies", Picador, New 
York 1999. 

Kluckhohn, C. (1949) "Mirror for Man: The Relation of Anthropology of Mo- 
dern Life". New York 1949. 

Kohonen, Teuvo (1988) 'An introduction to neural computing". Neural Net- 
works 1(1): 3-16. 

Koivunen, Anu & Liljestrom, Marianne (2004) "Avainsanat. 10 askelta femi- 
nistiseen tutkimukseen" Gummerus. Jyvaskyla. 

Kontula, Osmo & Haavio-Mannila, Elina (1993) "Suomalainen seksi", WSOY. 
Juva. Finland. 

Korkeamaki, Ossi & Kyyra, Tomi (2007) "Naisen euro on 96 senttia", wri- 
ting in "Mies vailla tasa-arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. 
Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Korpi, Walter (1987) "Maktens isberg under ytan", writing in "Makt Begreppet", 
edited by Olof Petersson. Carlsson Bokforlag. Stockholm. Pp. 83—1 17. 

Kotro, Arno (2007) "Koululaitos miesten syrjijana", writing in "Mies ilman 
tasa-arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. Tammi. 

Kramare, Cherts & Treichler, Paula A. (1985) "A Feminist Dictionary". Pandora 
Press. Boston and London 1985. 

Krojer, J. (2003) "Nar Farmand kommer hjem". In K.Hjort & Baagoe Niel- 
sen (Eds.) Maend og omsorg (Men and caregiving). Pp. 72—89. Kobenhavn, 
Denmark: Hans Reizels forlag. 

Kuhn, Thomas (1970) "The Structure of Scientific Revolutions", Chicago. 

Kumpumdki, Elina (2006) "Council for Gender Equality. The History of Work 
with Men 1988-2006", written/compiled by Elina Kumpumaki. Council 
for Gender Equality, Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. 

Kurki, Hannele (1986) "Naisten aanioikeus 80 vuotta", Tasa-arvoasiain neuvot- 
telukunta, Working papers 1/1986. 

Kurki, Hannele (2003) "Sukupuoli tutkimusjarjestelmassa", writing in "Suomen 
tieteen tila ja taso", published by the Finnish Academy 4.1 1.2003. 

Kurki-Suonio, Kirsti (1999) "Aidin hoivasta yhteishuoltoon — lapsen edun 
muuttuvat oikeudelliset tulkinnat. Oikeusvertaileva tutkimus." Suomalainen 
Lakimiesyhdistys. Julkaisuja A-sarja 222. Vammala 1999. 



433 

Kuronen, Marjo (1995) "Naiset kohtaavat neuvolassa", writing in "Naiset yksi- 
tyisen ja julkisen rajalla", edited by Leena Erasaari, Raija Julkunen and Har- 
riet Silius. Vastapaino. Tampere 1995. 

Kuronen & al. (2004) "Sukupuolistunut ja sukupuoleton sosiaalityo", by Marjo 
Kuronen, Riitta Granfelt, Leo Nyqvist & Paivi Petrelius. PS-kustannus. 

Kuusipalo, Jaana (2002) "Mika on se tasa-arvo, jota tasa-arvopolitiikka tavoitte- 
lee?", writing in "Tasa-arvopolitiikan haasteet" (edited by Anne-Maria Holli, 
Terhi Saarikoski and Elina Sana). Tasa-arvoasiain neuvottelukunta. Finnish 
Ministry of Social Affairs. WSOY. 

Kvale, S. (1992) "Postmodern psychology: a contradiction in terms?", writing in 
"Psychology and Postmodernism", edited by S. Kvale. Sage. London. 

Laakso, Teija (2005) "Feminismia paperilla", column in Utain 7 / 14.4.2005. 

Labor Academy (2005) "Opas perhevakivaltaa kohtaaville" obtained from http:// 
www.akatemia.org/projektit/perhevak/perhevakivalta.htm in August 2005. 

Laasanen, Henry (2006) "Seksi, naisten hallitsema resurssi", Master's thesis. 
University of Jyvaskyla. 

Lagerspetz, Kirsti (1998) "Naisten aggressio". Tammi, Helsinki 1998. Review by 
Klaus Helkama available at http://www.tsv.fi/TTAPAHT/001/helkama.htm 

Laihonen & Salo & Vuorisalo (1986) "Evoluutio", WSOY, Keuruu. 

Lakatos, Imre (1978) "Philosophical papers. Vol. 1: The methodology of scien- 
tific research programmes" Ed. by John Warrall and Gregory Currie. Cam- 
bridge: Cambridge University Press 1978. 

Lamberti, Jean-Claude (1989) "Toqueville and the Two Democracies". Harward 
University Press 1989. 

Lamarck, Jean-Baptiste (1809) "Philosophic zoologique", see http://www.ucmp. 
berkeley.edu/history/lamarck.html 

Langhinrichsen-Rohling, J. & Vivian, D. (1994) "The correlates of spouses' in- 
congruent reports of marital aggression", Journal of Family Violence. Vol 9, 
p. 265-283. 

Larsen, Eirinn (1996) "Feminist Scholars define Maternalism and Maternalist 
Policy", chapter four in the master's thesis for the department of history, 
University of Bergen. http://www.ub.uib.no/elpub/1996/h/506002/eirinn/ 
eirinn.html 

Lauerma, Hannu (1999) "Aivopuoliskojen mutkikas tyonjako", Hyva terveys 
12/1999, p. 56-57. 

Lauerma, Hannu (2007) "Myytti miesten vajavaisista aivoista", writing in "Mies 
ilman tasa-arvoa". Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Laxen, Marianne (2006) Writing in Helsingin Sanomat, September 2006. 

Leaperand, Campbell & Holliday, Heithre (1995) "Gossip in same-gender and 
cross-gender friends' conversations". Personal Relationships 2 (3), pp. 237—246. 



434 

Leahy, Terry (1998) "What is Ecofeminism? Different Positions within Eco- 
feminism", School of Social Sciences, University of Newcastle. Available at 
http://www.octapod.org:8000/gifteconomy//content/zedgendone.html 

Lehti, Matti (2002) Henkirikokset 1998-200: tutkimus poliisin tietoon vuosina 
1998-200 tulleista henkirikoksista. Oikeuspoliittisen tutkimuslaitoksen jul- 
kaisuja 206. Helsinki. 

Lehtonen, Miika (2003) "Huoltajuusdiskurssitasomalli". http://ktk.ulapland.fi/ 
miika/huoltajuusdiskurssitasomalli.pdf 

Leonard, P. (1984) "Personality and Ideology", London, Macmillan. 

Lerner, Gerda (1986) "The Creation of Patriarchy". NY: Oxford University 
Press. 

Levis, Charlie (1982) "The observation of father-infant relationships: An 'at- 
tachment' to outmoded concepts. Writing in "The Father Figure". Edited by 
McKee & O'Brian 1982. Second edition. Tavistock publications. New York 
1982. 

Lewis, Jill & Clift, Stephen (2001) "Challenging Gender Issues. Report on fin- 
dings from the Living for Tomorrow project about young people's attitudes 
to men, women and sex", NIKK, The Nordic Institute for Women's Studies 
and Gender Research, Oslo, http://www.nikk.uio.no/forskning/nikk/living/ 
publ/lftreportl.pdf 

Light, Audrey (2004) "Gender differences in the marriage and cohabitation in- 
come premium", Demography. 41(2), 263—84. 

Linda (2005) Query into the biblical "Linda" database of the Finnish Univer- 
sities. 

Lindblom, Charles (1959) "The Science of Muddling Through", Public Admi- 
nistration Review 19 (Spring 1959):80. 

Lindblom, Charles (1977) "Politics and Markets", Basic Books, New York. 

Lindsay, Peter (1977) "Human Information Processing: An Introduction to 
Psychology", Harcourt. 

Lizardo, Omar (2005) "The puzzle of women's "highbrow" culture consumpti- 
on: Integrating gender and work into Bourdieu's class theory of taste, Poetics 
Volume 34, Issue 1, February 2006, Pages 1—23. Elsevier B.V. 

Lopez-Claros, Augusto & Zahidi, Saadia (2005) "Women's Empowerment: 
Measuring the Global Gender Gap", World Economic Forum, http://www. 
weforum.org/pdf/Global_Competitiveness_Reports/Reports/gender_gap. 
pdf 

Lundgren, Eva (1995) "Void og maskulinitet — en godtatt semmenheng?" wri- 
ting in "Kjonn og samfunn i endring", Norges forskningsrad, Oslo. 

Lundgren, Eva (2004) "Valdets normaliseringsprocess. Tre parter, tre strategier". 
Ny version. ROKS. 



435 

Lynch, Aaron (1996) "Thought Contagion. How Belief Spreads Through So- 
ciety", Basic Books. New York. 

Lattila, Risto (2001) "Torkeat pahoinpitelyt 1998," teoksessa Oikeustilastolli- 
nen vuosikirja 2000. Oikeus 2001:16. Helsinki. Tilastokeskus 2001, 15-45. 

MacCormac, Carol & Strathern, Marlilyn (1980) "Nature, Culture and Gen- 
der", Cambridge University Press. Review by Fitz John Porter Poole in Ame- 
rican Ethnologist, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Aug., 1982), pp. 593-595. 

Machiavelli, Niccolb (1515) "The Prince"; translated with notes by George Bull, 
New edition, London, Penguin Books 1999. 

Malmi, Pasi (1987a) "A Genetic Approach to the Evolution of Organizations." 
Working paper. Helsingin kauppakorkeakoulu. 

Malmi, Pasi (1987b) "Visio tietoyhteiskunnan yrityksista — mihin yritysten evo- 
luutio johtaa?", kirjoitus teoksessa "Yrityksen menestyminen tietoyhteiskun- 
nassa", Tietotekniikan liitto. Helsinki. 

Malmi, Pasi (1988) "Malli organisaatioiden seka muiden sosiaalisten jarjestel- 
mien evoluutiosta". Master's thesis. Helsinki School of Economics. 

Malmi, Pasi (1992) "Uusdawkinsilainen teoria organisaatioiden evoluutiosta", 
Master's thesis. University of Lapland. Faculty of social sciences. 

Malmi, Pasi (1995) "Kunnallisten kulttuuripalveluiden kannattavuuden mit- 
taaminen ja arvioiminen", Research Reports, Research Center of Northern 
Finland, University of Oulu. 

Malmi, Pasi (2005) "Kymmenen syyta olla profeministi", Article at the Finnish 
Minna portal of women's studies, http://www.minna.fi/minna/artikkelit/ 
malmiprofeministi.html 

Mankiller, Wilma (2002) Mankiller, Wilma, principal chief of the Cherokee Na- 
tion 1985-1995. Speech at the University of Arizona, January 2002. Broad- 
cast by C-SPAN 1.6.2002. 

Manning, Wendy & Smock, Pamela (2002) "First Comes Cohabitation and 
Then Comes Marriage." Journal of Family Issues 23, pp. 1065—87. 

Molm, Linda (1997) "Coersive Power in Social Exchange", University of Cam- 
bridge, USA. 

March, James G. & Olsen, Johan P. (1976) "Ambiguity and Choice in Organi- 
zations". Universitetsforlaget. Bergen, Norway: 1976. 

Marinella, Lucretia (1600) "The Nobility and Excellence of Women together 
with the Defects and Deficiencies of Men", Italy. A new version, edited and 
translated by Anne Dunnhill, was published 1999 by the University of Chi- 
cago Press. See http://www.pinn.net/-sunshine/book-sum/marinela.html 

Marlowe, Frank & Apicella, Coren & Reed, Dorian (2005) "Men's preferences 
for women's profile waist-to-hip ratio in two societies", Evolution and Hu- 
man Behavior 26 (2005) pp. 458-468. http://www.fas.harvard.edu/-hbe- 



436 

lab/acrobatfiles/profilewhr.pdf#search=%22hips%20waist%20 ratio %20 
preference%22 

Marklund, Liza & Snickare, Lotta (2006) "Helvetissa on erityinen paikka naisille 
jotka eivat auta toisiaan", Otava. 

Marshall, Anna (2004) "Feminists manipulate government to demonise men in do- 
mes tic violence advertising campaign", article in Australian News Commentary, 
http://www.australian-news.com.au/feminist_power.htm 

Marx, Karl (1845-6) "The German Ideology", published in "Collected works", 
part I, iv. 

Marx, Karl (1859) "A contribution to the Critique of Political Economy", refe- 
renced from Wikipedia. 

Marx, Karl (1964) "Early Writings", Translated and edited by T. B. Bottomo- 
re. McGraw-Hill. New York. 

Maslow, Abraham (1943) "A theory of human motivation", Psychological Review. 

Marks, Elaine & de Courtivron, Isabelle (1981) "New French Feminisms: An 
Anthology", Edited by Elaine Marks and Isabelle de Courtivron. Brighton, 
Sussex: Harvester; New York: Schocken, 1981. 

McElroy, Wendy (2005) Review of "Why Men Earn More" by Warren Far- 
rell 2004. http://www.troynovant.com/McElroy/Farrell-Wayne/Why-Men- 
Earn-More.html 

McKee, Lorna (1982) Writing about the problems of feminist research tradi- 
tion concerning fatherhood. Published in the "The Father Figure". Edited 
by Lorna McKee and Margaret O'Brian. Second edition. Tavistock publica- 
tions. New York 1982. 

McKee, Lorna & O'Brian, Margaret (1982) "The Father Figure". Edited by 
Lorna McKee and Margaret O'Brian. Second edition. Tavistock publica- 
tions. New York 1982. 

McKeown, Kieran & Kidd, Philippa (2002) "Men and Domestic Violence: 
What Research Tells Us. Kieran McKeown Limited, Social & Economic Re- 
search Consultants, 16 Hollybank Road, Drumcondra, Dublin 9, Ireland. 
Report to the Department of Health & Children http://www.richel.org/hg/ 
Ierland/mdv2 .pdf 

McKelvey, Bill (1982) "Organizational Systematics: Taxonomy, Evolution, and 
Classification, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. 

McKelvey, Bill & Aldrich, Howard (1983) "Populations, organizations and app- 
lied organization science", Administrative Sciences Quarterly, 28:101—28. 

MacKinnon, Catharine (1993) "Only Words". Harvard University Press. 

McLeod, M. (1984) "Women against men: An examination of domestic violen- 
ce based on an analysis of official data and national victimization data". Jus- 
tice Quarterly, 1, 171-193. 



437 

Mehl & al. (2007) "Are Women Really More Talkative Than Men?", written 
by Matthias R. Mehl, Simine Vazire, Nairan Ramfrez-Esparza, Richard B. 
Slatcher, and James W. Pennebaker. Science 6 July 2007:Vol. 317. no. 5834, 
p. 82. http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/317/5834/82 

Melkas, Tuula (2001) "Tasa-arvobarometri". Tilastokeskus ja tasa-arvoasiain 
neuvottelukunta. Helsinki. 

Melkas, Tuula (20 04) "Tasa-arvobarometri". Sosiaali-jaTerveysministerio.http:// 
www.stm.fi/Resource.phx/publishing/store/2004/ll/hull00588891119/ 
passthru.pdf 

Melkas, Tuula (2006) Telephone interview 2006-10-02. 

Merildinen, Rosa (2005) Initiative to the parliament 51/2005, concening the en- 
ding of the imprisonment of those men who do not submit to the obligatory 
military service. 

Mies, Maria (1986) "Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale", Zed 
Books, London. 

Mies, M. & Shiva, V. (1993) "Ecofeminism", The Zed Press, London. 

Mikola, Elina (2003) "Paras lehti elossa oleville. Maskuliinisuuden rakentumi- 
nen lautailulehti Flashbackissa", writing in "Yhdesta puusta", edited by Arto 
Jokinen. Tampere University Press. 

Mill, John Stuart (1869) "The Subjection of Women" 

Miller, James Grier (1978) "The Living Systems". McGraw Hill, 1978. 

Minz, S. (2003) "America in Ferment: The Tumultuous 1960s. Feminism re- 
born." Digital History. Retrieved 2006-1 1-04 from http://www.digitalhisto- 
ry.uh.edu/database/article_display.cfm?HHID=380 

Mitchell, Juliet (1973) "Naisliike". The Finnish translation of "Woman's estate" 
which was first published 1966. 

Mohanty, Lisa (2004) "The Effect of Private Transfers on Women's Wealth". 
Presented in Workshop on Women and Distribution of Wealth. November 
12—13, 2004, Yale Center for International and Area Studies (To be publis- 
hed in Feminist Economics, Vol. 12, Issue 1-2, 2006.) 

Moisala, Pirkko & Valkeila, Riitta (1994) "Musiikin toinen sukupuoli. Naissa- 
veltajia keskiajalta nykyaikaan". Kirjayhtyma. Helsinki. 

Mooney, Chris (2005) "The Republican War on Science". Basic Books (Septem- 
ber 9, 2005). 

Moers, E. (1976) "Literary women". Garden City, New York: Doubleday. 

Morgan, Gareth (1997) "Images of organization". Sage Publications. London. 1997. 

Morris, Desmond (1967) "The Naked Ape". Jonathan Cape, London. 

MTS (2007) "Suomalaisten mielipiteita ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikasta, maan- 
puolustuksesta ja turvallisuudesta". Maanpuolustustiedotuksen suunnittelu- 
kunta. 1/2007. http://www.defmin.fi/index. phtml?463_m=3460&s=263 



438 

Mueller, Tobin J. (1987) "The New Age Politics", Amherst Press 1987. 

Mumby, D. & Clair, R. (1997) "Organizational discourse", writing in "Discoure 
as Social Interaction. Discourse Studies. A Multidisciplinary Introduction", 
edited by T. van Dijk. Vol. 2 London. Sage. 

Myllyoja, Essi (2006) "Kun nainen lyo, mies hapeaa" Aviisi, 2006. 6/2006. http:// 
www.aviisi.fi/artikkeli/?num= 06/2006 &id=0abb0ee 

Makela, Matti (2007) "Miten miehesta tuli heittio?", writing in "Mies vailla 
tasa-arvoa". Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Malkia, Matti & Stenvall, Jari (1998) "Contradictions Between the Political 
and Professional Roles of Higher Civil Servants: Problems in Politically Rep- 
resentative Bureaucracy", Hallinnon tutkimus 3/1998. 

Naisasialiitto Unioni (2005) Political program. Aquired from http://www.naisu- 
nioni.fi/ in August 2005. 

Naisbitt, John (1988) "Megatrends: Ten New Directions Transforming Our Li- 
ves", Warner Books; Re-edition (August 16, 1988). 

Nathanson, Paul & Young, Cahterine (2001) "Spreading Misandry: The Tea- 
hing of Contempt for Men in Popular Culture", McGill-Queens University 
Press, Montreal, Quebec. 

Nelson, Richard & Winter, Sydney (1982) "An Evolutionary Theory of Econo- 
mic Change", The Belknap Press of Harward University Press, Cambridge, 
Massachusettes & London 1982. 

Nevala, Marja-Liisa (1989) "Sain roolin johon en mahdu". Toim. Maria- Liisa 
Nevala. Otava 1989; Nordisk kvindelitteraturhistorie, Bind 3-5. Rosinante 
1996-1999. 

Nichols (1975) "Men's Liberation". 

Niemela, Jussi & Tammisalo, Osmo (2006) "Keisarinnan uudet vaatteet", Terra 
Cognita, Helsinki. 

Nieminen, Heloma & Pihlajamaki (2008) "Myos nuoret miehet joutuvat pari- 
suhdevakivallan uhreiksi. Lyhyella koulutuksella voitiin vaikuttaa varusmies- 
ten asenteisiin", Suomen Laakarilehti 3/2008, pp. 147-152. 

Nieminen, Tarja (2008) "Tasa-arvobarometri 2008", Publications of the Finnish 
Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. Nr. 2008:24. Helsinki. 

Niiniluoto, Ilkka (1984) "Tiede, filosofia ja maailmankatsomus", Keuruu. 

Niiniluoto, Ilkka (2002) "World 3: A Critical Defence", writing in "Karl Pop- 
per. A centenary Assesment", edited by Ian Jarvie, Karl Milford and David 
Miller. Ashgate. pp. 59—72. Available at http://www.cs.bham.ac.uk/-ard/ 
papers/diller.pdf#search=%22%22World%203%3A%20A%20Critical%20 
Defence%22%20Niiniluoto%22 

Nikula, Minna (2005) "Sukupuolistunut vakivalta. Johdatusta yhteiskuntatietei- 
den ajankohtaisiin kysymyksiin", Lectures in the University ofTampere, http:// 



439 

www.uta.fi/tiedekunnat/yht/Ajankohtaisetkysymykset/ajankohtaista.ppt 

Niskala, Mikael (1994) "Environmental reporting in Finland: voluntary dis- 
closure in annual reports of large firms. Rovaniemi, University of Lapland, 
Faculty of Social Sciences. Publications in economics and management scien- 
ces C, Working papers 4. 

Niskasaari, M. (1999) "Tekiko media pedofiliasta uuden "hyvan vihollisen"? 
Journalisti, 74(6). http://www.journalistiliitto.fi/journalisti/arkisto/699/pe- 
rus/pedofi.htm 

Notko, Marianne (2000) "Tyttojen suhde vakivaltaan ja aggressioon", Nuoriso- 
tutkimus 18 (2000):1, http://www.alli.fi/alli/ntutk/100/notko.html 

Nousiainen, Jaakko (1992) "Suomen poliittinen jarjestelma", 9. ajanmukaistet- 
tu painos. Porvoo, WSOY, 1992. 

Nousiainen, Kevat & Pylkkanen, Anu (2001) "Sukupuoli ja oikeuden yhden- 
vertaisuus", Helsingin yliopiston oikeustieteellisen tiedekunnan julkaisuja. 

Nousiainen, Kevat & al. (2004) Kansalaisvaikuttamisen politiikkaohjel- 
man sukupuolinakokulman valtavirtaistamisselvitys: Tasa-arvon tyokirja. 
27.10.2004 Helsinki. Hallituksen politiikkaohjelmat. Kirjoittajina Kevat 
Nousiainen, Anu Pylkkanen, Anne Maria Holli, Johanna Kantola, Eeva Luh- 
takallio, Eeva Raevaara, Milja Saari. 

Nousiainen, Kevat (2007) Answer to the question concerning the relatively 
common appearance of the discrimination against men in the complaints 
made to the Finnish equality ombudsman. Documented in a memo of the 
conversations at the end of the seminar "Tyoelaman tasa-arvo ja sukupuolten 
palkkaeron pienentaminen — poliittisia ja tutkimuksellisia tavoitteita alka- 
neelle hallituskaudelle", 02.05.2007, University of Helsinki. Organized by 
TANE and the GENIE project. 

Ndrdnen, Pertti (1995) "Mies ja hysteria: Erottamattomat?" Writing in "Aatamin 
puvussa, liaanilla Hemingwaysta Konigiin" edited by Mikko Lehtonen. Uni- 
versity ofTampere, studies of litterature, publication 28. 

Nare, Sari (2004) "Kokonainen nainen". Kirjapaja. Helsinki. 

Natkin, Ritva (1994) "Vaestopolitiikka, abortti ja aitiys - hyvinvointivaltion am- 
mattilaisten ja naisten suhteen tarkastelua", writing in "Naisten hyvinvointival- 
tio", edited by Anttonen, Henriksson & Natkin, Vastapaino. Tampere 1994. 

Natkin, Ritva (1995) "Maternaalisuuden kertomukset", writing in "Naiset yksi- 
tyisen ja julkisen rajalla", edited by Leena Erasaari, Raija Julkunen and Har- 
riet Silius. Vastapaino. Tampere 1995. 

Natkin, Ritva (1997) "Kamppailu suomalaisesta aitiydesta. Maternalismi, 
vaestopolitiikka ja naisten kertomukset". Gaudeamus, Tampere. 

Ollila, Anne (1994) "Naisliike, nationalismi ja kansanvalistus: Miksi Martta-yh- 
distys halusi riveihinsa kaikkien kansanluokkien naiset?", writing in "Naisten 



440 

hyvinvointivaltio", edited by Anttonen, Henriksson & Natkin, Vastapaino. 
Tampere 1994. 

Optula (2003) "Tutkimus suomalaisten turvallisuudentunteesta." Published by 
Optula (The governmental research institute for research on legal policy). 
http://www.om.fi/optula/uploads/pmwfxnurtdty4wf.pdf 

Optula (2005) The database concerning Finnish court penalties. Queries made 
by Ville Hinkkanen, researcher of Optula (The governmental research insti- 
tute for research on legal policy). 

Orman, Kate (1997) "Telling the Truth about Domestic Violence", referenced 
from "Critique of Kate Orman's Article" by David Fontes, Psy.D., 1998-08- 
29. http://www.safe4all.org/essays/KateOrman.pdf 

Ortner, Sherry B. (1974) "Is Female to Male as Nature Is to Culture?", Writing 
in "Woman, Culture, and Society". Edited by Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo 
and Louise Lamphere. Stanford University Press. Standford 1974. 

Osborne, Laurie (2005) "Women to hold 60% of UK wealth by 2025", Pub- 
lished 24* Apr 2005 by In2perspective. http://www.in2perspective.com/ 
nr/2005/04/women-to-hold-60-of-uk-wealth-by-2025.jsp 

Pajamaki, Osku (2006) "Miehen tila politiikassa", to be published by Tammi 
spring 2007. 

Palmberg, Camilla & Wasen, Heidi (2003) "Slagen man - fyra former av mans- 
misshandel", Examensarbete pa pabyggnadskurs i sociologi, Varterminen 
2003. http://eljest.se/slagenman.pdf 

Jhornhill, Randy (2000) Interview by Amy Worden, published 2008-01-28 by 
APBnews.com. 

Parrish, Geov (1992) "Male Supremacy and the Men's Pro-feminist movement. 
The Dubious Legacy of the National Organization for Men Against Sexism", 
Activist Men's Journal, Dec. 1992. Available at http://www.nostatusquo. 
com/ACLU/ohBROTHER/ retrogeovl.html 

Parsons, T & Bales, R.F. (1953) "Family, Socialisation and the Interaction Pro- 
cess", Glencoe, 111: Free Press. 

Pateman, Carole (1989) "The Patriarchal Welfare State", writing in "Democracy 
and the Welfare State", edited by Amy Gutmann. Princeton University Press. 
Princeton. 

Pawlowski, Dunbar & Lipowicz (2000) "Tall men have more reproductive suc- 
cess". Nature, 403: 156. 

Pease, Allan & Pease, Barbara (1999) "Why Men Don't Listen and Women Can't 
Read Maps". 

Pentikainen, Merja (2002) "Tasa-arvoperiaate ihmisoikeusperiaateena. Kansain- 
valiset ihmisoikeudet ja naiset — nakymattomasta nakyvammaksi", writing in 
"Tasa-arvopolitiikan haasteet", edited by Anne Maria Holli, Terhi Saarikoski 
and Elina Sana. Finnish equality council. WSOY. 



441 

Pellonpaa (2000) "Euroopan ihmisoikeussopimus", Kauppakaari Oyj. Lakimies- 

liiton kustannus. Helsinki. 
Peltoniemi, Teuvo (1984) "Perhevakivalta".Otava. Keuruu. 
Peltoniemi, Teuvo (1997) "Perhevakivallan toinen tuleminen", writing inTiimi 

magazine. 
Perkkio, Heli (2004) "Kukkomunarockia ja virtuooseja", writing in "Yhdesta 

puusta. Maskuliinisuuksien rakentuminen populaarikulttuurissa" (edited by 

Arto Jokinen). 
Perret, David (1998) Article in Nature magazine 27.8.1998. 
Perry, Twila (2006) "Family Values, Race, Feminism and Public Policy", http:// 

www.scu.edu/ethics/publications/other/lawreview/familyvalues.html#l 
Pfeffer, Jeffrey (1982) "Organizations and Organization Theory", Marshfield, 

Pitman, Massachusettes. 
Pfeffer, Jeffrey & Salancick, Gerald (1978) "The External Control of Organiza- 
tions. A Resource Dependence Perspective", Harper & Row Publisher. New 

York. 
Piekkola, H. (2003) "Tyossa jaksaminen kiireiden ja vapaa-ajan puristuksissa 

— tutkimus ikaantyvien ajankaytosta". Tyossa jaksamisen ohjelma. Finnish 

Ministry of Labor. 
Piekkola, H. & Ruuskanen, O-P (2006) "Tyota eri elamanvaiheissa ja ajankayt- 

to. Aidit ja ikaantyvat". Sosiaali- ja terveysministerion selvityksia 2006:73. 

Ministry of Social Affairs and Health with ETLA. http://stm.teamware.com/ 

Resource.phx/publishing/store/2007/01/hull68255887102/passthru.pdf 
Pietila, Hilkka (2002) "Onko tasa-arvosta muutoksen valineeksi. Tasa-arvopoli- 

tiikasta naisten vaikutusvallan vahvistamiseen", writing in "Tasa-arvopolitii- 

kan haasteet" (edited by Holli, Saarikoski & Sana). Ministry of social affairs 

and health. WSOY. 
Pietila, Hilkka (2006) "Huippusaalis — finanssialan loistava loyto", writing in 

the Finnish mailing list of women's studies, archieved to https://listserv.uta. 

fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0608e&L=naistutkimus&T=0&P=648 
Piispa, Minna & Heiskanen, Markku (1998) "Faith, hope and battering". Ti- 

lastokeskus. 
Piispa, Minna (2002) "Complexity of Patterns of Violence Against Women in 

Heterosexual Partnerships", Violence Against Women, Vol. 8, No. 7, pp. 

873-900. 
Poliisilehti (2002) Article in Poliisilehti 2002/3. 
Pollock, John (2006) "Irrationality and Cognition", Department of Philosophy, 

University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona. http://oscarhome.soc-sci.arizona. 

edu/ftp/PAPERS/Irrationality.pdf. 
Popper, Karl (1971) "Open Society and Its Enemies", Princeton University 

Press; 5 dl Revise edition. 



442 

Porter, Michael E. (1998a) "Competitive Advantage of Nations", 1 1th edition. 
Free Press. 

Porter, Michael (1998b) "Clusters and the New Economics of Competition," 
Harvard Business Review, November-December 1998. 

Porter, Michael (2000) "Location, Clusters, and Company Strategy," in Oxford 
Handbook of Economic Geography, (G. Clark, M. Gertler, and M. Feld- 
man, eds.), Oxford: Oxford University Press (2000). 

Professional institutute of Hdmeenlinna (2005) Collection of the abstracts of 
student's theses. Obtained from http://www2.hamk.fi/sosiaaliala/kehittami- 
nen/kasvatus_4.1.htm in August 2005. 

Propp, Vladimir (1975) "Morphology of the Folktale". 

Puhakainen, Rosa (2004) "Friidu. Tyttojen ja naisten ihmisoikeudet", Kauhavan 
Kirjapaino. Available at http://www.ihmisoikeudet.net/files/friidu.pdf 

Pulli, Jussi (2004) "Miesten kriisikeskuksessa 670 kavijaa: Nopea avun saanti 
miehille tarkeaa". 2004, Miesten kriisikeskus.: Helsinki. http://www.ensija- 
turvakotienliitto.fi/tiedotteet/Mkkl21203.html 

Pullinen, Sari (2007) " 

Raaum, Nina (2001) "Naiset parlamentaarisessa politiikassa: Historiallisia ke- 
hityslinjoja" in "Tasa-arvoiset demokratiat? Sukupuoli ja politiikka Pohjois- 
maissa", edited by Christina Bergqvist. Translated to Finnish from "Likestilte 
demokratier? Kjonn og politikk i Norden". Edita. Helsinki. 

Rahkonen, Susanna (2006) A blog writing which created a widely spread ste- 
reotype of the "meat eating heterosexual men". The same stereotype has 
appeared also in the writing "Lakivaliokunta eduskunnan etujoukkona" by 
Pentti Manninen. Pohjolan Sanomat 2007-02-23. http://www.pohjolansa- 
nomat.fi/teema/paakirjoitus/2 155481 .shtml 

Rantalaiho, Liisa (1994) "Sukupuolisopimus ja Suomen malli" writing in "Nais- 
ten hyvinvointivaltio", edited by Anttonen, Henriksson & Natkin, Vastapai- 
no. Tampere 1994. 

Ramanathan, Pradeep (1999) "Dealing with Masculophobia", web publication 
at http://www.ncfm.org/pradeep.htm. Orginally published in Transitions: 
Journal of Men's Perspectives. March / April 1999 

Ratzel, Friedrich (1885-88) The cultures of the world volumes I— III. 

Razak, Arisika 1990 "Toward a Wo manist Analysis of Birth", writing in "Rewea- 
ving the World", edited by Irene Diamond & Gloria Orenstein. Sierra Club 
Books, San Francisco, pp. 165—172. 

Regenasis (2005) "Positive Action", writing in the "Equality Advice Center" 
of the Equality Online service maintained by the Regenasis Agency, http:// 
www.equality-online.org.uk/equality_advice/positive_action.html 

Renzetti (1999) "The Challenge to Feminism Posed by Women's Use of Violence 
in Intimate Relationships", writing in "New Versions of Victims. Feminists 



443 

Struggle with the Concept, edited by Sharon Lamb. New York University 
Press. New York. Pp. 42-56. 

Rich, Adrianne (1977) "Of Woman Born. Motherhood as Experience and Ins- 
titution", Virago. London. 

Rimpela, Matti (2007) "Hyvinvointiosaaminen ja sukupuoli", writing in "Mies 
vailla tasa-arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. Tammi. Jy- 
vaskyla. 

Ritt, Nikolaus (2004) "Selfish Sounds and Linguistic Evolution", Cambridge 
University Press. 

Ritzer, George (2007) "Contemporary Sociological Theory and Its Classical 
Roots", McGraw-Hill, New York. 

Roesdahl, Else (1993) "Viikingit", Otava, Keuruu. Available in English under 
title "The Vikings" (1991) 

Rogers, Everett (1962) "Diffusion of innovations". 

Rogers, Everett M. & Agarwala-Rogers, Rekha (1976) "Communication in 
Organizations" 

Rojola, Sanna (2004) Critique of the book "Yhdesta puusta". Critique publis- 
hed in Naistutkimus 3/2004. 

Ronkainen, Suvi (2004) "Kvantitatiivisuus, tulkinnallisuus ja feministinen tut- 
kimus", writing in "Feministinen tietaminen. Keskustelua metodologiasta", 
edited by Marianne Liljestrom. Vastapaino. Tampere. 2004. 

Roos, JP. (2005) "Unequality and old demons of sociology", Draft for a working 
paper for ESA Student Workshop Torun 7—8 September 2005. http://www. 
valt.helsinki.fi/staff/jproos/unequality.htm 

Rosenberg, Tiina (2005) Interview by Elina Venesmaki, 18/2005, published 
09.12.2005. Available at http://www.ylioppilaslehti.fi/2005/12/09/professo- 
ri-vasyi-taisteluun/ 

Rotkirch, Anna (2000) "The man question: loves and lives in late 20 th century 
Russia. Depatrment of Social Policy, Research publications, 1 . University of 
Helsinki. Helsinki. 

Rotkirch, Anna (2005) "Miten sosiologinen tieto kohtaa evoluutioteorian", wri- 
ting in " Ihmistieteet tanaan", edited by A.Meurman-Solin and I.Pyysiainen 
Gaudeamus. Helsinki, pp. 62—90. http://www.valt.helsinki.fi/staff/rotkirch/ 
ET_ja_sosiologia.pdf 

Rubar, Evin (2005) "Konskriget", a TV program for the Swedish television. Pre- 
sented in Finland in spring 2006. 

Rubin (1977) "The Traffic in Women: Notes on the 'Political Economy' of Sex", 
writing in "Toward an Anthropology of Women" edited by Rayna Reiter. 
Monthly Review Press, New York. 

Ruddick, Sara (1982) "Maternal Thinking", writing in "Rethinking the Family", 
edited by Barrie Thorne & Marilyn Yalom. Longman. New York 1982. 



444 

Ruddick, Sara (1989) "Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace", The 
Women's Press, London 1989. 

Rumelhart, David (1977) "Understanding and Summarizing Brief Stories" 

Ruotsalainen, Ritva (1991) "Utelias sfinksi. Naistutkimus perimmaisten kysy- 
mysten aarella" Naistutkimus — knvinnoforskning 1 (1991). 

Rasanen, Arja-Liisa (1991) "Aivan uuteen rakkaudentaivaaseen. Aviopuolisoille 
suunnatun populaarilaaketieteellisen opaskirjallisuuden (1865-1906) valitta- 
mia seksuaalikasityksia. Naistutkimus — Kvinnoforskning 4 (1991):3, 5—17. 

Rasanen, Leila (2002) "Hallituksen tasa-arvopolitiikkaa tekemassa", writing in 
"Tasa-arvopolitiikan haasteet", edited by Holli, Saarikoski & Sana. Finnish 
equality council, Ministry of social affairs and health. WSOY. 

Saarenpaa, Mattila & Mikkola (1972) "Holhous — yhteiskunnallinen ongelma: 
luentoja holhousoikeudesta yhteiskunnallisen kontrollin osana". Ahti Saa- 
renpaa, Heikki Mattila, Matti Mikkola. Tammi, Helsinki 1972. 

Saari, Milja & al. (2001) Valtavirtaistamissanasto nettiraportissa "Tasa-arvoa 
valtavirtaan". Saari, Milja (toim.) 2001. http://www.eurofem.net/valtavir- 
taan/sanasto.html#l . 

Saarikoski, Helena (2006) "Re: VL: New Report Says Violence Against Women 
Is a Human Rights Violation", comment to Pasi Malmi in the mailing list for 
women's studies, archieved to https://listserv.uta.fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind06l0c 
&L=naistutkimus&T=0&P=221 

Saarinen, Aino (1994) "Naiset sosiaalisena vapaapalokuntana — Filantropia 
1800-luvun lopun Tampereella", writing in "Naisten hyvinvointivaltio", 
edited by Anneli Anttonen, Lea Henriksson and Ritva Natkin. Vastapaino. 
Jyvaskyla 1994. 

Sabatier, P. & Jenkins-Smith H. (1993) "An advocacy coalition approach", edi- 
ted by Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, Boulder, Westview Press, New York. 

Sariola, Heikki (1992) "The Prevalence and Context of Family Violence against 
Children in Filand", Child Abuse & Neglect. Vol. 16. pp. 823-832. 

Sariola Heikki (2007) "Tavoitteena isattomyys — biologinen isyys hyokkaysten 
kohteena", writing in "Mies vailla tasa-arvoa", Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Satka, Mirja (1994) "Sota-ajan naiskansalaisen ihanteet naisjarjestojen arjessa", 
writing in "Naisten hyvinvointivaltio", edited by Anneli Anttonen, Lea Hen- 
riksson and Ritva Natkin. Vastapaino. Jyvaskyla 1994. 

Sauri, Pekka (1998) "Hyva mies", WSOY, Helsinki. 

de Saussure, F. (1960)"Course in General Linguistics", Peter Owen, London. 

Savolainen, Raija (1990) Writing in the 'Single custodian' magazine nr. 1/1990. 

Sawer, Marian (2000) "Representation of women: Questions of accountability", Pa- 
per for IPSA Conference, Quebec, 1-5 August 2000, Australian National Uni- 
versity, http://www.csun.edu/-iggdOO/IPSA_Quebec_papers/IPSASawer.rtf 

Schaef Anne (1981) "Women's Reality", Winston Press. 



445 

Schein, Edgar (1987) "Organisaatiokulttuuri ja johtaminen", Translated to Fin- 
nish by Ritva Liljamo and Asko Miettinen. Weilin & Goos. Espoo. 

Schenk, Roy & Everingham, John (1995) "Men Healing Shame", Springer Pub- 
lishing Company, NY. 

Schmidt, P.W. (1937) "Handbuch der Methode der kulturhistorischen Ethno- 
logie". Miinster 1937. 

Schwanitz, Dietrich (2003) "Sivistyksen kasikirja. Kaikki mita tulee tietaa". 
Gummerus. Jyvaskyla. 

Scott, Richard W. (2002) "Organizations: Rational, Natural and Open Sys- 
tems", 5th Edition, Prentice Hall. 

Seel, Richard (1987) "The Uncertain Father", Gateway Press. Bath. Available at 
http://www.articles.adsoft.org/uncertain_father.htm 

Segal, Lynne (1995) "Feminist Looks at the Family", writing in "Understanding 
the Family", edited by John Muncie, Margaret Wetherell, Rudi Dallos & 
Allan Cocrane. London. 

Seidler, Victor J. (ed.). (1991) "The Achilles Heel Reader: Men, Sexual Politics 
and Socialism". London & New York: Routledge. 

Semon, Richard (1904) "Die Mneme". English translation: "The mneme". Allen 
and Unwin. London 1921. 

Sepponen, Hannu (2005a) "Naisjarjestot olivat yksissa tuumin", writing on the 
man@kaapeli.fi mailing list 29.10.2005, and private e-mails containing 
copies of the statements of the women's organizations criticizing the decision 
of RAY to give funding for the project for preventing female violence against 
men. 

Sepponen, Hannu (2005b) The debts of men. Writing in the man@kaapeli.fi 
mailing list. 23.5.2005. 

Schank Roger & Abelson, Robert (1977) "Scripts, plans, goals and understan- 
ding: an inquiry into human knowledge structures", Hillsdale. 

Schank, Roger & Leake, David (1989) "Creativity and Learning in a Case- 
Based Explainer", Artificial Intelligence 40 (Sept. 1989). 

Showalter, Elaine (1977) "A Litterature of Their Own. British Women Novelists 
from Bronte to Lessing". Princeton University Press. 

Schyman, Gudrun (2004) A parlamentary proposal by Gudrun Schyman and a 
group of other feminist members of the Swedish parliament. Information 
aquired from article "Vansterpartiet vill se skatt pa man" by Pontus Mattsson. 
Published by in the News pages of the Swedish radio 2004-10-04 http:// 
www.sr.se/ekot/artikel. asp?artikel=481 180 . 

Silius, Harriet (1995) "Sukupuolitetun ammattilaisuuden julkisuus ja yksityi- 
tyisyys", writing in "Naiset yksityisen ja julkisen rajalla", edited by Leena 
Erasaari, Raija Julkunen and Harriet Silius. Vastapaino. Tampere 1995. 



446 

Silverman, Earl (1996 "K Proposal to Prevent Spouse Abuse Through Crisis In- 
tervention for Male Partners," unpublished manuscript, Calgary Men's Cul- 
tural and Family Crisis Center (1996). 

Simmel, G. (1907) "Philosophy of money". 

Simon, Herbert A. (1951) "Administrative behavior : a study of decision-making 
processes in administrative organization", Macmillan, New York 1951. 

Sklar, Kathryn (1993) "The Historical Foundations of Women's Power in the 
creation of the American Welfare State", writing in a book edited by Sonya 
Michel & Seth Koven. pp. 43-93. 

Smith, Adam (1776) "The Wealth of Nations". A new edition from 2003 with 
an introduction by Alan B. Krueger. Edited, with notes and marginal sum- 
mary by Edwin Cannan. Bantam Dell, New York 2003. Originally published 
in London 1776. 

Smith-Lovin, Lynn & Brody, Charles (1989) "Interruptions in Group Discus- 
sions: The Effects of Gender and Group Composition" American Sociologi- 
cal Review, Vol. 54, No. 3 (Jun., 1989), pp. 424-435 

Snitow, Ann (1992) "Feminism and Motherhood. An American Reader. Feminist 
Review, No 40, Spring 1992, 32—47. (xx Samaa kohtaa siteerattu 4 kertaa). 

Soikkeli, Markku (2007) "Mita on miestutkimus humanistin nakokulmasta", 
presentation and working paper at the conference on the study of men, Tur- 
ku 5.10.2007, available at http://www.miestutkimus.fi/Soikkeli_mt_esitel- 
ma2007.pdf. 

Solfors, Bjorn (2007) "Pappan kan skada barnet", interview of Annica Dahl- 
strom, Aftonbladet 2007-01-20. See http://www.aftonbladet.se/foraldrar/ 
article476974.ab 

Sommers, Christina (1994) "Who Stole Feminism: How Women Have Bet- 
rayed Women", Simon & Schuster Adult Publishing Group. 

Sommers, Christina Hoff (2001) "The War Against Boys: How Misguided Fe- 
minism is Harming Our Young Men", Social Science & Gender Studies. 

Spelke, Elizabeth (2005) "The Science of Gender and Science. Pinker vs. Spelke. A De- 
bate. Spelke Slides, http://www.edge.org/3rd_culture/debate05/spelke.slides.html 

Sperber, Dan (2001) "An objection to the memetic approach to culture", wri- 
ting in "Darwinizing Culture: The Status of Memetics as a Science", edited 
by Robert Aunger. Oxford University Press, pp. 163-173. 

Sperberg, Elizabeth & Stabb, Sally (1998) "Depression in women as related 
to anger and mutuality in relationships", Psychology of Women Quarterly, 
Volume 22, June 1998, Pp. 223- . 

Sprecher, Susan (1998) "Social Exchange Theories and Sexuality — The Use of 
Theory in Research and Scholarship on Sexuality", Journal of Sex Reseach. 
1998, February. 



447 

Spretnak, C. (1989) "Toward an Ecofeminist Spirituality", writing in "Healing 
The Wounds — The Promise of Ecofeminism" edited by Plant, J. 

Stakes (2004) "Suomen virallinen tilasto, Sosiaaliturva 2005". Tilastotiedo- 
te 24/2004, published 13.10.2005. http://www.Stakes.fi/NR/rdonlyres/ 
E3040C15-AB5C-428B-9001-9FBAE3ACBA62/0/0524taulut.pdf 

Stakes (2005) The data of the "Hilmo" register concerning hospitalizations of 
men and women due to intimate partner violence years 1995—2004. Data 
extracted by the officials of Stakes (fall 2005), and then sent to Pasi Malmi 
by Hannu T. Sepponen. 

Stakes (2006) "Suomen virallinen tilasto, Sosiaaliturva 2006". Tilastotiedote 
11/2006, published 21.6.2006. http://www.Stakes.fi/FI/Tilastot/Aiheittain/ 
Paihteet/Paihdeh uollonhuumeasiakkaat.htm 

Steinmetz, Suzanne (1981) "A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Marital Abuse," 
Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, Vol. 8, 1981, pp. 404-414. 

Stenvall, Jari (2000) "Kaskylaisesta toimijaksi", Doctoral thesis, Tampereen yli- 
opisto. Tampere, http://acta.uta.fi/pdf/951-44-4852-9.pdf 

Stimulus (2005) Writing in the student's web magazine "Stimulus", obtained 
from http://www.kyy.fi/stimulus/arkisto/04_04/ajankoht/ajankoht_04_04_ 
amnesty.html in August 2005. 

Straus, Murray (1980) "Victims and aggressors in marital violence", American 
Behavioral Scientist, 23, 681-704. 

Straus, Murray & Gelles, Richard (1986) "Societal Change and Change in Fa- 
mily Violence from 1975 to 1985 as Revealed by Two National Surveys," 
Journal of Marriage and the Family, Vol. 18, 1986, pp. 465-79). 

Straus, Murray & Kantor, Glenda (1994) "Change in Spouse Assult Rates from 
1975 to 1992: A comparison of Three National Surveys in the United Sta- 
tes," unpublished manuscript, July 1994. 

Stroh, Ursula Marie (2004) "An Experimental Study of Organizational Chan- 
ge and Communications management", doctoral thesis, University of Pre- 
toris. See http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05092005-123748/ 
unrestricted/OOfront.pdf 

Sulkunen, Irma (1986) "Raittius kansanuskontona. Raittiusliike ja jarjestayty- 
minen 1987-luvulta suurlakon jalkeisiin vuosiin. Historiallisia tutkimuksia 
134. Suomen historiallinen seura. Helsinki. 

Sulkunen, Irma (1987) "Naisten jarjestaytyminen ja kaksijakoinen kansalai- 
suus". Teoksessa Kansa liikkeessa. toim. Risto Alapuro, Ilkka Liikanen, Kers- 
tin Smeds & Henrik Stenius. Kirjayhtyma. Helsinki. 

Sulkunen, Irma (1990) "The Mobilization of Women and the Birth of the Civil 
Society", writing in "The Lady with the Bow" (edited by Merja Manninen & 
Paivi Setala), Helsinki & Keuruu. 



448 

Sund, Ralph (2005) "Ero! Selviytymisopas miehelle.", Kirjastudio. Helsinki. 

Sund, Ralph (2007) "Ero, isa ja huoltajuustaistelu", writing in "Mies vailla tasa- 
arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Suominen, Petteri (2005) "Turvallisuustutkimus 2004", Regional Government 
of Southern Finland, Publication nr 90. Tampere, 

Sunnari, Kangasvuo & Heikkinen (2002) "Leimattuna, kontrolloituna, normi- 
tettuna — Seksualisoitunut ja sukupuolistunut vakivalta kasvatuksessa ja kou- 
lutuksessa". Edited by Vappu Sunnari, Jenny Kangasvuo and Mervi Heik- 
kinen Mervi. http://herkules.oulu.fi/isbn95l4269799/isbn95l4269799.pdf 
Available in English as "Gendered and Sexualised Violence in Educational 
Environments". Femina Borealis 6. Oulu University Press, Oulu 2002. 

Syreeni, Sampo (2005) "Mita tarkoittaa vapaus? NAP? Nonaggressioprinsiippi?" 
http://www.helsinki.fi/-ssyreeni/front 

Taipale, Ilkka (1995) "Kolme prosenttia miehista — haaste yhteiskunnalle", Wri- 
ting in "Miehen terveys. Maskuliinisuuden onni ja kirous", edited by Osmo 
Kontula, Tuire Parviainen and Risto Santti. Kirjayhtyma. Helsinki. 

Taipale, Ilkka (2007) "Miehet - hylattyja vai hylkioita", writing in "Mies vailla 
tasa-arvoa", edited by Arno Kotro and Hannu Sepponen. Tammi. Jyvaskyla. 

Takala, Jukka-Pekka (2005) "Tietoja naisiin kohdistuvasta vakivallasta". Wri- 
ting in "Naisiin kohdistuvan vakivallan vahentaminen. Tyoryhman tausta- 
aineistot ja suositukset" edited by Jukka-Pekka Takala. Finnish government. 

Taskinen & al. (2003) "Lasten pahoinpitelyn ja seksuaalisen hyvaksikayton 
epailyjen selvittaminen: Asian tuntijaryhman suositukset sosiaali- ja terve- 
ydenhuollon henkilostolle", edited by Sirpa Taskinen. Oppaita 55, Stakes 
Institute. Summary available at http://pre20031103.stm.fi/suomi/pao/ 
ktiedo te/2 3/kt9_0 3 .htm 

Taylor, Jacqueline Sanchez (2006) "Female sex tourism: a contradiction in 
terms?", Feminist Review, Volume 83, Number 1, August 2006, pp. 42- 
59(18), see abstract at http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/pal/0l4l77 
89/2006/00000083/00000001/art00004?crawler=true 

Taylor, Shelley E. (1989) "Positive illusions: creative self-deception and the 
healthy mind". New York: Basic Books. 

Taylor-Mill, Harriet (1851) "The Enfranchisement of Women". 

Thomas, David (1993) "Not Guilty: The Case in Defence of Men", published 
by William Morrow, NY. 

Thye, S. (2000) "A Status Value Theory of Power in Exchange Relations". 
American Sociological Review. 65, s. 407—432. 

Tiitinen, Tuija (2007) "Kotiaidit mielenosoitusmarssilla. Miten nais- ja miestoi- 
mittajat rakentavatsukupuoltapaivalehtienkotimaanosastojenjournalistisissa 
kaytanteissaja teksteissa?", Master's thesis in journalism. University of Jyvasky- 



449 

la. Available at https://jyx.jyu.fi/dspace/bitstream/handle/123456789/8530/ 
URN_NBN_fi_jyu-20071 1 5.pdf? sequence= 1 

Tilastokeskus (1994) "Suomalainen perhe. Vaesto 1994:5" Helsinki 1994. 

Tilastokeskus (2001) "Naiset ja miehet Suomessa", Sukupuolten tasa-arvo 
2001:1, Tilastokeskus. 

Tilastokeskus (2006) "Naiset ja miehet johtotehtavissa ja yrittajina", tab 4, 
www.stat.fi 

Tilastokeskus (2007) "Kotitalouksien varallisuus 1988-2004", National statis- 
tics by Tilastokeskus, concerning the distribution of wealth. See http://www. 
stat.fi/til/vtutk/2004/vtutk_2004_2007-04-12_tie_002.html 

Tjaden, Patricia & Thoennes, Nancy (2000) "Extent, Nature, and Consequen- 
ces of Intimate Partner Violence", Research Report, National Institute of 
Justice and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, July 2000 http:// 
www.ncjrs.org/txtfilesl/nij/181867.txt 

Tomer, Alwin (1980) "The Third Wave", Bantam. New York. 

Toivo, Raisa (2006) "Mother, Wife and Witch: Authority and Status in Court Recod 
Narratives in early modern Finland", Doctoral thesis, University of Tampere. 

Tolson, Andrew (1977) "Limits of Masculinity", Tavistock Publications. 

de Toqueville, Alexis (1969) "Democracy in America", translated by George 
Lawrence, Garden City, New York. Doubleday. 

Tong, Rosemary (1998) "Feminist Theory: A Comprehensive Introduction" 

Trivers, Robert (1985) "Social evolution." Benjamin/Cummins Publishing Co. 
Menlo Park, California, USA. 

Twine, Richard (2001) "Ecofeminisms in Process", www.ecofem.org/journal 

Torronen, Hannele (2001) "Asuuko teillakin pirttihirmu", interviw of Hannele 
Torronen, Iltalehti, 4.1 1.2001, available also in the Internet. 

UNIFEM (2008) "Naiset j a Tybelama", report aquired 2008-02-24 from http:// 
www.unifem.fi/naiset_ja_tyoelama.php 

University of Tampere (2005) Weekly web publication of the students of jour- 
nalism in the University of Tampere, obtained from http://www.uta.fi/ 
utain/2004s/l4/l46l l.html in August 2005. 

Uotinen, Suvi (2006) "Otaniemen kukkaset", writing in Tulva 3/2006. pp. 14-15.' 

Uphoff, Norman (1989) "Distinguishing Power, Authority, and Legitimacy: 
Taking Max Weber at His Word Using Resource Exchange Analysis. Polity 
22(2): 295-322. 

US Department of Health and Human Services (2004) "Victims by Perpetra- 
tor Relationship, 2004 Child Maltreatment 2004", http://www.acf.hhs.gov/ 
programs/cb/pubs/cm04/figure3_6.htm 

Vanamo & al. (2000) "Intra-familial child homicide in Finland 1970-1994: 
incidence, causes of death and demographic characteristics. Tuija Vanamo, 



450 

Anne Kauppi, Kari Karkola, Juhani Merikanto, Eila Rasanen. University of 
Kuopio, Provincial State Offce of Eastern Finland. Kuopio. 

Varanka, Jouni (2003) "Miesten ja feminismin ongelmallinen suhde — ideologi- 
sia dilemmoja Man-sahkopostilistalla", Pro gradu. University of Helsinki. 

Varanka, Jouni (2005) An e-mail in the Autumn 2005. In the mail Jouni Va- 
ranka asked me about ideas for men's equality barometer, which was under 
construction at the ministry. In the e-mail he told that the time spenditure 
of men on domestic work and childcare is on the list of potential measures 
for men's status. 

Vdtsydyana (400-500) "Kama Sutra", translated to English by Alain Danielou 
under the titel "The Complete Cama Sutra", Park Street Press, Rochester, 
Vermont. 

Vaughan, Genevieve (2007) "Women and the Gift Economy: Giving Power to an 
Alternative Paradigm", keynote presentation in Naistutkimuspaivat 2007, Oulu. 

Veikkola, Eeva-Sisko (2002) "Sukupuolten asema tilastoissa", writing in "Tasa- 
arvopolitiikan haasteet", edited by Holli, Saarikoski & Sana. Finnish equality 
council, Ministry of social affairs and health. WSOY. 

Viialainen, Riitta (2005) "Sukupuolten sota. Ei ihme jos miesaktivismi nostaa 
paataan", editorial for Dialogi 6/2005. Published by Stakes. http://www2. 
stakes.fi/dialogi/05/dia605/pk.htm 

Viikari-Juntura, Eira (1999) "Rasitussairaudet vahentyneet Suomessa — totta 
vai tilastoharhaa?", Tyoterveiset: 1999-02. Net publication of the Tyoter- 
veyslaitos. http://www.ttl.fi/Internet/Suomi/Tiedonvalitys/Verkkolehdet/ 
Tyoterveiset/ 1 999-02/1 0.htm : 

Vilar, Esther (1972) "Hyvin opetettu mies", translated from the original Ger- 
man version by Kyllikki Villa. Helsinki, Tammi 1972. Available also in Eng- 
lish as "The Manipulated Man", Pinter & Martin Ltd. 

Virtanen, Turo (1994) "Valta, sopiminen ja moraalisuus sosiaalisessa toimin- 
nassa. Sosiaalisen jarjestyksen muodostuminen ja tietaminen seka sosiaalinen 
yhteismitattomuus. Esimerkkina tulosjohtaminen.", doctoral thesis, Univer- 
sity of Helsinki. 

Vroom, Victor (1964) "Work and Motivation", John Wiley & Sons Inc. 

Vuori, Jaana (2001) "Aidit, isat ja ammattilaiset". Vaitoskirja. Tampereen yliopisto. 

Vaisanen, Leena (2006) Presentation in 'Gendered violence' seminaar 
ww.ww.2006, University of Rovaniemi. 

Vaisanen, Tuulos & Kokko (2002) "Tavoitteena elama ilman vakivaltaa. Ou- 
lun laanin perhe- ja lahisuhdevakivallan ehkaisyprojekti w 1998—2002". 
Oulun laaninhallitus. Oys psykiatrian klinikka. Stakes http://www.laanin- 
hallitus.fi/lh/biblio.nsf/9F35D56F83E6B392C2256CA700295605/$file/ 
webjulkaisu92.pdf 



451 

Viinninen, Irene (2006) Writing in the mailing list for women's studies, naistut- 
kimus@uta.fi, archieved to https://listserv.uta.fi/cgi-bin/wa?A2=ind0609a& 
L=naistutkimus&D=0&T=0&P=3902 

Wahl, Anna (1992) "Kvinnliga civilekomers och civilingengorers karriarut- 
veckling. Handelshogskolan i Stockholm. Ekonomiska forskningsinstitutet, 
Stockholm 1992. 

Walby, Sylvia (2001) "From gendered welfare state to gender regimes: National 
differences, convergence or re-structuring?", Paper presented to Gender and 
Society Group, Stockholm University, January 2001, http://www.sociology. 
su.se/cgs/ Walb ypaper.doc. 

Ward, Elizabeth (1984) "Father-Daughter Rape", London: The Women's Press. 

Warshack, Richard (1992) "The Custody Revolution. The Father Factor and the 
Motherhood Mystique", Poseidon Press. New York. 

Weber, Max (1968) "Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociolo- 
gy", New York, Bedminster Press. 

Weaver, Susan (2006) "A Space for Women in The Tragedy of Mariam", an un- 
dated article available at http://nieveroja.colostate.edu/issue4/space.htm 

Wesely, Jennifer (2002) "Growing Up Sexualized. Issues of Power and Vi- 
olence in the Lives of Female Exotic Dancers", Violence against Women, 
Vol. 8 No. 10, October 2002 pp. 1182-1207. http://vaw.sagepub.com/cgi/ 
reprint/8/10/1 182.pdf 

West, C. and D.H. Zimmerman (1983) "Small insults: A study of interruptions 
in cross-sex conversations between unacquainted persons". In B. Thorne, C. 
Kramarae, & N. Henley (Eds.) Language, gender and society. Cambridge, 
MA: Newbury House. Short summary available at http://www.sagepub.com/ 

upm-data/13287_Chapter_3_Web_Byte Candace_West_and_Don_H_ 

Zimmerman.pdf 

Whitehead, Stephen and Barret, Frank (2001) "The Sociology of Masculinity", 
writing in "The Masculinities", edited by Stephen Whitehead and Frank Bar- 
rett. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. Pp. 1-26. 

Willis, Paul (1984) "Koulunpenkilta palkkatyohon. Miten tyovaenluokan nuo- 
ret saavat tyovaenluokan tyot. Translated to Finnish by Airi Maki-Kulmala. 
Tampere. Vastapaino 1984. 

Wilson, Elisabeth (2001) Organizational culture". Writing in "Organizational 
behaviour reassessed. The impact of gender." edited by E. Wilson. London: 
Sage, pp. 68-185. 

Wilson, Elisabeth (2002) "Family Man or Conqueror — Contested Meanings in 
an Engineering Company", writing in Culture and Organisation , Vol 8(2), 
pp. 81-100. 

Wollstonecraft, Mary (1792) "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman". Origi- 
nally published 1792. A new edition published by Dover, New York, 1996. 



452 

Wolf, Naomi (1991) "Kauneuden myytti: kuinka mielikuvilla hallitaan naista", 
Karisto Oy, Hameenlinna. Translated from " The Beauty Myth: How Images 
of Beauty Are Used Against Women". 

Wolf, Naomi (1993) "Fire With Fire", Ballantine Books. 

Worden, Amy (2000) "All Men Potential Rapists, Claim Authors", interview of 
Randy Thornhill. APBnews.com, published 2008-01-28. 

Wright, Will (1975) "Sixguns and Society". 

Wrangham, Richard & Peterson, Dale (1997) "The demonic males", Bloomsbu- 
ry Publishing PLC. 

YLE (2000) "Screening Gender", http://www.yle.fi/gender/ 

Yrjola, Pentti (2004) "Pojat ja tytot oppimistulosten arviointien valossa", wri- 
ting in "Koulu — sukupuoli — oppimistulokset". Opetushallitus. Finnish go- 
vernment. 

Zadeh, Lofti (1965) "Fuzzy sets". Information and Control 8: 338-353. 

Zafirovski, M. (2005) "Social Exchange Theory under Scrutiny: A Positive Criti- 
que of its Economic-Behaviorist Formulations". Electronic Journal of Socio- 
logy. http://www.sociology.org/content/2005/tier2/SETheory.pdf 

Zagorsky, Jay L. (1999) "Young Baby Boomers' Wealth." Review of Income and 
Wealth 45(2):135-56. 

Zimmerman & West (1975) "Sex-roles: interruptions and silences in conversa- 
tion". Writing in "Language and sex: difference and dominance" edited by 
Thorne & Henley. Rowley MA: Newbury House. 



Laws, treaties, resolutions and policy papers: 

Amsterdam treaty (1999) The "Amsterdam treaty" of the European Union, con- 
cerning the changing of the treaty of European Union, European Communi- 
ty and some specific documents (54/1999). 

CEDAW (1979) "The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discri- 
mination against Women" (CEDAW). United Nations. Available at http:// 
www.ohchr.org/english/law/pdf/cedaw.pdf 

Civil Right Act (1964) Civil Right Act of the USA. 

Declaration against Discrimination of Women (1967). United Nations 

Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (1993). UNGA Res. 
48/104, United Nations. 

Declaration of Human Rights (1948) United Nations. 

EC directive (2000) Directive of the European Community, 2000/43/EC. 



453 

EU (1996) "Incorporating equal opportunities for women and men into all 

Community policies and activities", COM(96)67final, see http://ec.europa. 

eu/employment_social/equ_opp/gms_en.html 
Equal Pay Act (1970) Equal Pay Act of the United Kingdom. 
Equality Ombudsman (1997) Resolution 5/52/97 '. 
Ethical Council of Advertising (2005) Resolution 24/2005. 
Finnish constitution (1995) The Finnish "Hallitusmuoto" (1995). 
Finnish equality law (1986) Equality law 1986. Latest changes 2005. 
Finnish government (1986) Governmental proposal for the Equality Law. 
Finnish government (1996) "Pekingin julistus ja toimintaohjelma". YK:n neljas 

maailmankonferenssi naisten aseman edistamiseksi. Peking 4.— 15.9.1995. 

Publications of Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs 6/1996. 
Finnish government (1999) "Suomen neljas kaikkinaisen naisten syrjinnan pois- 

tamista koskevaa kansainvalista yleissopimusta koskeva maaraaikaisraportti", 

http://www.nytkis.org/Tiedotteet/CEDAW4_raportti%20suomi.rtf. 
Finnish government (2003) Paaministeri Matti Vanhasen hallituksen ohjelma 

24.6.2003. Kohta 3.6. Sukupuolten valinen tasa-arvo. 
Finnish government (1. 6.2004) "La.stenneuvola.opa.s." Chapter 16.5, " Vakivalta pa- 

risuhteessa", Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, http://www.ebm- 

guidelines.com/terveysportti/ekirjat.Naytaartikkeli?p_artikkeli=lno00105 
Finnish government (2005) "Hallituksen tasa-arvopoliittinen ohjelma", The writ- 
ten equality policy program of the Finnish government, Publication 2005:1, 

Finnish Ministry of Social Affairs and Health. 
Governmental committee 1970 
Implementation report (1996) "Implementation of the outcome of the Fourth 

World Conference on Women", chapters 7—14. (1996). 
Saikkonen vs. Saikkonen (2006) Temporary resolution of custody in civil court. 

Lahden karajaoikeus. Paatos 06/5271. 
Sex Discrimination Act (1975) Sex Discrimination Act of United Kingdom. 
Scottish Parliament (2006) "The Legal Definition of Rape", Research Note RN 

01/46, 23 April 2001. 
STM (1999) Committee report 1999:1. http://pre20031 103.stm.fi/suomi/pao/ 

julkaisut/paosisallysl .htm 
United Nations (1995) Final document of the United Nations Fourth World 

Conference on Women. Beijing, China - September 1995.