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Full text of "Distribution of income in the United States"




IN THE UNITED STATES 



GABRIEL KOLKO 



Student League for Industrial Democracy 

- 25 Cents - 



S.L.I »D» Research Tracts are published by the Student 
League for Industrial Democracy as part of its program 
of education for increasing democracy in oar economic, 
political and cultural life* 

S.L.I.D** one of America's oldest campus political 
societies, was founded in 1905 by Jack London and 
Upton Sinclair, It is composed of Democrats, Liberals, 
Socialists and Independents. Though, as an educational 
organization, it does not endorse candidates, SLID has 
pioneered in promoting constructive discussion and 
action on leading social issues. 

The League for Industrial Democracy, SLID's parent 
organization, is also a national membership society. 
Through its books, pamphlets, lecturers and radio pro- 
grams it has exercised a vital and forward looking in- 
fluence in twentieth century social thought. 

The SLID has paralled the LID'S activities in the 
nation *a colleges. It has served as a gathering point- 
for students interested in discussion and action on the 
day's major problems. Professor* George S. Counts, 
noted educator and former candidate for U» S» Senator, 
has said of the SLID's role, 

"Since its founding... the L.I.D.... has done 
more than any other organisation In arousing the 
social conscience and advancing political under- 
standing of students in our colleges and univer- 
sities. From the beginning it has opposed all 
forms of bigotry, obscurantism and totalitarian- 
ism. *.. It is dedicated to that sublime faith in 
the human mind which is the foundation of free 
societies in all ages. tr 

If you would like to know more about the Student 
(continued on inside page of back cover) 



GABRIEL KOLKO 



DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME 
IN THE UNITED STATES 



i 






THE STUDENT LEAGUE FOR 
INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 

New York, N. Y. 




Copyright 1955 
The Student League for Industrial Democracy- 
All Rights Reserved 

339.41 
K832<L 

However, permission to reprint portions of this Tract, without 
charge, may be obtained by writing to the Student League for 
Industrial Democracy, 112 East 19th Street, New York 3, N Y 




Distribution o f In come in the United States , like all 
S.L,I L D. Research Tracts is published by the Student League for 
Industrial Democracy as part of its program of education for in- 
creasing democracy in our economic, political and social life 
The author alone is responsible for the material in this Tract 
which does not necessarily represent the opinions of the Student 
League for Industrial Democracy. 



Table of Contents 

Fag< 

Introduction to the Question . , . , 1 

The Effect of Taxes . 4 

The Situation for the Upper Classes . . . . 8 

Savings and Assets . . . . * 10 

Comments . , . . 10 

S.L.I.D. Research Tracts . . * 13 

Related L.I.D. Pamphlets 14 

Some Other L.I.D. Pamphlets 15 

THE LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY .... 16 



Distribution of Income in the United States is the fifth 
S.L.I.D. Research Tract. The Tracts were originated by the 
Student League for Industrial Democracy to help celebrate the 
fiftieth anniversary of its parent organization, the League for 
Industrial Democracy. 

This series is dedicated to that noble faith in democracy 
which has inspired the LID during its half century of pioneering 
efforts and which will always lead free men in their search for a 
better world . 



419112 



About the_ Au thor 

SLm hJ^" Gabrlel KOlk °' f ° rmer National Vice Chairman of 
SLID has been an active member on several campuses for a num- 
ber of years. He has written articles for various socialist and 
liberal publications, including the New Republic, the Socialist Call 

f^™ 4 ^^™^^ American soci'al his- 

tory. He is presently working for his Ph.D. 



Editoria l Note 

A great deal has been published recently about the remarkable 
rise m real income that has come about'in the United ""tes 
Much has also been written about our increased national™ 

l~ g the question of measuring the AmerSn sTanSof " 



Dr Harnw^r"" ^ l ° eXpress thelr appreciation to 
ur. riarry W. Laidler, Executive Director of the T m an A i- 



INTRODUCTION TO THE QUESTION 



Dull statistics can often provide the foundation for mean- 
ingful principle, and in any event are not infrequently the only 
basis on which reliable judgments on and affecting our society can 
be made. Though skepticism of figures is often justified because 
of their frequent use in superficially buttressing unfounded asser- 
tions, it should also be remembered that statistics can also be 
utilized to deflate economic and social mythology, and are useful 
in aiding our intellectual perception. One such example, -which 
is the topic of this short tract, is the problem of income distribu- 
tion and the various changes it has gone through in recent Ameri- 
can history. Subject to the most passionate heats and distempers 
when discussed by partisans of most sides, the topic nevertheless 
deserves careful attention by students of history as well as pro- 
fessional economists or statisticians. For in a careful study of 
the topic can be found one indispensable tool for practically ana- 
lysing the assertions often made as to the nature and character 
of American society today. 

Despite difficulties with methodological problems, cer- 
tain over-all trends seem to be definable in the realm of income 
distribution. The following charts, showing the percentage 
shares of money income going to the national population divided 
by tenths and halves, will serve as a basis for comparison* 





Highest 
















Lowest 




tenth 2nd 


3rd 


4th 


5th 


6th 


7th 


8th 


9th 


tenth 


1910 


33.9 12.3 


10.2 


8.8 


8.0 


7.0 


6,0 


5.5 


4.9 


3.4 


1921 


30.2 12.8 


9 + 6 


8.9 


7.4 


6.5 


5.9 


4.6 


3.2 


2.0 


1929 


39.0 12.3 


9.8 


9.0 


7.9 


6.5 


5,5 


4.6 


3.6 


1.8 


1937 


34.4 14.1 


11.7 


10.1 


8.5 


7.2 


6.0 


4.4 


2.6 


1.0 


1950* 


29. 15. 


13. 


11. 


9, 


8. 


6. 


5. 


3. 


1. 


1952* 


33. 15. 


12. 


10. 
>us, H. 


9. 7. 6. 4. 3. 
storical Statistics of the U 


1. 




1 , Bureau of Cent 


nited 



States - 1789-194 5 (Washington, 1949), Series A 176-194; Statisti- 
cal A bstract of the Unit ed States - 1952 (Washington, 1952), charts 
nosT" 311 and 313. Also Abstra ct for 1954. 
# Round figures only available. 










Highest half 


1910 


* 73.2 


1921 


77.8 


1929 


78.0 


1937 


78.8 


1950 


77. 


1952 


79. 



Lowest half 


26 


.8 


22 


2 


22 





21 


2 


23 




21 





From the above figures one can thus see that the per- 
h " hf S ° t "J c °» e S° to S to ^e lowest three-tenths of the popula- 
tion have tended to decline almost consistently over the past 

vacma?r,n W H J ' e £*' ° f thG ° ther inC ° me ■«"*» has te "ded to 

lation LT " • In the "^ ° f the l0West half of ^e popu- 

lation, however, one can see a definite and almost consistent ten- 
dency towards a reduction in its share of the nationaHncome 

One expert on income has written that " it may be 
concluded that the capitalization of income approaches are sensi- 
tive to year-to-year changes in the business cycle and, contrary 
to changes in the distribution of income, inequality in the distri- 
bution of wealth is accentuated during depression years IT 3 The 
assertion has been made, therefore, that inequality of income 
tends to increase during depression years simply because labor 
is most susceptible to unemployment. While this seems still to 
be the most reliable generalization so far, the increase of income 
o ^e highest tenth of the nation, as well as the over-all decrease 
to be the lowest third in the prosperity year, 1952, offers a sig- 
nificant exception to the rule. fe 

Taking into account the general inadequacy of the infor- 
mation available, as well as the inevitable exceptions, it may be 
necessary to conclude that "One sentence summarizes aptly Ld 
complete y present knowledge about size distributions of income - 
we know little more than that data are deficient in both quantiU 
and quality, that income is very unequally distributed, and that a 



2 . Ibid . 



WpaUh £ , C ° nfer T ence on Research in National Income and 
Wealth, Studies in I nccjm^andJj/eaUh (New York, 1939), III, 



high standard of living cannot be attained on the average income 
Given the same objective business conditions, income going to 
various groups tends to restore itself to approximately similar 

percentages . 

Contrary to generally accepted opinion, however, no re- 
form movement since 1910 has yet introduced in any way a basic 
movement towards economic equality, at least insofar as the dis- 
tribution of income before taxes is concerned. Neither Wilson's 
"New Freedom" or Roosevelt's "New Deal M "or Truman's "Fair 
Deal" has changed this fact any, Indeed, the United States would 
be closer to economic equality which business so fears if the in- 
come percentages existing when Taft was President were preva- 
lent today. 

Taken as a broad class, the shares of the wealthier 
groups have increased, although the exact extent of it cannot be 
precisely estimated. Two factors loom as basic to the under- 
standing of what the varipus income groups may receive in addi- 
tion to estimates taken from tax forms, census reports, and the 
other raw materials from which the regular statistics are com- 
piled. The first is income received "in kind," and the second is 
inaccuracy in filing tax forms. 

In a wider sense, income in kind can include earnings 
in kind, home produced food, non-money gifts, charity and 
social welfare, and public services. It is commonly accepted by 
most experts, however, that in rural areas such income is a 
meaningful factor mainly on lower income levels, but that in ur- 
ban areas the reverse is true. The poor farmer may have all 
the corn he can eat, which may be worth something as a supple- 
ment to his meager income, but the businessman or corporate 
executive may have his car, fuel, and meals for himself and 
even his family taken off his business 1 expenses. 

Indeed, many persons who live lushly on corporate ex- 
pense accounts often find it difficult to go back to the conditions 
their regular income affords them. No precise values can be 
given to such income in kind, but it should be remembered as an 
intangible factor in income distribution analysis. 



3 
n4 



p. 121. 



4. Ibid, , XIII, pp. 3-4. 



Of much greater importance is the tendency, widespread 
at the least, for incomes to be understated, exemptions to be 
overstated, and not to be filed. The majority of these cases 
occur in upper income groups which do not have taxes deducted 
in advance, so that figures of their shares on the charts are mini- 
mized. "Hesitancy about answering questions on income and 
wealth is more pronounced in the upper income classes, " is the 
comment of one expert. 5 In addition, there still seems to be 
something of a mental animus placed on wealth, and many 
scholars evidently feel that frank confessions could have effects 
favoring radical ideas. All this indicates that present estimates 
of wealth in upper income groups are ,r . . .subject to a downward 
bias of unknown proportions. 



»6 



As Simon Kuznets states it, ". . .errors due to under- 
statement of the income reported on the tax returns may have 
been large- -larger than those in the countrywide income 
totals. "" Though perhaps stated too modestly, it is precisely 
these unknown quantities and doubts that could be decisive in in- 
dicating that the present income distribution is even more radi- 
cally in favor of upper income groups. 



THE EFFECT OF TAXES 

It has become something of a stock argument that de- 
spite the great inequality of income in the United States, the im- 
pact of taxation has compensated for the disparities to a con- 
siderable extent. The thesis is that we have therefore achieved 
social and economic equality and private enterprise simultane- 
ously. Unfortunately, and to put it quite blandly, the available 
facts indicate the economic inequality that actually exists. As 
the situation really stands, one commentator, George Soule, 
was forced to conclude that "Many people believe that high in- 
come-tax rates in the upper brackets greatly modified this 



5 " studies in Incom e and Weal th, XIII , p. 75. 

6. Simon Kuznets, Shares of Upper In come Groups in 
Income a nd _Savings (New York. 1953), p. xxx. 



Ibid 



p. xxxi 













Inequality. This was not true, since if income taxes are taken 
into consideration, it makes a difference of less than 1 percentag 
point in the share of the total received by the upper 1 per cent or 
by the upper 5 per cent of the income receivers." 3 It will later 
be shown that this assertion is also accepted by other economists 
with special knowledge in this field. 

The following chart will indicate the distribution of money 
income before and after taxes in 1950 and 1952. 



Before federal income taxes 



After 9 



1950 



1952 



1950 



1952 



Lowest 










tenth 


1 


1 


1 


1 


2nd 


3 


3 


3 


3 


3rd 


5 


. * 


5 


5 


4th 


6 


6 


7 


7 


5th 


8 


7 


8 


8 


6 th 


9 


9 


ro- 


10 


7th 


11 


10 


il 


11 


8th 


13 


12 


13 


13 


9th 


15 


15 


15 


15 


Highest 










tenth 


29 


33 


27 


27 



It is often cited that the tax rates on the highest incomes 
are very steep, and that this in itself causes considerable level- 
ling of income. From the previous over-all figures it is seen 
that, all factors accounted for ,\ taxes do not shift the distribution 
significantly. In 1952 the upper half of the income population re- 
ceived 76 per cent of the money income after taxes as compared 
to 79 per cent before. There are innumerable legitimate ways 
for upper income groups to avoid the full tax rate, an advantage 
they fully exploit. In addition to living off income ,r in kind" in 
the form of expense accounts, the rich are able to receive in- 
come from bonds and insurance which provide tax exempt 



8. George Soule, Introduction to Economic Science^ 
(New York, 1948), p. 35. 

9, Statistical Abstract - 1952, chart no. 311. Also 1954 



6 



interest. In addition, by use of trusts, gifts, and family partner 
ships one may avoid the top brackets altogether. "All in all. . . " 
commented Business Week in 1953, "the present tax structure is 
hardly as repressive as the experts- -and most taxpayers- -have 
believed." 10 

In 1951 , the average theoretical tax rates on an income 
of $500,000 annually, for a married person with two dependents, 
was 81 per cent. In terms of what was actually taken in by taxes 
the government in 1951 took only 62 per cent of the incomes of 
those with $1 million or more annual income, or far less than 
advertised. Il + 

Contrary to reports of disaster for the wealthy, the 
following statistics will show a tendency which bodes well for 
the rich. 

Average Consumer Money Income After Federal Income Tax, by 

Quintiles 12 



lowest 
second 
third 
fourth 

highest 



At first glance one might imagine that the above figures indi- 
cate the wealthy are not faring well, and one might conceivably 
take such an approach if unwilling to view poverty as a relative 
social fact. But the money taxed from the lower income groups 
is money that, had it been spent, would have gone to purchase 




1941 


1947 


% 


increase 


$345 


$737 




114 


886 


1730 




95 


1483 


2624 




77 


2157 


3721 




73 


4411 


7459 




69 



10. "The Effects Cancel Out--So Far," Business 
Week, June 13, 1953, p. 110. 

11. Wall Street Journal, June 30, 1954, p. 11 

12. Studies in In come and Wealth , Xlli, p. 195. 

* The theoretical rates for $1 million are not avail- 
able. 



such basic items as food, better housing, etc. The money 
taxed from the rich was largely marginal, and meant a vaca- 
tion in Canada instead of Europe, a Euick instead of a Cadillac, 
etc. 

Taking the previous comment into account, and remem- 
bering the lowered purchasing power of the dollar from 1941 to 
1947, a different mode of calculation—income units of $100-- 
can be used. Thus, during the period being covered, the lowest 
fifth increased its wealth in unadjusted dollars about four units, 
the second group increased it about eight and one half units, 
the third group by about 11 l/2 units, the fourth group about 16 
units, and the highest group by about 31 units. 

Yet this type of approach to the problem can largely be 
minimized, despite its general applicability to subsequent 
years, by those who wish to look at another side of the coin. 
But if one wishes to look at the income tax rates over the same 
period (1941-1947), especially interesting facts arise. The fol- 
lowing figures will indicate something of the present trend. 



Average Effective Tax Rates, by Quintiles 



13 





Average 


tax Effective 
tax rates 
1941 


Average 


tax Effective 
tax rates 1 
1947 


Lowest 


$0 


0% 


$8 


1-1% 


2nd 


1 


- 


72 


4.0 


3rd 


11 


0.7 


172 


6.1 


4th 


35 


1.5 


345 


8.5 


Highest 


424 


8.8 


1521 


16,9 



We now see that in terms of dollars the average tax of 
the lowest fifth of the income population increased eight times 
over the period, the second fifth 72 times, the third fifth about 
16 times, the fourth fifth almost ten times, and the highest fifth 
less than four times. Nor can it be said that the camel of 
wealth would be unable to bear the additional load. In 1953, under 
the Conservative Party, the Englishman earning 5,000 pounds, 
or about $14,000 in American dollars, paid $9,248 in taxes, 



13. Studies in Income and Wealth, XIII, P- 199- 



whereas an American with two dependents 
supposed to pay $2,770 in taxes.!* T he c 



s earning $15,000 was 
camel of wealth kept its 



supposei 
strong back, an 



d burden might easily be increased 



THE SITUATION FOR THE UPPER CLASSES 

As has already been indicated, the pattern of the shares 
of moneylncome received by the upper income cta.«v«r« 

age 4 per cent during business expansion. Upper incom 
savings, in turn, reflected these shifts. 

The percentage of national income received by the top 1 
from a high of 14.9 per cent in i« in _ 

1938 ■ In IS; EViTcS Tht Lome Pontage received 
bWhe "p 5 per cenHf the Lome population between 1919 and 
! 40 ranged "from a h lg h of 26 . 8 per cent in 1928 to a ow o M.l 

per cent In 1920. In 1919 ^^/^^h^ should be 
the -ney income shares ,n 940 23 ^ P*-ent ^ 

7ZlTZto^£loZ^ £»».. -any forms of income in 
kind, etc. 

In 1941 when income taxation under the New Deal first 
began assumin proportions of importance distmctl> , new — 

trends began taking place, at least P arUa11 ^/" J^^e tax regu- 
need and desire of the wealthy to cicumvent expensive tax reg 
lations The following chart will indicate the trend. 



14. New York Times , April 4, 1953, p. 2 E. 

15. Kuznets, Shares_of Up F ^r_lncj 3 me_Grou| L s , p. xxxi 

16. Statistical Ab S tractsj_I952_, chart no. 114. 



Percentages of Individuals 1 Incomes Received by 



17 



Top 1% (Basic Variant) Top 5% 



1941 

1942 
1943 
1944 
1945 
1946 
1947 
1948 



11.5 
10.2 
9.5 
8.7 
8.9 
9.1 
8.6 
8.5 



22.2 
19.2 
18.0 
16.8 
17.6 
18.4 
17.6 
17.8 



The trend clearly shows that the upper 1 and 5 per cent 
of the national money income population is receiving consider- 
ably less of the income than it did in previous years, although 
there is no reason to suppose that the trend will go much further, 
and it may have reached a reasonably stable equilibrium which, 
if anything, will go up. Again it should be pointed out that these 
figures minimize actual incomes of the wealthy, especially be- 
cause they do not include capital gains. Since a top-bracket tax- 
payer in 1952 could retain 74 per cent of his capital gains income, 
but only 8 per cent of his regular income (purely theoretical 
rates), it seems more than likely that there were significant 
amounts of money available to the rich not included in these 
figures. * 8 

In terms of dollar units, or the minimum amount need- 
ed to qualify for that income category, the lowest units in the 
upper 1 per cent received from $2,100 per person in 1933, from 
$4,200 per person in 1929, and from $5,600 per person in 1946. 
To qualify for the lowest units of the upper 5 per cent of income 
receivers, it was necessary to average a minimum per person of 
$1,250 to 2,000 per person between 1918-1938, and $2,300 in 
1946.1 9 



17. Ibid 



18. Bu siness Week , p. 108. 

19, Kuznets, Shares of Upper Income Groups, intro. 



10 



SAVINGS AND ASSETS 



x ,n*n -SO 1 per cent of America's families and indi- 
In , f . Ln S3 000 a year, well below the minimum 
viduals made less than * 3 ' 00 ° a / savings ranging from minus 
standard of iving level -^ h fd n g ^ ^ ^ ^ ^.^ 

\LZ:tX^^t^ native savings and li.uid 

assets). 21 * 

• „ „f n. P American people naturally reflects 
The savings of the Amm £ ■ distribution. The 
Lhe situation rising from inequable - ° ^ ^^ 

average family liquid savings w . JJJ^ within certain ln - 

and is decreasing every year Ne The aver age holdings 

come groups the situation is ^^g >999 in early 19 51 was 
among those families earning $3,000 to J. r, ^^ _ n 

$250, or about enough for a ™° nth J^?™° he $1 , 00 to 1,999 
L »2.000 to 2 999 category ; was $^ Jjj^ 

SSfSS^S'l^i* -d little orbing to fall bac k on 
in the event of an emergency or unemployment. 

COMMENTS 

v,i» whether the essential structure 

It is highly q-^-^J^ Lly altered since the 

of the American economy ha beer s^gni y ^ ^ grand 

days when titans of ^gjj* 'S£n that a transformation 
manner. Certainly it Is difficul to there ^ now 

has occurred m income d 13 ™^ ^ economists that, 

something of a common ^me^^g Y ^ ^ ^ 

if anything, present ^^ZTol^^sired goal, since they 
iUTSr-r^^tS. the statistics indicate. 



21 



21, Ibid 



« rt f thp Abstracts do not give figures 
* Subsequent issues of the ADstrac^ 

on net savings . 

09 r T O Economic Outlook, March 1952; C.l.O. 

Committee on Economic Prosperity, wi_ a _ 

(Washington, 1953). 






11 

For, after all, the upper tenth of the income population 
has managed to receive a substantial income portion while con- 
trolling a much greater section of the savings, and it is savings 
equally distributed that in the long run serves as the consumers 
demand reserve to aid the prevention of depressions. Coupled 
with this greater control over savings, however, is an even more 
extensive control by the very highest classes over the policy- 
making machinery of the corporate and business structure which 
can be manipulated to serve the interests to the very top income 
levels in many ways. 

In 1951 the mean dollar income of the highest tenth of 
the income population was 25 times that of the lowest tenth and 
twice as high as the mean income of the next to the highest tenth. 
The income total received by the highest tenth after taxes was 
greater than the incomes received by a full one-half of the income 
population. In 1950 the cost of maintaining a wife and two school 
age children at what the Bureau of Labor Statistics sets as the 
minimum of health and decency standard required an income of 
at least slightly over $4,000 a year. This budget excluded a 
private telephone and any savings outside of a small insurance 
policy; in other words, a hand to mouth existence. In 1950, a 
third of the nation's families were making less than $2,500 a year 
before taxation, and 63 per cent were making less than $4,000 
before taxation. Taxation of the rich, little of which goes to 
economic welfare, provides no consolation to this pattern. 

Through the din and maze of statistics the crucial fact 
appears that basic problems exist in our present economic order, 
overlooking now the vaster polarization in savings, which are 
causing continued, if not increased economic inequality and 
which have not been significantly altered till now by either taxa- 
tion, full employment, or moderate social welfare. Evidently 
the problem is substantially more basic and requires more de- 
cisive steps if alteration of the present situation is considered a 
desired economic or ethical end. 

What seems to be happening is that percentage-wise the 
lowest third of the income earners has been losing ground quite 
consistently since the turn of the century, and although the middle 
third is slightly better than holding its own, the top third of the 
income receivers is improving its relative position at the expense 
of the lowest. From the general trend in corporate concentration 
it can be seen that the economic levers which the highest of the 



i:i 



12 

nooer third have to control have increased in size far more rapid- 
5SLS2 polarization, and this too is an index to the control 
of power . 

There is a widespread belief, however, including among 
many liberals, that there has been a "big change 1 ' in our -economy 
Z a result of taxation , Part of the confusion results from an 
association of increased real wages and consumption with an- 
existent tendency towards income and economic equality. In other 
words me actual quantity of goods consumed by lower income 
gSs has LcreJed even while their percentages ^ve decreased 
or remained constant. This has resulted >n f^f"?"' 11 ™* 
increasing as part of the inherent expansion involved in any 
modern technological order. Because more exists to be con- 
Tmed, the possfble impact of income polarization has been at 
best absorbed, at worst postponed. 

What may very well exist is that the great margins of 
income abundance at the highest levels allow -e" fc ralxza .ion of 
purchasing power and savings among groups which have no real 
Z:^lVessenn*l goods, constant orders ^r^ch are needed 
to keep the economy from sliding into a depression Wealth thus 

Lfted o a relatively small group physically limited in wha t th- ay 
Sn consume can be said to be just as dangerous as if the actual 
coLumption of lower income groups had not been increased by a 
bS^Tpie to divide. While during periods of economic prosper - 
SfJi L often associated with war demands, ^eral pros^rity 

1 exist, the continuing inequality of income increases the pes 

sible impact of the next depression. 

So long as prosperity exists, however it seems unlikely 
that the status quo will receive anything but a chorus of praise > 
Thoi no content with a superficial mythology must give thought 
loZ more basic and permanent forces shaping the economic 
future of our society-to the reality, not the mythology. 



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14 



Related L.I. D. Pamphlets 



Readers of Distribution of Income in the United States will 
be interested in the pamphlets published by the League for Indus- 
trial Democracy. 



Among some of the League's pamphlets on economics 
labor are: 



and 



Canadian Pro gressives on the March , by Hon. M. J- 
Coldwell The story of the rise of the Cooperative Commonwealth 
Federation (socialist) by its noted leader. Includes the text of 
the historic Regina Manifesto and C.C.F. postwar programs. 
32 pp. 15 cents. 

Ca nadians Find Security with Freedom, by Premier 
Thomas C , Douglas. An enlightening account of the remarkable 
achievements of Saskatchewans C.C.F. government by its Prime 
Minister. 32 pp. 20 cents. 

Worl d Labor Today, 1945-52 by Robert J, Alexander, The 



only study in this country giving accu 



rate and clear details of the 



r labor movement throughout the world. 56 pp 



35 cents 



post wai 

Lab or Looks at Education by Mark Starr. The noted Inglis 
lecture at Harvard~University by the Chairman of the board of the 
L.I.D. and the Educational Director of the I.L.G.W-U. 52 pp. 
50 cents. 

The Forward March of American Labor by Theresa Wolf- 
son and Joseph Glazer. An immensely popular, clear, illustrated 
history of American Trade Unionism written for newcomers to the 
labor movement. 32 pp. 15 cents. 

The Taft Hartley Act in Action by Jack Barbash. A keen 
analysis of the origins and workings of the law, including a useful 
tabular comparison with the Wagner Act, by the former Staff 
Director of the Senate Subcomm. on Labor and Labor Management 
"The best of the subject available." 48 pp. 25 cents. 

A P rogram for Labor and Progressive s by Stuart Chase, 
M J CoTdw"e'll and others . A symposium of progressive thought 
on the changing social order, political action and the world orgam 
zation. 48 pp, 25 cents. 






LC 



Some Other L.I.D. Pamphlets 

Democratic Socialism - A New Appraisal , by Norman 
Thomas, 32 pp, 25£. A historic restatement of principles and 
problems . 

How Free is Free Enterprise , a Symposium including 
George Meany, Mark Starr, T. K. Quinn and others. Eased on 
the LID 1 s 49th Conference. 25£. 

The Right to Make Mistakes ,by George S. Counts. A 
powerful piea for free inquiry. 10£. 

National Health Insurance and Alternative Flans for Fi - 
nancing Health , Seymour Harris . 25£, 

The Need for a Moral Awakening , Walter Reuther, Sidney 
Hook, Jacob Javits and others. 33 pp. 25£. 

American Socialism,, A Brief History, Originally written 
for Current History . H. W. Laidler. 28 pp t 25c\ 

The British Health Service , Julius Manson . 25£. 

World Cooperation for Socia l Progress . Ralph Bunche, 
Paul Douglas and others. 40 pp. 25£. 

Education and the Social Order . John Dewey. 15£. 

Freedom and the Welfare State , Oscar Ewing, Herbert 
Lehman, Norman Thomas and others. 25£. --Write for the com- 
plete catalogue. 

Discounts on quantity orders are available as folLows: 
100-249, - 20%; 250-499, - 25%; 500 and over, - 30%. 

Order from the League for Industrial Democracy, 
112 East 19th Street, New York 3, N. Y. 



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with its half century of experience in research, 
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ABOUT THE TRACTS 

S.L.I.D* Research Tracts represent a new experiment 
in the field of publishing* The Tracts were created 
to offer to the general reader factual and unbiased 
introductory studies to key problems in our economic, 
political and cultural life. 

Written by university students, the Tracts are 
aimed at the college level and are intended to supply 
enough material to give the essentials of the sub- 
ject and yet to serve as guides for further study. 

S -L.I.D, Research Tracts will cover a wide variety 
of subjects, both domestic and international , They 
will include research essays, statistical studies, 
translations and bibliographies. Some will provide 
convenient reference guides to previously published 
material; others will be original studies in fields 
hitherto largely unexplored. 

We invite all students who feel that they have 
written or are planning a study which would fit into 
the series to ?rrite to us and send their manuscripts 
for our consideration* if you wish more details 
about requirements, write to the Editorial Board, SLID 
Research Tracts, 112 E. 19th St., N. Y. 3» N, Y. for 
a descriptive memorandum. 



niSTRlIVUTION OF IN* OMi IN THE UNITED STATES 
By Gabriel Kolko 

Th0UJJ |, lml< |, has been published on the increase in real income, very 
li.tle is known aboui the distribution of this new wealth. This thoroughly 
documented study shows v,ho gets what share of America's income, before 
„„| after taxes, k shows the startling statistic that today's lower income 
Broups receive a share o. the nation's income, smaller than that which they 

obtained in 1900, 

This study brings to light a factor in our economic life which can not 
be neglected in formulating a clear picture of America's new prosperity. 

THE WORKER PRIESTS: by Marie T. Oubalen 
This is the first study to appear in this country of the worker-priest 
experiment in France. Working entirely from original documents, the author 
gives a step by step account of the conditions which led to the inception of 
.his program and of the conflict which ended in its curtailment. The author 
pictures the movement against the background of French social conditions 
and past attempts at social action, "worker Priests" is a fascinating study 
of the problems facing the churches in .heir economic activities. 

STEWARD TRAINING IN C.I.O. UNIONS, by Mildred Bersh 
This Tract focuses attention on two major problems in American life: 
the question of adult education and leadership training and the Problem of 
rank and file participation in union affairs. 

The shop steward is the main link between the worker on the bench and 
his union's policies. The problems faced in his training are those to be 
met by all who are interes.ed in educating large numbers of people, especial 
ly in the vital areas of teaching the wider implications of everyday work. 

"A mature analysis. . -compares favorably with learned published 
works". The N. \. World Telegram and Sun. 

"I have rarely seen anything on adult or workers' education with as nruch meat 
and little tat. . .can be used by every union. 

M. Kogoff, Assistant Educational Director, ILGWU 
For more about the S.L.l.D. Research Tracts, see the reverse side of 
this cover. 







Kolko 



K832d 



Distribution of income in the U. S. 

6CM56