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Full text of "Elements Comparative Grammar Indo-Germanic Languages.Brugmann.1888.5 volumes"

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ELEMENTS 

OF THE 



COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 

OF THE 

INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES. 



A CONCISE EXPOSITION 
OF THE HISTORY 

op 8anskrit, Old Iranian (Avestic and Old Persian), Old Armenian, 

Old Greek, Latin, Umbriak-Samnitic, Old Irish, Gothic, Old High 

German, Lithuanian and Old Bulgarian 

BY 

KARL gRUGMANN, 

PBOraSSOR OP COMPARATIVE PhEolOOY IN TBI UHITXB8ITT OP LEIPZIG. 



VOLUME I: 

INTRODUCTION AND PHONOLOGY. 

TRANSLATED PROM THI OERMAN 

, PH. D. 



ORK. 
'),, .81? BRpADWAY. 



M5 

V I 
c.2 



Priate* is Otf y *»J G« Ott«, Dtratt**. 



PREFACE TO THE ORIGINAL EDITION. 



Those who have impartially followed the development of comparative 
philology in the last twenty years will be aware of the great progress it 
his made in the interval. In both the scope and the nature of its work 
it has shewn all the elasticity and creative vigour of a science that is 
•till young in spite of its seventy years. That its diverse and scattered 
details need to be once again brought together under one systematic arrange- 
ment will hardly be doubted by any competent judge. The first edition of 
8chleicher's excellent Compendium' appeared in 1861, and was since twice 
published in a revised form by the author, the second time shortly before 

his death. When it was edited finally in 1876 with very few changes in- j 

deed, the two editors were already of opinion that it required complete 
remodelling (see the preface p. IX). Thus 1 feel sure that the 'Elements*, 
the first volume of which is now before the reader, meets a real need. 

Time and competent criticism will decide whether it has solved the 
problem in any degree satisfactorily and whether it can claim to be of the 
wine service to our science and its students as was Schleicher's book in 

its time. My task was attended by all manner of difficulties and I am fully " 

conscious that in some respects it is inadequately discharged. I trust 
nevertheless that the result may be of some service, at least for the present. 

I take this opportunity of drawing especial attention to one or two 
points in the plan and execution of my work. 

It was not my object to collect all the various views, often widely 
divergent, which have been from time to time put forward by authorities, 
oo questions relating to the history of the Indo-Germanio languages. As 
a rule I give only the views that I consider right or at least probable, 
ftfter submitting them to repeated tests. A mere regard to the size of 
the book necessitated this course. The most important authorities will be 
found summarily enumerated in the introduction and at the beginning of 
the separate sections. To mention in each case who has treated the sub- 
ject, and who was the first author of the view I have accepted, seemed 
to me unnecessary to the purpose of the book, and excluded by the small 
space at my disposal. .1 took what was good wherever I was sure I had 
found it ; all parties among the different methods and schools of linguistic 
science are fairly represented in these pages. Henoe though I may per- 



vi Preface to the Original Edition. 

haps have overlooked much that is useful, I still hope that approximately 
at any rate I have attained the aim I had set before me: to exhibit the 
present state of our knowledge in a concise form, giving prominence to 
all the more important points. 

At the same time I have not confined myself to stating such results 
as seem certain to stand for all future time. I have spoken of many problems 
that are still unsolved, in order to give the reader not only a survey of 
what has been already accomplished, but also a glimpse of the work that 
still remains to be done. This was indispensable in view of the position 
in which the science of the Indg. languages at present stands. Thanks 
to the discovery of many fresh sources of information, and still more, 
I think, to the fertile combination, which the past ten years have brought 
about between minute investigation on the one hand and the philosophy of 
language on the other (the character of which I have endeavoured to sketch 
in my essay, 'Zum heutigen Stand der Spraohwisscnschaft' p. 33 ff.), new 
problems to be solved have of late arisen on all sides, and that in such 
numbers that many decades of work will still be needed to master them, 
so far as we can reckon that they are to be solved at all. 1 ) Had I silently- 
passed over all such unsettled questions in the history of the Indg. languages, 
the picture of the whole subject which I tried to draw would have been marred 
by many grievous blanks. But further I hoped to incite the reader to in- 
dependent investigation, by referring to much that has not yet passed the 
stage of problem and hypothesis. In doing so I have taken care that what is 
uncertain should not preponderate over what is certain, and should every- 
where be clearly distinguished from it. And if, instead of merely mark- 
ing the phenomenon in question as unexplained, I have often hazarded 
a conjecture, at all events in something like the direction in which the 
solution of the riddle is to be sought, despite those who resent every 
'probably' or 'perhaps' in scientific works, I may quote Goethe's words: 
'The opinions you venture, are like the pawns you move forward on the 
chess-board; they may be taken, but they have introduced a game that will 
be won'. The conjectures I have admitted into this book should always 
be regarded only as challenges to more minute investigation. 

As regards the arrangement of the material my aim is to let the 
different branches of language and the separate languages appear each as a 
unit complete in itself on the common background of the Indo-Germanic 
primitive community, yet in such a way that each single phenomenon ap- 
pears separated as little as possible from the kindred examples in other 
languages. My method of exposition takes about the middle course bet- 
ween that of Bopp's Comparative Grammar on the one hand, which may 



1) As regards exceptions and irregularities it has now become the 
effort of all scholars to aim at seeking for the reason of the exception, 
not occasionally only, but in every case, and systematically, and we con- 
sider our duty to science undischarged until we have found the answer 
to the < whv\ How many phenomena of language, whioh once were thought 
perfectly clear, so that a final judgment could be pronounced upon them, 
have by this means become unanswered problems! 



Preface to the Original Edition. vu 



be described as a connected picture sinking what belongs to the sepa- 
rate languages in the Indo-Germanic whole, and that of Schleicher's 
Compendium, on the other, which does little more than string together 
a number of separate grammars. It seeks to unite the excellences of 
both. This of course could not be done without some sacrifice of system. 
In the phonology I was obliged to add a series of chapters on combina- 
tory sound-change after tracing the development of the primitive Indo- 
Germanic sounds one by one. Here I have had now and then to repeat 
in sum what had already been mentioned or to expand and supplement what 
before had been merely hinted at. I prefer to submit to this incongruity 
of arrangement, which Schleicher has avoided, than to disregard con- 
sciously the considerable didactic advantage that it affords; and in this 
point at least I hope to have on my side the academical teachers who 
lecture on comparative grammar. 

In the transcription I have been as far as possible conservative. The 
reader will easily perceive why I was obliged to discard one or two 
symbols widely in use, e. g. the representation of the Sanskrit palatal 
and cerebral sibilants by f and § (or «/»). I ought perhaps in general to 
have paid even more attention than I have done to the rule that the 
game sound in different languages should be represented by the same 
sign: e. g. Av. 3, not y, on account of the Germanic (Ags.) 3; Gothic tv, 
not r, on account of the Old High German w. And in several other points 
the notation might certainly be improved, at least if it be thought desirable 
to sacrifice what is widely or universally in use in favour of less usual 
methods. As regards the Aryan languages and Armenian especially, I 
gladly take this opportunity of expressing a wish, which, I think, most Indo- 
Germanic scholars share with me, that the Congress of Oriental scholars *) 
should sanction by its authority as soon as it is practicable to do so, 
some suitable system of transcription for these languages, which should have 
regard to the needs both of special philologists and of comparative scholars, 
so that the vagaries of the prevailing usage in the matter may be at last 
brought within bounds. That the question of transcription is not yet 
ready for a final settlement is no valid objection. 

My work has been least independent in dealing with the phonology 
of Iranian and Armenian. Here I could generally connect it very closely 
with the excellent works of Bartholomae and Hubschmann, espe- 
cially with the former's Handbook of the Old Iranian Dialects, and the 
tatter's Armenian 8tudies. I have only deviated in a very few points 
from Hflbschmann's treatment of the history of the Armenian sounds. In 
the Keltic branch many will look for a more detailed account of the 
British dialects. I fully admit that comparative philology must devote 
more attention to these dialects than has hitherto been the case. But my 
knowledge in this department is too small for me to venture to set any 



The attempt made in the fifth Congress (see 'Verhandlungen des 
funften internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses', Berlin 1881, p. 89) has 
unfortunately led to no result 



vin Preface to the Original Edition. 



dialect of the British group side by side with Irish. It was my intention 
two years ago to make myself so far familiar with Cymric as to be able 
to treat the chief features at least of this language along with the rest 
My removal to Freiburg however at that time cut me off almost entirely from 
all Keltological literature, and I was thus obliged to abandon my design. As 
regards Irish also the want of a library 1 ) sufficiently furnished with philo- 
logical literature caused me difficulties in many ways. I am hence all 
the more thankful to Prof. Thurneysen of Jena [now in Freiburg], who 
not only sent me information on many points of Keltic philology, but also 
at my request undertook- the trouble of revising the proof-sheets relating 
to Keltic. Both have been a help to my work in many details, in far 
more places than has been indicated by a reference to his name. In particular 
it was such help only that made it possible in all oases to distinguish the 
British forms correctly according to dialect and period. It may also be 
remarked that almost all the addenda relating to Keltic p. 565 ff. [now 
incorporated with the text of this translation] were due to communications 
from Thurneysen. If I add lastly that my treatment of some of the phe- 
nomena of Keltic philology is not in harmony with the views of this 
scholar, it is in order to prevent misunderstanding, that he may not in 
any way be made responsible for mistakes that might be found in the 
Keltic parts of this book. I have to thank Dr. Holthausen of Heidel- 
berg [now in Halle] for some notices relating to Germanic, which he 
placed at my disposal after an inspection of several proof- and the finally 
revised sheets and of which I have for the most part made use. 

I have not been able consistently to take account of the scientific 
literature which has appeared this year. I especially lament that the se- 
cond edition of O. Meyer's Greek Grammar, Braune's Old High German 
Grammar and the second edition of Leskien's Hand-book of the Old 
Bulgarian Language did not appear until after my printing had begun. 

To facilitate reference, I shall add an index of words at the end of 
the whole work. 

Its continuation and conclusion shall follow as quickly as time and 
strength permit. 



Freiburg i. B., July 1886. 



KARL BRUGMANN. 



It is only since the founding of the chair for comparative philo- 
logy that the University library here has systematically purchased works 
on this subject (apart of course from the classical languages and Ger- 
manic), so that the necessary material can only be procured very gradually. 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 



When Prof. Brugmann and Mr. Triibner proposed to me, two years 
ago, while I was still a student in Heidelberg, that I should translate the 
'Gruodriss der vergleiohenden Orammatik der indo-germanischen Sprachen 1 
into English as soon as it appeared, I gladly accepted the proposal, in the 
hope that I should thus be rendering valuable service both to English and 
American students of philology, especially to the former who would other- 
wise very possibly, if they did not happen to know German, have to 
remain an indefinite length of time without being able to enter into a 
systematic and scientific study of languages, based on firm and rigid 
principles. 

If the work of translating the original has taken me longer than I 
at first anticipated it would , this is almost entirely due to the poverty- 
stricken state of our language as regards current philological technical 
terms. Some of the terms employed by me, e. g. slurred and broken 
tecent, intersonantal , initiality, strong- grade etc., will no doubt sound 
ctrange at first reading. But those, who have either been trained at a 
German university or are familiar with German philological literature, 
will readily confess how difficult it sometimes is to find a very exact and 
appropriate English equivalent for many of the German grammatical tech- 
nicalities. Time will of course show whether I have in each case hit 
upon the best term, but I have everywhere tried rather to represent as 
exactly as I could the meaning of the author than to produoe an elegant 
English paraphrase, which could preserve neither the brevity nor the 
rigidly scientific form of the original. 

Last spring Prof. Brugmann gave me in Leipzig a list of corrections, 
consisting partly of misprints not given at the end of the original work, 
and partly of a few slight mistakes which were mentioned in the reviews 
of the work. These as also the corrections and emendations at the end 
of the German edition have been worked into the body of the translation. 
I also received from the author a short time ago one or two other cor- 
rections of the original which will be found at the end of the present 
edition. 



Translator's Prefaoe. 



At the end of the volume will be found a short list of those abbre- 
viations which would be likely to cause the reader any difficulty. 

In conclusion I have to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Brug- 
mann and M r . P. Giles, Fellow of Gonville and Cajus College Cambridge, 
for the great assistance they have rendered me by helping in the reading 
of the proof-sheets. 

J. WRIGHT. 

London, November 29, 1887. 



CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Page 
DEFINITION OF THE SCIENCE OF THE 1NDO-GERMAN1C LAN- 
GUAGES, AND THE DIVISION OF THE INDG. FAMILY OF 

LANGUAGES INTO ITS VARIOUS BRANCHES 1 

Definition of the science of the Indg. languages (§1) 1 

Primitive home of the Indg. people (§2) 2 

Differentiation of dialects (§3) 2 

1. The Aryan branch (§4) 4 

2. The Armenian branch (§5) 5 

3. The Oreek branch (§6) 6 

4. The Albanian branch (§7) 7 

5. The ItaUo branch (§8) 8 

6. The Keltic branch (§9) 9 

7. The Germanic branch (§10) 10 

8. The Baltic-Slavonic branch (§11) 11 

Sketch of the Indg. phases of development to be discussed in this 

book (§12) 12 

OS THE STRUCTURE OF THE INDG. LANGUAGES IN GENERAL. 

ROOT A10) SUFFIXES 13 

Development of word-formation and inflexion from composition (§ 13) 13 

Meaning of the hyphens usual in the analysis of words (§ 14) . . 16 

PHONOLOGY. 

THE SOUNDS OF THE INDG. PRIMITIVE LANGUAGE (§ 15) . . . 19 

PHONETIC ELUCIDATIONS 20 

1. Voiced and voiceless sounds (§16) 20 

2. Sonorous and noised sounds (§17) 21 

3. 8onants and consonants (§18) 21 



XII Contents of the first volume. 

Page 

ON THE PRONUNCIATION OP THE LETTERS 22 

The different kinds of alphabets and transcription (§ 19) . . . , 22 

8anskrit (§20) 23 

Iranian (§21) 24 

Armenian (§ 22) , . . , 25 

Umbrian-Samnitic (§23) , ... 26 

Old Irish (§24) 27 

Gothie (§25) 28 

Lithuanian (§26) 28 

Old Bulgarian (§27) 30 

HI8TORY OF THE SEPARATE PRIM. INDG. SOUNDS. 
THE VOWELS. 

A. The vowels as sonants 30 

The prim. Indg. vowel sounds (§28) 30 

Indg. i 30 

Prim. Indg. (§29) 32 

Aryan (§ 30) . , 32 

Armenian (§31) 32 

Greek (§32) 32 

Italic (§33) 33 

OJrish (§34) 34 

Germanic (§35) 35 

Baltic-81avonic (§36) 35 

Indg. t 37 

Prim. Indg. (§37) 37 

Aryan (§38) 38 

Armenian (§39) 38 

Greek (§40) 38 

Italic (§41) 38 

O.Irish (§42) ; 39 

Germanic (§43) 39 

Baltic-Slavonic (§44) 39 

Indg. u 40 

Prim. Indg. (§45) 40 

Aryan (§46) 40 

Armenian (§47) 40 

Greek (§48) 41 

Italic (§49) 41 

O.Irish (§50) 42 

Germanic (§51) 43 

Baltic-Slavonic (§52) 43 

Indg. u 45 

Prim. Indg. (§53) 45 

Aryan (§54) 45 



i 
i 



Contents of the first volume. xni 

Page 

Armenian (§ 55) 45 

Greek (§56) f 45 

Italic (§57) 46 

OJrish (§58) 46 

Oermanio (§59) 47 

Baltic-Slavonic (§60) 47 

Indg. e 47 

Prim. Indg. (§61) 47 

Aryan (§62) 49 

Armenian (§63) 50 

Greek (§64) 50 

Italic (§65) 51 

O.Irish (§66) 54 

Germanic (§67) 56 

Baltic-Slavonic (§68) 59 

Indg. i 61 

Prim. Indg. (§69) 61 

Aryan (§70) 62 

Armenian (§71) 62 

Greek (§72) 63 

Italic (§73) 6fr 

OJrish (§74) • 64 

Germanic (§75) 64 

Baltic-81avonic (§76) 65 

Indg. o 66 

Prim. Indg. (§77) 66 

Aryan (§78) 68 

Armenian (§79) 70 

Greek (§80) 71 

Italic (§81) 72 

OJrish (§82) 76 

Germanic (§83) 77 

Baltic-81avonic (§84) 79 

Indg. 6 • 83 

Prim. Indg. (§85) 83 

Aryan (§86) 83 

Armenian (§87) 84 

Greek (§88) 84 

Italic (§89) 84 

OJrish (§90) 85 

Germanic (§91) 85 

Baltic-Slavonic (§92) 86 

Indg. a 87 

Prim. Indg. (§93) 87 

Aryan (§94) 88 



r~ 



xiv Contents of the first volume. 

Page 

Armenian (§95) 89 

Greek (§96) 90 

Italic (§97) 91 

O.Irish (§ 98) . . . . . 93 

Germanic (§99) 94 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 100) 94 

Indg. a 96 

Prim. Indg. (§ 101) 96 

Aryan (§102) 96 

Armenian (§ 103) 97 

Greek (§ 104) 97 

Italic (§ 105) 98 

O.Irish (§106) 99 

Germanic (§ 107) • . . . 99 

Baltic-Slavonic (§108) 99 

Indg. 9 (§ 109-110) 100 

Primitive Indg. vowel contraction 105 

General remarks (§ 111) 105 

I. Contraction of n-, e- r o-vowels with a-, e-, o-vowels (§ 112 
-115) 106 

II. Contraction of a~, e-, o-vowels with i- and M-vowels (§ 116) 108 

B. The vowels as consonants 109 

General remarks (§117) 109 

Indg. \ 110 

Prim. Indg. (§ 118-122) 110 

Aryan (§ 123—127) 113 

Armenian (§ 128) 117 

Greek (§ 129—132) 117 

Italic (§ 133—136) 120 

O.Irish (§ 137-140) 124 

Germanic (§ 141—144) 125 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 145—148) 130 

Loss of i in the prim. Indg. period (§ 149—150) 135 

Indg. y 137 

Prim. Indg. (§ 151—156) 137 

Aryan (§ 157-161) 140 

Armenian (§ 162) 145 

Greek (§ 163-167) 145 

Italic (§ 168-172) 149 

O.Irish (§ 173-176) 153 

Germanic (§ 177—181) 155 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 182—186) 159 

Loss of * in the prim. Indg. period ^§ 187-188) 162 



Contents of the first volume. xv 

Page 
HASAL8. 

A. The nasals as consonants 162 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 189—196) 162 

Aryan (§ 197-200) 166 

Armenian (§ 201—202) 169 

Greek (§ 203-205) 169 

Italic (§ 206-209) 173 

Clrish (§ 210—212) 177 

Germanic (§ 213—215) 180 

Baltic-81avonic (§ 216—219) 183 

Nasal changes in the prim. Indg. period (§ 220—221) .... 188 

8. The nasals as sonants 190 

Preliminary remarks (§ 222) 190 

1. The short sonant nasals (§ 223—252) 190 

General remarks (§ 223) 190 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 224-227) 191 

Aryan (§ 228-231) 194 

Armenian (§ 232) 197 

Greek (§ 233-236) 197 

Italic (§ 237-241) 199 

O.Irish (§ 242-243) 200 

Germanic (§ 244—247) 201 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 248-252) 204 

2. The long sonant nasals (§ 253) 206 

LIQUIDS, 

A. The liquids as consonants 207 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 254—256) 207 

Aryan (§ 257-261) 210 

Armenian (§ 262—263) 213 

Greek (§ 264—266) 214 

Italic (§ 267-271) 216 

Clrish (§ 272-274) 219 

Germanic (§ 275-277) 220 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 278—281) 222 

Changes of liquids in the prim. Indg. period (§ 282) .... 225 

B. The liquids as sonants 226 

Preliminary remarks (§ 283) 226 

1. The short sonant liquids (§ 284—305) 226 

General remarks (§ 284) 226 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 285-287) 227 

Aryan (§ 288—290) 229 

Armenian (§ 291) 232 

Greek (§ 292—294) 233 



XVI Content* of the first volume. 



Page 

Italic (§ 295-297) 235 

O.Irish <§ 298) 236 

Germanic f§ 299-301) 237 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 802-305) 239 

2. The long sonant liquids (§ 306) 241 

ABLAUT (VOWKL GRADATION). 

The nature of ablaut and the different grades of ablaut in general 

(§ 307-310) 244 

1. The ^-series (§ 811-814) 247 

2. The ^-series (§ 315) 254 

3. The tf-series (§ 816) 255 

4. The 0-series (§ 817) 255 

5. The a-series (§ 818) 256 

6. The o-series (§ 319) 258 

EXPLOSIVES. 

General remarks: The nature of explosives (§ 320), place of arti- 
culation (§ 321), form of articulation (§ 322), system of the 

Indg. explosives i§ 828) 261 

A. The explosives according to their place of arti- 
culation * 262 

1. The labial explosives 262 

Indg. prim, period (§ 324—326) 262 

Aryan (§ 327-329) 264 

Armenian (§ 330-332) 265 

Greek (§ 333-335) 266 

Italic (§ 336-333) 267 

O.Irish (§ 339-34U 268 

Ocnaaic (§ 342-344) 2TO 

Bakir-SUvonic (§ 34S-347) 271 

2. Tke deatml expkwiTf* 272 

Prim ladg. period <§ *4$-S.V» 272 

Aryan (§ 331-S59' . . 27H 

XrmemiMM u SW-SSSi 275 

Greek i* SSS-Stt 277 

Italic i$ 3**-$7^ 27^ 

OJrak ij S7I-ST$> 2S2 

Qirwmmt $ S74— $Ttt 2SS 

Bal'^r-eLftTMDr .* STT— ^?*t 2vj» 

|. T*t pMM&£ tX344*Z\1* ... 2S* 

OhdkiA jwmfc £ Jfc"V" - - _ 2^* 



Contents of the first volume. Xvit 

I'age 

a. The language-group with explosives 289 

Greek (§ 384—386) 289 

Italic (§ 387—389) 290 

O.Irish (§ 390-392) 292 

Germanic (§ 393-395) 293 

b. The language-group with spirants or aflVicatae .... 295 

Aryan (§ 396-407) 295 

Armenian (§ 408—410) 300 

Albanian (§ 411) 302 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 412-416) 302 

4. The velar explosives • . . . 305 

General remarks (§ 417) 305 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 418-423) 306 

a. The language-group with labialisation 309 

Preliminary remark on the irregular appearance of labia- 
lisation (§ 424> 309 

Greek (§ 425—429) 311 

Italic (§ 430-433) 318 

O.Irish (§ 434-438) 323 

Germanic (§ 439-444) 326 

b. The language-group without labialisation 331 

Aryan (§ 445—454) 331 

Armenian (§ 455—457) 336 

Albanian (§ 458—460} 337 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 461-465) 337 

Retrospect of the history of the velar explosives (§ 466) . . 341 

Interchange of the palatal and velar explosives (§ 467) . . 342 

B. The explosives after their form of articulation. 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 468-469) 344 

Aryan (470-482) 347 

Armenian (§ 483-485) 357 

Greek (§ 486-497) 359 

Italic (§ 498-511) 365 

O.Irish (§ 512-526) 375 

Germanic ($ 527—541) 381 

Baltic-Slavonic (§542-551) 396 

The combination media asp. + f, * (§ 552) 403 

The Indg. tenues aspiratae ($ 553) 405 

THE SPIRANTS. 

General remarks on the prim. Indg. spirants (§ 554) 407 

Indg. s. 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 555) 408 



xviii Contents of the first volume. 



P»ge 

Aryan (§ 556—558) 410 

Armenian (§ 559— 562 J 416 

Greek (§ 563-566) 418 

Italic (§ 567-572) 424 

O.Irish (§ 573 -576) 430 

Germanic (577—583) 432 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 584—588) 438 

Prim. Indg. changes of s (§ 489) .... 445 

Indg. z. 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 590) 447 

Aryan (§ 591) 447 

Armenian (§ 592) 449 

Greek (§ 593) 449 

Italic (§ 594) 450 

O.Irish (§ 595) 451 

Germanic (§ 596) 451 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 597) 452 

Indg. j (§ 598) 452 

OTHER COMBINATORY SOUND-CHANGES. 

Preliminary remarks (§ 599) 453 

CONTRACTION (HIATUS, ELISION). 

General remarks (§ 600) 453 

Aryan (§ 601) 455 

Armenian (§ 602) . 455 

Greek (§ 603) 455 

Italic (§ 604) 457 

O.Irish (§ 605) 458 

Germanic (§ 606) 459 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 607) 460 

SHORTENING OF LONG VOWELS. 

General remarks (§ 608) 461 

Aryan (§ 609) 461 

Armenian (§ 610) 461 

Greek (§ 611) . 461 

Italic (§ 612) 462 

O.Irish (§ 613) 464 

Germanic (§ 614) 464 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 615) 465 

LENTHENING OF SHORT VOWELS. 

Aryan (§ 616) 465 



Contents of tho first volume. xix 



Page 

Armenian (§ 617) 466 

Greek (§ 618) 466 

Italic (§ 619) 466 

O.Irish (§ 620) 467 

Germanic (§ 621) 467 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 622) 467 

ANAPTYXI8 FROM CONSONANTS. 

General remarks (§ 623) 468 

Aryan (§ 624) 469 

Armenian (§ 625) 470 

Greek (§ 626) 470 

Italic (§627) 470 

Germanic (§ 628) 472 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 629) 472 

VOWEL ABSORPTION. 

General remarks (§ 630) 473 

Aryan (§ 631) 473 

Armenian (§ 632) 473 

Italic (§ 633) .473 

O.Iriah (§ 634) 474 

Germanic (§ 635) 475 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 636) 477 

PALATALI8ATION AND LABIALISATION WITH EPENTHKSIS. 

General remarks (§ 637) 477 

Aryan (§ 638) 478 

Greek (§ 639) 478 

O.Irish (§ 640) 479 

Germanic (§ 641) 481 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 642) 481 

LOSS OF SYLLABLE BT DISSIMILATION (§ 643) 481 

SA5DHI (SATZPHONETIK). 

Sandhi in general (§ 644) 483 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 645) 488 

Aryan (§ 646—650) 490 

Armenian (§ 651) 497 

Greek (§ 652-654) 498 

Italic (§ 655-656) 501 

O.Irish (§ 657—658) 506 

Germanic (§ 659—662) 512 

Baltic-Slavonic (§ 663—666) 521 



xx Contents of the first rolume. 

Page 
ACCENTUATION. 

Aeoentuation in general (§ 667—668) 527 

Prim. Indg. period (§ 669-671) 532 

Aryan (§ 672-674) 537 

Armenian (§ 675) 539 

Greek (§ 676-678) 540 

Italic (§ 679-683) 545 

O.Irish (§ 684-685) 550 

Germanic (§ 686-689) 552 

Baltit-SlaYOnic (§ 690-692) 556 

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS 562 



INTRODUCTION. 



DEFINITION OF THE SCIENCE OP THE INDO- GER- 
MANIC LANGUAGES, AND THE DIVISION OF THE 
INDO-GERMANIC FAMILY INTO ITS VARIOUS 
BRANCHES. 

§ 1. The science of the Indg. languages forms, like Indg. 
Mythology, a section of Indg. 'Philology, i. e. of that science, 
which has to investigate the intellectual development of the 
Indg. peoples from the time before their separation up to the 
present day. Its method accordingly is historical and its task 
is to investigate the whole development of the Indg. languages 
from the time when they were still one language down to the 
present day. Its unity is in no sense broken by the results 
famished by the specialists in Sanskrit, Ancient and Modern 
Greek, Latin and the Romance languages, Keltic etc., for the 
sciences of the Indian languages, of Ancient and Mod. Greek etc. 
are integral components of the grand whole formed by that of 
the Indo-Germanic. 

It is true that the so called comparative science of language 
has hitherto been almost exclusively confined to the older 
periods of the Indg. languages, but this is due to the division 
of labour which was involved in the method by which alone 
progress could be made, as well as to the limitations of human 
tfrength. Probably the same division of labour will still be 
necessary, but it implies no real opposition between the different 
parts of the science. 

Br a g m a n n , Elements. 1 



Vt«uive hoae. Differentiation of dialects. § 1 — 3. 

ut'o*.* 'be author's inaugural address 'Sprachwissenschaft 
■**«.*-.. v*' \}i* his *Zum heutigen Stand der Sprachwissen- 
. . m ^wrfsiwAr^ 1885, p. 3 ff.). 

- \ Wo are not at present in a position to determine 

• u*u was the primitive home of the Indg. tribes. Only 

_ . > ie*r. that these tribes in pre-historic times must 

vt.u ar less widely diffused than they were at the beginning 

:v *te4.oric era. It was formerly usual to place this primitive 

.^ ^ a km* here in Asia, whereas at present scholars lean rather 

iv >puuon that the Asiatic members of the stock passed 

-via Kurope. Cp. O. Schrader 'Sprachvergleichung und 

N v**,uteiue\ Jena 1883, p. 442 ff. 

^ &, It w impossible to suppose that a language should 

* v 4v>ao through a long course of development, and be spoken 

* i jKs>pU» of any considerable numbers, without a certain 
. ^ au*. v.»t' dialectical variation ; and hence we cannot look upon 

iv xj-Kveh of the Indogormans, even while they still occupied a 

va*t*u*ttNely small territory and maintained a fairly close degree 

fc iwetveuroe with one another, as bearing in any strict sense, 

x ^tiKntu charaoter. Local differences had no doubt already 

;.wvvtK though actual instances of this have hardly as yet been 

.vi»ul>itahed with perfect certainty. One such I have maintained, 

iu^b ouly as a conjecture, in §§ 380, 417. In historical times 

i\o*e appear a multitude of dialects, diverging in a greater or 

\** degree, tho whole field of which can hardly be included in 

4i*\ *>uo survey. We may take for granted that the differentiation 

v,^ dialects about the year 2000 B. C. had gone so far, that a 

uuutber of communities existed side by side, which could no 

H>u£ert or only with difficulty understand one another. The 

hfeioric reoord of the various individual developments begins at 

\ov\ different periods. E. g. the Indian development is known 

tv* ut* bin about the year 1500 B. C. onwards, the Latin from 

,*bout 800 B. C, the Irish since the eighth century of the 

V x hvwtiau era (with the exception of the Ogam inscriptions, cp. 

J $) y and the Lithuanian from the middle of the sixteenth 

oeutury. 



§ 3. Eight Indg. dialect-groups (branches of language). 3 

A number of separate developments, which sprung from 
the primitive Indg. language, have perished without leaving any 
traces of their existence. Of others we have only very scanty 
fragments left, on which it is scarcely, if at all, possible to 
found a grammar, as of Phrygian, Macedonian, Messapian, 
Gallic, and Burgundian. The remainder have come down to us 
with a more abundant supply of material. 

The dialects belonging to this last class, are arranged into 
eight groups (branches of language): 1. Aryan, 2. Armenian, 
3. Greek, 4. Albanian, 5. Italic, 6. Keltic, 7. Germanic, 8. Baltic- 
Slavonic. Each group is distinguished by the fact that its in- 
dividual members show in common a considerable number of 
changes in sound, inflexion, syntax and vocabulary; e. g. the 
shifting of the prim. Indg. explosives, discussed in § 527 ff. (what 
is known as the first sound-shifting), is one of the numerous 
characteristics of the close relation existing between the Germanic 
dialects. 

Of the dialects, which have come down to us only in scanty 
fragments, there are a certain number which can be assigned 
with certainty to one or other of these eight groups, e. g. the 
Burgundian to the Germanic, and the Gallic to the Keltic 
group, whilst others, e. g. the Macedonian, seem to belong to 
none of them. 

It is in itself very possible that some of these eight chief 
members stand to each other in a closer relationship, and form 
a single group historically distinct from the rest. All attempts, 
however, to establish such a closer relationship, have hitherto 
proved futile. The Italo-Keltic hypothesis has perhaps the best 
prospect of attaining a greater degree of probability in the 
future. 

Cp. Johannes Schmidt Die Yerwandtschaftsverhaltnisse 
der indogermani8chen Sprachen, Weimar 1872. Leskien Die 
Declination im Slavisch-Litauischen und Germanischen, Leipzig 
1876, introduction. Delbruck Einleitung in das Sprachstudium, 
Edition 2. 1884, p. 131 ff. C. Schrader op. cit. p. 66 ff. 
The Author, Zur Frage nach den Yerwandtschaftsverhaltnissen 



4 Aryan. Indian. § 4. 

der indogermanischen Sprachen, in Techmer's Internal;. Zeit- 
schr. fur allg. Sprachwissenschaft I 226 ff. 

§ 4. (1) The Aryan branch consists of the Indian and 
Iranian groups. 

The oldest and most archaic dialect of the Indian group 
is the language of the Veda, the oldest portions of which (the 
hymns of the Rigveda) possibly go back as far as 1500 B.C. x ). 
Next comes Sanskrit in the stricter sense of the word (also called 
classical Sanskrit), the continuation of a dialect now lost, which 
existed side by side with the Vedic and differed but slightly 
from it in the formation of its sounds and inflexions. It became 
separated from the popular development as the literary language, 
and was stereotyped in a fixed and purely artificial form. The 
vulgar language, called Prakrit, as early as the third century B.C. 
differed very materially from Sanskrit and at that time was 
divided into at least three chief dialects. Through the influence 
of Buddhism, Prakrit was also raised to a literary language 
(Pali). From the popular dialects of Prakrit have descended 
the numerous modern Indian languages and dialects, Hindi 
(Hindustani), Bengali, Uriya, Maharatti, Guzerati, Sindhi, Penjabi 
and others. 

In this work we shall only deal with the Vedic language 
and classical Sankrit. 

Cp. Bopp Kritische Grammntik der Sanskrita-Sprache in 
kureerer Fassung, Edit. 3., Berlin 1S63. Benfey Vollstandige 
Grammatik der Sanskritsprache, Leipzig 1S:>2. The same Author's 
Kurzc Sanskrit-Grammatik, Leipzig 1855. Whitney Sanskrit 
Grammar, Lcipxig 1S79 (with supplement L Grammatisches aus 
dem Mahabharata, by A. HolUmann, 1884; supplement II, 
The roots, verb-forms, and primary derivatives of the Sanskrit 
language, by Whitney, 1885). 

The oldest recorded dialects of the Iranian group are 
Old Persian (West Iranian), the language of the Persian 



1) Cp. A. K*<*gi IVr Rig\<*<U, »iio jUt<Kt* Littratur der Inder, 
Edition 2, Lei prig ISSI. 



§ 4-5. Iranian. Armenian. 



cuneiform inscriptions dating from about 520 to 350 B.C., and 
Ayestic, also called Zend and Old Bactrian (East Iranian), 
the language of the Avesta, the sacred book of the Zoroastrians, 
which has come down to us with corruptions of many kinds, 
deviating considerably from its original form. The various 
portions of the work were composed at very different periods 1 ). 
Some parts of the Avesta, including 17 hymns (ga|)a f.), are 
written in a peculiar dialect, which is more archaic than the 
language of the other parts, and as distinct from which the 
latter is called Later Avestic or Zend in the stricter sense. Not 
one of the Modern Iranian languages is a direct continuation 
of Old Persian or Avestic. The Modern Persian dialects (Gilani 
etc.), Eurdic and probably also Ossetian (spoken in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Caucasus) are more closely related to the 
former, and the language of Afghanistan (Pastu) to the latter. 

We shall only deal with the two Old Iranian languages. 

Cp. Spiegel Die altpersischen Eeilinschriften, Edition 2., 
Leipzig 1881. Justi Handbuch der Zendsprache, Leipzig 1864. 
Bartholomae Handbuch der altiranischen Dialekte, Leipzig 
1883. 

§ 5. (2) Arm enian, which de Lagarde and Friedr. M tiller 
assigned to the Iranian group, but Hubschmann (Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXIII 5 ff., 400 ff.) has proved to be an independent member 
of the Indg. family of languages, is known to us since the fifth 
eentury of our era. The literary language (O.Armenian), which 
had then become fixed, remained in this usage without any 
material changes down to modern times, and is separated by a 
great interval from the modern dialects. Historical investigations 
have hitherto been almost exclusively confined to O.Armenian. The 
term Armenian will always be used in the sense of O.Armenian. 

Cp. Petermann, Grammatica linguae Armeniacae, Berlin 
1837. The same Author, Brevis linguae armeniacae grammatica, 
Btteratura, chrestomathia cum glossario, ed. II, Berlin 1872. 



1) On the difficult question as to the age of the Avesta op. Eduard 
Meyer Geschiohte des Alterthums I (1884) p. 501 ff. 



6 Greek. § 6. 

Hubschmann Armenische Studien I, Leipzig 1883 (of special 
importance for the phonology). 

§ 6. (3) Greek had strongly marked variations in diffe- 
rent localities long before Homer's time and in the historic era 
appears split up into numerous dialects. 

These may be classified in the following manner: 1. Ionic - 
Attic, a. The district of Ionia, b. Attica. 2. Doric, a. La- 
conia with Tarentum and Heraclea, b. Messenia, c. Argolis and 
Aegina, d. Corinth with Corcyra, e. Megara with Byzantium, 
f. the Peloponnesian colonies of Sicily, g. Crete, h. Thera and 
Melos together with Cyrene, i. Rhodes with Gela and Acragas, 
k. the other Dor. islands in the Aegean, as Carpathus, 
Astypalaea etc. 3. North West Greek, a. Phocis, b. Locris, 
c. Aetolia, d. Acarnania, e. Phthiotis and the district of the 
Aenianes, f. Epirus, g. probably also Achaia. 4. Aeolic, a. 
Lesbos and Aeolian Asia Minor, b. North Thessaly, c. Boeotia. 
5. Elean (belonging to North West GreekP). 6. Arcadian- 
Cyprian 1 ). 7. Pamphylian. 

These dialects are found in their purest form on inscriptions. 
The literary language, especially that of the poets, is in many 
respects artificially constructed; even the language of the Homeric 
poems is in great measure an artificial dialect. 

Towards the end of the fifth century B. C. there was formed 
on the basis of the Attic dialect a literary language common to 
all Greeks, which almost entirely excluded the use of the other 
dialects from the later prose literature of antiquity. Hence it is 
that we have to gather our knowledge of most of the non- Attic 
local dialects either entirely, or almost entirely, from inscriptions. 

The language of mediaevel Greek literature is an artificial 
mixture of ancient Greek with forms of the then spoken popular 
language in varying degrees of modification. Modern Greek 

1) Collitt (Die Verwandtschaftsrerhaltnisse der griech. Dialekte 1885) 
places this dialect in close relation with Aeolic and puts forward the 
hypothesis that 'the Thessalian dialect in point of language forms the 
transition-stage from Boeotian to Lesbian, from Lesbian to Cyprian- Arcadian 
and from Cyprian- Arcadian to Boeotian' (p. 9). 



§ 6—7. Greek. Albanian. 



exhibits a rich development of dialects; as yet little has been 
done towards fixing the historical relation of the separate dialects 
to ancient Greek 1 ). 

We shall confine our attention to the development of the 
O.Gr. dialects. 

Cp. Ahrens De Graecae linguae dialectis, I. De dialectis 
Aeolicis, Gottingen 1839, II. De dialecto Dorica, Gottingen 1843. 
R. Meister Die griechischen Dialekte, I. Asiatisch-Aolisch. 
Bootisch, Thessalisch, Gottingen 1882. G. Curtius Grundzuge 
der griechischen Etymologic, Edit. 5., Leipzig 1879. R. Kuhner 
Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, 2 vols., Edit. 2., 
Hannover 1869 — 1870. G. Meyer Griechische Grammatik, 
Leipzig 1880 (Edit. 2. 1886). Delbruck Die Grundlagen der 
griechischen Syntax, Halle 1879. The Author, Griechische 
Grammatik, in Iw. Muller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertums- 
wissenschaft II (1885) p. 1—126. 

§ 7. (4) Albanian, the language of ancient Illyria, has 
only been known to us from monuments of any extent since 
the seventeenth century. The historical treatment of this 
language, which is beset with manifold difficulties — the greatest 
of which lies in clearly separating pure Albanian words from 
those borrowed from the Greek, Latin, Romance, Slavonic and 
Turkish languages — , is still in its infancy. 

Cp. Gustav Meyer Albanesische Studien, Wien I 1883, II 
1884 (in which the whole of the older literature has been collected 
together) and 'Der Einfluss des Lateinischen auf die alban. 
Formenlehre' in the Miscellanea di Filologia, dedicata alia 
memoria dei professori Caix e Canello p. 103 ff. 2 ). 

We shall only take this language into account in discussing 



1) Considerations introductory to the study of the relation of Middle 
and Modern Greek to O.Greek and the researches on the subject are giren 
by Krumbacher Beitr&ge zu einer Geschichte der griech. Sprache, in 
Kuan's Ztschr. XXVII 481 ff. 

2) The treatise of the same scholar Tfoer Sprache und Literatur 
der Albanesen' in his 'Essays und Studien zur Sprach geschichte und Volks- 
kunde', Berlin 1885, p. 49 ff. is strongly to be recommended as an intro- 
duction to this subject 



8 Italic. Latin. Umbro-Samnite. § 7 — 8. 

the development of the Indg. palatal and guttural explosives 
§ 411 and § 458—460. 

§ 8. (5) The Italic branch consists of Latin on the one 
hand and of the Umbrian-Samnitic dialects on the other. 

Latin, with which the little known dialect of Falerii was 
closely related, is known to us from about 300 B.C. onwards. 
So long as the language was confined to Latium, there existed 
no dialectical differences of any importance. The contrast bet- 
ween the popular and the literary language, which had already 
arisen at the beginning of the archaic period of literature (from 
Li vius Andronicus to Cicero), became still sharper in the classical 
period, and the further development of the former is almost 
entirely lost to our observation until the Middle Ages, when 
the popular Latin of the various provinces of the Roman 
empire meets us in a form more or less changed and with a 
rich development of dialects (Romance languages: Portuguese, 
Spanish, Catalanian, Provencal, French, Italian, Raetoromanic 
and Roumanian) 1 )- 

We shall only consider the development of the Latin of 
antiquity. 

Gp. Cor s so n Uber Aussprache, Yocalismus und Betonung 
der lateinischen Sprache, 2 vols., Leipzig 1858. 1859, edit 2., 
1868. 1870. R. Euhner Ausfuhrliche Grammatik der lateinischen 
Sprache, 2 vols., Hannover 1877. 1879. F. 8tolz and J. G. 
Sohmalz Lateinische Grammatik, in Iw. Mailer's Handbuch 
der klass. Altertumsw. II (1885) p. 127—364. 

The Umbrian-Samnitio dialects are known to a certain 
extent through inscriptions, which for the most part belong to 
the last centuries before our era, and through words quoted 
by Roman writers. We are best acquainted with Umbrian 
(Br6al Les tables Eugubines, Paris 1875, Biicheler Umbrica, 
Bonn 1883) and Oscan (Zvotaioff Sylloge inscriptionumOscarum, 
Petersburg-Leipzig 1878). Of the Volscian, Pioentine, Sabine, 

1) Cp. Bndinaiky Dio Ausbreitunfc der 1st. Sprache fiber Italien 
nnd die Prorinzen des rflmtsohen Reiohes, Berlin 1881, Grower in the 
Archi? for lat, Lexikographie I 35 ff., 204 ff. 



§ 8-9. Keltic 9 

Aeqaiculan, Vestinian, Marsian, Pelignian and Marrucinian 
dialects we have only very scanty remains (Zvetaieff In- 
8criptione8 Italiae Mediae dialecticae, Leipzig 1884). All these 
dialects were forced into the background at an early period by 
the intrusion of Latin. The Sabines, who received citizenship 
in 267 B. C, seem to have been the first to become romanised. 
The slowest to give way was Oscan, which in the mountains 
did not perhaps become fully extinct for centuries after the 
Christian era. 

Cp. further Bruppacher Oak. Lautlehre, Zurich 1869, 
Enderis Versuch einer Formenlehre der osk. Sprache, Zurich 
1871. 

§ 9. (6) The Keltic languages fall into three groups: 
Gallic, Britannic and Gaelic 1 ). 

We know something of Gallic through Keltic names and 
words quoted by Greek and Latin authors, through inscriptions 
and coins. But the interpretation of the forms, mostly proper 
names, is in most cases so uncertain that from these remains 
linguistic research has hitherto gained comparatively little. 

Britannic broke up into Cymric (or Welsh), Cornish and 
Bas Breton (or Armorican); the connexion between the last two 
is especially close. We are acquainted with Cymric and Bas 
Breton from the eighth or ninth century onward, at first through 
glosses ; the oldest records of Cornish are somewhat later. The 
last named dialect became extinct at the end of the eighteenth 
or beginning of the nineteenth century, both the others are 
still living. 

Irish-Gaelic, Scotch-Gaelic (which is also known as Gaelic 
in the stricter sense), and Manx (spoken in the Isle of Man) 
form the Gaelic division. All three of these are still living. 
The first two languages seem hardly to have differed from each 
other in the ninth century. The oldest monuments are the 
O.Gaelic Ogam inscriptions (Ogam is the native name for the 

1) The first two languages have often been classed together as a 
special group, but without sufficient reason. See Thurneysen Kelto- 
rontnisches 1884 p. 7 ff. 



10 Keltic. Germanic. § 9—10. 

Gaelic runes), which possibly date as far back as about 500 A.D. 
The literary record of Irish begins in the eighth century, at 
first with glosses, and then from the year 1100 onward we 
have many extensive manuscripts which contain sagas, ecclesias- 
tical literature etc. Scotch-Gaelic literature begins somewhat 
later than that of Irish and in the older period is closely 
connected with Irish. Manx is only known to us during the 
last few centuries 1 ). 

We shall consider chiefly Old Irish. 

Cp. J. C. Zeuss Grammatica Celtica (e monumentis vetustis 
tarn Hibernicae linguae quam Britannicarum dialectorum Cam- 
bricae Cornicae Aremoricae comparatis Gallicae prisoae reliquiis 
construxit J. C. Z.), Edit. 2. by H. Ebel, Berlin 1871. Win- 
disch Eurzgefasste irische Grammatik, Leipzig 1879. 

§ 10. (7) The Germanic branch is divided into Gothic, 
Norse, and West Germanic. 

Gothic, the most archaic language of the Germanic group, 
is chiefly accessible to us through the biblical translation of the 
West Gothic bishop Ulfilas (311—381 A.D.). The language 
perished with the Gothic nation. (The East Goths, who dwelt in 
the Crimea, retained their language down to modern times; but 
of this branch of Gothic we possess only a few isolated words.) 

Norse (or Scandinavian), which in certain special points 
closely coincides with Gothic 2 ) and is therefore by some writers 
classed together with it as East Germanic as opposed to West 
Germanic, down to the Viking period (800—1000 A. D.) was 
practically a single language, but later on became broken up 
into four languages, Icelandic and Norwegian (West Norse) 
on the one hand, Swedish and Danish (East Norse) on the other. 
The earliest records are runic inscriptions, the oldest of which 

1) Wind inch's article «Kcltischc 8prachen> in Ersch und Gruber's 
JL EncykL d. W. u. K. second section, XXXV p. 132 flf., serves as a good 
introduction to the Keltic languages generally, the monuments of these 
languages and Keltologioal literature. 

2) Tho most important of these coincidences are Goth, ddj = O.IceL 
ggj from i (§ 142) and Goth. <wr - O.locL <?<?r from * (§ 179). Cp. Braune 
in Psul-Braune's Beitr. IX 546 t 



§10-11. Germanic. Baltic-Slaronic. 11 

appear to belong to the fifth century. By O.Norse was, in former 
times, generally understood O.West Norse only; the term is now 
more properly applied to the whole development of the Scan- 
dinavian languages up to the sixteenth century. 

The oldest representatives of West-Germanic are Anglo- 
Saxon, the continuation of which is Mod.English; O.Frisian; 
0.8aion, now Low German; O.Low Franconian, now Dutch, 
Flemish, and the language of the German Lower Franconia; 
and O.High German, the present Upper- und Middle German 
dialects. The oldest records of these languages date from the 
eighth or ninth century, the oldest OHG. record belonging to 
about the period 740 - 745 ; but with Frisian we are acquainted 
only since the fourteenth century. 

We shall limit ourselves chiefly to Gothic and Old High 
German. 

Cp. J. Grimm Deutsche Grammatik, I 2 , II 2 , new reprint, 
Berlin 1870. 1878, III, IV Gottingen 1831, 1837. Rumpelt 
Deutsche Grammatik, rait Rucksicht auf vergleichende Sprach- 
forschung, I (Lautlehre) Berlin 1860. A. Iloltzmann Alt- 
deutBche Grammatik I, 1 (Die specielle Lautlehre), 2 (Ver- 
gleichung der deutschen Laute unter einander), Leipzig 1870. 1875. 
W. Scherer Zur Geschichte der deutschen Spracbe, edit. 2., 
Berlin 1878. Leo Meyer Die gothische Sprache, ihre Laut- 
gestaltung insbesondere im Verhaltniss zum Altindischen, Grie- 
ehischen und Lateinischen, Berlin 1869. W. Braunc Gotische 
Grammatik, edit. 2., Halle 1882. L. Wimmer Altnordische 
Grammatik, translated from the Danish by E. Sievcrs, Halle 
1871. A. Noreen Altnordische Grammatik I (Altisl. und Alt- 
norw. Gramm. unter Beriicksichtigung des Urnordischen), Halle 
1884. E. Sievcrs Angelsachsische Grammatik , Halle 1882 
(2. ed. 1886). W. Braune Althochdeutsche Grammatik, Halle 
1886. O.Behaghel Die deutsche Sprache, Leipzig und Prag 1886. 
§ 11. (7) The Baltic-Slavonic branch. The Baltic division 
consists of Prussian, Lithuanian, and Lettic. The former died out 
in the seventeenth century and we only possess very few im- 
perfectly recorded specimens dating from the fifteenth and 



12 Baltic-Slavonic. § 11 — 12. 

sixteenth centuries. The two latter are still living and their 
oldest records belong to the sixteenth century. 

We confine ourselves chiefly to Lithuanian. 

Cp. N esse 1 man n Die Sprache der alten Preussen, Berlin 
1845. The same author, Thesaurus linguae Prussicae, Berlin 
1873. Schleicher Litauische Grammatik, Prag 1856. Kur- 
c h a t Grammatik der littauischen Sprache, Halle 1 876. B i e 1 e n - 
stein Die lettische Sprache, nach ihren Lauten und Formen 
erklarend und vergleichend dargestellt, 2 Theile, Berlin 1863. 
1864. The same author, Lettische Grammatik, Mitau 1863. 

The Slavonic languages fall into a South-Eastern and a 
Western group. To te former belong Russian (a. Great Russian 
and White Russian, b. Little Russian), Bulgarian and Illyrian 
(a. Servian and Croatian, b. Slovenian), to the latter Czech 
(Czech in the stricter sense, Moravian and Slovakian), Sorabian 
or Wendish (Upper- and Lower Sorabian) and Lechish (Polish 
and Polabian or Elbe-Slavonian). All these languages, with the 
exception of Polabian, are still living. The most archaic, and 
for Indg. grammar the most important, is the language in which 
the Slavonic apostles Cyril and Methodius (ninth century) wrote. 
In our investigations we accordingly consider this language of 
the first importance. It is called O.Slovenian by Miklosich, but 
by Schleicher, Schaffarik and others with more justness O.Bul- 
garian. It became the ecclesiastical language of the Greek church, 
and that form of it, which was modified through the influence 
of other Slavonic languages, especially of Russian, is generally 
known by the name of Church Slavonic. 

Cp. Miklosich Yergleichende Grammatik der slavischen 
Sprachen 4 vols. Vienna, I 2 1879, U 1875, HI 2 1876, IV 1874. 
Schleicher Die Formenlehre der kirchenslavischen Sprache er- 
klarend und vergleichend dargestellt, Bonn 1852. Leskien 
Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslawischen) Sprache, 
Weimar 1871, edit. 2., 1886. 

§ 12. In accordance with what has been said in §§ 4—11, 
we shall speak exclusively or at all events especially of 
the oldest periods of those languages whose developments are 



§ 12—13. Meaning of primitive Germanic etc. 13 

known to us through records extending over a great length of 
time. The term 'science of the Indg. languages', as has been 
already stated in § 1, does not demand such a restriction. This 
division of labour is wholly due to the course which the science 
has hitherto taken, and is fully justified by the present state of 
the science. Bopp in his Vergleichende Grammatik (3 vols., 
edit 3, Berlin 1868 — 1871) and Schleicher in his Compendium 
der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen 
edit. 4, Weimar 1876) also limit themselves similarly as we 
have done. 

When we speak of primitive Indg. forms; of prim. Ar.; of 
prim. Gr. or of prim. Ital. etc., we generally mean those forms 
which were in use towards the close of the primitive period of 
these languages. But we also often mean such forms as belonged 
to an earlier period of this stage, and which had already under- 
gone a change towards its termination. For instance, we there- 
fore speak equally well of prim. Germ. *fat9x& and of prim. 
Germ. *fa x d (Goth, faha, s. § 214), of prim. Gr. *tiotgi and 
prim. Gr. *nooni (Att. noot, s. § 490), as of Lat. sequontur 
and Lat. secuntur (§ 431). Forms, put down by us as prim. 
Ind., prim. Ar. etc. , are therefore not to be indiscriminately 
regarded as belonging to the same period. Again, if we, for 
example, uniformly write /, not h } in prim. Germ, forms where 
we put h for Gothic words, it must not be implied that / had 
not in certain cases already become h in prim. Germanic (cp. 
§ 529). 

ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE INDO - GERMANIC LAN- 
GUAGES IN GENERAL. ROOT AND SUFFIXES.') 

§ 13. The Indg. languages belong to the inflexional class. 
The inflexion of words has not existed from the very beginning, 
bat has been gradually developed and perfected. 



1) With what follows compare Delbrttck Binleitung in das Sprach- 
itudiam 2 (Leipzig 1884) p. 61 ff. and Paul Principien der Sprachgesohiohte 
(Halle 1880) p. 154 ff. 



14 Root-period. Word-formation. § 13. 

We have to presuppose a period in which suffixal elements 
were not yet attached to words. The word-forms of this period 
are called roots, and the space of time prior to inflexion, is 
called the root-period. It dates much further back than that 
stage of development whose word-forms we are able to deduce 
by a comparison of the separate Indg. groups of languages. 
This stage is usually simply called the Indg. parent-language. 

What we understand by word-formation and inflexion arose 
by composition, that is, by the following process: a group of 
words which formed a syntactical complex was fused into a 
unity, in which the whole was in some way isolated in relation 
to its elements 1 ). This word-fusion from the beginning onwards 
occurred in the same way, just as afterwards, in the age of 
separate languages (partly even in historical periods) the final 
members of compounds became suffixes, e. g. Goth -i in mik 
(Mod. HG. mick) from prehistoric *me ge (cp. Gr. Ipty* beside 
e ft*), French -ment in fi&rement from fera mente, MHG. and 
Mod.HG. -heit in schcenheit, originally meaning 'schone Be- 
schaffenheit' (beautiful state or condition), where heit is still an 
independent word in MHG. and OHG., ModJrish -mhar in 
buadhmhar 'victorious* = O.Ir. mar tndr Cymr. mawr 'magnus 
(Zimmer Kelt. Studien II p. 22 ff). The formation of suffixes 
is not a work which belongs to any special prehistoric period 
and which was concluded at any definite point of time. But 
when once this process had begun, it was performed anew 
through all periods of the history of the Indg. languages and 
will probably also be repeated again ia the future, so long as 
our languages continue to develop. 



1) "With respect both to meaning and form either the whole may 
pass through a development. in which the separate parts do not participate 
when used independently, or vice versa the separate parts may pass through 
a development in which the whole does not participate, or it may happen 
that the separate parts cease to be employed independently, while they are 
preserved in combination, or lastly the mode of combination may vanish 
from living use and only remain preserved in certain set forms". Paul in 
the above work p. 165. 



§ 13. Suffixes, and their origin. Words without suffixes. 15 

Suffixes are divided into word-forming suffixes or inflexional 
suffixes in the stricter sense, to which on the one hand belong 
case endings (e. g. -m in Indg. *ek%om ■= Lat. equom, Skr. 
iham), and on the other, personal endings (e. g. -mi in Indg. 
*#mi = Gr. *?/*#, Skr. &m), and stem-forming suffixes (e. g. 
-ter- in Indg. *p9tire$ = Gr. nar^gsg, Skr. pitdras, -sfo>- in 
Indg. *qtpsfc6nH = Gr. paaxopri paoxovot, Skr. gdchanti). It 
is impossible to draw a sharp line between the two species of 
suffixes, since many an element, which was originally only 
stem -forming, has come to be treated on the same level with 
word-forming suffixes. Cp. e. g. Lat. legiminT, whose final part 
mini, felt by the Romans as a personal ending (like -mur etc.), 
contains the stem-forming suffix -meno- (cp. Gr. Xr/ofnvot) ; pro- 
perly legiminT estis = keyofievoi lavs. 

The derivation as well as the original value of those suffixal 
elements, which in the Indg. prim, period were already no longer 
felt to be the members of a compositum, is for the most part 
very doubtful. Of the conjectures which have been put forth 
regarding these suffixes, there are only a few to which one can 
allow a certain amount of probability. To these belongs especially 
the hypothesis, that a part of the personal endings were origi- 
nally independent substantival pronouns, cp. the -m of the 1. sg. 
impf. Indg. *Sbherom (Skr. dbharam, Gr. eyspov) with the pro- 
nominal stem *-me (Lat. mS, Goth. mi-k). 

There are in the Indg. languages many words of which 
we can not prove that they either contain or ever did contain 
a suffix. These, therefore, apparently represent the form they 
had in the pre-inflexional period, e. g. Gr. ps, Goth. mi(-k) cpf. 
*me: 8kr. mi, Gr. w, Lat. nu( r diu8) J O.Ir. nu no, OHG. nu 
no, Lit n&(-gi) now*. In other cases, root- words had disappeared 
in those compositions which we call inflected words. We must 
guard against fancying that, towards the close of the primitive 
period, or even later, elements like es, which we abstract as 
root from such forms as Indog. *£*ti, (Gr. ?tfn, Skr. dsti), had 
an independent existence and a meaning without any definite 
syntactical relation. 



16 On the u»e of hyphens. § 14. 

§ 14. According to the analogy of such forms as Pr. vis- 
a-vis, rouge-gorge, it has become usual to indicate component 
parts of inflected words by hyphens, e. g. Gr. el-pi, nu-xiQ-eg, 
<piQ-o-i, in the same manner Indg. *6i-mi, *p9-t6r-es, *bhtr-o-i-t. 
It is thus intended to give a clear idea as to what parts of an 
inflected word once had an independent existence. 

With regard to this mode of proceeding the following 
remarks are to be made. 

1. We have seen in § 13, that as the first foundations of 
derivation and inflexion were laid by the fusion of independent 
elements, so this process has been continually repeated up to 
the present time. But the great majority of inflexional forms 
do not directly depend upon it. No sooner did the first in- 
flexional compounds make their appearance, than they served as 
the models upon which other words were formed after their ana- 
logy, just in the same manner as most of the Mod. HG. com- 
posita in -heit, -bar, -lich etc. can no longer be conceived as 
proper syntactical compounds, but only as imitations of model 
forms, made at an earlier period. Composita, the formation of 
which we are able to trace in the younger stages of the separate 
languages, often exhibit manifold shiftings and deviations. The 
reason of these latter is, that all feeling for the mode of com- 
position of the model forms became extinct. Thus, for instance, 
according to the analogy of Mid.HG. tniltekeit from miltec-heit 
(cp. miltec-ltch) etc. have arisen such forms as Mod.HG. frommig- 
keit. eitdkeit etc., by the abstraction of a suffix -keit. Such 
shiftings may also have taken place in the oldest stages of the 
inflexional period, so that, strictly speaking, we are never sure 
in the case of a suffix which has come down to us from the 
Indg. parent language, whether it ever existed as an independent 
word exactly in the same shape as we extract it from the body 
of a word, or whether it originally consisted of elements which 
passed into this shape by regular phonetic changes. 

2. It very frequently happens, that two or more suffixes 
become fused into a unity in those periods of a language which 
we are able to control. E. g. Mod.HG. -ner in bild-mr, harf-ner 



§ 14. On the use of hyphens. 17 

etc is due to the -wer in such forms as gftrtn-er (Mid. HG. 
garten-<Bre)i which is a derivative of garten ; Gr. -a/veo in xe q J- 
-«iW, Uvx-cuvu) etc. to the -alva in such forms as nxtaivcj 
from *xsxrav-jLLo (to rlxrcuv). In like manner many of the prim. 
Indog. suffixes, which we are wont to regard as a unity, e. g. 
the -fcr- in *pd-Ur-e$ (Gr. naTtgeg), may have been fused together 
out of several suffixal elements. Our inability to analyse a prim. 
Indg. element proves nothing for its primitive unity. 

3. It is theoretically correct when we say that the root 
of a word is found after we have removed all formative syllables 
from it. But in the first place we do not know what shape 
Indg. words had towards the end of the root-period, and this 
applies especially to the fact that we are unable to say whether 
the language at this stage possessed only monosyllabic words, 
or only words of more than one syllable, or both categories. 
Secondly the analysis of elements, which were directly annexed 
io the ends of roots, is of a most doubtful nature. And lastly 
we are unable to determine what phonetic changes inflexional 
compounds had undergone from the beginning up to the dis- 
solution of the primitive community. Hence it must not be 
supposed that the roots, which we in ordinary practice abstract 
from words, are at all to be relied upon as representing the 
word-forms of the root-period. We are utterly unable to deter- 
mine e. g. whether the complex *<*na- in Gr. avt-fio-$, Lat. 
ani-mu-s, Skr. 3. sg. dni-ti 'breathes* (cp. § 110) represents a 
unitary word of the root-period ; or whether it is to be resolved 
into *an-&-, that is, whether -a- was a suffix, and thus originally 
an independent element. 

Such being the state of things, we shall retain the terms 
'root' and 'suffix* in this work for such parts of a word as seq- 
and -tr, -tai in Indg. *seqetai (Skr. sdcate, Gr. Snstai). We do 
not however assert that the elements, to which we give these 
names, ever existed as independent words. We merely indicate 
by means of hyphens (1) what was probably felt at any parti- 
cular period as the nucleus (so to speak) of a whole system of 
word-forms (sej-), and (2) what was regarded as the formative 

B r o ( m a n a , Elements. 2 



18 On the use of hyphens. § 14. 

element (-0- and -ta{ in *siq-e-tai, *bh6#dh-e-taj,, *bhir-e-tai etc.), 
shared in common by a greater or less number of different 
words. The elements -e- and «a- in cases as Gr. ?7r-6-ra« (Indg. 
*seq-e~) and fiit. rtvea) tevw from *m>-£-(jG) (Indg. *ten-9-, cp. 
Skr. fut. tan-i-$ydmi) may nevertheless originally have been 
parts of roots (dissyllabic root-words); but on account of forms 
like 7uv8stcu, (psQtrat, aytrcu and vsfxsm, yOsgsa), flaXita on the 
one hand and of forms like ixpofxm and rsivo) (from *tsvia), 
§§ 131. 618) on the other, it becomes highly probable that they 
simply were for the perception of language (sprachempfindung) 
that which grammarians call "suffix" 1 ). 



1) 'A certain analysis of forms takes place in the formation of asso- 
ciated concepts which refer to the system of word-formation and inflexion, 
whereby categories arise which are analogous to the grammatical notions 
of root, stem, and suffix. But it must always be borne in mind, firstly, 
that the mind remains entirely unconscious of these categories as such; 
secondly that they have nothing to do with the original mode of the for- 
mation of words, but purely accommodate themselves to the sound-series 
(Lautreihe) whioh regularly goes through a number of forms in the lan- 
guage for the time being, so that e. g. in Mod. Germ, tag-, hirt- appear as 
nominal stems, trag- and brenn- as verbal and present stems, trug- and 
brannt- as the preterite stems of tragen and brennen; thirdly that the 
elements arising from analysis are never felt as something entitled to an 
independent existence, but only as something whioh is possible in certain 
modes of combination*. Paul Prinoipien p. 64. 



PHONOLOGY. 



§ 15. By a comparison of the eight Indo-Germanic dialects 
(§ 3) we are in a position to arrive at the number and nature 
of the sounds possessed by the Indg. parent language. These 
were as follow: — 

Vowels. In the function of sonants: i f, u w, e 8, o ff, 
a a, 9. In the function of consonants: i, #. 

Nasals. In the function of consonants: & (velar), ft (palatal); 
n (dental), m (labial). In the function of sonants: w n, ft ft, 
9 h ?* #• 

Liquids. In the function of consonants: r, I. In the 
function of sonants: % T> I !• 

Explosives: 

p b ph bh (labial). 

t d th dh (dental). 

h § Hh gh (palatal). 

q Q qh gh (velar). 

To these is probably further to be added the spiritus lenis, 
a laryngeal explosive, e. g. Indg. *esti 'is', Gr. s an. In the 
following paragraphs we shall indicate this sound only in 
Greek words. 

Spirants: 8, z, j, v. 

2* 



, , ,.,.i \->^*t .__ii!i 

p " ;;,.,,.. «*■ «*•*—£ 

:,., m. iu»-^-; „ w «^ T** 

::,!. ., —••- ♦»■* :xz x *. ^ « *««■-> 

W»- *' •*" *.^ ^wd, m • — e of «s 

"... - -. V w ... J <-w — *«* *-£ 

^■■■■l ^ M, V,',^*« V,h voice. .«- <** 

.. , ..,v,> <*• v, "'° ■ , Ht .^t»e »*. <*'•• «'• 9- 11 - 
.,.1.... .• •• *>-• * . „. t v otW-t band the tw 






,. 1 * 

v ^ - • * * w '. \ • i.-- *<-•■ *" n '' • **'-"* *"•'•' * 

.. ^ -"-— * \ , rk . ^ ^-^— ~ «- »-•!*- 

.• - •" -* ; .- •- - ' = *•••• ■" '•" j 

--■ ■— *■ * "T-" — "••-• i "•-"' '■" " 

- ■ " . . ..- - « r. •«— ■ 



i .w-*. 



* ti ^rr.' 



V .v . 7.. • \^'/* ^ 



TV, 



>T.-^., * - ' 



J 



§16—18. Sonorous and noised sounds. Sonants and consonants. 21 

in the course of the individual developments were added to 
the respective voiced sounds of the primitive period. 

§ 17. 2. Sonorous sounds and noised sounds. The 
mouth and nose on the one hand, serve to modify the clangs 
formed in the larynx, on the other hand noises', which are 
independent of the activity of the larynx, can be produced in 
these organs through the current of breath undergoing a checking 
and friction. In uttering t, s, e. g. a noise is made on the 
inner side of the upper teeth, or on their sockets. Voice and noise 
formed in the mouth and nose (Ansatzrohrgerausch) can be com- 
bined, e. g. in d and z (Pr. zSro, Buss, zoloto gold*). Those 
sounds, which are formed with noise, whether they be voiceless 
or voiced, are called noised sounds, whereas those, in which 
the formation of voice takes place in the larynx, while the mouth 
and nose merely serve as resonance chambers, are called sonorous 
sounds. The Indg. explosives and spirants were noised sounds, 
md the Indg. vowels and nasals, sonorous sounds. The r- and 
•sounds were and are in the historic periods of the Indg. languages 
~.irtly sonorous and partly spirantal in their formation. And it 
not improbable, that the spirantal pronunciation, where it occurs 
x historic times, had everywhere first come into being during the 
*uroe of the separate history of the respective Indg. languages. 
§ 18. 3. Sonants and Consonants. Every syllable 
""tains one sound, which is either alone or at least principally 
>; bearer of the accent, e. g. the bearers of this accent in the 
„d hoff-nting are o and u. Such sounds are called sonants. 
* other elements of a syllable are to a certain extent only 
""nets to the sonant which forms the nucleus of the syllable, 
are therefore called consonants. Every syllable must con- 
. one sonant and can contain only one, whereas it can 
e several consonants (Mod. German strumpfs) or none at 
'Lat. imperative F 1 ). One set of sounds can be used 
as sonants and as consonants, especially the vowels — 



' By this classification we omit to take account of the spiritus lenis, 
•t+rictljr speaking ought to be reckoned among the consonants. 



22 H^tiMttU *h4 ^nwotflU. Pronunciation of tne lettPT*. f 18 — 19. 



*M4ng*t these particularly i, u — , the nasals and liquids; we 
write these sound* i u %, f etc when used as sonants, and i, 
\k, n, r etc, when used as consonants. Cp. Mod. German A-$ien 
\mldti A-ul-in (in poets) ; Lat. &-qyAm beside d-cu-dtn, stln-gyo 
beside dr-gUrd^ English r6'j/f-zn~ttjri# (representation); Mod.Germ. 
rtrj^ni beside ri-chpt {rechnet), gp-nug (genug\ h&n-dM beside 
hdn*dlt gf-rd-dk (gerade); Czech kft (krt 'mole'), vtk (vlk wolf); 
Nkr, pUtrd (pitrd, instr. sg. of pitdr- 'father') beside pl4f-$6 
(ptlffap loo, pi. of the same word) 1 ); in Slovakian sfn, vpi 
(nrn, vln) gon. pi. to sf-nd (srna roe*), v(-nd (vlna wave'). 

Ju our representation of pre-historic forms we consequently 
mark i and u alao as consonants when they form the second 
oompouont of a diphthong, e. g. Indg. 3. sg. *4jjti = Gr. tla* 
Hkr. tti> Hhtf&lhetai = Gr. ntvSsrat 8kr. bodhatB. The vowels 
i aud u had here the same function as e. g. r in the 3. sg. 
*bhMi from rt. bh$r» 'bear' (Skr. bhdrti, Lat fert) and n in the 
Ht sg, *bhi>hh<iMihe from rt, bhendh- 'bind' (Skr. babdndha, Goth. 
*«*«0- l> 8 808. 

Hew* A tow phonetic elucidations on the explosives and spirants, 
will be found in § 8*) ft *nd § 564, 

Ou the pronunciation of the letters. 

$ 19k The various lndg. languages and dialects were and 
ttiU *rv written iu various alphabets by the respective peoples 
aud ttwir suUlWisktu*. Sometimes different kinds of alphabets 
>fc wv exea ettftptoved in different districts King within the sphere 
v>f tW same dvaWtx or abo iu the same district for different 
imrjvctt*^ ik ^, iu Owaa (iasmptions in the Ctecan-Samnhic, 
X^Utt v aad tin*k alphabets) and in Serxiaa (:he Cyrtluc alphabet 
W w*?lvy*4 by the fcttavro *rf th* Greek Chtirvfeu and the Latin 
V> th# Kvttttfct *uhoftc«). It afctf fee^uencly bappesed that one 
a^halNt *a* f*ti»&tt!*tt£iy jivvu u^ in fciTvur at" aaccfcer* ep_ 






§ 19—20. Sanskrit pronunciation. 23 

e. g. the change from the runic to the Latin alphabet among 
the Germanic races. 

It has become usual in works on Indg. grammar to employ 
native characters only in the case of Greek, Latin, and those 
younger developments which were and still are written in the 
Latin alphabet, but for the rest to make use of a tran- 
scription, based on the Latin alphabet. Now the Latin system 
of letters is insufficient for the transliteration of most foreign 
alphabets, and when this is the case, it is usual either to add a 
diacritic sign to the Latin letter, or to borrow a letter from 
other known alphabets. 

The exposition of the history of the various sounds will 
furnish further information as to the living value of the letters. 
With regard to the transcription which we have adopted for 
the various languages, we simply make such observations 
here as will enable the reader to pronounce the words 
correctly or at least approximately so; in the case of dead 
languages it is, of course, often impossible to determine precisely 
the value of a letter. 

§ 20. Sanskrit. The alphabet is as follows: 

aaifuUjrfl€aioauh T kkh g gh w c ch j jh 
fttfhddhntthddhnpphbbhmyrlvSgsh. 

X, f, I are sonants (s. § 18). f, f like consonant al r are 
cerebral (cp. f, fh etc. below), i. e. similar to English r;%'and I 
are dental. 

h (visarga) is our spiritus asper. 

We indicate the nasal pronunciation of the sonants by T , 
e. g. q§u-§ 'thread, beam of light', ace. svddfyqs-am 'suaviorem', 
f,f = nasalised f, f, e. g. in tfharti 'he shatters', nfS-ca 'viros-que*. 

The voiceless aspirate explosives kh, cA, fh, th, ph and the 
voiced aspirate explosives gh, jh, dh, dh 9 bh are to be pronounced 
as explosives followed by an A, but cp. however Whitney's 
8kr. Gram. § 37. 

The palatals c, ch, j, jh are generally pronounced as (com- 
pound) toA-sounds, e. g. the initial sounds of ca 'and' and jdna-s 
creature* like the initial sounds of Italian cento and gente or those 



24 Avestic pronunciation. § 20 — 21. 

of English church and judge. But they were simple sounds, 
similar to Mod.HG. k and g before palatal vowels, e. g. in kind, gift. 

The cerebrals (cacuminals) f, fh, d, dh are uttered with the 
tip of the tongue turned up and drawn back into the dome of 
the palate. 

99 is the guttural, ft the palatal, and n the cerebral nasal. 

y =%, v = u or spirantal t?, s. §§ 18. 127. 161. 

s is like Mod.HG. dental #, cp. dsti and Mod.HG. ist. On the 
other hand £ and £ are sft-sounds; J is the palatal and £ the 
cerebral sA-sound; & is thus the softened § (sz) found in Slavonic 
and Lithuanian. 

h is pronounced like our spiritus asper; it was however a 
voiced sound, the character of which is doubtful, cp. Whitney's 
Skr. Gram. § 65. 

§ 21. Iranian. 

1. Avestic. 

The vowels are: a i u e e o 

e, ? represent the open and £, $ the close i-vowel, & a dull 
a sound approaching to 0. q is the nasal vowel of a and a 
(§200). y = i or spirantal, v = u or spirantal (§§ 18. 127. 161). 

Diphthongs: a(? oi, ao 5m, fli flu. ae, ao may be pro- 
nounced like the ai t an in the Middle German pronunciation 
of kaiser, haus etc. (cp. Boeot. as and Ion. ao § 96, Lat. ae 
§97). 

Liquid: r. Nasals: w guttural, ri is palatalised n (§200), 
n dental, m labial; the value of •& and n is doubtful (§558, 3). 

Explosives: k c t p, g j d b. c and j are like Skr. c 
and j (§ 20). 

Spirants: x ™ Mod. HG. ch in dac/i, to which the corre- 
sponding voiced sound is )\ i, a palatalised sound, seems to 
have been similar to the Mod. HG. ch in ich. s = our voiceless 
s in fwwf, c = Fr. c. 7i «= Mod, Gr. 6 and our th in ftm, * = 
Mod. Gr. $ and our th in f/i^H, /, tc = our /, t>. s is our sh, 
I the corresponding voiced sound = Fr. y. £ = Skr. £ The 
pronunciation of $, fi, d cannot be more exactly defined. 



§ 21—22. Old Persian and Armenian pronunciation, 25 

h is our spiritus asper (not = Skr. h). 

2. Old Persian. 

Vowels, a i w, aiu. y =i or spirantal (§ 127), v = y 
or spirantal (§ 161). y and v were not pronounced in words ending 
in 4jf, fy, -uv, -tit?. Final -hy is to be pronounced as -hi. 
Diphthongs: ai aw, ai du. 

Liquids: r, /. 

Nasals: n, m. 

Explosives: h c t p, g j d b as in Avestic. d had also 
the value of d (§ 402). 

Spirants: x, 8, z, J> % f, § as in Avestic. The value of S 
is not clear (§ 261). 

h = Av. h. 

Difficulties are caused by iy, uv, iy, uv, which in certain 
special cases represent y and v, cp. §§ 125. 159. 558, 3. 

Rem. The peculiar character of Old Persian cuneiform letters makes 
it, in some respects, difficult to decipher the words rightly. A syllable 
consisting of a consonant and a short vowel (a, /, u) was represented by 
one sign (da, di, du). Medially and finally the letters a, t, u, whioh 
initially expressed both a, t, u and also a, i, u, were added to the 
corresponding sign to express length of vowel, e. g. da + a = rfa, di + i 
= di. A consonant which was not followed by a vowel, was also always 
represented by a syllabic sign, e. g. pa + a + ra + sa + ma = p&rsam 
(ace sg. 'a Persian*). Consequently in order to express a final consonant 
+ o, an extra letter a was added at the end. Therefore, e. g. 'tna -f a 
(-md) might mean both -ma and -ma. The letters t, u were usually 
added again to the signs for consonant + t, or t<, so that e. g. vi + * 
+ $a + tna may be read either as visam or w'«am and thus we are 
not able to make a dear distinction between i, u and i, u. Cp. 
Bartholomae Handbuch p. 5 f. § 21 rem. 1. § 24 rem. 1. 

§ 22. Armenian 1 ). 

Vowels, a, u, i, o 0, e e. $ is an indefinite vowel 
somewhat resembling German 5. Pronounce y, v as i, u (§ 18). 
Diphthongs: ia, ai, oi, au, iu. 

Liquids: r, r; I, X. The difference in the pronunciation 
has not been determined. Nasals: n, tn. 



1) In the transcription of this language we entirely follow HubBch- 
nann. Cp. his treatise 'Die Umschreibung der iranisohen Sprachen und 
des Annenischen' (1882) p. 31 ft 



W UmbrUn-Bamintie pronunciation- § 22 — 23, 

Kxploaives: k t p, y d b. It f p are aspirate tenues. 

'J'lio A ft ricatae 6 $ j, c $ j may be pronounced as is ths 
til, tn (ha dz i). 

Hpi rants, x is a deep guttural ch like the ch in Scot, focft. 
» and *, the latter e-? Fr. *. £ and £, the former a voiceless, the 
latter a voiced *A-sound. 

h - our spiritus asper. 

ft&d. Umbrian-Samnitic. The monuments of this dialect- 
group arc almost exclusively inscriptions, which are written partly 
iu tho native, partly in tho Latin and also occasionally in the 
CI rook alphabet. Wo reproduce the native writing by spaced 
Roman typo, whereas those words which have come down to us 
written in tho Latin alphabet are printed in italics. 

Tho Umbrian native alphabet does not possess any special 
letter* for o, y and J, but represents them by u, k and t. 

The <\ in monuments written in Latin characters, must 
always bo pronounced as l\ 

Tho sibilant (§§ US? % 502), which arose from k before palatal 
vowol* and whioh wo represent by ^ and > (s), may be pronounced 
Uko SKfx s^ Tho prociso pronunciation of this sound, given by 
J in tho native alphabet, and by 'S (or S) in the Latin, is 
»el Knoxuu 

The medico*! ion of %i y§ ScW\ which on the tables written 
in IvAUn t* represented by ^ and aWo occasionally simply by 

* or ^ K** ihe $^n ^ in tho nariv* alphabet* It was probably 
a w\w^\\ *t^r*ntal ^Vkhul o* * % sjsuUt ro Cfcedi f. We 
tt**»ct;V t>» l\vV.:U» sv^tvl %;;h f* aad w =ay bfr prvDoaoced 

vW v^v * $ V*v**>i> rw»* k*jr:r£k^ total*** 
x*v*/».w \\* jt,\^ %- :v<r. *x I**;.* r>;s >qcr *i»? **:»?«« 

* iv^V >v%vv %Wl v* ^5^> v *>*&£> ^idvttr^j vj^fi jmesh* 

$^3**^H»**m V %-y*^ ,%o.*V* »S,*rt >. ^> ">4fc* 4k 



§ 23-24. Old Irish pronunciation. 27 

Oscan i is a close i, in the function both of a sonant, 
e. g. 1st est', and a consonant, e. g. in the diphthongal; u is 
a close o. 

Pronounce z as ts, e. g. hurz, az, keenzstur (nzs = 
ntss, cf. kvaisstur), Vezkei. But z is a voiced $ (Fr. z), 
e. g. egmazum. 

In Umbrian-Samnitic we uniformly omit the mark of length 
over vowels. We write e. g. matrer 'matris', although a was 
undoubtedly spoken (§ 105). This plan has been adopted because 
the cases are too numerous in which the quantity of the vowel 
can not be determined with certainty. 

§ 24. Old Irish writing, a variety of Latin, presents 
many diphthongs and triphthongs which were in reality only 
monophthongs and diphthongs. E. g. the i in eich of a horse' 
and in tuaith 'to the people' only marks the /-timbre of the 
following consonant. Hence some write e*ch tuaHh. S. § 640. 

c is everywhere to be pronounced as k. On the pronunciation 
of c and t compare moreover § 212 rem. and §§ 513. 658. 

cA, thy ph denote the guttural, interdental, labial voiceless 
spirants fo, p , /,), s. § 514. th occasionally also stands for the 
Toiced interdental spirant d. g, d, b are both voiced mediae 
(§ 519) and voiced spirants 3, <?, b (§ 522), g and d are even 
also used for the voiceless spirants x &nd/> (§ 514). In Middle 
Irish gh, dh, bh took the place of g, d, b as signs for the voiced 
spirants; after the manner of Modern Irish we pronounce gh 
and dh before or after a palatal vowel like our y and before 
or after other vowels as 3. 

s is h. /is silent, mi is a nasalised labial spirant. 

Rem. In the Britannie dialects u has the sound of A, in the 
greater part of Wales that of 1. So far as Gym rio is specially ooncerned, 
it may be remarked that y denotes partly a vowel, similar to that in the 
English word /ur, and partly = Cymr. m; w is partly a sonantal vowel mi 
and partly if; cA, th, ff (ph) are voiceless, and dd, f voiced spirants; w, n, 
r, I are voiced, mh, nh, rh, 11 voiceless. These values apply in the first 
instance to the living language only. 



*iH O'/thi* ftnd Lithuanian pronaneutioiL § 25 — 26. 

ft 06. Gothic, 

ul f* a iihort open e, and au a short open o. On the other 
bund di and du arc to be pronounced as diphthongs. Anteyocalic 
tii and au (o. g. *a/aw and siaua) were probably the long 
vowol* to a\ and ati, i. e. open £ and open (§§ 142. 179). 
(lothlr writing loavoa both af, a7, a» and ati, rfw, au undistin- 
guished. 

ri ' r. fl and wore close, v = u, j = i (§ 18). 

Tho guttural nasal (w) was generally (after the analogy of 
(I rook) expressed by g before homorganic explosives, e. g. laggs 
'long 1 , (tvhjkun 'to drink 1 , seldom by gg (driggkan) or n (bringan 
Ho bring 1 ). 

V (o, g» VHji* 'darkness') ■= Lat. qu. 

W initially ami medially after u, /, r, «? was a voiced ex- 
ploaivo* whoroas medially after vowels it was the interdental 
apivant it h initially and medially after consonants was a voiced 
oxpWivw whoroa* medially after vowels it was the labial spirant 
K A oorro^ponding diflforenoe is also to be assumed for g. 
8* §§ *V*iV IWW and op, also §§ 531. 530. 

^ is * voiceless inu*r\lent*l* ' * bilabial spirant. * = Fr. z. 

INvwonueo initial 4 before xowck \e, sr. hr*H "to hare') 
uW onr »)^nu» *>jvr* in other oases ie* £* i.\:' r > € ioaf. bread*, 
.* .i.-jt ^V^ v*l s l k>T x it u a $;;n*r.: I;k* G^nuan ra. 

^ I ;;>>**^as, 

\^%vU, /■ f • a x 4? ; t k , a, < *r*i t are to be 
Vw\vnn>*s\>a xwx „vsn*, i ■ f r; / *r* Tfcy c-lase and 

a>*\\> V.*^ v \av %v ^.r ; ;rv 5^rt ^c v;?^ j^ltli-- Tl*e 
W%v\V < * i . \ & >v< *■ ^ ^ t.\c;x'.um fr.ox t * \ *; 
i- i w > .ov "rtvvN*.' \ .v> *-* */> *^> v V Tr";a«;«Li»r^i j:c*. 



§ 26. Lithuanian pronunciation. 29 

written -0/ (toj). Pronounce e as Te with a very open g or as 
w. Pronounce t! as mo with a very open o or as uq. 

When the accent is on a short vowel, it is represented 
by v e. g. piktas 'bad*. In cases where ' and * are placed over 
simple vowels to indicate the accent, these vowels are always 
to be read long, e. g. vdrpa 'ear of corn', geras good*. In 
Hke manner di du ii are also to be read as di, d#, $. More 
will be found on the accent signs ' and * in § 691. j is to be 
pronounced as i, and v as a spirant (English v) 1 ). 

Liquids: r, 1. On the difference between I and I see 
"Palatalisation of Consonants 9 below. 

Nasals: n, w. n is to be pronounced as & (guttural nasal) 
before h and g y e. g. in rankd 'hand'. 

Explosives: k t p (voiceless), g d b (voiced). 

Spirants: *, z (= Fr. #), sz (= our sh), z (voiced sh, 

e = te, cz = English tsh. 

Palatalisation of Consonants. All consonants (with the 
exception of j) are liable to palatalisation. This uniformly takes 
place before palatal vowels (e, e, *, y) : the *, n^r, 2 in svete, k&ne, 
wire, birle (voc. sg. of the stems $v$ta- 'world', kuna- 'body', mtiro- 
walT, birla- 'birch*) are therefore not to be pronounced the same 
as in sv'tias, kunas, muras, birzas (nom. sg. of the same stems). 
When palatalised pronunciation takes place before non-palatal 
Towels, it is indicated by an i placed after the consonant, but 
this i must neither be read as syllabic i nor as i, e. g. kiaille 'pig', 
pidviau 1 cut' (past t.), pidusiu *I shall cut', nisziu 'I shall carry*. 
We express the non-palatalised I by I; it is the 'guttural* I, which 
in those districts bordering on Poland, has a great resemblance to 
Polish 2, and often sounds like #, s. § 280. I is the palatalised 
liquid; we therefore write galU 'I can, not galiu 2 ). 



1) This fixing of the pronunciation of v is on the authority of 
Schleicher, who had Prussian Lithuanian in mind. It is pronounced # 
in one part of Russian Lithuania. 

2) In this mode of writing we have followed Juszkiewioz. 



28 



§ 25. Goth 


at is a .short 


hand di and <n> 


ai and an {*■ 


vowels to (/ 


Gothic writ! 


guished . 


VI 


TV ■ 


Greek . 


'long'. 


'to h: 



-* -ivels as sonants. § 27 — 28. 

Id Bulgarian). 

* open. Pronounce £ as a 

^ re as the u in English but ; 

x a, i, w, y, c cp. § 615. { 

^ r = Pr. tw, the latter = Pr. 

* 186). 

< like English sh, z like Pr.y, 



: ^w the prim. Baltic-Slavonic represen- 
*»3. Pronounce the * as a sound lying 



■ i SEPARATE PRIMITIVE INDO- 
S3LISI0 SOUNDS 0. 

CUE VOWELS 2 ). 
. % VOWELS AS SONANTS. 
• ^vMU>rraanic parent-language had it, 

..^ iuJ short) were probably pronounced open. 
^,** write them rf, d. On the representation 



.u t&NUinff der Tempusstftmme durch Vocalsteigerung 

* 4 toohr, f. deutsch. Altert XVIII 161 ff., Kunn's 

.^ vHlhoff in Paul-Braune's Beitr. HI 1 ft% Morph. 

* *, 4ur Geseh. des Perf. (1884). — The Author in 

X xnt Cv Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 1 ff M XX VH 201 ff., 

. i, 4\m heutigen Stand der Sprachwissensch. 98 ff. — 

^<v*S Hwtr, II 193 ff., Ill 157 ff., IV 167 ff, IX 313 ff., 

vV * **> ff, 1881 p. 1425 ff. — Collitz in Beoenberg. 

■ ; UT C* X 1 ff. — Ferd. Masing Das Verhfcltuiss 

s.» \ oo«d*>*tufUng iur Sanskrit ischen (1878). — Verner 

. > * - l>. Meyer Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 226 ff. — 

vj.^A Hoitr, VI 10S ff. — Kluge Beitr. zur Oescli. d. 



i* % Jff It Tl-W^ii^ 



n 



* :'r^e vowels cp. tie A-tii-r ix CxT^'is" SnL IX >:T, Morplt. 
' ::. II p. IIL Knin s Zeeir- XXVII ?>: £ 

The value of * e*s z>:c be more precisely deize*i. I: aay 
'•e pronounced as 7. thai k. u j 5*>aew^.ic approaching *h* 
*ound of e. 

The regular re;c*ayxar'oa >f rheae rrlzi. Indg. tow^Is in 



me 


lHUlTK 


lumi q 


eirj.v-ae 


1^3 8 BS 


Ki.'jws: 








% 


Ar. 


Arm. 


Greet 


Las. 


O-Insh 


Teaco&ic. 


Baliie-Sbuvtic 


lath. 


O.Btl;. 




















i 


• 


i 


4 


*. * 


i. t 


^ ( 


• 


i 


1 


i 


• •--) 


j 


i 


i 


Got. o* L e. 
•\OHG.i 


yLe. 
i 


• 


M 


« 


■ 


r<*BoeO- 

oaaete.») 


■ 


M, 


M, 


M 


M 


a 


u 


«f0 


i fBoeo- 
aaaete.«> 


M 


li 


H 


M 


y 


f 


a 


', ■ 


< 


e 


e 


', • 


€ 


€ 


e 


a 


1 


* 


i 


% 


Got. ^ 
OHG. a 


/ 


e 


• 


+ d 


«,<«) 


o 








a 


a 





1 


a 


u 


« 


6 


a 


Got. 5, 
OHG. mo 


M 


a 


• / 


a 


a 


a 


a 


a 


a 


a 





i 


& 


a 


/ « 


a 


a 


Got. o\ 
OHG. mo 


6 


a 


* 


i 


a 


a 


a 


a 

1 


a 


a 






germ&n. Conjugation I flL — De Saassure Memoire sur le systeme 
primitif des royelles dans lea Ungues indo-europeennes (1879). — Ma h low 
Die iangen Yocale A, E, in den ear. Sprachen (1879). — MSller in 
Panl-Braune's Beitr. VII 482 flf. — Bezzenberger in his Beikr. V 312 ff. 
Frohde Bezzenberger's Beitr. V265 flf., VI 161 flf., VTI97 flf. — J. Schmidt 
in Knlufa Ztachr. XXV 1 flf. — Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. I 25 flf. — 
Bloomfield American Journal of Philology I 281 flf. — W. Schulze 
Knhn's Ztachr. XXVII 420 flf, — Cur tins Zur Kritik der neuesten Spraoh- 
forschung 90 fL — Delbruck die neueste Spraohf. 30 flf. — Hubsoh- 
mann Das indogerm. Vooalsystem (1885). — Bremer in Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. XI 262 flf. 



32 Prim. Indg. t. Indg. » in Ar. Armen. Gr. § 29—32. 

Indg. L 

§ 20. Indg. *t- weak present-stem of rt. ei- go'; 1. pers. 
pi. Skr. i-mds, Gr. i-psr. Indg. *uid- weak perfect stem of rt. 
#eid- 'see, know*: 1. pers. pi. Skr. vid-md, Horn. /#-^u*v, Goth. 
vit-um* Indg. *dt#- 'sky': loc. sing. Skr. div-i, Gr. JuF-L Indg. 
*t- pronoun of the 3. pers.: Skr. neut. i-d-dm, Lat. is i-d, 
Goth, i-s W i-Ua 'it'. Indg. -i- in reduplicated syllables, e. g. 
pres. Skr. ti-§th&mi (3. pers. sing, ti&hati), Gr. t-ar^it, Lat. 
St-sffl from rt. 5*0- stand*, Skr. bi-bh&ni, OHG. ftt-tem from rt. 
bhei- 'tremble at, be in fear. 

Nominal suffixes Indg. -•-, -tf-, -»*-, e. g. Skr. dvu§ c ovis', 
Gr. 64-$ o7$, Lat ot>i-s, O.Ir. dat. pi. tri-b 'tribus, Goth. dat. pi. 
gasti-m 'to guests', Lith. akl-s eye\ O.Bulg. pq# 'way* fr. *pqtT-$ 
(§ 588, 7). Superlative suffix Indg. -i$-to~, e. g. Skr. sv&d-istha-s 
Gr. #;<J-i<ttos Goth. siU-ista- 'suavisaimus', cp. also Lat. mtf<j- 
ia-frr. Locative suffix Indg. -t, e. g. Skr. dtr-f, Gr. J*/-/, Lat 
rtlr-«. Personal ending Indg. •mi, e. g. Skr. as-mt, Gr. sl/ui 
fr. *ar-i4i (§ 565), Lith. «m*J, OJBulg. ./Vs-mT. 

§ 30. Aryan. Interrogative and indefinite pronoun c*-, 
Skr, ci-d Av. ch£ O.Pers. c*y (read d), enclitic particle: Gr. 
nfs tis> Lat ynf-5, Indg. *}#-$ *gt-«J. Skr. r&- O-Pera, w£- 
'clan\ Indg. *t#4if-: cp. O.Balg. rfc-T Nicua from *|ii£-i-s. Skr. 
<ff#t- 'order, direction, Av. a-di$ti- 'assignment* : OHG. MHO. 
♦W*Af accusation, Indg. *di£ti~. Skr. <wb* At. asti O.Pers. 
nstiy (road asti) V: Gr. f<m O.Bulg. jesfi m\ Indg. *&-«. Skr. 
iki At. «t* O.Pers, •% (road id ft 'go': Gr. fat, Indg. *t-<fti. 

§ SL Armenian e-/i*JP "he left*: Gr. *-ii**, from rt fa*}-. 
e*yif *he found* (y from if, § 162): Skr. o-ruta-f, from rt i*eid-. 
tit 'day*: Skr. instr. dim *bx day*. Stem m- 'three* = Indg. 
**#>> (for the initial forms cp. §§ 263. 4S3X instr. m-rf .• cp. 8kr. 
tri-lKs* 

t\ except in final syllables* disappeared e, g. gt-atu-m 'I 
find\ ^iwi 1 le*ve\ Cp. § 632. 

§ 3a, Greek, -*.*-*V*%« *to obey*: Lat nJ-3&, from rt. 
kWti.K A- \W ifroni'Wi^ § 166 in A-^ ^«-:wc: Skr. <tot-, 
Lat &-v A$^ *'**♦-> OHG, ,:*-*-„ Indj. *a**-. *-n on : %r. apt. 



I 32-33. Indg. • in Italic. 33 

The * in Elean nils q (= Att. noXig) beside noXiv and in 
Theesal. xgswefxsv (inf., cp. Lesb. hqIvvtjv, Att. xQtveiv), 'Ypptorag 
(^ktt/Ypgiorrjg) seems to have arisen through the proximity 
of the g- 

§ 33. Italic. Lat. qui-s, Umbr. Osc. pis: Gr. tl-q. Lat. 
m-nu-6 mi*nor, Osc. mi-nstreis Ninons': Skr. mi-no-mi Gr. 
fu-vv-ia fu-vv-So) lessen', Goth. adv. ird-ns 'minus', O.Bulg. m&- 
-w)t 'minor , from rt. mei-. Lat. tri- in tri-bus tri-plex, Umbr. 
tri-pler 'triplis': Skr. tri-, Gr. r(>i-. 

Already at an early period Lat. * had a tendency towards 
t dose (open i or i pingue), hence e. g. the spelling tempesta- 
tebus (C. I. L. 32) for tempes-tati-bus (cp. Skr. arisfdtati-bhyas 
dat, abl. pi. of arifyd-t&ti- unimpairedness'). This was especially 
bo before vowels (where i had partly arisen from i, see § 135), 
hence the inscriptional forms Jileai, Oveo for filial, Ovio. This 
intermediate sound was also represented by ei, e. g. fileiai. 

e purum arose from i: 

1. Before r = Indg. s (§ 569). serf from *si-sO: Gr. typi, 
original form *si-s2-mi, from rt. sS- 'throw, sow*, cineris fr. *cinis- 
•w, cp. cinis-cidu-s. 

2. Finally, mare fr. *mari, leve fr. *levi, cp. mari-a 
mri-timus, lem-bus levi-ter, and Gr. neut iigi 'acquainted with', 
Skr. bk&ri multum'. Loc. sing, rur-e: cp. Skr. div-i. ante fr. 
*<mti cp. anti-stdy Gr. avxi, Skr. an#. 

Rem. 1. On the other hand the e in the suffix of the aeo. case 
sing, of easterns as tynim (Skr. agni-m, Lith. ttynj), mortem (Skr. mrti-m, 
O.Bulg. *u-mrift), facilem (op. facili-a), was borrowed from such forms as 
/*rf-m (-«m = Indg. -ip, §§ 224, 238), as siti-m, parti-tn eto. show. 
The e in ju-dex, in-dex beside -dfc-*s etc. (from rt. de%jc- 'direct', Skr. 
<#*■ *order, direction', Gr. ett*-?) and the e in cornea by the side of eomitis 
etc. (stem cotn-i-t- 'accompanying', from rt. ejc 'go') has also probably 
arisen through the influence of analogy ; cp. opi-fex beside facto, super- 
-*tes beside status etc. 

The combination -r*- ; between consonants in unaccented 
syllables (according to the principle of accentuation in primitive 
Latin, § 680), became f ; which passed into er. in-ceriu-s fr. *iw- 

B r Of m ann, Elements. 3 



34 Ind?. i in Italic. § 33—34. 

cri-to-s — Gr. a-xpiro-s, se-cerno fr. *se-crino. dbs-tergo fr. *a6s- 
fri^rtf (cp. Gr. rpipio) ; later also uncompounded cernd, tergd, cp. 
§ 65 rem. 2. In the same manner, perhaps, also arose the forms 
c6n-testor testor testdmentu-m (test- from *terst~, cp. § 269) beside 
08C. trfstaamentud abl. 'testamento'. The process was the 
same as that whereby *dgro-s (Gr. aypo-g) became *agfs *agers 
and lastly ager (§ 623 rem. 1. 655, 9). This process may be 
dated back to the Italic primitive period. Cp. also § 633. 
Rem. 2. acri-bus Gcri-tds etc. are new forms, made by analogy. 

The orthographical fluctuation in Umbrian between i and e, 
as neut. pir-e pirs-e, per-e pers-e 'quid, quodcunque'; imper. 
aha-tripursatu, ah-trepuratu 'abs-tripodato'; ace. sing, of ei- 
stems in -i-m and -e-tn, and the Oscan representation of this 
sound in its native alphabet by i, e. g. pid 'quid', slagi-m 
ace. sing, of the stem slagi- 'locus', show that i was pro- 
nounced open in both dialects. 

§ 84. Old Irish. ./?$$ ^knowledge* from prim. Ir. *ui$su-s, 
that is, *u%d+tu-$ , root. ueid-. fid 'tree* from prim. Kelt. 
*uidu-s (Gall. Vidu-casses) : OHG. witu 'wood*. Gen. sing, fir 
fr. *fir% from Indg. stem *ui-ro- 'man': Lat. vir, Goth, vair fr. 
*Uira-z (§ 35). 

Cp. also Gall. Ambi-gatus (Liv.), 'Apfli-dQuvoi (Ptol.): Gr. 
d/LKft ; Gall, tri- 'three* in tri-garanus, O.Ir. dat. pi. tri-b 'tribus\ 

% became e (by assimilation), when an a or o stood in the 
following syllable e. g. fer nom. sg. fr. original *uiro~s, fedo 
feda gen. sg. to fid. 

In syllables with secondary accent i, so far as it did not enti- 
rely disappear (§§ 634. 657), became an irrational vowel, whose 
quality regulated itself after the timbre of the following conso- 
nants. E. g. beside the simple fiss stood the compound cubus 
'conscientia* fr. *c6n-f(i)u8$ , that is, the w-timbre of the ss 
(presupposed through the older form *#issu-s) had caused the pre- 
ceding irrational vowel to become u in the compound, whilst 
it left the accented t in the simple fiss unchanged. The u in 
fiuss beside fiss merely indicates the w-timbre of the ss. 



§ 35-36. Indg. t in Germ, and Bait.- Slav. 35 

§35. Germanic. Goth, viduvo OHG. wiiuica OS. 
iridowa Ags. widewe 'widow': Skr. vidhdva-, Lat. vidua, O.Ir. 
fedb, O.Bulg. vidova. Pret. 1. pers. pi. Goth, bitum OHG. 
bifium O.Icel. bitom 'we bit': Skr. bi-bhidimd, Lat. fidimus. Goth. 
pks OHG. and OS. fish O.Icel. fiskr •fish*: Lat. piscis. Prono- 
minal stem Ai- 'this', Goth. dat. sing, hi-mma 'huic' adv. hi-dr$ 
W, Engl, hither : Lat. ci- in ci-ter ci-tra, Lith. sz\-s O.Bulg. sX 
V (§ 84. rem. 1), Indg. *&-. 

In Gothic t 7 before A and r, became af, that is, open 0. 
miksttts 'dung': OHG. mist 'dung', Ags. mist misty vapour', 
8b. mlh~ Gr. ifil/Xti O.Bulg. iwtyZa Lith. miglcL 'fog*. t?afr 
(pi. vairds) 'man: Lat. tnr, O.Ir. fer, Indg. *#/-ro-s. 

In High German, the Indg. and Prim. Germanic i became 
e through the influence of a following a, e or o (cp. Irish). OHG. 
wthsal 'change': Dutch trissel O.Icel. vTxl 'change', prim. Germ. 
stem *uixsla~, Lat. vie- vic-es 'change', Gr. feixa) yield'. 
lecchdn 'to lick* : Ags. liccean 'to lick', Gr. h/vev w 'I lick', wer 
'man: Goth. vair. wessa 'I knew': Goth, vissa 'I knew', pret. of 
OHG. tciiian Goth, vitan 'to know'. To this rule there are a 
number of exceptions of which some are difficult to explain. 
It may be assumed that they have arisen through form- 
association, e. g. in -zigan 'pulled together' by the side of pret. 
pi. zigum opt. zigi from rt. *de$c- 'show', and in wissa (= wessa) 
by the side of wissum, wissi. Cp. Paul's article in Paul and 
Braune's Beitr. VI 82 ff. 

Rem. Some scholars assume that i, already in prim. Germanic, 
passed into e through the influence of an a or o of the following syllable, 
e. g. in OHO. tcehsal. The difficulties, however, opposed to this theory 
seem to me greater than those presented by the hypothesis given above. 

§36. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. plkis (gen. pikio) O.Bulg. 

pticlu pitch': Lat. pix, Gr. nlaaa (from *mxta, § 489) pitch'. 

Lith. limpti (pret. lipau) C I stick' (intr.), O.Bulg. pri-ttnq from 

$ -tlpnq (§ 545) 'I stick to, remain hanging' : Skr. limpdti 'he 

smears', Gr. Xinog (neut.) c fat\ Lith. deszinl 'right hand', 

OUulg. destnu 'dexter': Skr. tfdA$itta-*'dexter\ Lith. tri-sk, 

O.Bulg. trf~chu: Skr. fn-?«i, Gr. TQt-al, loc. pi. from tri~ 'three'. 

3* 



36 Indg. t in Baltio-Slavonio. § 36.. 

In one portion of the Lithuanian dialects * is at the 
present day pronounced very open; hence such frequent spellings 
as lepau lepo = lipau Rpo 1. and 3. pers. sing. pret. of litnpu. 

Slavonic 1 must, already in prim. Slav., have been a 
reduced sound, with a quality approaching e. 

In Modern Slavonic developments X became a full vowel 
in closed syllables (such syllables often arose through the falling 
out of an X or U in the following syllable), Russ. £, Serv. a: 
e. g. Russ. deA Serv. dan = O.Bulg. dXn\ 'day'; Russ. test 
Serv. (ast = O.Bulg. iXstX 'honour*. On the other hand final I 
as a sonantal vowel disappeared in every case; e. g. Russ. 
Serv. dam = O.Bulg. da-mX Lith. dti'-mi 1 give (Balt.-Slav. 
original form *dddmi from rt. dtf-, Gr. ittofu, § 547). Medial X 
also, as a rule, disappeared in open syllables, e. g. Russ. vdovd 
= O.Bulg. vXdova widow'; Serv. dne = O.Bulg. dXn-e gen. sing, 
of cftn- 'day*. All these modifications can be traced as far 
back as the period of Old Church Slavonic. On the one hand 
they follow from such double spellings as trechu trXchu, pqtemX 
pqftml (instr. sing.), pqtechu pqtXchu loc. pi. from pqft 'way', 
denX dlnX 'day*, vest vX$X 'entire', Ucu Rvu 'lion' — these forms can 
only be understood by assuming that the final -I and -u were 
no longer syllabic (because e did not become T e. g. in pqtimi 
Instr. pi.) 1 ) — on the other hand from such double spelling* 
as vsi visi gen. 'vici* (cp. Skr. r/i- 'clan*), ps<Mti ptsati 'to write' (cp. 
Skr. pi$- adorn', rt. p*i&- 'cut, cut out*). The same laws hold 
for T in the combinations Xh, 1m, Xr from Indg. #*, ipm, fr 
(§5 252. 305). E. g. pres. O.Bulg. mXnq 'I press, tread under 
foot': Lith. minu 'I tread', original form *t»fi#i-o, rt men-; thence 
Russ. mjtH* O.Bulg. fimXnica 'prison' from CfmXn& 'dark', adj. to 
Oma 'darkness' from *tipm-a rt. tern*; thence Russ. and also 
already O.Bulg. ttmnica. O.Bulg. firq 'tero' original form *tp*-&m, 
thence Russ. frit. The analogous treatment of m § 52 may also 
be compared with these modifications of t. 



1) Cp, also such spellings as 7<vn ta u. e. halo) for ffyfito lere, facile* 
<3 52V 



S 36-37. Primitive Indg. i. 37 

X before / became i in the period of Old Church Slavonic. 
frtja-znX and prija-znX 'love, good will' : Skr, priyd- 'dear', Goth. 
frijGn 'to love', Indg. adj. *prii6- 'dear. Gen.pl. trXjX and trift : 
Lith. trijti 'trium*. X in the combination -£/- from Indg. -e£- (§ 68) 
underwent the same treatment, e. g. vXjq and vijq = Lith. 
ttju 'I turn, wind', Skr. vdydmi, Indg. *##$. The change of u 
to y before / went parallel to this modification, e. g. dobrujX 
and dobryjX 'the good man (§ 84). 

Rem. In the Zographos gospel u frequently is found for I before 
non-palatal Towels; e. g. vudova 'widow*. Cp. § 252 rem. and § 305 rem. 

Indg. X. 

§87. Indg. *gl-uo-s 'living': Skr. jXvd-s, Lat. vivos, Lith. 
gtfva-s O.Bulg. zivu. Indg. *pX-uo~, *pl-uen-: Skr. pf-van- 'swel- 
ling (partic), plump, fat', Gr. m-(f)o-g nt-^wv 'fat, plump. 
Indg. *&-men-: Skr. sl-tndn- 'parting of the hair on the top of 
the head', Gr. i-pag (st. i-pav-r-) a leathern strap, rein', 
/-jwof-ia 'rope of a draw-well', O.Icel. 8X-me sX-mi 'cord, rope'. 

Nominal suffix-form Indg. -2- : Skr. naptf-§ 'daughter, grand- 
daughter', vidu$T 'IJvZa, Lat. vtc-tr-l-cs, Goth. frijOndi 'female- 
friend' from prim. Germanic *friiond-l (§ 660, 2), Lith. vfiktm 
O.Bulg. vlUkusi from prim. Baltic-Slav. *uflkusX (§§ 303. 664), 
fern, particip. pret. act. of Lith. veOcU O.Bulg. vWcq 'I draw, 
pull' (rt. #elq-). Nominal suffix -fno-, forming adjectives 
denoting origin or material: Lat. haed-Xnu-8, Goth, gdit-eim 
TddV, Lat. 8u-$nu-s, O.Bulg. sv-inu pig's', Goth, sv-ein (neut.) 
*a pig' (cp. gditein neut. 'a young he-goat'), Gr. xogax-Tvo-g a 
young raven'. Indg. -i the ending of the Nom. Ace. dual of 
3-stems : Skr. pdU to nom. sing. pdti-$ master', O.Ir. faith (ori- 
ginal form *u&tf) to nom. sing, faith (original form *#Oti-s) 'poet', 
Lith. nam O.Bulg. noSti (prim. Baltic-Slav. *noktX, § 664, 3) to 
nom. sing. Lith. naktl-s O.Bulg. noStX night'. Weak form of 
the optative suffix -T-: Skr. dvi$-X-mdhi 1. pers. pi. Mid. of 
<W$-mt 'I hate', Gr. siM/uey from *6l6so-i-fjisv to rjfoa 'I knew' 
from *iJ-/*<J-ar-a, Lat. s-wnus, Goth, vil-ei-tna = Lat. vel-urnus. 



§ 41-44. Indg. i in O.Ir. Oerm. Bait-Slav. 89 

The i in the Umbr. and Osc. words sir and bivus, limu 
(quoted above) is to be pronounced long. This quantity can be 
directly proved in Umbr. persnihmu persnihimu, i. e. persnTmu 
(§ 23) 'precamino', depon. 3. sing, imper. from a verbal stem 
persnh, cp. Lat. fTnt-re. It also follows from the spelling ei (on 
tables in Latin alphabet) in sei beside sir si = Lat. sis, in veiro 
beside tiro 'viros' (cp. Skr. vTrd-s § 38), probably also in pers-ei 
beside pers-i 'quid', the ending of which was a demonstrative 
particle corresponding to the -Z in Gr. ovtoo-i. This spelling 
« is to be put on a like footing with the ei in Lat. veivos and 
similar forms (see above), and points to an open pronunciation 
of the T. The same quality of the I-sound follows for Oscan 
from fusid 'foret, esset' (opt. of the s-aorist, cp. Skr. 3. sing, 
mid. mq-s-J-td from man- 'think'), assuming that the vowel 
in the end syllable had not been shortened and then become f. 

§ 42. Old Irish. IT Cymr. lliw color, splendor': Lat. 
fttmr. It is less certain that the I in crlthid 'emax' = Indg. % : 
Skr. krT-nd-ti 'buys. 

For the treatment of T in unaccented syllables see §§613. 
634. 657, 2. 6. 

§ 43. Germanic. Goth, skeirs (st. $kei-ra-) O.Sax. sklr 
OJcel. skirr clear, bright', prim. Germ. *skl-ra-, related to Gr. 
oxta shadow' or to Lat. d8-scS*sco 'I withdraw, depart from'. 
Goth, freidjan 'to spare', OHG. vrlten 'to foster, pamper', O.Icel. 
frlda 'to adorn, decorate': cp. Skr. prl-td-s 'dear, pleased, joy- 
ful, satisfied'. Goth, sv-ein OHG. OS. sufin Ags. sufin O.Icel. stffn 
pig': OJJulg. sv-inu Lat. su-Inu-s 'pig's (adj.), belonging to a 
pig'. 1. pers. pi. opt. pf. Goth. v8s-ei-ma OHG. war-i-m O.Sax. 
tear-i-n, O.Icel. wer-i-tn 'we might be': cp. Skr. 3. sing. opt. pf. 
mid. vavgi-T-td (from vart-). 

It must be observed that ei in Goth, always signifies the 
monophthong I (§ 25). 

§ 44. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. vy-ti O.Bulg. virti 'to 
wind, turn' : Gr. \»xid 'willow, salix' fr. *fl-Tsd. Lith dvynu 
(dual) 'twins' : Lat fan?. O.Bulg. griva 'mane' : Skr. grJvd- nape'. 

Observe that y is the Lith. symbol, for I (§ 26). 



*" Prim. Indg. u. Indg. u in Ar. Armen. § 45—47. 

Indg. u. 

§46. Indg. *jug-6-m 'yoke* : Skr. yugd-m, Gr. fvyo'-v, 
Lat. jugu-m, Goth, /wfc, O.Bulg. iyo fr. *ittyo. Indg. weak 
stemform *fcu-n- 'dog' (strong stemform *£#-on- ; Skr. ace. sing. 
fodn-am) : Skr. gen. sing, iti-n-as, Gr. gen. sing, xv-v-oc, O.Cymric 

i fr. 

Lat. 



dge 
xom 
>pf. 

hose 
em., 



wsa- 
> ers. 
rest, 
affix 
[uis*, 
kny- 
kny- 
nus\ 



•nu~, 
D.Ir. 
1 of 
tme. 

Gr. 
iter'. 

Skr. 
law\ 



§ 47—49. Indg. u in Greek and Italic. 41 

u in non-final syllables was dropped: dster gen. of dustr, 
srhoy gen: of surb, verb srbem 1 clean'. Cp. § 632. 

§ 48. Greek, xkv-ro-g 'celebrated': Skr. &ru-td-s 'heard, 
celebrated', Lat. in-clu-tu-s, O.Ir. cloth from *clu-to-s (§ 50) 
'celebrated', OHG. Hlud-rlch Hlud-olf Hlot-hari (§ 51). vnslp 
vnsg 'over': Skr. updri 'above, over, Lat. 8-uper, Goth, ufar 
over . Weak present suffix -n«- in rd-vv-Tcu : Skr. ta-nu~t$ y from 
root ten- 'stretch', Lat. mi-nu-d. 

In prim. Gr. and probably also for some time after the 
introduction of the letter Y, u was spoken by all Greeks. At 
an early period one part of the dialects changed u into il which 
in the christian era was further changed into i. Another 
part, the Boeotians, Laconians, and probably also the Arca- 
dians, Cyprians, Pamphylians, Chalcidians and Lesbians, 
retained u until far into historical times, e. g. Boeot. ktyovgo-g 
(ov = u) = Att. Xiyvgo-g. Meanwhile the vowel u in Boeot. 
underwent a modification which cannot be precisely defined, 
after r, 0, d, v, A, as is seen by the spelling iov instead of ov, 
e. g. Ilokov-%svo$ = Att. Tlokv^tvog; cp. Osc. iu = u § 49. 

The spiritus asper in vdwp (Skr. uddn- 'water'), vno vnsg 
(Skr. upa upart) etc. seems to point to a transition from initial 
u- to iu in prim. Greek. Cp. vptig : Skr. yu§ma-. It is not 
improbable that v became * through the dissimilating influence 
of a following v, as mvvro-g from *7rv-vv-ro'-c, Skr. pu-nd-rni 
1 clean, clear up'. 

§ 49. Italic. Lat. rubro- (nom. ruber) Umbr. rufro- 'red': 
Skr. rudhird-s Gr. egvOgo-s O.Bulg. rudrti 'red'. Lat. dufi Umbr. 
neut. tuva 'two': Skr. ved. duvd Gr. Svco 'two'. Osc. pu-klo- 
Pelig. Mars, pu-clo- 'son' Lat. pu-tu-s 'boy: Skr. pu-trd-s 'son. 

In Latin, before labials and perhaps also before Z, a frequent 
sound, lying between u und *, made its appearance for Indg. u. 
Ubet, older lubet: Skr. lubh- 'to feel a strong desire', fimu-sfimu-m, 
probably related to Gr. flv'-^o-v. lirnpa (lirnpidus), older form 



L^^_ 



42 Indg. u in Italic and O.Ir. § 40—50. 

lumpa to Osc. Diumpais 'Nymphis', prim. Italic *dumpd- 1 ). The 
relation between silua silva and Gr. vXtj is uncertain (cp. Oathoff 
Morph. Unt. IV 158 f., W. Meyer Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIU 163 f.). 
This i occurs especially often for the -w- of u-(e#-)stems, e. g. 
lacri-ma, older form lacru-ma, laci-bus flucti-bus flucti-vagus mani- 
festos beside lacu-bus manu-festus. Compare the change of a 
to the 8ame u: /-sound (§ 97) in unaccented syllables before 
the same consonants. 

Rem. It has been conjectured (Osthoff in the above named work 
pages 125, 158) that the i in libet, Jimus , limpa, silua arose from u 
phonetically only in unaccented syllables, in such combinations as qui 
lubet, cdnlubet, in fumO (cp. ilico from *in sloco). But should not the histori- 
cal relation of loebertatem leiber to Osc. Luvfrefs 'Liberi' Falisc. loferta 
'liberta' be such that in Lat. *lo#b~ (= prim. Italic *loyf^ § 65 page 52) the 
oonsonantal u before b underwent precisely the same change as the 
sonantal u of lubet, so that *lo\U) first became *lojJb, then lo$b, and lastly 
lib-? In that case the change of lubet (with u in the chief accented syllable) 
to libet could scarcely be questioned. For the change of loeb- to lib- cp. 
§ 81 rem. 2. I oannot resolve to separate Lat. liber liberta from Osc. 
Luvfrefs and Falisc. loferta, although I do not fail to recognise the 
overwhelming difficulties which present themselves (s. Danielsson in Pauli's 
Ital. Stud. 4, 156 ff.). 

The spelling with o shows that u in Umbr. had, in certain cases 
or everywhere, an open sound: soparn 'suppam, supinam', sotno 
summum', trifo 'tribum'. For Umbr. t- from iu- see § 133. 

In Osc, u after d, t, n, s underwent a change which was 
represented by iu. Diumpais 'Nymphis', Lat. lumpa (see above); 
eitiuvam beside eftwam 'pecuniam' (suffix -w(#)fl-). tiurri'turrim' 
(a borrowed word?). Niumsieis Niv/uadirjis gen. 'Numisii', to 
Lat. numeru-s. Siuttiis 'Suttius'. Cp. Bceot. iov = ov § 48. 

§ 50. 0. Irish, suth neut. 'birth, fruit' fr. *su-tu: Skr. 
su-td-s Gr. viv-g vid-g 'son*, sruth neut. 'river* fr. *sru-tu: Skr. 
srurtd-s Gr. $v-r6-g 'flowing 1 , Lith. sru-tb 'dung-water, clu-ni-m 
'I hear': Skr. &ru- Gr. xAv-, rt. £fe#-. 



1) The spellings of the Lat. word as lumpha, limpka, lympha are 
due to the supposed derivation from vvp<ptj, which even gave rise to nym- 
phaticu8 (Lowe Archiv. f. Lat. Lexikogr. I 25). 



§ 50-52. Indg. u in Germ. Balt.-Slav. 43 

Compare also Gall. Druid-es, O.Ir. drui (pi. druid) per- 
haps to, Skr. drur Gr. dgv- 'wood'; Gall, catu- Combat' in 
Catu-rig-es etc. (O.Ir. cath, gen. catha): OHG. hadu- 'war', 

u became o through the assimilating influence of a or o in 
the following syllable (cp. the similar change of i to e § 34). 
doth from *c/u-eo-«: Gr. nkv-ro-g etc. (§ 48). srotho srotha 
gen. of srw#». bond bonn 'solea' fr. *bundo-s: Lat. fundus 
8kr. budh-nd-s 'bottom* (§ 469, 8). Compare West Germanic 
and Norse o from u § 51. 

it became o in monosyllabic words, rm no = Skr. wii etc. 
(§ 45). su- so- well' = Skr. su-. du- do- 'bad* = Skr. du§- Gr. dr b - 
Goth. ftiz-. In this case too it is probable that the change from 
u to o was caused by the vowels of the following syllables. 

For the fate of u in other than chief accented syllables cp. 
§§ 634. 657. 

§ 51. Germanic. 1. pers. pi. pf. Goth, ana-budum we 
bade', OHG. butum O.Icel. budom 'we offered': Skr. bu~budh~imd 
we watched, observed', Gr. nd-nvarai nvO-todai, Lith. bud*inti 
*to rouse', O.Bulg. bud-&ti 'to wake', from rt. btieudh- 'wake, 
observe'. Goth, ga-kusts (st. ga-kusti-) OHG. kust 'test, choice': 
Skr. ju§fi-§ 'show of affection, favour'; kustu-s 'trial': Lat. gustu-s 
'taste' from rt. geys- 'choose, ysvioScu. 

Before h and r Indg. u appears in Goth, as au. auhsa 
(at. auhsin-') 'ox': Skr. uk$d (st. uk§dn-) 'bull, ox*, daur (st. 
daura-) neut. 'door': Skr. dwr- (concerning the rf- see § 480) 
Arm. dufn Gr. BvqG Lith. pi. d&rys 'door. 

In West Germanic and Norse u became o through the in- 
fluence of an a or o of the following syllable. Part, passive 
OHG. botan (Mod. High Germ, ge-boten) O.Sax. bodan Ags. 
bodeti O.Icel. bodenn = Goth, budans, cp. Skr. part, budhdnd-s. 
OHG. tor = Goth, daur (prim. Germ. *dura-m) beside turi 
'door'. Cp. §§ 247. 299. 

Rem. Some scholars look upon this umlaut also as prim. Germ, 
(cp. § 35 rem.). 

§ 62. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. kriivina-s O.Bulg. krutftnU 

'bloody': Lat. cruentus. Lith. pi. musat (stem musa-) 'mould 



44 Indg. u in Baltic-Slavonic. § 52. 

on sour milk 1 , O.Bulg. mUchu moss* : Lat. tnus-cu-s, OHG. mos 
(prim. Germ, stem *musa-) 'moss*. Lith. sw-wiSt-s O.Bulg. sy-nu 
'son: Skr. su-nu-§ 'son*. 

In some Lith. dialects u is pronounced very open, so that it 
can be regarded as a closed o, e. g. suhau siiko (1. and 3. pers. 
sing. pret. of suku 'I turn') appear as sdkau, sdkd. 

Slavonic u must, already in prim. Slav., have been a 
reduced sound, approaching the quality of o. 

ft, in Modern Slavonic developments, became a full vowel 
in closed syllables (such syllables often arose through the falling 
out of an X or u in the following syllable), Russ. o, Serv. a, e. g. 
Russ. son Serv. san = O.Bulg. sunti from *sty>n# (§ 545) 'sleep' : 
Gr. i'n-vo-g; Russ. doS = O.Bulg. dUSti 'daughter': Lith. dukte. 
On the other hand final u disappeared, e. g. Russ. syn O.Bulg. 
8ynu } loc. pi. Russ. rybach Serv. ribah = O.Bulg. rybachU (from 
ryba- fem. 'fish'), cp. Skr, loc. pi. d£va-su (from d$va- mare'). 
Medial u also, as a rule, disappeared in open syllables, e. g. 
Russ. Serv. ma = O.Bulg. sUna (gen. sing, of stinu), Russ. spat 
= O.Bulg. supati 'to sleep', legka = O.Bulg. Uguka nom. fem. 
of Plgu-ku 'easy' (further formation of an old ft-stem by means 
of the suffix -&o-). All these modifications can be traced as far 
back as the period of old Church Slavonic. On the one hand 
they follow from such double spellings as krovt JcrUiti 'blood', 
domochu domuchu (loc. pi. from the stem domu- 'house' = Lat. 
domu-)\ these forms can only be understood by assuming that 
the final X and U were no longer syllabic; on the other hand 
from such double spellings as reksu rekuSu dat. sing, of the stem 
rekti&e-, that is, *rek-us-io- according to §§ 84 and 147 (part. pf. 
act. of rekq 'I say'), leguko beside Kg&ko neut. to KgukU. With 
these modifications of u, compare the parallel treatment of X 
§36. 

Prim. Slav. %U became (cp. %i from %y § 60 and \e from 
io § 84). O.Bulg. ZXvq 'I chew' from *zj&vq: OHG. chiuwu 
(§§ 143. 147). igo 'yoke' from *&go (§ 145) and this fr. *&go: 
Skr. yugd-m, Lat. jugu-m. 



§ 52—56. Prim. Indg. u. Indg. u in Ar. Arm. Greek. 45 

Rem. In the Zographos gospel I for u occurs occasionally before palatal 
Towels, e. g. bidet i = budeti 'to wake', duva m., but dive fern, neutr. 'two'. 

Indg. U. 

§63. Indg. *dhu-mo-8 'ebullition, smoke': Skr. dhumd-8, 
Gr. 0£/*o'-£ (courage, passion), Lat. fUmus, Lith. pi. dumai, 
O.Bulg. dytnu. Indg. *6M-, weak form of the the rt. bhey- 'be, 
become (§ 312): Skr. bha-td- 'become, been dbhU-tam ye two 
were* bhu-ti-g good condition, well-being', Gr. (pv-takifj 'a planted 
place' 2. pers. du. scpv-rov, Lith. inf. btirti O.Bulg. by~ti 'to 
be'. Indg. *mu8- 'mouse': Skr. wd£-, Gr. nvq, Lat. mU8 twflr-ts; 
OHG. mils and O.Bulg. my& fr. *tnycM (§ 588, 2), that is, 
originally *mfls-»-s, show the change of the monosyllabic stem 
into the ej-declension. 

Indg. -a as ending of the nom. ace. du. of easterns: Skr. 
*m& O.Bulg. syny from Indg. stem *su-neu- *su-nu- 'son', Lith. 
moyu fr. *zmog& (§ 664, 3) to imogit-s man', O.Ir. mug fr. 
*mogu (§ 657, 2) from stem mogu' 'servant'. 

§ 54. Aryan. Skr. dU-rd- Avest. O.Pers. du-ra* 'far from 
rt. dey- withdraw' (Gr. Horn. SevsoSm 'fall short of). Skr. 
$6-ra- 'hero', Avest. su-ra- 'strong': Gr. a-xvgog 'weak, invalid'. 
Skr. ml Avest. ww 'now': Gr. vv-v O.Bulg. ny-n6 'now*. 

§ 66. Armenian. I do not know any sure examples for 
the regular representation of Indg. U. The following comparison 
of words may, however, be taken into consideration, ku, gen. 
h*roy, 'dung' to Skr. gUtha- 'excrement', Avest. gupa- 'dirt'. 
mukn, gen. mkan, 'mouse, muscle', to Skr. mdfika- mUfaka- 'rat, 
mouse,' O.Bulg. mystka 'mouse', Lat. tnusculu-8 (cp. Hiibschmann 
Zeitschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Ges. XXXV 170, Osthoff Morph. 
Unt. IV 217 f.). PI. srun-R (-# is the sign of the plural) 'shins, 
shanks', to Lat. crur-a (Hubschmann, as above, page 177). Com- 
pare also Hubschmann Armen. Stud. I 62. 

§ 66. Greek, StpQvq orpgvv 'eye-brow': Skr. bhrd-} O.Icel. 
brurn Ags. brU 'eye-brow'. pov-Xv-ro- 'the time for unyoking 
oxen': Lat. so-lu-tus, O.Icel. ludr 'bruised, crushed, deafened, 



46 Indg. u in Italic O.Ir. Germanic. § 56—58. 

tired out* (cp. Xvto yovvara). arv-Xo-g 'pillar: Skr. sthu-rd- 
sthu-ld- 'coarse, thick, massive*. 

The change from u to u went parallel with that of u to u 
(§ 48). The dialects, which retained w, retained also ii: Boeot. Ev- 
flovfio-g = Att. Ev-Qv/uo-c, Lac. /ttovatdSsi (which according to 
Hesychius means XaXsT) = Att. *jnvfa£si. 

It is doubtful whether v became I through the dissimilating 
influence of a following t; (cp. § 48). (p7-rv (neut.) 'twig, sprout' 
has been brought together with Skr. gerund bhu-tv-d and Lat. 
fu-tu-d. It may, however, be connected with Lat. fid and O.Ir. 
biu 'fio, sum', the original form of which was *bhu-itf (§§ 170. 
175). It is still more uncertain whether itiv-c has come from 
*cOvq (Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 188 ff.). 

§ 57. Italic. O.Lat. pf. fuA furimus (Inscript. fuueit), Osc. 
Fuutrei 'deae creatrici': Skr. bhu-td- etc. (§ 53). Lat. sil-s 
su-bu$: Skr. sii-kard- 'pig, boar, Gr. v-g v-v, OHG. su (Mod.HG. 
sau) from prim. West-Germ. *sfl-2 (§ 583). Lat. cupa 'vat, 
recess for the dead': Skr. Jcdpa-s 'pit, hole*. 

It is quite possible that in Umbr. the i in pir (jivq) beaide 
abl. pure Osc. purasiaf (loc. sing, of the stem purasia- 'igniaria'), 
in sim (Gr. lv, Lat. suem) and sif (ace. pi.) beside surum 
8orsum 'suillum', and in frif ace. pi. 'fruges', represents an older 
u which may have been pronounced m. (cp. O.Bulg. y fr. u 
beside u fr. w, §§ 52. 60.). It is however impossible to form a 
correct judgment owing to the quantities not being marked, and 
the scantiness of the material. Cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 16, 
Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 432. 

§ 58. Old Irish. rUn (fem.) 'secret 1 : OHG. runa O.Icel. 
run f. 'secret, rune*, dun (neut.) 'castle', Gall, -dunum in names 
of towns (LupO'ddnum and others) : O.Sax. Ags. masc. tun OHG. 
masc. zUn O.Icel. neut. tun 'hedge, enclosure 1 . Pron. tu 'thou': 
Avest. tu Gr. r6-v-t] Lat. tu O.Icel. pu O.Bulg. ty. 

For such forms as ace. sing, ruin beside nom. sing, run 
see § 640. 

For U in unaccented syllables cp. §§ 613. 634. 657. 



§59—61. Indg. u in Germ. Bait.- Slav. Prim. Indg. e. 47 

§ 69. Germanic. In Goth., where u and u in the native 
alphabet were not kept apart, u can scarcely ever be established 
without the help of the other languages. Goth. ffUs OHG. Ags. 
fU Oicel./«« 'foul*: Lith. pi. pMei matter', Gr. nifiio 'I make 
to rot, putrefy', Lat. pus pUris matter, spittle' pa-ted 1 smell bad, 
stink'. Goth, films OHG. O.Sax. m. rum, O.Icel. neut. rum 
room, open place', from the same root as Lat. rUs ruris 'open 
field, country', A vest, ravah- 'free'. OHG. utar Ags. Uder 
udder': Skr. Uhar udder'. OHG. Uut Ags. O.Sax. Mud 'loud' 
from rt. Jtie%- 'hear': cp. Gr. imperative xkv-rs, O.Bulg. sly-Sati 
'to hear', sly-tije neut. 'call, name'. 

§ 60. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. tula-s adj. so many a', 
originally a substantive denoting 'a mass', O.Bulg. tylu 'nape', 
originally 'intumescence': Skr. tula- neut. panicle, tuft, cotton', 
Gr. xtlri 'a swelling or lump, callosity', from rt. te#- *tumere\ 
Lith. suras 'saline', O.Bulg. syru 'raw': OHG. sUr OJcel. sUrr 
aour, bitter'. Lith. jus ye': Avest. yus yUzem 'ye'. O.Bulg. 
svekry 'mother-in-law': Skr. $vairil-$ 'mother-in-law'. 

The change of U to y belonged to the prim. Slav, period. 

Prim Slav, iy became %i (cp. from iti § 52). O.Bulg. 
Uti ft. *spti (§ 147) , and this fr. *sjyti : Lith. siuti 'to sew', 
8kr. syuti-§ fern, 'sewing, sack'. Compare also kraji instr. pi. 
of kraji edge' but raby instr. pi. of rabti 'servant'. 

Indg. e. 

§61. Indg. pres. stem *bhero- *bhere- 'bear': Skr. bhdrami, 
Ann. berem, Gr. (pigu), Lat. ferd, O.Ir. berim, Goth, balra, 
O.Bulg. berq. Indg. *is-ti 'is': Skr. dsti, Gr. sari, Lat. est, O.Ir. 
w (proclitic), Goth, ist, Lith. esti (now archaic), O.Bulg. jesti. Indg. 
t in the root syllable of neuters in -es-, e. g. Indg. *r4gos 
Vapour, darkness': Skr. rajas. Arm. erek, Gr. sgepog, Goth. 
riqi2-a-] Indg. *nebhos, 'cloud, atmosphere': Skr. ndbhas y Gr. 
»fyx>£, Lith. debeS'i-s (the origin of the d- instead of n- is not 
clear), O.Bulg. nebo, comp. also with /-suffix Gr. vfq>sXfj Lat. 
nebula O.Ir. n3 (prim. kelt. stem *neblo-, § 526) OHG. nebul 
'cloud, fog'. Indg. *qe 'and': Skr. ca, Gr. re, Lat. jwe. Augment 



48 Prim. Indg. e. § 61. 

of the past tenses of the Indicative (originally an independent 
particle) Indg. i : 3. pers. sing. Skr. d-dfiat Gr. s-dpaxs (rt. derk- 
'see'), Arm. e-lX Gr. e-Xins (rt. lejq- 'leave*) , Goth, i-ddja Skr. 
d-yat 'he went' (for Goth, ddj see § 142). 

-e Indg. ending of voc. sing, of o-stems: Skr. vfka Gr. Xvxs 
Lat. lupe wolf, O.Ir. make mate from prim. kelt. *mak#e son', 
Lith. trilki O.Bulg. vlMe 'wolf. The 'thematic vowel* Indg. -e- 
(by the side of -o-): e. g. 2. pers. pi. Skr. bhdr-a-tha^ Gr. 
(pig-€-T€, Lat. veh-i-tisj Goth, bair-i-p, O.Bulg. ber-e-te. Nominal 
suffix Indg. -6«-: gen. sing. Skr. wdifc-as-os Gr. vi<p-&(6)-og Lat. 
gen-er-is O.Bulg. neb-es-e, Goth, stem riq-iz-a- (a further formation 
by means of -a-), Lith. nom. sing, cfeft-es-i-s (a further formation 
by means of -*-). Nominal suffix Indg. -ter-: Nom. pi. Skr. 
pi-tdr-as 'fathers', Arm. ds-ter-R 'daughters', Gr. na-Tip-s$j gen. 
sing. Lith. mo-tef-s O.Bulg. ma~ter-e. Ending of the nom. pi. 
Indg. -es: Skr. dhndn-as from dhtan- 'stone', Gr. axfioy-eg, O.Lat. 
turbin-&8, Lith. dktnens from *akmen-e$ (§ 664, 2) O.Bulg. kamen-e 
from *kamen-es (§ 665, 4) 'stones'. Ending of the 3. pers. sing, 
indie, pf. act. Indg. -e, e. g. *de-d6rhe (from rt. derJo- 'see*) : Skr. 
daddr&-a, Gr. tii dogx-( , O.Ir. ad-con-dairc from prim. Kelt. *-dorke. 

Indg. tautosyllabic si 1 ). Skr. (ved.) bh&ddmi 'I cleave', 
Goth. Je#a 1 bite', original form *bhiidG ; Arm. lizem Gr. te«/o> 
1 lick', original form *Ui§hO\ Lat. fldO Gr. 7i6#w, orig. form 
HhijdkQ; O.Ir. tiagim 1 go', Gr. ara/co 'I go', Goth, sfet^a 1 
climb', orig. form*s^igfc5; Lith. geidtiit 'I have a desire' for older 
*geidu = O.Bulg. Hdq 'I wait, expect', orig. form *ghiidh(>. 
Indg. *#-** 'he goes': Skr. eti, Gr. *?0i, Lat. ft, Lith. eiW eTt y 
cp. O.Bulg. f-rfq 'I go'. Indg. *§hei~men-: Skr. himan- 'winter, 
Arm. jiun 'snow', from *jivn y *jiman (§ 202), Gr. xefya xw»** 



1) We call a sound-group tautosyllabic, when its elements belong 
to the same syllable, i. e. are uttered with the same expiration - impulse ; 
heterosyllabic, when the last element or elements are produced by 
a fresh expiration -impulse. e{ e. g. is tautosyUabic before consonants 
(*bhejjdh0 = Gr. nt(Bu>) and in a pause (*w>ifeejj = Gr. otxtt). It is, as 
a rule, heterosyllabic before sonants (*gqi/te/ies = Skr. gdtayas, Gr. fldott$ 
from *fiaot(j)f{). 



§ 61-62. Indg. e in Aryan. 49 

Indog. tautosyllabic ey. Skr. bodhami, Gr. nsvBofim, Goth. 
ana-Uuda, cpf. *bhi#dhd 'I watch, observe'; Lat. dUcO 'I lead', 
Goth, tiuha I draw'; O.Bulg. skubq 'I pull, tear*, Goth, afskiuba 
1 shore off, Skr. k$6bhate 'falls in motion, wavers'. Indg. *RUu- 
-men- *Jtiey-mQ-to- : Skr. Sromata- neut. 'the act of hearing' 
Avest. sraoman- neut. 'hearing', Goth. Miurna masc. (gen. 
KUumins) 'hearing' OHG. hliumunt 'renown'. Gr. favpa 'that 
which flows', O.Ir. sruaim (dat. pi. sruamannaiU) 'stream', cpf. 
Veg-mew-. Gr. voc. Zev, Indg. *djeu* 

§ 62. Aryan. Indg. e became a in the prim. Aryan 
period. This change however did not take place until after the 
vowel had changed the preceding q, g, gh into c, /, jh (§ 445). 
Skr. Av. ca O.Pers. ca (read ca) 'and* : Lat. que. Skr. pdfica 
Av. panca 'five' : Arm. hing, Gr. nivrt, Lat. qutnque, O.Ir. cflic 
from prim. Kelt. *kyenkue (cp. § 212), Goth, fimf, Indg. *ptwqe 
'five'. Skr. Srdvas- neut. 'renown', A v. sravah- neut. 'word, 
prayer : Gr. xMf-og 'renown', O.Bulg. slovo 'word' (§ 68), Indg. 
*£Kff-oa (stem *fcleu-es-). Present stem Ar. pat-a- 'fly, fall' Skr. 
3. sing. pres. act. pdta-ti av. 3. sing. pret. act. a-pata-J> O.Pers. 
3. sing. pret. mid. a-pata-ta (read -ta) : Gr. nirs-rat, Lat. peti-L 
Skr. pdri Av. />a*W O.Pers. party (read pari) 'round, about' : 
Gr. nsQi. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ?i, e# became ai, au in prim. Aryan, 
thence Skr. I, 6, Av. ae, 8i, ao hi, O.Pers. ai, au (cp. §§ 126. 
160), 8kr. Mi Av. afUi (= *o*-tf, § 638) O.Pers. ai-% (read 
aii) Tie goes': Gr. f?tf*. Skr. bodhate Av. baodaitl : Gr. nsvderai, 
Indg. *bhiudhetai from rt. bheudh- 'guard, watch, observe'. 
O.Pers. dauHar- 'friend', Skr. jd$t&r- 'one who desires' from rt. 
£e#$- 'choose' : cp. Gr. ysvorrjpio-v 'a thing to taste with, a cup'. 

Rem. Ay. final ae became ?, see §§ 78, 94. Here would have to be 
mentioned loc. sing. aspZ beside aspdi and aspaf-ca (-ca = Gr. rr, Lat. 
-yw) = 8kr. divd (from Indg. stem # e£jfo- 'horse'), if -aj, the prim. Ar. 
ending of o-etems, arose from Indg. -e{ (op. oXxei). This, however, can 
also be traced back to Indg. -o>. Cp. § 116 and the accidence. 

For Av. 0, t, 0, o from prim. Iran., prim. Ar. a = Indg. e 
see § 94. 

Br u g ma no , Elements. 4 



80 Indfc. t in Armenian mad Greek. § 63 — 61 

# 63. Armenian, cer old man': Gr. yigatv' old man', Skr. 
j&rant- 'fragile, old man. ekn (gen. eXin) 'stag 1 : Or. iXcupog 
forig. form *ety-bho-8) 'stag', Cymric etem 'cerva, Lith. tftt-f-t 
O.Bulg. jdenrt 'stag', cpf. *efen-. *frth' Wen: (Jr. wra, 
Lat. Beptem, O.Ir. a&jfo n- (§§ 211, 243), Goth. *&tm, Lith. sep- 
tyn\, O.Bulg. eedmX, Skr. sajrtd. ev and, also': Gr. f/ri 'on, at', 
Hkr. dpi 'also', cpf. *tpi. 

beoame $ before nasals, hin (gen. hnoy) old*: Gr. fw; 
'old', Lat. 8eti-ior y O.Ir. wn 'old', Goth, sin-ista 'the oldest (man)', 
Lith. fl^ttt-a Skr. sdna-8 old', Indg. *«mo-s. ctw 'birth* : Gr. 
yiw>$* Aw<7 'five : Gr. nivvt. 

Oooasionally a is found instead of e, e. g. tasn 'ten : Or. 
«Wx«, Lat. decern. The circumstances under which a occurs for 
* have not been ascertained. 

Indg. tautosyllabio ei appears as £ in final syllables, in other 
syllable* as •. di^ttn 'I accumulate, orig. form *dhti§hd (cp. Or. 
t«>V NraU\ A v. pairi-da&a- 'fence), aor. l.sing. dizi, 3. sing. 
«Hto\ lixrn, litanm 'I lick*: Gr. ta/w. /ttm 'snow': Or. /«/*«*. 

Indg. tautosyllabio ** appears as ot in final, as u in non- 
final syllables, tote, gen. /nsoy, light': Or. iUvxo-£ 'white', Goth. 
linkup 'light, MMum empty from *oi*-aiJi: Or. tv-i*-? 'bereft'. 
** probably in the first place became o#; cp. § 79 and nor 
(gwu *<*vy^ 'new' as compared with Or. vs/o-s, **(/)*po-$. 

§ «4. Greek, £***«« lie is together with, follows': Lat 
**y**f«r» O.Ir, <w**r 'sequor, Lith. swto 7 follow, Skr. sdcati 
*h* ta tv>g*tfier with, follows, Indg. 3* sing. pros. mid. # *rfj-e- 
-M<s L «*g. **» **: Lat #r\* (used as future), Skr. dsMmi, conj. 
t» ludjt, **>**" 1 *ul ;**•$ sent sex* race : Lat gmms, Skr. 
m%4** I*k^ V : ^*^ »i#VW 1 sail, swim*: OJSvlg. ftforq 
1 *>w, $*iV ^§ ifc>K Skr. iCrmtf T» swim, sails, Indg. 
Is $M^ act. V ^^- **** T : AnsL «s. Lat. <j*. Goth. 
*i. Skr amk, Comparative $afSx -c^#~ : <**-¥5f»s% »*♦-» ** • s : 
Sir. *--.*a*^ \<Sw\ l-dtf. kvt^mw. OJr. ;+'£ki-ti*r 'qukker*, 

V-* **» 1 W»* : Gcci. .Wi*a "I Vai. cr£ *\-j«^ i*r^ meat 
V A* . I a:. */»»^*- v rf i*L *>^ J/**-^**^ act*. anrf«(^ 



I 64—65. Indg. e in Greek and Italic. 51 

'straps of the yoke' : Skr. ydkt&r- 'he who puts the har- 
ness on. 

In the Elean dialect s was pronounced very open, as is 
seen through the representation of this sound on inscriptions by 
«, e. g. (jxevdcav gen. pi. beside oxsita, evOafiioi = Att. tvosftot 

In the Locrian dialect eg became ag, e. g. nardga = nariga, 
afforagog = iftqtorfgog. 

In the Doric dialects, as well as in Lesbian, Thessalian, 
Pamphylian and Cyprian s became i before vowels, especially 
before o and a, e. g. Lacon. dug = Ssog, Cypr. fsmia = Ion. 
irna, whilst s in this case at least, was pronounced close in the 
Boeot. and Ionic-Attic dialects. This is shown by the representation 
of this short vowel by means of s, */, i in Boeot. (e. g. Qso- 
0ao- 0«o-) and by *, si in Ionic-Attic (e. g. iavrov and eiavtov 
from *af(/)'at;roK, iwia and swsia from *iv-vs(f)u). 

The Indg. tautosyllabic ei in kslnio etc. was still a diph- 
thong in Ionic and Attic at the beginning of the Y. century 
fi. C; but during this century it became a close ? and in the 
III. cent. B.C. f, though the spelling si was retained. This change 
also took place in the other dialects, earliest in Boeot., where 
J appears on inscriptions already in the Y. cent. B. C. and u 
was dislodged from the written language. 

In Cret. sv became ov by the assimilation of the e to 
the second component of the diphthong, e. g. tpovdia = xpsvdia 
ffffvdij. eg for ey in Ionic can be traced back to the Y. cent. 
B. C, e. g. (psoysiv (cp. ag from ay § 96). 

§ 66. Italic. Lat. Falisc. Umbr. est, Volsc. estu 'esto', 
Osc. estud esto': Gr. ?tfn, t6x(o. Lat. decern, Umbr. desen-duf 
(L e. desendufsee §§ 23. 387) 'duodecim', Osc. dekkviarim 'de- 
curialem': Gr. Mxa, O.Ir. deich n- fr. prim. Kelt. *deken (§ 66), 
Goth, taihun, Lith. deszimt, O.Bulg. destff, Skr. ddia. Lat. en 
{en tnanom 'in mortuum*) en-do, in in-du, Umbr. imper. en-etu 
"inito, Osc. em-bratur 'imperator', Pelign. abl. pi. em-pratois 
imperatis, iussu' : Gr. iv, Goth. in. e in the perfect reduplication, 
<XLat. pe-pugl, Umbr. pe-purkurent rogaverint', Osc. fe-facid 
'fecerit*: Gr. ns-yv&m Skr. ba-bhtiva from rt. bhe%- 'to be, be- 



52 Indg. e in Italic. § 65* 

come', O.Ir. ce-chan cecini' (cp. Lat. cano, ce-cini) y Goth, rai-rdp 
(to pros. rHa 'I advise). Lat. pecu, Umbr. pequo 'pecua: 
Goth, falhu, Skr. pdiu, cpf. *p&Jcu 'cattle. Lat. Umbr. et : Gr. 
tn. Lat. mediu-8) Osc. mefiai loc. from st. mefia- 'media: 
Gr. fitaoo-g fittoo-g 'medius', O.Ir. medOn 'the middle', Goth, midjis 
'medius', O.Bulg. melda medium, boundary', Skr. mddhya-s 
'medius', Indg. *mtdhio-$ medius*. 

Heterosyllabic and tautosyllabic Indg. ey became common 

O.Lat. tovos 'taxiB, Umbr. gen. tover 'tiu, Osc. dat. 
:uae, prim. Italic *to#o-s; Gr. rs(f)6-g. O.Lat. sovo-s 
sc. abl. suvad'sua', prim. It. *so#o-3: Gr. log from *osf6-q„ 
vtm (for *novenj formed after the analogy of septem, 
•p. § 233), Umbr. nuvis novies : Goth, niun, Skr. ndva T 
u'h# nine . Lat. twvo-s, Osc. ace. Nuvellum 'Novellum 
. Nd viand 8 'Nolani', Mars. dat. pi. Novesede 'Noven- 
prini. It. *ho#o-$ new': Gr. *«/©-$. Lat. plotebat, per- 
Gr. ***(/)-«. For -m- from -o^- in unaccented syllables, 

* from dt hoc$, see § 172, 1. 

l.at dotted ducO I lead': Goth, tiuha, cpf. *dtykd. uro 
Gr. «•«• *t «* 'I singe, Skr. c^dim 1 burn', Indg. **#$& 
O.Lat Poloncts [I = ll\ later Politic** = Uol^oWx^ 

\otam civitateni, Osc. iv./to ci vitas tot tad civitate 
*publicus\ Marruc. tortai total 'civitatf: Goth, piuda 

cpf. *frtr«K Osc. g*n. Liivfreis, Falisc. loferia liberta': 

**«*y: cwmvrniuj Lat, lotlirtaUm Itbtr see § 49 rem. 

history of this tautosyllabic It. o*, which fell together 

ic. ^. op. § Si p*$* 77. 

i. 1. TV* »*tmr* v\f tk* truKau^v* *&4 tk* ktstorical facts of thr 

a* +\V>'.t*4 *K>t*\ +.\<r v .xi* ut i»p*rtaac* Wib£ attacked to 

• w^i ia iV £*l**r k*mr: cjv. ju>o Jkrdaa Km. Beitr. «ur 

t U:. %?•*.->.* :>r* y< >: t 

■r.wu:H\i usvi^^wl in Latin; 

N::V.r^ «\ •> -\\ .•■ > '« • -,\ rv- c, r . .* . *.-*r:.\ j *-*r % j,;- r,'*$ with 

: ^. ;V tV.rrs \*^«- *tcv:ier-;2-aw" a*\>$e lirvviirh popular 

\-a* *$s,v *;.,;* m,;i r «\ v -jv Gr. ,\>. *^ A5.*t«s. Lath. 



{ 65. Indg. e in Italic. 53 

2. Finally, lupe : kv'xs. age agite : ays dyers, qufnque : ntvxs. 

3. As a rule before double consonants: scelestu-s, ob-sesm* 
(ob-tidefy auspex (au-spic-is). 

Change of e to i : 

1. According to prim. Lat. accentuation in unaccented 
syllables (§ 680) followed by a single consonant (except r). 
colligd : legO Xiyio. ob-sided : seded sdoq. oppidum : Pedum nidov. 
frthtinus : tenus. agite agitd : dysxs dyhoo. agimirii : dyo/uevoi. 

Bern. 2. The t instead of e in plied (Gr. nU*u\ O.Lat. spiciO (rt. 
ijxt-) miniscor (rt. men-\ and others, is to be explained from the fact 
that the form, which regularly arose in composition, made itself indepen- 
dent (com-plic6, ctinspicid, re-mtniscor). 

Rem. 3. jwen-em with -en- instead of -in- was, perhaps, influenced 
hy juventus juvencu-8 etc. ap-petti, ez-petd for *ap-pitd % *ex-pitd re-formed 
from analogy with the simple form peto, or else formed at a time when the 
actmty of the law had died out according to which colligO etc. arose; 
cp. exquaerO beside exquirG, exaequO beside iniquo-8, conclausus beside 
conclufu-s etc. 

2. Independent of accent, in closed syllables before nasals. 
qutnque 1 ) : nivrs. tingud : rsyyco 'I wet*, in intus : h svrog. To 
which may be added dlgnu-s beside decet, as well as ftgnu-tn, 
tlgnum, in case they really are related to legd 1 gather, collect* 
and rex^'j for gn was pronounced nn (§§ 500. 506). This 
change also affected en and em from # and fp (§ 237), e. g. 
tigintt : Dor. /fear/, sim-plex : a-nai. There are, however, in 
both cases many exceptions, the explanation of which is diffi- 
cult, e. g. offendimentu-m {fend- = Indg. *bhendh- and -mento- 
= Indg. *-myt<h) 9 supine ventum (= Skr. gdntu-m, Indg. *gim- 
-to-m), part, in-ventu-8 (= Gr. par6-$, Skr. gatd-s, Indg. *gij»- 
-tis). Cp. further decern (= Skr. ddSa, Indg. *diJcqj) beside 
nndecim. 

For Lat. -o- from -j#- see § 172, 3. 

Tautosyllabic ei seems to have still been a diphthong in 
Lai at the period of the oldest monuments, cp. the spellings 
dekos deiva, deico, feido and others. The diphthong, however, 



1) Concerning the long rowel in quinque, dignu-s, lignu^m, and 
fynu-m see § 619. 



54 Indg. e in Italic and O.Irish. § 65—66. 

at an early date became an open ?, and the sign ei now became 
also employed for the representation of open i-vowels (or close 
e-vowels) of other origin (see §§ 41. 73). 

In Umbrian and Oscan Indg. e was mostly represented 
by e. Besides the examples already mentioned, the following 
may be compared: Umbr. petur-pursus 'quadrupedibus', Osc» 
petora 'rstrapa, Umbr. co-vertu 'convertito', destram-e 'in dex- 
trous Osc. dat. Genetai 'Genitae' (to Lat. genitor). Beside 
these occurs also i, Osc. i, e. g. Umbr. tibit 'decet', Osc. 1st 
est' (beside estud 'esto'), nistrus 'propiores' (beside nesimutn 
'proximum'). Owing to the scarcity of the material it is impossible 
to decide whether the change to i (open) took place under 
certain conditions, unknown to us, or whether e had every- 
where the same close pronunciation in Umbrian-Oscan, and that 
we have here to do with a mere irregularity of the graphic 
representation of the sound. 

Tautosyllabic ei was represented in Oscan by ei, ei and 
(rarely) ii. deikum deicum inf. 'dicere'. deivai dat. *divae' t 
deivatud imper. 'iurato', diiviiai dat. 'divinae' (a derivative like 
Umbr. deveia 'divina'). terei loc. 'in terra', cp. Gr. otxei. The 
spelling ii points to a passage of the diphthong into open k 
In Umbrian ei certainly became closed e. etu eetu'ito. deveia 
'divina'. desire loc. 'in dextro', cp. Osc. loc. terei. 

§ 66. Old Irish, e was often retained as such in chief- 
accented syllables, con-dercar 'conspicitur': Gr. diQxoftcu 'I see' t 
from rt. derh. celim 'I hide': OHG. hilu *I hide', cpf. *fato* 
Gen. meda 'of mead', Skr. tnddhu 'sweetness, honey', Gr. fiddv 
'wine', OHG. metu 'mead', O.Bulg. medu 'honey', Indg. *midhu m 
ech, Gall, epo- (in Epo-rldia name of a town) : Lat. equo-s Goth. 
alhva- (in aihva-tundi 'thorn bush') Skr. diva-s Indg. *ek#o-s 
'horse*, tech teg 'house' from *tegos : Gr. riyog. cethir 'four' : Gr^ 
TSTTapeg. Cp. further Gall, nepni-tiovka 'quinquefolium' : Gr. 
nkvTCj Indg. *pfaqe. 

In such cases as: gen. etch 'equi' from prim. Kelt. *ek%*i 

(-*' still in Ogam inscriptions, as maqui 'filii', and in Gall. Sego- 

uf; 8. sing. pres. as-beir 'he brings forward,. 



66. Indg. e in O.Irish. 55 



says from *berti, prim. Indg. *bheret; deich n- 'decern' from 
*ddcen, Indg. *dehp (§§ 242. 243) the i after the e only indi- 
cates the palatal timbre of the following consonant, which had 
been produced through the palatal vowel of the next following 
syllable. In a corresponding manner the ti-(o-)timbre of the 
following consonants is represented by u and. o in the dat. sing. 
neurt } eoch from *nertd, *ek#d (nom. nert, ech, stem nerto- 
'power, might', echo- 'horse'; with nerto- cp. Gall. Nerto-marus, 
Cob-nertu8 etc.). See § 634. Under certain conditions chief- 
accented e became i before a following palatal vowel or u. tige 
fr. *tegesos, gen. sg. to tech 'house', as-bir 'thou sayest' fr. 
*bm(s), prim. f. *bhere-s. mid 'mead' fr. *medu, to gen. sg. 
meda, s. above. as-Mur 'I say' fr. *biru, prim. f. *bhero. 

e in other than chief-accented syllables, in case it did not 
entirely vanish, (§§ 634. 657), became an irrational vowel, the 
quality of which adjusted itself mostly to the timbre of the follo- 
wing consonants. 

t. as-birid 'you say' =-• Gr. (pig* vs. is 'est' always proclitic 
— Gr. sari; the accented form would be *eis. 

a. as- 'ex' in as-birid, as-rinaim 'reddo' and others be- 
side te- (O.Gall. ex-, Cymr. eh-: Lat. ex, Gr. *£) in is-rechtaid 
exlex' is-orgun 'a striking, killing' etc. 

m. (wt) Spur (fr. *6d-bur) beside as-biur c dico' fr. *beru, 
prim. Kelt. *berd = (ftpto. cdm-mus 'proportion, weight, worth' 
to miss 'measure, judgment' fr. *messu~8 {?med+tu-8, to Goth. 
mitan 'to measure'). 

In forms like $6-nirti adj. pi. 'strong, brave', s6-nirte 'strength, 
power' compar. so-nortu 'stronger' beside n6rt er had first become f . 
8. § 634. In the later orthography s6-nairti s6-nairte beside 
s&nirt 8o-nirte a merely indicates the timbre of the preceding 
consonant. S. § 640. 

Indg. and prim. Keltic tautosyllabic ei became ?, whence ta, 
if a, o, or u followed, ad-flded 'narrabat', ad-fiadat 'narrant': 
Or. feidoftat, rt. ueid-. Fut. 2. pers. pi. foMBsid 1. pers. pi. 
for4iasam, to 1. sg. pres. for-tiagaim 'I help': Gr. tfrt/jw ovet^ 
Goth, steiga. Voc. d€ '0 God' from *de(y)e (Lat. delve), nom. 



56 



Indg. t in O.Ir. and Germ. 



§ 66—67. 



dia from *dS(u)o-8 (Lat. deivos). On the 2. sing, for-tsis cp. 
§ 640. £ = Indg. ei is to be held for prim. Kelt. Cp. e. g. 
Gall, rtda waggon Epo-rZdia, O.Ir. r$id 'passable, free, even, 
smooth' Cymr. rhwydd prosper, expedites* (st. *r€di-) , O.Ir. 
riadaim 1 drive, ride', rt. reidh-: OHG. rftan 'to move oneself 
away, drive, ride' and be-reiti 'ready, equipped' (the latter with 
rt. form roidh-). 

Indg. tauto- and heterosyllabic e#. The Irish and British 
branch concurrently point to o#. This, before consonants, became 
in O.Ir. d, whence probably in the first instance ua, when a, o 
followed; in British u. O.Ir. tuath Cymr. Bret, tut Corn, tus 
'people* from *tdtd : Goth, piuda, cpf. *te#ta. O.Ir. Idche (gen. 
lOchet) 'lightning', loach white' in luach-te 'whitehot': Goth. 
liuhap 'light', Gr. Xevxo-g 'white'. O.Ir. dat. pi. srua-mannaib, 
nom. sing, sruaim stream': Gr. Qtv-pa, Indg. stem *8re#-mm-. 
In like manner we have d from antesonantal o# in O.Ir. nOi n- 
nine' (beside Cymr. naw? Corn, naw Bret, navnao), fr. *nouen, Indg. 
*n^9 (cp. §§ 65. 174. 233); whereas « in O.Ir. clU 'renown' 
= Gr. xXef-og and in nUe 'new' beside O.Bret. nowid, to Skr. 
ndvya-s (cp. §§ 139. 154). 

Bern. If the change from 6 to ua in O.Ir. was occasioned by an 
a or o in the following syllable, then such forms as nom. sruaim fr. 'srdmin, 
dat. tuaith from *t6ii cannot have been formed according to law, but are 
merely due to a levelling with the forms of other cases. 

eu is still found in Gall, in forms like Teuto-matus, Leu- 
cetius (Zeuss-Ebel G. C. 34 f.) ; beside these already also Toutus 
Toovnovg etc. (as quoted above). In like manner also Nivella, 
Nivisiutn, the i of which is also probably a direct continuation 
of e, but also already Novesium and Novio-dunum 'New-castle' (as 
quoted above 56). The question is probably here a difference of 
dialect within the Gallic branch itself. 

§ 67. Germanic. Indg. e became i in prim. Germ, in 
the following cases: 

1. before nasal + consonant. Goth. O.Sax. Ags. bindan 
OHG. bintan O.Icel. binda 'to bind', 1. sing. Indg. *bhindhd : 
Skr. bdndhana-m 'a binding' fut. bandhi$y&4i 'he will bind', Lat. 
of-fenditnen-tu-m 'chin-cloth'. 



i 67. Indg. t in Germanic. 57 



Rem. 1. That this i made its appearance already in prim. Germ., 
b confirmed by the fact that the verb Goth, rinna OHG. rinnu 'I run', whose 
orig. form *n'-wtf-d" contains Indg. i, and which belongs to Skr. ri-#d-ti 'lets 
flow, lets run', ri-tf-ti 'begins to flow' (Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV. 45), passed 
o?er into the series binda : band in its tense-formation in every Germ. 
diilect (pret. Goth. OHG. etc. rann). This could only have taken place, 
if the f in bindan etc. had already arisen. 

2. In hetero- and tautosyllabic e\. 

a. Nom. pi. Goth, preis OHG. dri O.Icel. prlr 'three* from 
Vi(*> *preiez : O.Bulg. trtje (§ 68), Skr. tr&yas, Gr. rpfig 
from *TQe(i)€g, Indg. *trttes. Goth, gasteis OHG. gesti O.Icel. 
gester gestir 'guests' from *za8tii(i)z, *^asteiez: O.Bulg. gosttje, 
cpf. *ghostei-es, cp. Skr. dvay-as (nom. sing. dvi-§). Goth. 
satjan O.Sax. settian O.Icel. setja infin. 'to cause to sit, to set', 
1. sing. Goth, satja from *satiid, *sodiid, causat. from rt. sed- 
W : cp. Skr. sad&yd-mi 'I make to sit, set', Gr. tpofiiu) 'I make 
to flee, scare* from *<po t 3si(o. 

b. Goth, sieigan OHG. stlgan O.Icel. stlga 'to climb', prim. 

Germ. 1. sing. *stl^d from *s#ij0 : Gr. otsi'xw, Indg. *st6iqhd. 

Rem. 2. The great antiquity of this i is confirmed by the fact, that 
the present: Qoth.peiha OHG. dthu 'I extend', which in prim. Germ, had 
Arisen from *£/»/£, older *pei9/6 (= Lith. tenku 'I reach out with some- 
thing*) (§ 214), gave occasion for the formation of the pret. form: Goth. 
pdih OHG. dih etc. (after the analogy of preterites from such roots as 
***£*-)• This was only possible, if the % in *8ti^d (goth. attigd) was al- 
ready there. 

3. When the following syllable contained a pre-Germanic 
i(0 or f. From 3. sing. *esti (= son) *isti : Goth. OHG. 
0.8ax. ist, Ags is. From 3. sing. *bhereti (O.Bulg. bereft, Skr. 
bhdrati) *beredi, thence *beridi : Goth, bairip, OHG. birit. Prim. 
Germ. *liziana-n 'to lie' : O.Icel. liggja O.Sax. liggian OHG. 
likkan : Gr. tixog 'bed' rt. legfi-. Prim. Germ. *irpTnaz 'earthen' 
(OHG. irdlri) beside *erpO 'earth' (OHG. erda) : Gr. *>-«£* 'on 
to the earth'. 

Rem. 3. We have also here a proof of the great antiquity of the t. 
The verb *bi&iana-n *to beg' (Goth, bidjan O.Sax. biddian O.Icel. bi&ja), 
which belongs to Gr. neiBta 'I prevail upon, persuade' rt. bheidh-, would 
not have had o in the pret. of all Germ, dialects (3. sg. *ba&(i) Goth. 
bap etc.), had not prim. Germ, ^li^ana-n, *8iti<tna-n (rt. sed-) been pro- 
nounced with i. 



38 Indg. € in Germanic. § 67. 



4. Finally, e. g. 2. sing, imper. */ari (Goth, far) from 
Va/*«? cp. Gr. ays. Such an -*, like Indg. i (see 3) had in- 
fluence upon a preceding e\ hence 2. pere. pi. *faridi (Goth. 
/art£ OHG. dial, ferit): Gr. «/««; ace. *mi-ki (Goth. O.Icel. mifc 
OHG. miA c me) : Gr. £/i t'-ye, etc. Cp. Kogel in Paul u. Br. Beitr. 
VIII 135 f. 

5. In isolated cases, where no reason for the change has 
yet been discovered, especially in unaccented syllables: e. g. 
Nominal suffix prim. Germ. -iz- = Skr. -as- Gr. -so- Lat. -es- 
(Goth. ag-iz-a- 'fear'). Cp. Paul's article in Paul - Braune's 
Beitr. YI 85, Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 419. 

The West Germanic dialects in general stopped at this 
point. An e, preserved in uninterrupted continuity from the Indg. 
prim, language, is retained e. g. in OHG. beran 'to bear' = 
prim. Germ. *berana-n (Gr. ydpuv) and reht 'right' = prim. 
Germ. *rexta-z (Gr. optxro<v)» 

Rem. 4. The change of # to • through the influence of a following 
m it questionable. E. g. in OHG. 1. pers. sg. biro, nimw, to beran, neman, 
§itu m. 'custom', probably to Or. JWo* "custom*, sibun 'seren*: Lat septem. 
hiru% 'stag' fr. prim. Germ. *rrn#f • (with anaptyctic w, s. § 628) : Gr. **>«£ 
'horn'. See Paul in Paul-Braune*s Beitr. VI 7S f., Brate in Beuenh. Beitr. 
XI 185, Braone Ahd. Gramm. p. 19. 

The I also of the root syllable in biris, birit etc might only hare 
been produced in Vest Germanic through the following t. 

The Xorse dialects have also such an old *, e. g. O.Icel. 
bera = OHG. fcrro*. 

On the other band every *, which had remained in prim. 
Germ., became # in Goth. Then this i\ through the influence 
of a tpectal Gothic law, which also concerned # = Indg. • (§ 35), 
tacame € (» » a$*in beforo r and i. «*«* :h 'to t*ke\ as opposed 
ift OHG. ****** O.Icel. +*m* = Gr* »?«.a». :««M*y "■ "to «tir» 
tntf¥t\ a* orpowd to OHG. ny/vk OJcoL w« "to naove 
Mttteif = Lat. rvii**-*. /." vacuO i>i* v^ f **%**?* *fepnwy\ 
tot OHG. « JUsv •«; O.lvvl/ i.7 %y* tea **k »- */«*»•- 
(§ 214) = Lai v*\V<&. Gr. t/a*; bet 5* ~e% feoa *t* 
OHO. 6*r*t. rr-i» trvat VA.-s — OHG, like* TW 
oirfein* = OHG. ■-* > t* >*r;i*tt *s£ ^»w*i;-« = OJSftx. 



§ 67-68. Indg. e in Germ, and Balt.-81ay. 59 

rihtian OHG. rihtan 'to judge may serve as evidence to show 
that bairan and ralhts had not an e which had been preserved in 
uninterrupted continuity through the influence of r and h. For 
it is scarcely possible to separate the ai in these forms from 
that in atrpa 'earth' and ralhts 'right 1 . 

Indg. tautosyllabic e# appears in Goth, as iu. kiusa 'I 
choose, test, select': Gr. ysvopat, cpf. *§6us-d. ana-biuda 'I bid, 
command': Gr. nsvdofiai, cpf. *bhSudhd. piuda people': Osc. 
tovtad 'civitate', O.Ir. tuath people', cpf. *teuta-. In High German 
it became, before a-, e-, o- vowels, in the oldest period eo, then 
io, in all other cases iu. deota diota people', but diutisc *po- 
pularis' (Goth, piudiskd adv. 'itivixwg). reoian rioym 'to weep' 
= Goth. *riutan: Skr. r6dana-m 'weeping' (noun), rt. reyd-. 
It is probable that the pronunciation e# still existed generally 
in prim. Germ, and that iu only arose at that time when there 
was an * in the following syllable, e. g. *piudiska-z (OHG. 
diutisc) beside *peydd (OHG. deota). 

§ 68. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. vezh O.Bulg. vezq 1 drive': 
(Jr. Pamphyl. /V*a) Lat. vehd Goth, ga-viga Skr. vdhami, Indg. 
tyghd 'I move, drive'. Lith. velku O.Bulg. vUkq from *velkq 
(§ 281) 'I draw, drag': Gr. &xw (cp. § 164 rem.), cpf. 
*jf#j5. Lith. keturl O.Bulg. 6etyrije 'four': Gr. rittapBg Umbr. 
petur- O.Ir. cethir Skr. catv&r-as. Nominal suffix -ter-, gen. 
pi. Lith. mo-ter-u O.Bulg. ma-ter-ti 'matrum': cp. Gr. py-rio-eg. 
Voc. sing, vilki O.Bulg. vltMe 'wolf: Gr. Av'xt, Lat. lupe. Per- 
sonal suffix of the 2. pers. pi. Lith. es-te tea-te O.Bulg. jes-te 
estis': cp. Gr. iari. 

In Lith. e is mostly pronounced very open and in some 
southern and eastern dialects it regularly became a, when initial, 
e. g. am = esii 'I am' (§ 666, 2). 

Indg. hetero- and tautosyllabic eu apparently became o#, 
whence Bait, ay (cp. § 84), already in the period of the Baltic- 
Slavonic prim, community. 

a. Heterosyllabic: Lith. av, O.Bulg. ov. Lith. tava-s 'tuus', 
saws 'suus': Gr. r*(/)o-c, i(/)o-£. O.Bulg. novU 'new': Gr. 
W/o-s. O.Bulg. plovq 'I flow, sail': Gr. 7iXs(f)u). O.Bulg. nom. 



Lnd*. e in Balt.-SUv. § 68. 

^•o» :rom *sUne^-e8: cp. Qr. i?J*(/)-*Si Goth, sun jus 

..a "**/« ** prim. Germ. *suneu~ez (§ 179), Skr. #wnar-as. 

it/rti Lett, dewini nine', Pruss. ratrfn/* 'the ninth', 

♦w..;. t«v'* nia 6 ' a^ to De explained as being formed from 

.». ^ \%ku Lith. deszimt O.Bulg. <fe*(f! 'ten'; we may observe 

^ iat the initial d- instead of w- cannot well be explained 

.it'i*i$* than as being borrowed from the word for ten. 

Kvia. 1. It is doubtful whether the d- of the Lith. and Lett, word 
»v v ma*?* w*k> due to Slaronic influence and ney- was the right form in 
•u tu. ttaltk, which was retained in Pruss., or whether already in prim. 
iKii'ao-^iavonic de%- took the place of no#- and the w- of the Pruss. 
loiiu waa borrowed from Germ. (cp. Bopp. Vergleich. Gramm. I s 76, Fick 
\^oiit?ib. II 5 5S8. 744, Bruckner Litu-Slav. Studien I 80, Osthoff Morph. 
t >u. I W). 

b, Tautosyllabic: Lith. aw, O.Bulg. u (fr. og § 185). Inf. 
Lith. ptdu4i 'to rinse* O.Bulg. plu-ti (1. sing. pres. plovq), supine 
Lith. ptdu-tu O.Bulg. plu-tU: cp. Gr. sjiktv-aa, Skr. inf. pl6tu-m 
^H % aang. pres. mid. pldv-a-t€ 'he swims'). Lith. raudmi (an 
urchaio pres. form, now rauddju) 'I lament, complain': Skr. r6di-mi 
*l Ittinont, weep', Indg. *ri#d-mi or *rtud9-tni. Lith. raugiu *I 
boloh 1 : op. Gr. iQ*vyo t uat. Lith. naUje-s new': Goth, niuji-s 
*uow\ O.Bulg. inf. s/i*fi 'to be called*, supine duffi: Skr. inf. 
kritu*w 'to hear*, to O.Bulg. slovo (stem sloves-) word': Gr. 
xA*/<v Skr. iraras (neut.) 'renown'. 

Heterosyllabic Indg. prim. Baltic-Slav, ei became § in prim. 
Hlav. and this I was, in the period of Old Church Slavonic, 
tougthened to • (cp. § 36 page 37). O.Bulg. vljq vijq: Lith. 
wjh 1 turn, wind', Skr. txiytlmi 'I weave', Indg. *&& Nom. 
pi, yo»ltje, gostije 'guests' (nom. sing, gostf) from *gostei-e(9): cp. 
8k r. dvay-as oves*. Mje trtje 'three* : Skr. tniy-as y Indg. *tr£i-es. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ?i appears in Lith. as ei and & in Slavonic 
a» i, The course of development of the latter was V*\ *t* (*#), 
I, cp. the change of heterosyllabic ei Lith. 1. sing. eim\ 1 
go 1 , 3. sing, eiti (Pruss. fiV): Or. tlm */<*; supine e*/w OJJulg. 
iftf: Skr. inf. #*» from Indg. **|-#ii-m, rt. ef. Lith. silei-ra-s 
$tUi~ri'S Turing crooked legs* (Lett. «f&/c» stripe*, «/#?* 1 lean 
Agaimt'j : Gr. xto-rr-* rt. &<*% Lith, reidas Yace O.Bulg. rid* 



§ 68-69. Indg. e in Balt.-Slav. Prim. Indg. *. 61 

looks (noun), Litb. vHzdziu 1 see* (for the z cp. § 547 rem.), O.Bulg. 

vudq 1 look' from *\fidiq (§ 147) : Qr. /a'ofyai, fniog. Lith. geidiih 

'Hong for, Pruss 3. fhgeide 'they wait', O.Bulg. zidq 'I wait'. Lith. 

dewys'idoY deive (fem.) ghost* beside dSva-8(Lett. dlw$Ygod\ Pruss. 

deitca-s god': Lat. deivos dlvus. Lith. tt-ma (Lett. Jttna) O.Bulg. 

zi-tna 'winter* : Qr. /«-/*a, x Hm ^ v » Lith. d2-wd (Lett, ttfna) 'day, 

Pruss. dei-na-n ace. sing, 'day* from a stem *dejrti- (*dei-en-) 

beside *d*-»- (O.Bulg. gen. dt-n-e 'day's'). Lith. snSga (Lett. 

mig) 'it snows' : Gr. viupn y rt. sneigh-. Lith. ZeAw 'I leave' (Lett. 

/flfcw 1 lay') : Gr. Xet'mo, rt leiq-. O.Bulg. piiq 'I write' from 

*pto-iq (§ 147): Gr. ntlxat 'I scratch* rt. />e$-. 

Bern. 2. The circumstances, under which e{ at one time remained 
(ef) in Lith., and at another time became ?, have not been ascertained 
(cp. Mahlow Die langen Yocale A, E, O, page 143 f. and Osthoff Morph. 
Unt IV 112). We are inclined to think that only circumflexed ei, e. g. in 
tUi 'to go* (cp. §691), regularly became 2 when the following consonant 
had not a palatal timbre, caused by an i- or t- vowel in the next following 
syllable (cp. the double forms I and ia in Irish § 66) ; hence dZpas beside 
dtitys deivi, eiml beside ttkti. The supine ettu instead of *etu would have 
been formed after the analogy of elti; ein& etna ( I go* 'he goes' (instead 
of *fn£ •?wa) with ei- f because they were not formed until after this 
•ound-law had ceased to operate. Such verbs as ttziil leszti 'to lick* = 
OJtaL liza (from *ti2-iq) beside such as geidzib geUti (Leskien Der Ablaut 
in Wurzelsilben im Litauischen p. 144 f.) present difficulties. For it is 
certainly hardly probable that the few forms as sup. lesztu etc. could have 
extended their ? to the whole verb. Op. the change ai : 2 § 84 rem. 2. 

ew, em before explosives and spirants became § in Slavonic 
e. g. svetu 'holy', zqbq 'dilacero, frigeo'. 8. § 219. 

Indg. S. 

§69. Indg. dh$- 'set, lay: Skr. fut. dha-sydmi dhdna- 
(neut.) 'position, Qr. fut. 0//-aw, Goth, ga-deps (st. ga-dedi-) 
'deed, position, Lith. fut. d'6-siu inf. dt-ti, O.Bulg. aor. d€-chu 
inf. di-ti. Indg. pie- 'fill* : Skr. part, pra-td-^ Arm. li (gen. Hoy) 
fall* from */rf&io-$, Gr. nXij-pqs 'full* aor. llnky-aa, Lat. plS-nu-s 
im-pte-tu-s, O.Ir. lln numerus, pars', O.IceL fleire fleiri more* 
(from st. *fl$-iz-en-, cp. § 614). 

Optative suffix Indg. -*#- -j£- : 2. pers. sing. Skr. s-iyd-s s-yd-8. 



60 " ^ J** • * « -^ ~j*l — . 

'goi - — *2»* ^c: mfrtd An. « :=l **»--■ 

■ -J2. **■/? Iftf ♦»- TL -WES. 

O. ■- * mother. - 

a - - • * *w " ^ 'above, k. 

a ^ " :■ w- 'the, ir" : *- "H 

^ -—*•. r-li #•**. u£L "IT "-*. 

. - — -en joig. «-faa #* e 'an 

. - i. ■'--.' c P . § ;:-. 

^ .j-i ~h probaar ii x -*»- 
-_• :-j* I. i Impeifer aBunt 
-. -::£. * 7 H- V 7 '""* Tom 

-. St. t~ifot Am tf-tf 
. «-. Zi&> ve-je* *vn£. 

fc a^t. 2 Ae prim. Ana 

_ ■_ * li n "ti^aJ the precei^p 

_ --* orran 4 = Mg- ? 

~: . — ^r ♦,. 'ir. Dor. ^^'. 

~ •- ^ -^ , — -wi I wmtrire, 

. . _ - S. *r. 1 aing. 

«--. .. ^-"- -r-^. "*> .>ow*rsi in non- 

-- • " * --*. - -.- ,.. - m-i -mrt* Vthe 

-— — •■ - *- : - w- ;c: f. -*sfc gen. 

rt for 



§ 71-73. Indg. I in Gr. and Italic. 63 

prjrr-og (cp. § 72) ; l-nu-m 'I fill' : Lat. 3. pi. ex-pte-nu-nt, O.Ir. 
U-naim 'I fill\ 

The representation by e in a\u8s 'fox* beside Gr. d\d)nrfe, 
Skr. IdpdSa- is uncertain (Hubschmann Kuhn's Ztschr. XXYI 603). 

§ 72. Greek. "tj/m from *oi-ot]-ni 'I throw, jerk, send off 
jf-/*a a throw' : Lat. sB-tnen, O.Ir. sf-l seed', Goth. mana-sl]>s 
'mankind, world', Lith. s'dju O.Bulg. sfy'q 'I sow' s£-m$ 'seed', 
rt. s$- 'throw, sow', firj v, gen. fiyv-og Lesb. /uijw-og, 'month' (con- 
cerning nom. sing, /ustg cp. § 611) fiTJvt] 'moon' : Skr. tnds- 
'moon, Arm. amis (gen. atn&oy) 'month', Lat. mZns-i-s (cp. 
however, § 612), O.Ir. ml (gen. mis) 'month' (cp. §§ 212. 574), 
Goth. mSna 'moon', Lith. mSn& (gen. menes-io) 'moon'," O.Bulg. 
m&ecr'moon' (cp. §§ 220. 221). $pa vPl youth': Lith. jigiU 
1 am able*. Nom. dvti-uBvtjg 'evil disposed, hostile' : Skr. dur- 
-mana* 'downcast, sad', cpf. *dus-men$s. 

This 77, which was probably pronounced open in prim. 
Greek, and which is marked as open 8 in Lesb. by the spelling 
ei (aifiloHov : Lat. s&mi- 'half; Al6io5oq = Dor. Att. 'Halodog 
Boeot. Eidiodog), became & in Elean, e. g. /u& 9 sis, nar&g, where- 
as in Boeot. and Thessal. it became closed e which, after the 
introduction of the Ionic alphabet, was represented by ei, e. g. 
Boeot. fiuva, TzaTsiQ, Thess. voT€Qo-/ustvvi6, elfta ; the latter pro- 
nunciation can also be established for the Ionic dialects (§ 104). 

§ 73. Italic. Lat. fe-mina 'woman' fe-ld 'I suck', Umbr. 
feliuf filiu 'lactantes' fel. (abbreviation) 'Alius': Arm. di-em 
'I suck' (aor. di-e£-i) } Gr. Qr r 6avo 'he sucked' dij-Xrj 'teat, nipple', 
Jr. dF-Mtt 'lamb', OHG. Man 'to suckle', Lith. dele 'leech' pirtn- 
•delys 'first-birth', O.Bulg. d$-t$ 'infans', Skr. dhOrtrS 'wetnurse*. 
Lat. pl€-nu-8, Umbr. plener plenis' : Gr. nkfj-pyg. Lat. m^ns-i-s, 
Umbr. menzne 'inense' (i.e. mentsne from *mensne, §209), 
se-menies 'semenstribus' : Gr. fiijv y for the Lat. £ cp. § 612. 
Lat. rS-s, Umbr. re-per 'pro re' abl. ri 're' : Skr. rd-s 'wealth, 
treasure, kingdom'. Lat. rSx rtg-is, Osc. regaturei 'rectori', 
Mamie regen[a dat. 'reginae' : O.Ir. rl (gen. rig) Skr. rdjan- 
*king'. Lat Ux Ug4s f ttgatu-s, Osc. ligud 'lege' ligattifs dat. 
'legatis', prim. Ital. stem Ug-. Lat. dtes diem, dtit-ctda, Osc. 



??5W 



u. t O.Ir. and Germ. § 73—75. 

. ^obably also d]ifkulds pi. 'dies): 
. .±\\ Gr. Zijv (§ 188). 

•e spelling e, i in Umbr. and e, f, i, el 

*** -'. Since orig. long e is represented 

. tad on the cippus Abell. by f, while 

.*« trom the lengthening of & on Ital. soil, 

, ve must conclude that the latter had a 

. . ^se. 

*i a close pronunciation also in Lat. follows 
*> *$ pleib[es, leigibus on inscriptions (see 

. . i if^se from £in Lat. ftlius (/£-)> suspTcid (spec-), 
^ «. i*i- in vocare) is by Osthoff, perhaps rightly, 
.v iuduence of the following i (i); cp. also tf£- 
^<HtOy sub'tilia. 

^ \i ttish. In accented stem-syllables T. fir 'true': 

. ^ v,^cin tuz-vtrjan 'to doubt', O.Bulg. v$ra 'faith*. 

.... o>, ttyXo-v (Boeot. Thess. fistko-v). 

• s ,.v* Kelt, dialects also present I (t), e. g. O.Cymr. 

> - OJr. rJ rex', O.Corn. O.Bret, guir = O.Ir. fir 

v ^ s*> *bo Gall. I in rix rex* (Catu-rlges etc.). The 

. w ..^uay of this sound-change would also be supported 

*v ,iv^iK VfA- 'ruler* (Goth, reiks), if this, as it is believed 

s^ *.** borrowed from Kelt, rig- in prim. Germ, times. 

V u» ?** form Dubno-rex beside Dumno-rix (Zeuas-Ebel O. C. 20) 
Ax v tw iMHuenoe of Lat. rlx. 

N V*KvrttUig the treatment of B in secondary accented syllables 
^^^ $34. 657. 

^ i* Germanic. Prim. Germ, open E. Goth, g, which 
v ^^maoed very close, as follows most clearly from the 
>0 OvHjueut spelling ei, e. g. qeins beside qtns 'wife* 
^ouaNv also i, e. g. spidists beside sptdists 'the last*). 
u*a * This change to a had its beginning in High Ger- 
w * ix * h ^ l * is first found in Bavarian (about 170 A.D). From 
;>v^*> « w ** gradually extended to North Germany, a was 



\\**A** 



§ 75-76. Indg. I in Germ, and Bait.- Slav. 65 

established in Franconian in the seventh century, but in Saxon 

not until several centuries later. See Bremer in Paul and Braune's 

Beitr. XI p. 1 ff. a is found in Norse already in the oldest 

runic monuments, e. g. -marix = Goth, -m$rs (vdila-n&rs of 

good report'). I must leave the difficult question undecided as 

to whether Ags. ce and O.Fris. € represent the retention of the 

prim. Germ, e-quality, or have passed through the intermediate 

stage a. Bremer and Siebs (in the above named work p. 12 ff. 

and 226 ff.) accept the first theory. 

Rem. 1. 2, in unaccented syllables, seems not to have undergone 
the change to a, but to have retained its quality; unaccented prim. 
Germ, t appears in OHG. OS. as e, and in OK. as e, i. See Bremer's 
article in tbe above named work p. 29 ff. 

Goth, tnana-seps mankind, world', Ags. seed O.Fris. sH 
OHG. sat OS. sad 'seed' : Lat. sB-men O.Bulg. s€-m$ 'seed', 
it s&-. Ooth. ga-dtps Ags. deed OHG. tat OS. dad 'deed' : 
Or. 017-001, Lith. de-siu 'I shall place' rt. dh€-. Goth, ga-rgdan 
'to reflect', Ags. rcedan O.Fris. rHa OHG. ratan OS. radan 
OJcel. rdda 'to advise' : Lat. rl-rl c to think' re-bar. Goth, nSpla 
OHG. nadala needle', OHG. ndan 'to sew' : Gr. vij^ia 'yarn, 
vtJTpo-Y 'distaff, Lat. nSmen 'yarn, thread' neturs 'spun', rt. sn€- 
tfr (§ 589, 3). OHG. sami- 'half sami-quek : Gr. tint-frog Lat. 
s&ni-mvos 'half-alive', Skr. saml adv. 'half, Indg. *8$mi. 

Concerning Goth, ai fr. Indg. £ in saia 'I sow' fr. rt. s&, 
see § 142. 

Bern. 2. Side by side with prim. Germ, open I there existed also a 
close £, which appears in Goth, also as £, in OHG. as ea, ia (OS. I. O.Ioel. g), 
is Goth, her OHG. hear hiar OS. hlr O.Icel. far 'here', Goth. /Bra 'side, 
country, district', OHG. feara fiara 'side, part', OHG. hea$ hia$ O.Icel. 
hit I was called', OHG. lea$ Ua$ O.Icel. Itt 1 left'. The origin of this prim. 
Germ. I has not yet been satisfactorily explained, (cp. the chapter on 
Germ, strong preterites in the accidence). The sound can scarcely be traced 
Wk in any case to an Indg. I. 

§ 76. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. speju spUi 'to have leisure, 
or time for a thing, to be quick enough', O.Bulg. spijq sptti 
'to progress, to have success' : Lat. sp$~s sper-are, Goth, compar. 
sptdiza 'later' OHG. spati 'late'. Lith. dede 'uncle', O.Bulg. 
didu 'grandfather' : Gr. rrjOr] 'grandmother' vrfiic 'aunt'. O.Bulg. 



66 Ind*. i in B*lt.-8Ur. Prim. Ind*. o. § 76-77. 

m&ra measure' : Lat. metior 'I measure', Goth. m$l 'time' (O.IceL 
mat 'measure, time', OHG. mal 'mark, sign'), Skr. m4/r(l 'mea- 
sure'. Verbal stems in Lith. ■*?- O.Bulg. -£-, e. g. Lith. sedi-ti 
O.Bulg. s$d$-ti 'to sit' : cp. Lat. shd&- s&dere. 

Throughout the whole domain of Lithuanian £ is pro- 
nounced very close, and in some places can hardly be distinguished 
from y (f). 

In Slavonic the sound-combinations kS, gi, ch€, j& passed 
into to, {d)la, $a, ja (cp. §§ 461—464. 588). O.Bulg. inf. kridati 
'to scream' fr. *krik€ti : kriku 'scream, cry', b&ati 'to flee' fr. 
*b&g$ti : bfyu 'flight', sly&ati 'to hear' fr. *slychtti : cp. sluchU 
'a hearing', stojati 'to stand' fr. *stoj€ti. 

In like manner initial £- became ja-. jasfl 'eats' : Lith. 
ht(i) eats like an animal', cp. Lat. est id" became first *j€d~, 
as jesft fr. *esft = Gr. ion (§ 666, 1), then jad- as stojati fr. 
*8toj&i. 

Final -£ became -i. Nom. maii 'mother', = Lith. mote 'wife' 
Skr. matd mother', cpf. *»*£/?. cp. §§ 84. 665, 3. 

Indg. o. 
§ 77. Indg. 3. sg. pf. act. Indg. *de-dork-e fr. rt. derh> 
see : Skr. daddrh, Gr. A-'depxt; Lat. memordit momordit 'he bit', 
Skr. mamarda *he rubbed, ground' fr. rt. tnerd-; Goth, band Skr. 
kvtj<indha *he bound* fr. rt. bhendh- ; Gr. ybyore Skr. jaj&na fr. rt. 
£m- 'gignere. 1. sg. pres, act. causat. Indg. *dorheid 'let see' fr. rt. 
derkr : Skr. d'irk\$<\m% let see', Goth, ga-tarhja 'mark'; Gr. 6z$u> 'let 
go, ride\ mid. *go, ride, swim\ Goth, txgia *moYe\ O.Bulg. voiq fr. 
*tf>£|q(§ 147) 'let go\ Skr. nihagtlmi 'let go, run' fr. rt. wgh-; Lat 
UtrrtQ fr. *tor$fi$ (§ 134) 'cause to dry up', Skr. targdyami 'let 
thir*. languish", OHG. flwttw OJceL£*rro 'to dry, wither fr. 
prlzri. Germ. •£;irci{*i*M-» (op. Goth, gj-pairsan 'to wither) fr. rt. 
iter*-. Iadg. o in the root syllable of nominal sterna, and the 
-tr- wfckh seer** to form nominal stems: Arm. suffix -a-ror 
fr f , yxlj "bear:::*:. briaci:u:\ cp. MotLHG. <or) in /ns-a-ror 
V>ar t^ $o~ 4-nM, Gr. i*nr*~jiv*v. cpf. *~*.*v-s; Gr. Aoc 
nyw 'wizt:z* «rr:Ap^ O.Bulg. aev\ «vc* V^^oa, carriage, 



§ 77. Prim. Indg. o. 67 

cpf. *uogho-m; Lat. procu-s 'wooer to precor 'I beg'; Goth. 
dags fr. *<faja-£ 'day* (the flexional -a- retained in Norse runic 
inscriptions: dagaR), Lith. lsz-daga-8 'burnt out place daga-s 
m. (beside daga f.) 'harvest* properly 'hot season, time', Skr. 
Mas 'burning, fire-brand* ni-ddghd-s 'heat, hot season, summer', 
Indg. *dhogho-8 fr. rt. dhtgh- 'burn'; Skr. tanas Gr. tovo-$ 
'thread, string* from rt. ten- 'stretch out, extend': Skr. vfka-8 
wolf, Gr. Xvxo-g, Lat. equo-s lupus, O.Ir. fer 'man' fr. %iro-s 
(in Gall, still the prim, form of the ending, e. g. tarvo-s 'bull'), 
Goth. Ace. pi. vulfa-n8 'lupos', Lith. vilka-s 'wolf, O.Bulg. 
dat. du. vluko-ma to nom. sg. vluku 'wolf. Indg. pronominal 
stem *to- 'this, the', nom. ace. neut. Skr. td-d, Gr. ro, Lat. 
istu-d, Goth, pu-t-a, O.Bulg. to, Indg. *fc>-d. The so-called the- 
matic vowel -o-, e. g. Indg. pres. stem *bhero- fr. rt. bher- 
'carry, bear* : 3. pi. Skr. bhdra-nti 1. pi. bhdra-mcrs, Gr. Dor. 
<fioo-m (f>spo-jits$, Lat. vfvo-nt feru-nt, Goth. 3. pi. baira-nd 
1. pi. baira-tn, Lith. 1. pi. vtza-me (vezU 'I ride*), O.Bulg. 3. pi. 
nzcfi fr. *vezo-ntt (§ 219) aor. 1. pi. vezo-mu (1. sg. pres. 
vezq Vide*), -os Indg. suffix of the gen. sing, (beside -es in 
O.Bulg. kamen-e Lat. patr-is, § 81. rem. 1) : Gr. narg-og, O.Lat. 
patr-w, O.Ir. athar fr. *pater-os or *patr-os. 

Indg. *ofct6 *ofa6u 'eight' : Skr. ajfta afyati, Arm. uf, Gr. oxreo, 
Lat. oc^J, O.Ir. ocht Goth, ahtdu, Lith. assJSwl O.Bulg. os/w*. Indg. 
•jwtf* 'master' *pot nl 'mistress' : Skr. pdtnT 'mistress', Gr. no6i-q 
'husband' norvta 'lady, mistress', Lat. poti-s 'capable, able', Goth. 
br&p-faps 'bridegroom', Lith. pats 'husband', vfoz-patis 'sovereign 
master*. Skr. dk§i neut. 'eye*, Arm. ai-R pi. eyes*, Gr. odde du. 
eyes' fr. *ok*ie (§ 489), oVo/mi 'I shall see', Lat. oculu-s, Lith. 
akl'S 'eye', O.Bulg. oAro neut. eye'. Indg. *pr6 'before, in front, 
forth' : Skr. prd, Gr. ngo, O.Ir. ro, Goth, fra-, Lith. pra- 
O.Bulg. />ro-. Personal ending of the 3. sg. mid. Indg. -to : 
Skr. dkhara-ta, Gr. itfiyt-xo. 

Indg. tautosyllabic oi. 3. sg. pf. Indg. *u6id-e 'He knows* : 
Skr. rerfa, Gr. /oft*; Goth, vdit; O.Bulg. ttf/w? fr. *v6d-nit % L 
know* (the pf. personal endings have been replaced by the pres.) 
also represents the stem *u<>id-; 3. sg. pf. Indg. *le-l6iqe 'nas 

5* 



68 Prim. Indg. o. Indg. o im Aryan. § 77—78- 

left' : Skr. rirtca, Gr. tikotne, Goth. Idihv. Indg. pres. causat. 

*#oidiio- fr. rt. y&id~ 'see, know* : Skr. vBddydmi 'I let know, 

communicate, OHG. weizen (prim. Germ. *uaitiiana-n c to cause 

to know, prove'; O.Bulg. bidUi 'to compel', Goth, bdidjan OHG. 

peittan beitan 'to compel', cpf. 1. ag. pres. *bhoidhtid. Gr. Xotnd-^ 

'remaining', Lith. Wka-s 'remaining single, odd' at-leka-$ and 

/tKinibrt.Q Vamnftn^ remainder' O.Bulg. otu-Uku 'remnant' fr. rt. 

fern, 'penalty, punishment', Gr. noivrj ransom, 

t.Bulg. etna 'pretium' (Lith. Jcaina according 

tier Fonolog. 38. 110), cpf. *qoina- 'ransom* 

nom. pi. masc *toi fr. stem to- 'this, the' : 

jat. istl (cp. poploe populi), Goth, pdi, Lith. 

le gen. sg. of ei-stems in Indg. -ois : Skr. 

joth. anstdis (ansts 'favour'), Lith. akSs (akl-s 

(pqtt 'way'). The optative of the thema- 

g. -oi-, 2. sg. *bhirojrS (indie. 2. sg. *bhire-si 

r. bhdr?$, Gr. (figoig, Goth, balrdis, O.Bulg. 

permissive) te-suki (suku 'I turn'). 

abic ot«. 3. sg. pf. Indg. *bhe-bh6#dh-e 'has 

kr. bubddha, Goth, bdup; Gr. Horn. siXfjXovfrt 

ittic reduplication) beside eltvoouai 'I shall 

t. Indg. *bltoydhtid 'I cause to awake, wake, 

it/dini, O.Bulg. inf. buditi\ Goth, kdusja 'I 

i$(iyate mid. 'likes, finds pleasure in', Indg. 

he Gen. sg. of eti-stenis in Indg. -ous : Skr. 

, Osc, castrocs (castru- 'fundus'), Goth, sutidus 

sniiaus {$rinfr-$ 'son') O.Bulg. synu (st/nu 'son'). 

. Indg. o, in closed syllables and finally be- 

m. Ar. period. 3. sg. pf. Skr. tatdksa Av. 

•eated' fr. rt. tdc*- (cp. §401), prim. f. *tetdkse. 

'eight* : Gr. oxrau Skr. bhara-nti Av. bara- 

•rn, Skr. dMuira-9H O.Pers. abara-m : Gr. 

mid. MuirMa Av. Imroe-ta : Gr. «/*oot-ro. 

ibic oj> i>t# became in prim. Ar. <i», citi, thence 

»», no rw, O.Pers. <i#\ an (cp. §§ 126. 160). 

Ar, perfect stem *inia1- = Indg. *uoid- fr. 



j 78. Indg. o in Aryan. 



rt. ueid- see, know* : Skr. 3. sg. ttda 2. sg. vittha Av. Gap. 
tatda vdistha : Gr. olSe oloda. Prim. Ar. *ai-ua- = Indg. *oi- 
t*o-, Av. of«?a- O.Pers. aiva- 'amis : Gr. o?(/)o-$. Prim. Ar. 
optative stem *bhara\- = Indg. *bheroi- fr. rt. Mer- 'bear* : Skr. 
1. pi. bhdrlma 3. sg. bhdrM, Av. 1. pi. baratma 3. sg. bardij> : 
Gr. (fipotjLisv yigoi. Final af became £ in Av. : £5 nom. pi. 
'hi' beside tae-ca tdi Skr. te Gr. rot, Indg. *toi 'the, these', cp. 
O.Pers. tyaiy (read *yat) qui' fr. stem *t%o-. 

2. o#. Prim. Ar. causative stem *bhaudhdia- = Indg. 
*bko#dh£io- fr. rt. bheudh- 'wake* : 3. sg. Skr. bddhdya-ti A v. 
baodayeiti, cp. O.Bulg. inf. 6m<&7j. Prim. Ar. -a#£ = Indg. 
-oys, the ending of the Gen. sg. of easterns, Skr. mn6§ € filii% 
Av. vayaos 'aeris, O.Pers. Jcuraus 'Cyri\ 

In Aryan a = Indg. o can still be distinguished from a = 
Indg. e (§ 62), in so far as j-sounds were not palatalised before 
it, e. g. prim. Ar. fem. *kaina- (Av. kaend- penalty') fr. Indg. 
*}OHifl- (cp. Gr. notvrj) beside prim. Ar. pres. 3. sg. mid. *cajr 
•atai (Skr. cdyatt) fr. Indg. *qei-e-tai. See § 445 fF. 

Indg. o in open syllables probably became a in the prim. 
Ar. period. Ace. sg. Skr. pdd-am Av. pad-em pedem* : Gr. 
nbt-a. 3. sg. pf. Skr. ja-jdn-a 'genuit' : Gr. yi-yov-t ; Av. da- 
far-a = Skr. da-dhdr-a 'held fast', fr. rt. dher- (Lith. rfm'ti 
1 hire*). Causat. Skr. dhdrdydmi Av. ddrayftmi O.Pers. dflra- 
ytfmry (read -twi) fr. the same rt. dher-; Skr. bhardydmi Av. 
baraypni fr. rt. JAer- 'bear' : Gr. (pogtw; Skr. saddyami 
Av. h&daygmi O.Pers. hddaydmiy (read -*m) fr. rt. sed- sit' : 
Goth. *a(/a. Skr. /rfnw 'knee* : Gr. yovv. 1. pi. Skr. bhdra- 
most Av. barO-mahi 'ferimus', O.Pers. pahyd-mahy (read -mahi) 
dicimur : Gr. Dor. (pepo-jusg. Ace. sg. Skr. dimdn-am O.Pers. 
asmdn-am 'stone' : Gr. axpov-a anvil', cp. Goth, ahman spirit 1 ? 
Skr. tdk§&n-am 'carpenter' Av. ta§dn-em 'creator' : Gr. rsxrova; 
Skr. svdsdr-am 'sister' : O.Ir. siair cp. Goth, svistar; Skr. dd- 
tOr-am Av. datar-em 'giver : Gr. dwropa ; nom. pi. Skr. ndpdt-as 
Av. napat-6 'descendants, grand-children' : Gr. vinoSsq (concerning 
<* instead of r see § 327). Participial suffix Skr. Av. -Ona- 
(Skr. dddh-ana- Av. dap-ana- fr. rt. dbZ- 'set, do', Skr. ju$- 



Indg. o in Armenian. § 78—79. 

?- 'taste): Goth, -am- (baur-ans, gib-am etc.), 
•ow- (e. g. Kp-6vo-$ = Skr. kr-flnd-s efficient, 
i)ff Morph. Unt. IV 374, and on the other hand 
>. Beitr. VII 322). 

scholars, especially Collitz and Joh. Schmidt, dispute 
sound-law and assume that Indg. o was in every case 
ted by a in Aryan. I too am still for from con- 
f given above as mathematically certain (cp. Morph. 
it the difficulties, which it leaves unexplained, seem 
and easier to dispose of than those which the hypo- 
d Sohmidt presents. Nor does Collitz's latest treatment 
tensions (though containing certain aoute ideas which 
} convince me of the validity of his standpoint, since 
j it leaves the distribution of e and o in the Germanio 
ahmin : ahmatt^ ahmatis) unexplained. Cp. the authors 
[X p. 367 ff. p. 380 ff. and Morph. Unt. m 102 ff., 
>r's Beit III p. 291 ff., X p. 2 ff., Joh. Schmidt Kuhn's 
ff. , Osthoff Morph. Unt. I p. 207 ff. , IV p. XV and 
f., Httbsohmann Das Indg. Vocalsystem 1885. 

Av. e, i f f, o fr. prim. Iran. prim. Ar. a = 

I. 

tenian. ost 'branch': Gr. o'*o$ Goth, asts 'bough', 

orphan': Gr. op^o- in the pi. compound o(*/o- 

i(MfaYtuY, Hesych.), Lat. orbu-s. The nominal 

1o- 'man', gen. mard-o-y, cp. Gr. -oio, Indg. 

weakened to m, a process which may be re- 
ar for the combination of o with a following 
Mat, -sun in ere-sun 'thirty' etc.: Gr. -xorru. 

Lat pons "bridge', O.Bui, part 'way*. 

appears also <i, without the special conditions for 
m being ascertained. ac-C 'eyes': Gr. ww, Lat. 
• 1 hate': Lat. o*j-im-jn.') 
-syllabic oi appears as hi in ait-HH-m 'I swell' 
Ae*k*: Gr. <*\W Mi** 1 swell' <*Wv 'tumour', 
By the side of this perhaps also as £. which 
ta-final syllables, e. g. **j. Gen. wugi 'mist': 
>ud*; yi*i Vine': Gr. *W^. It is not certain 

kfev* Bartkvv**** Ar. F*r*?k> II 4^ 



§79—80. Indg. o in Greek. 71 

whether £, i in these words (cp. Hubschmann Armen. Stud. I 
p. 60) do not rather represent Indg. ei (cp. § 63). 

Indg. tautosyllabic ou seems to occur as oi (thence u in 
non-final syllables) in poit, gen. putoy, 'onovStf, putam 'anovdd^a/. 
oi (u), however, can here and in other cases (Hubschmann Stud. I 
p. 62) be also regarded as representing Indg. e% (cp. § 63). 

§ 80. Greek. Pf. x&Aoyt (instead of *xs*Xon€ after the 
analogy of rdrpotfe and others): Goth. A/a/, cpf. *qe-ql6p-e 'has 
stolen fr. rt. qlep-. Causat. oopio) 'I drive away, scare': Skr. 
tyajdydmi 'I bid one leave a thing', to oiponcu 'I step back 
before something, am afraid, reverence 1 ; Skr. tydjdmi 'betake 
myself away, stand back from a thing*. Xoxo-g 'bed, couch, 
ambush* a-Xo/ m og (fr. *a-Ao^o-c, § 564) 'bed-mate, wife': O.Bulg. 
sq4ogu 'consors tori', fr. rt. leqk-. dvg-nogo-g 'hard to pass' : Skr. 
du$-p&ra-, fr. rt. per-, bXxo-g bXxrj a dragging, furrow': Lith. 
fevalka-8 over-coat, bed-cover', cpf. *uolqo-s fr. rt. *yelq- (cp. § 164 
rem.), dd^o-g 'house': Lat. domu-8 O.Bulg. dornU 'house*. a-oooq-nJQ 
lelper' (§ 489) : Lat. sociu-s. Qofa qotj 'stream', prim. f. *sroy-<l fr. 
rt srey-. (pOoy 'consumption, decline' fr. *rpQoj-a fr. rt. (pQst- in 
9ft-0»-g. ooxio-v 'bone': Lat. 08 ossis, Skr. dsthi (neut.) 'bone'. 
o£w 'I smell': Lat. odor. 2. du. impf. act. itfigs'Tov: Skr. 
4bhara-tam f cpf. *6-bhere-tom; 3. sg. impf. mid. ly/pt-ro: Skr. 
dbhara-ta f cpf. *&-bhere-to, fr. rt. bher- 'bear*. 

In Aeolic (Lesb., Thessal. , Boeot.), Arcadian-Cyprian and 
Pamphylian o either became fully « or a sound approaching it 
(written v), e. g. Thess. dnv = dno, Arcad. aXXv =*= aXXo, 
Pamph. gen. Kovpaaiwv-vg = -wv-og. o certainly did not un- 
dergo this sound-change in every sound-combination and word- 
position; the limits and conditions, however, under which it 
took place, cannot be precisely determined owing to the scar- 
city of monuments. 

Tautosyllabic oi. ninotQe 'trusts*: Goth, bdip 'has waited 
for* (pres. beida), cpf. *bhe-bh6idh-e. oivo-g olvtj: Lat. oino-s 
tinu-s, O.Ir. oew, Goth, dins, Pruss. ace. aina-n, cpf. *ojrno-s 
'onus'. Loc. pi. Xvxoi-oi: O.Bulg. vlUc&chU, Skr. c/A#-£w, Indg. 
*y%qojrSu, stem *#|go- 'wolf. 



r» 



72 Indg. o in Greek and Italic. § 80—81. 

oi became oe in Boeotian, e. g. 'AptaTi-Qoivo-q inscript. of 
Tanagra (to Qoivtj 'feast' fr. rt. dhej-, Skr. dhi-n6-mi 'I satiate'), 
thence u in the third century B. C, Ovvag/o-g, fvxid (= foods) 
and in the youngest Boeot. inscriptions beside v also «i, that is, 
F or a sound closely approaching it, e. g. pi. noiopevH = noiovjuBvoi 
(cp. to*: Skr. ft?, Goth. pat). The change to v took place in 
the other dialects (but not before the second century A. D.) and 
led to the Mid. and Mod. Gr. f. 

Tautosyllabic ov. Horn, elkykovfa 'has come beside fut. 
iXevfiopcu. onovdrj 'zeal' beside pres. ansvdw. This diphthong 
became U in Ionic and Attic in the fifth century B. C, but the 
spelling ov was retained. The diphthongic pronunciation may 
have remained longer in the other dialects. The representation 
in Cypr. is noteworthy : o-vo = ov, a-ro-w-ra-t = olqovqcu. 

§ 81. Italic. In the prim. Italic period o appears, with 
the exception of certain reductions in final syllables, to have 
been still unchanged in every sound-combination. 

Lat. totondit 'has shorn* pf. to *tendd = Gr. xivdw rivftoy 
1 gnaw at*. Causat. noced 'I injure' (Skr. noidyami 'I make to 
disappear, destroy') to nex necis. procu-s 'wooer to precor. 
Abl. pondG 'by weight' to pendo. 

The o in unaccented syllables, which in older Latin still 
remains unchanged (e. g. fTlios, ddno~m, opos), became w, 
except before r = # (§ 569) and after t« and u: flUus, 
<toi#M-iN, opus, rthunt, tetull, con-tuft, seduid (fr. $$-dol6). o 
was retained before r = s % e. g. in temporis fr. *tetnpoz^is 
(& new form, in place of *tempe2-i$i after the analogy of 
the Xoin. ace. tt>Hfn>$\ and after & u % e. g. in tiros, tfvom, 
rFrowf, equos, MfjHOHtHr, mortnos* The forms virus, rlvum, 
rTcKHt* mortHH* etc. (like foe*** h^unt)* do not occur before the 
eighth century A. l\ C M by which process q* (**). gu (git) passed 
into t\ £.: n*w$ (gen. n/MfK rtiinwHt (1. pi. rf/#wjwm*$), ungunt 
(1. pi. mM/Himus) etc, (cp. Bersu Die Gutturalen und ihre Ver- 
biadun^r mit r im Lat.* Berlin 1SS5. p. 53 ff.). 

m fr. o occurs also in chief accented syllables, especially before 
ta$*k. •»*.**->*: Gr. *;**-c *bow. hook*, m.tj older omria 'ounce' 



Indg. o in Italic. 73 



to Gr. oyxo-q 'mass, bulk*, hunc fr. older hone, unguis to Gr. 
oh£. umbd 'boss of a shield' and umbil-icu-s, to Gr. ofupaXo-g. 
In like manner ursu-s fr. *or(c)so-s, mulctu-s fr. *molcto-s, whose 
or, cl arose from Indg. f, J, § 295. 

Pinal -o, like -a (§ 97), became c. Imper. sequere: Gr. 
foffffjo. Nom. olle (iUe seems to be a new form after iste, ipse) 
fr. *ol-se (§ 571), iste a new form for *is-se (with £ transferred 
from such forms as istutn istd) : the second component of these 
compounds is identical with Skr. sa, Gr. 6 (Indg. *so), cp. the 
accidence. 

Also in other cases o in unaccented syllables seems occa- 
sionally to have become e, i, that is, an irrational vowel, which 
appears after i and in closed syllables as e, and in other cases 
as i. Uic6 fr. *fn sloco. hospes hospitis fr. *ho$(ti)-pit- (§ 633) 
beside potis sum {com-pos -potts), anni -cuius to anno-, auri-fex 
to auro-, socie-tds to socio-, novi-tds (Gr. wo'-r?^) to wo?;o-. 
legUmm = Gr. Xiyo-fuv. It, of course, still remains to be 
determined in what relations this change stands to the u in 
ftlius etc. and for what reasons here the one, there the other 
course of variation was introduced; cp. § 680. The question 
might also be raised as to whether Indg. e does not occur in 
anni-culus, auri-fex, socie-tds, novi-tds and in legi-mus: anni- 
culus etc. like oixs-Tqg, legi-mus, new formation after legi-tis = 
Gr. Xtys-Tt. 

Bern. 1. The genitive suffix -es 'is (salut-es salut-is) has not arisen 
from -08 -us (stnatu-os, )wmiu-us), -es and -os were both old inherited 
forms (see p. 67). 

Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII p. 154 ff. assumes the 
transition of ov to av, e. g. caved : Gr. xo(f)i m 1 mark* ; cavo-s : 
Gr. xoot excavations'; lavd: Gr. Xos 'he washed'. Cp. however, 
Hubschmann Das Idg. Vocalsystem p. 190. 

The fluctuation of the orthography between o and u in the 
Umbrian-Samnitic dialects points to a close pronunciation of the 
o. Since the Umbr. u was the sign both for o and u (§ 23), 
the tables written in the national alphabet contribute nothing 
towards determining the quality of the o-sound; the tables written 



74 Indg. o in Italic. § 81. 

in Lat. have both o and u. In Oscan li u, o u. Umbr. purka 

porca porcas': Lat. porcu-s y Gr. no'oxo-s, O.Ir. ore, OHG. farh 

farah (§ 277), Lith. parsza-s, cpf. *porko-s 'pig, sucking-pig. 

Umbr. uvef ovi ace. 'oves': Lat. ovi-s, Gr. ot-g, Goth, avtpi 

neut. 'flock of sheep', Lith. ari-s, O.Bulg. ovf-ca, cpf. *o#t-$ 

•fthfipn' Umbr. curnac-o 'cornicem* : Lat. comix Gr. xooiovt] crow 1 , 

x kor-en- *A*or-n-. Osc. putiad putiiad 'possit' putians 

Lat. /;o*/s, Gr. noot-g. Umbr. pur-e quod*, Osc. pud 

': Lat. Faliscan quo-d, Gr. tto-, Goth. hva- f Indg. *jo-. 

mffix -0- in Umbr. puplu-m poplotn populunT, Osc. 

'hortum, templum', dolo-m dolu-m 'dolum', Volsc. piho-m 

it. dolo-m dolu-m, Falisc. vootu-m f votum\ 

diphthongs 04 and oy,. 

)8yllabic oi in chief accented stem syllables became oe, 
oino-s oeno-s uno-s; Gr. oivo-^ cpf. *ojrno-s one*. 
o-m woenia munia: Goth, ga-mains 'common, Lith. 
exchange', Gr. Sicel. ftoT-xo^ 'requital', 
arose in final syllables. Nom. pi. poploe (Saliar hymn), 
(C. I. L. I 32), pluriml: Gr. to/, Avxoi, Goth.^rfi, Indg. 
r. stem to- 'the, this . Cp. instr. pi. *-o&, -oes (oloes) 
fr. *-$is (§ 612). In like manner also I in the mono- 
om. pi. hi qui, instr. pi. his quls. qui and quls may 
inated from an unaccented position (si qui, dli-qul etc.) 
d his may be due partly to assimilation to qui, quis, 
y to assimilation to the polysyllabic forms till, iUts. 
the nom. sg. qui fr. O.Lat. quoi (qoi = quoi on the 
scrp., cp. Bersu Die Gutturalen, Berlin 1885, p. 40) 
+ particle i (l). 

2. oi is also said to have become i in chief accented syllables, 
ded by or /: vidit orT#, viHu-m oiro^ ricti-* ouro-.-, tiquit i*- 
loebtrtattm and others. This sound-change cannot, however, 

I as definitely proved, since almost all examples under this 
in also be easily explained otherwise. See Osthoff Morph. Unt. 
Zur Qesch. des Perf. p. 191, Danielsson in Pauli's Altit Stnd. 

3. Why ./>#**$, which I (against Thnrneysen Benenberger's 
269) consider equal to Ghr. <pee°*t Goth, bairdis, with I and 

is possible that e arose regularly in the 1. sg. (OXat. fertm) 



f 81. Indg. o in Italic 75 

and 3. pi., and then from these two forms was extended to the other 
persons. I leave it undecided as to whether -em, ~ent were the con- 
tinuation of prim. Lat. *-oj(-w, *oi-nt (cp. Gr. 1. sg. Att. Tqkyotv, 3. pi. 
Delph. Trae-izoiv, Goth. 3. pi. balrdin-a), or that of Indg. *-oitft, *-<>i^> 
which, according to Lat. sound-laws (§ 237), must, first of all, have become 
*-c(l)em, *-o(i)ent. It is also conceivable that capies and audits are re- 
gularly formed, but that *feris arose with the same contrast as that in 
which socie-tcte and novi-tas stand to each other. In that case *feris has 
been transformed to feres after the analogy of capita ; but then medt% 
mediis (uwoi, piaoi;) must also be regarded as modifications of *medie, 
*mediis after nori, novis. 

In Umbrian u = oi whereas the Oscan-Sabell. monuments 
still present the diphthong, as to which it is certainly question- 
able, whether the written diphthong still existed everywhere as 
such in the language itself. Umbr. unu 'wnwrn', Osc. uin[it6 
unite*. Osc. muinikad abl. 'communi': O.Lat. comoinis. Umbr. 
kuraia curet', Pelignian coisatens curaverunt' : Lat. coiro coerd 
euro (the forms coraveront C. I. L. I 73 and couraverunt 1. c. 
1419 are very singular; in the latter u was certainly meant), 
prim. Ital. stem. fem. *koisa-. Cp. also the Osc. instr. pi. 
Nuvlanuis 'Nolanis* zicolois 'diebus', Pelignian suois 'suis, 
Umbr. veskles -is 'vasculis': Lat. oloes Hits; Umbr., like Lat., 
indicates here a special manner of treating oi in final syllables. 

Tautosyllabic Indg. o#, fell together with Indg. e% (§ 65) 
and is still only traceable in Osc. as diphthong : Gen. sg. castrovs 
fr. stem castrur 'fundus* (§ 77). In Umbr. d: gen. trifor 'tribus'; 
rofu 'rubes': Goth. rdups y cpf. *roudho-8. u arose in Lat., e. g. 
gen. sg. fructus; pf. fudit: cp. Goth, gdut poured out' (pres. 
giutan 'to pour out'). By side of it also d: rdbu-s = Umbr. 
rdfo-i gen- domds = domus (Augustus wrote domos); cp. also 
the inscrip. forms with (long) o, losna (= luna fr. *louc-ma, 
§ 570), pofAicod (beside poublicom publicus), nondinum (beside 
noundinutn nundinum). It remains doubtful how this duality u 
and 6 in Lat. is to be estimated. It was hardly a mere graphic 
duality. 

Rem. 4. In a number of Ital. words containing o\t, it cannot be 
decided, whether this diphthong represents prim. Indg. e# (§ 65) or o#, 
e. g. in those containing loyk- as Osc. gen. Liivkanatefs 'Luoanatis* 
Luvkis Luvikis 'Lucius', Lat. Loucina Luueius etc, fr. rt. le^k- 'illu- 
nune' (Gr. itvxog Xovaoov). 



76 Indg. o in O.Irish. 



§ 82. Old Irish. In chief accented syllables o. ocht 
eight* : Gr. oxrrj. roth 'wheel' : Lat. rota 'wheel', OHG. rad 
'wheel', Lith. rata-s 'wheel', ore pig' : Gr. 7ro'pxo-c. gorim 'I 
heat, warm, burn' : O.Bulg. goriti 'to burn', Lith. gara-s 'steam', 
fr. rt. qher-. Prep, co n- 'with' : Lat. cum, Umbr. Osc. com. 

t, ... -^ xl_ - ^talisation of the following con- 

= Lat. solin-m (I = d, § 369), 
mug 'slave' fr. *mogu-s (Goth, 
eside ro- (Indg. *pro 'before, in 
i- cow- (co n-, see above). 
r llable8 o, so far as it did not 
>7), became an irrational vowel, 
regulated itself according to the 
nant. 

is', 3. pi. as-b6rat : Gr. qtaouev, 
bairam, bairand; -berat may be 
is, as Thurneysen thinks, to be 
tuation of *beront, Indg. *bheront 
lot the same development as t in 
lave no evidence that original t 
as dropped in Irish). 
tj)otT, to nom. biad fr. *bi(u)oto-m : 
Ig. Hvotu 'life*, 
e named biad) fr. *bi(u)oto. 
ohereditas' beside drpe 'hereditas' 
) or had first of all become f . 

r (Gr. dedogxs), riraig 'dixerit' 
ndicates the timbre of the prece- 

ill' : Gr. xavQO-q; vb^to-v neut. 
p. Gr. Zvyo-v; epo- 'horse' in Epo- 

& Indg. oi became oe (written oe 

is unus. cloen 'oblique, unjust, 

Uei- 'lean, incline'. Before pala- 



§ 82—83. Indg. o in O.Ir. and Germanic. 77 

teheed consonants oi for og, e. g. cloine 'obliqueness, injustice'. 
Old oi may, therefore, have been retained here. 

Bern. Beside oe, oi was also written ae, or\ e. g. aen 'unus* beside 
oen; c/«w nom. pi. of cloen\ maini 'dona, pretiosa' (to Lat. tnoenia, munia). 

In final syllables oi became i, which disappeared and only 
left its traces in the palatalisation of the preceding consonant. Nom. 
pi. ekh 'equi* fr. *ekuf, cp. Gr. Innot, Lat. poploe popull (§ 657, 4). 
In Gall, inscrip. the nom. pi. still ends in -oi: Tanotaliknoi. 

Indg. ou fell together with eu (§ 66). It became D, whence 
later ua. ruad 'red', Cymr. rhudd Corn, rudh Bret, ruzi Goth. 
riups (stem rduda-), cpf. *roydho-8; cp. Gall. Roudu-8 Ande- 
roudu-s. 

§ 83. Germanic. Pf. 3. sg. Goth, varp OHG. ward 
O.Icel. par# 'he took a direction, became* : Skr. vavdrta, cpf. 
*$<e-#0r*-e, fr. rt. uert- 'turn*. Causat. Got. us-vahjan c to awake*, 
OHG. weccJwn : Skr. vajdyati 'he urges on, drives on, cpf. 1. sg. 
*yog%Qi fr. rt. y&g- 'be active, strong*. Causat. Goth, fra-vard- 
jan OHG. far-warttan 'to let perish, destroy* : Skr. vartdyati 
lets something take a turning or course*, cpf. 1. sg. *w>rtii& y 
fr. rt. uert-. OHG. OS. O.Icel. band (neut.) 'band, cord*, prim. f. 
*bhondho-m, fr. rt. bhendh- 'bind*, cp. Skr. 3. sg. pf. babdndha. 
Goth, gasts OHG. OS. gast, O.Icel. gestr guest* Norse Runes 
gastiR: Lat. hosti-s 'stranger, enemy*, O.Bulg. gosit 'guest', cpf. 
*$ho8ti'S. Goth, asts OHG. as* (masc.) 'branch*.: Gr. olog, cpf. 
•o<rdo-$. Goth. £a*-a ; OHG. c/aj, O.Icel. pat 'that, the' : Gr. 
ro, cpf. **<f-d. 

Rem. 1. Indg. o fell indiscriminately together with Indg. a (§ 99) 
and Indg. a (§§ 109, 110) already in prim. Germ. At this period 
a was used for the three vowels in chief accented syllables, in other 
syllables frequently or always o. The latter quality was stiU retained in 
"Westgerm. in historical times: e. g. in the dat. pi. OHG. worto-m wort-um 
08. wordo-n wordu-n, Ags. wordu-m fr. stem orig. *iqrdho- or *%ir-to- 'word* 
(but Goth, ta&rda-m). See Paul's article in Paul - Braune's Beitr. IV 
p. 358 ff. and VI p. 186 ff. Since it has not been definitely settled for 
many syllables, whether o or a was spoken in prim. Germ., we write 
the prim. Germ, forms throughout with a according to the Goth, 
notation, an inexactness, which is of little importance for this comparative 
grammar. 



78 Indg. o in Germanic. § 83. 

Indg. tautoayllabic o£ 3. sg. Goth, vdit OHG. tcei$ 08. 
wet Ags. wat O.Icel. veit 'knows: Gr. oUs. Goth. Idihv OHO. 
Uh Ags. Idh 'he lent': Gr. Af'Ao/Tr*. Causat. Goth. Idisjan (for 
regular *laizjan, § 581) OHG. fe/ran tiran, OS. ferian 'to 
teach', beside Goth, leisan c to learn, rt. leis-. Goth, d/ws OHG. 
ein OS. en Ags. flw O.Icel. einn 'one : Lat. oino-s Unu-8. 2. sg. 
opt. Goth, balrdis: Gr. yepotg. Gen. sg. Goth, anstdis (fr. aiwft- 
'favour'): cp. Lith. ai& (fr. aki- eye'), Indg. ending -oi$. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ou. Pf. 3. sg. Goth, bdup OHG. &# 
OS. bdd Ags. ferfd O.Icel. baud c bade': Skr. bubSdha, Indg. *toe- 
bhoudh-e. Goth. rdw/>s (st. rduda-) OHG. r<# OS. rfld Ags. 
raid O.Icel. rawdr 'red': Gall. Boudu-s O.Ir. rwod 'red', cpf. 
*rou4ho-s. Gen. sg. Goth, mndus (fr. *tm?t- 'son') : Lith. sUnaus 
(fr. sunt*- 'son'), Indg. ending -ous. 

In the eighth century a became e in OHG., caused by a 
consonantal or sonantal i in the following syllable, nerian i. e. 
nerian = Goth, nasjan (for regular *nazjan, § 581) 'to rescue', 
causat. to ga-nesan = Goth, ga-nisan 'to become healed', fr. rt. 
nes-, Gr. viofiat. Nom. pi. jrestf (sg. gast) 'guests' = Goth, gasteis 
(sg. gasts, st. gasti-). This umlaut, however, was hindered by 
r, /, A + Consonant (see Braune in Paul - Braune's Beitr. IV 
p. 540 ff.), e. g. far-warttan 'destroy' (p. 77) dat. nahti-m 'noctibus' 
(st. nahti- =* Lat. nocti- Lith. nakti-). But the e, which arose 
from this »'-umlaut, differed from the e which arose out of prim. 
Germ, t, e (§§ 35, 67) not only in OHG. but also in MHO. and 
even in NHG.: the latter, also written e by way of distinction, 
was open, the former close (J. Franck Zeitschr. f. deutsch. Altert. 
XXV 218 f., W. Braune Lit. Centralbl. 1884. column 124 f., 
Luick Paul-Braune's Beitr. XI 492 f.). 

Prim. Germ. a% became ei {wei%, ein) except before r, A, u> 
where it became £: Urran, Uh. 

Prim. Germ, ay remained partly as diphthong, au and later 
ou, e. g. pf. scaub scoub = Goth, skduf 'pushed' (pres. Goth. 
skiuba), boug = Goth, bdug 'bent' (pres. Goth, biuga), and partly 
became d viz. before dental consonants and r, I, h (= Goth. h), 
e. g. bdt, rdt, pf. dro$ =- Goth, prdut 'troubled' (pres. Goth. 



§ 83-84. Ind*. o in Germ, and Balt-81av. 79 

priuta), trdran 'to make to drop, spill* = Goth, drdmjan (for 
regular *drau2jan, § 581) make to fall, fell, throw' (causat. to 
Goth, driusan 'to fall'), pf. zOh 'drew* = Goth, tduh 'led* (pres. 
Goth, tiuha). 

Quite independent of this change of a{ and ay to B and #, 
there was an older (prim. Westgerm.) reduction of the same 
diphthongs to ? and d, which took place in unaccented syllables. 
Final € and d were shortened according to § 661, 6. OHG. 
Uinte nom. pi. masc. 'blind', blintem dat. (instr.) pi. 'blind' = 
Goth, blinddi, blindditn, prim. Germ. *blindai f *blinai-mi. berSs 
2. ag. opt. = Goth, bairdis (p. 78). tage dat. loc. sg. (to tag 
'day') = prim. Germ. *<fajai, cp. Gr. loc. olxot and dat. olxu> 
(§ 659, 2. 3). suno gen. sg. (to sunu 'son') = Goth, sundus 
(p. 78). 

Here belongs also OHG. dt 'the', dSm 'the' = Goth, pdi, 
pdim, since the pronoun regularly suffered the change in those 
cases, where it was unaccented. 

The forms dia die = d€ and deam diem = dim show 
that this I = prim. Germ. a% was equivalent to the £ discussed 
in § 75 rem. 2. 

Bern. 2. These OHG. (Westgerm.) sound-laws in like manner held 
good for Germ, a = Indg. a and Indg. 9. See § 99 and § 109. 

§ 84. Baltic-Slavonic. Indg. o was o in the Baltic- 
Slav, unitary period, and generally remained o in Slav., whilst 
it became a in Baltic. 

Lith. taka-8 'path', O.Bulg. tokU course', to Lith. tekin 
O.Bulg. tekq 'I run'. O.Bulg. raz-dorU rent, gap': Gr. dopa 
*8kiD, hide', fr. rt. der- 'tear, flay'. O.Bulg. causat. loHti 'ponere': 
Goth, lag j an 'to lay', fr. rt. legh- 'lay, make a bed'; topiti 'to 
heat': Star, tapdydmi 'I heat', fr. rt. tep-. Lith. nakti-3, O.Bulg. 
noU% 'night': Lat. nox noctis, Goth, nahts 'night'. Lith. avl-s 
O.Bulg. ovf-ca 'sheep 1 : Lat. ovi-s. Nominal suffix -o-: Lith. nom. 
sg. vftka-s 'wolf, dat. pi. vifkd-ms O.Bulg. vltiko-mU, prim. Balt.- 
81av. st. *uilko- (§ 302) 'wolf : Gr. Xvxo-g. The thematic vowel 
-©-: Lith. 1. pi. pres. nesza-me 'we carry', O.Bulg. 1. pi. aor. 
neso-mu 'we carried': Gr. (pego-^ttv. 



80 Indg. o in Bait- Slavonic. § 84. 

om, on before consonants (except i) generally appear 
as q in Slavonic. zqJbu 'tooth: Gr. yofiupo-g plug, bolt', rt. 
gembh-. blqdu error beside bUjdq 'erro', rt. bhlendh-. o became 
u (u) in final syllables before final nasal and before -ns. Thus 
Indg. *-o-w (in the ace. sg. of -o-stems and in the 1. sg. pret.) 
became *-M-n (§ 217) -ft (§ 219), as vltiku 'lupum', nesu 'I carried'; 
Indg. *-o-ns in the ace. pi. (cp. Gr. Cret. xogpovg) became *-tms 
whence further the -y of historical times, as vluky 'lupos' (§ 219). 
Final -ie = Indg. *-ow was lengthened to y before ,;', e. g. 
dobrti-fi and dobry-fi 'the good (man)' (dobrU is the accusative 
form, used as nom., see the accidence), cp. § 36 p. 37. 

In the same language jo became je. Nom. ace. sg. neut. 
je 'it* : Gr. o quod', Skr. yd-d quod', cpf . *jo-d. Dat. pi. konje-mu 
fr. st. konje- fr. *konjp- 'horse', mgze-mu fr. st. mqZe- fr. *tngg~ie- 
(§ 1*47), *mq,g-jo- man', cp. dat. pi. vluko-mu. 

In like manner j influenced a following a in Lithuanian: 
a, in this combination and after consonants which have been 
palatalised by j, is pronounced as an open e in many dialects, 
e. g. kraujes 'blood', pi. kraujei = kraujas, kraujat; sveczes 
guest', pi. sveczei = sveczias, svecziaT; dat. sg. jim 'him', instr. 
pi. je%$ = jam, jais. 

Rem. 1. Lith. jl-s 'he' is not equal to Gr. o-< Skr. yds, but stands 
to these in the same relation as Gr. tC-s, Lat. qui-8 stand to Skr. ka-s 
Goth, hva-8. Also szl-s 'this' (beside gen. szid) is not fr. *fjo-«, but like 
O.Bulg. si 'this* = orig. *£t-* (O.Bulg. gen. sego, dat. semu etc for 
regular *sego y Hemu etc. fr. *siego etc. after the analogy of the nom. si 
and aco. sX). After the same manner as jU stands to gen. jd> dat jim etc are 
also to be explained nominatives sg. like mBdis (gen. mtdzio) 'tree', whose -j- 
instead of ~{i- is on the same level as the -»- in geras-is (definite form to 
gfras 'good'), and those like gaidys (Gen. gald'zio 'cook', whose y arose 
from i\i (§ 147). Indg. i was likewise oontained in the final syllables of 
O.Bulg. nom. and Aco. konji 'horse* (st. konje") , Goth. nom. as harji-s 
'army, host* (st. harja-) and hairdeis fr. *^r£iji-$ 'shepherd' (st prim. 
Germ. *//rdtj(«-), O.Lat Cornilis Comllim, alts alim beside CornUius, alius 
Osc. Kifpifs 'Cipius*, Umbr. Trutitis 'Truttidius'. To these may possibly 
be added the Greek proper names in -t$ beside -io$ -ta.-, as da^ dtlrn etc 
Cp. §§ 120. 143. 219 rem 1. 660 rem. 3 and the accidence. 



§ 84. Indg. o in Baltic-Slavonic. 81 

Indg. tautosyllabic o% appears in Lith. as e and ai, in Slav. 
as i. Lith. mlga-s 'snow* (beside snaigalh l ) snow flake* snai- 
gyti 'to snow a little') Pruss. snaygis O.Bulg. sntgu snow': Goth. 
sndivs 'snow', cpf. *8noiqho-8, fr. rt. meigh-. Lith. dt-ttka-s and 
at-laika-* 'remnant, rest' laikyti 'to hold', O.Bulg. oturlSku rem- 
nant, rest' : Gr. kotno-g, fr. rt. lejq-. Lith. laipinti 'to let rise', 
OJtolg. pri-Upu 'salve, grease' : Gr. aXotyij salve', fr. rt. leip- 
stick, glue'. Lith. maiszala-s 'medley, compound' maiszyti 'to 
'mix*, Pruss. maysota-n 'mingled', O.Bulg. pri-tn&sU admixtio' 
misiti 'to mix', from rt. rnejfc- (Gr. ju*aj*$), cp. § 414 rem. Lith. 
3. sg. opt. te-suM (sukii 'I turn'), O.Bulg. 2. pi. opt. berite 
(Jerq 'fero*) : Gr. (figoi, yipoiTt. Lith. k&na-8 'farm, village 1 
komyna-s 'neighbour : Goth. hcUms 'village', cpf. *qo%-mo-8 (cp. 
O.Bulg. po-koJX 'rest, repose"), fr. rt. qei-. Pruss. tvaisei waisse 
'thou knowest', O.Bulg. vtmf fr. *v€d-mX and t>£d-£ 'I know' : 
Gr. o7<fc, Indg. pf. stem Wfyl: Lith. p2m& shepherd boy' : Gr. 
noifiijv. Lith. staigb 'sudden staigyti-s 'hasten' : Gr. (rrofyo-g 
row', fr. rt. steitfi- 'rise'. 

Rem. 2. It is undetermined after what law ? and ai interchange in 
Lith. I conjecture that originally ai regularly remained only when the follow- 
ing consonants had a palatal timbre, which had been caused by an £• or 
i-Towel in the following syllable; in other cases a% became a§ y then open e, 
•ad later e. Cp. e. g. kaimynas with kema-s, pdsaitis (maso.) a binding 
thong' with aicto-8 'cord' (§ 100), and the numerous verbs in -yti as laikyti 
(fofcoO, tohiaQ, laikysiu). In this case kalma-s (another form of kema-s) 
would be a new formation after kaimynas, and laikaU after laikiaH etc.; in 
the case of nouns like 8t-laika-$ 'remnant', malna-s 'exchange', the verbs in 
yti and the like which exist side by side with them would come into con- 
oderation, etc. Only slurred fgeschliffen') ai (a!) seems to have undergone 
the change to e, whereas di (ddiktas 'place, thing', pa-ldida-8 'loose, slaok ) 
remained also before consonants having a labial timbre. Cp. e and ei 
= Indg. ei § 68 rem. 2. 

Slav. £ = Indg. o£ and = Indg. ai (§ 100) are to be 
distinguished from £ = Indg. I (§ 76) in historical times from 
the fact that before them k, g, ch do not appear changed into 
{, (d)c, i, but into c, ((1)2, 8. Loc. pi. vltic&hu (vluku wolf), 
bo(i)zichu (bogu god*) with the Indg. ending ^-ojfiu, cp. Gr. 



1) Kursehat in Lith.-Genn. Diet, accents it thus snaTgala. 

BrieniBB, Element*. 



82 Indg. o in Baltic-Slavonic. § 84 

Xvxotot Skr. vfke$u. Instr. sg. tacttrii, instr. pi. tacSmi, dat. pi. 

tactmti fr. taku 'talis'. Opt. 2. pi. ricete from rdkg 1 say', cp. 

Gr. ifigoas. Cp. §§ 461. 462. 463. 464. 588. 

Final $ = Indg. oi ai mostly became i. Nom. pi. ti : Lith. 

tS, Gr. to/, stem to- 'the'; in like manner vluci : Gr. Avxo*. Gen. 

sg. jigtt (pqft way') : Lith. <*Ar& (aids eye'), Goth, ansfcw 

(ans«- 'favour'), Indg. *-0}S. Opt. 2. 3. sg. beri : Gr. (psgotg, 

(pipoi, cpf. *bhiroj&, HhiroiL In the same way -£ = Indg. -e 

became -*' in the nom. matt 'mother = Lith. mote, § 76. 

Rem. 3. It remains undetermined why the loo. sg. had -e, not -t, 
ttftfce (op. Gr. ofcroi, OHG. fa$r« fr. *&a%a{ orig. *dhoQho%)- Cp. dat. loc 
sg. r<j<^, nom. ace. du. rqce (§ 100) of rqka 'hand', and 1. eg. ved-c *I 
know* with the personal ending of the Skr. pf. mid. tutud-i fr. tud- 'push 1 . 
Cp. Leskien Die Deolin. im Slay.- Lit u. Germ. p. 53, Mahlow Die langen 
Vocale A E p. 103 f., and Oathoff Zur Gesch. des Perf. p. 194. 

Initial i~ = Indg. oi- a%- likewise became t-. inU 'unus' : 
Lith. v-Sna-8 (§ 666, 1), Pruss. aina-n ace., Lat. oino-s Unu-s. 
iskati 'to seek' : Lith. j-eszkoti 'to seek', OHG. eiscdn 'to seek*, 
a verb whose root is probably to be set down as a%$-, not ejs- 
(Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. p. 133) ; iskati certainly incurs the 
suspicion of being a Germanic borrowed word, see § 414 rem. 
Also here a difference is shown in comparison with Indg. e. 
For this latter, when initial, became j a-, see §§ 76. 666, 1. Cp. 
further § 666 rem. 2. 

Just as *& became je (see above), so also *ioi became *Kf 
and further (by § 68) p. Loc. pi. jichU (fr. st. je- 'he' fr. *&-), 
konjichU (fr. st. konje- 'horse' fr. *konjo-) as opposed to tichu, 
vlUc&hU. Opt. 2. pi. dijite (dtjq 1 put'), as opposed to bertite. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ou as well as the oy (§ 68) which arose 
from eu in the Balt.-Slav. unitary period, appears in Lith. as 
an, and in Slav, as u. Gen. sg. Lith. sUnaiis, O.Bulg. synu : 
Goth. sundus, Indg. *-ous. Lith. raudd 'red colour, O.Bulg. 
ruda 'metal' : Goth, rdups red', rt. reudh-. Lith. naudu 'profit, 
wealth, property' : OHG. nd% O.Icel. naut (neut.) 'domesticated 
animal' to Goth, niutan 'to obtain, enjoy, rt. neud-. Lith. raudb 
'lamentation' : OHG. rff; (masc.) 'weeping' to rioijan 'to weep, 
rt. reud- 



§ 85-86. Prim. Indg. Q. Ind*. 6 in Ar. 83 

Indg. ff. 

§85. Indg. j6s- gird* : A v. yasta- girded', Gr. Z<d6t6-q 
girded' Cworrip 'girdle, Lith. j&'sta girdle* O.Bulg. po-jasu 
girdle'. Indg. do- give' : Skr. fut. da-sydmi 'dabo' dd-na-m 
'donum', Arm. tu-r gift', Gr. dti-out dw-Qo-v, Lat. dd-nu-m, dds 
d&tis, Lith. fut. d&'-siu c dabo' inf. d&'-ti 'dare', O.Bulg. da-ti 
'dare' da-ru 'donurn'. 

The abl. 8g. of -o-stems in Indg. -dd : Skr. vfkad (vfka-s 
Volf), Gr.Locr. Cret. w 'unde', Lat. Onaivdd Grnaed. l.sg. of stems 
with thematic vowel in Indg. -6: Ay.manya 1 think' fr. prim. Ar. 
*manyd (§ 649, 1), Skr. bhdrd-mi 'fero' (-mi was here newly 
added), Gr. tyigco, Lat. ferd, O.Ir. as-biur 'effero, dico' fr. prim. 
Kelt. *ber6, Goth, baira 'fero' fr. prim. Germ. *berO, Lith. refl. 
sttk&'-s 'I turn myself*. Nom. sg. in Indg. -fl(r) : Skr. svdsa 'soror', 
Gr. duirtoQ giver, Lat. dator dator, O.Ir. siur Lith. sesu 'soror'. 

The diphthongs $i and d# were probably not very often 
tautosyllabic in the Indg. prim, period. Dat. sg. of -o-stems in 
-fr: Av. haomai {haoma-, a plant), Gr. *Ww, Osc. Abellaniii 
'Abellano' Lat. equd, Lith. vilkui *lupo\ Instr. pi. of the same 
stems in -dis : Skr. dfaai$, Gr. "nnotg fr. ^innwxi; (§ 611), Pelign. 
atatois 'gnatis, filiis', Lat. oloes tills fr. prim. Ital. -fy's (§ 612), 
Lith. vUkats : Skr. vfkai$ (§ 615). Nom. sg. Indg. *g0#-s 'bullock' : 
Skr. jwti£, Gr. (love (§ 611). Loc. sg. Indg. *$un6u (nom. 
*sunu-s 'son') : Skr. sundu, O.Bulg. synu, Umbr. manuv-e 'in 
manu' (v was a glide as in tuva 'duo' and others, § 169), prob- 
ably also Goth, sundu, Lat. (dat.) Hsu. Indg. *}>Jctdu 'eight* 
(beside *ofoo~) : Skr. aftdu, Goth, ahtdu; *du$u 'two' (beside 
*rf*ftf) : Skr. dvdu, O.Ir. dan dt, older dan (§ 645 final 1). 

§ 86. Aryan. Skr. aSu-$ Av. dsu-s 'quick' : Gr. wxv-g, 
Lat. dc-ior. Skr. dddd-ti Av. dadditi 'dat' : Gr. dida>-6i. Nom. 
ace du. in *-£ (cp. § 645 final 1): Vedic hdstd Av. Gap. 
zasta O.Pers. dastd 'both hands' : Gr. 'imno, Lat. ambo. Imper. 
in *48d : Skr. vedic bhdratdd : Gr. (fspira), Lat. esftfd es£0. 

Concerning Av. e, d, d = prim. Iran. prim. Ar. a fr. Indg. 

see § 102. 

6* 



84 Indg. 6 in Arm., Gr. and Ital. § 87-89. 

§ 87. Armenian. The regular representation seems to 
have been u. e-tu 'I gave' : Skr. ddam. tur gift' : Gr. dwpo-r y 
rt. cftK hum raw* : Gr. oyto-c Skr. amd-s 'raw'; the initial A- 
has no etymological value, sun 'dog' fr. Indg. *fc%dn, Lith. 
**H» (§ 92 rem.). 

§ 88. Greek, yvio- 'perceive, know* iyvw-v ;fw-ro-$ 
yvah/ita : Skr. jto- 'perceive, know* fut. 3. sg. jM-sydti partic. 
jftO-td-s, Lat. gnd-scd nd-tu-s, OHG. ein-chnuadil 'insignis, 
egregius' be-cnuodelen 'to give a countersign', O.Bulg. inf. zna-ti 
"know', zna-m$ 'sign*. Aeol. na-vco 'I drink' pf. nimo-xu au- 
n(»Ti-Q 'ebb-tide' : Skr. pdti € he drinks', pdna-tn 'drink', Lat. 
pdtu-s pdtid pdtor, Lith. p&'ta (fem.) 'drinking-bout'. Ace. (l<5r 
'bovem' : Skr. gdm 'bovem', cpf. *s6m, to nom. *g3#-s (§ 85). 
Derivative verbal stems in -#-, vnvw-ow irnvw-riov : Lat. aegrth 
~tu-8, Lith. sapnft-ti 'to dream'. 

In the Thessalian dialect co passed into U (ov) : e. g. edovx* 
= cJoi-x£, yvovfiCt = yv(u-f4ty Irigioxavv = lAgioxtov. 

§ 89. Italic. Lat. o. The fluctuation of the orthography 
between o and u in the Umbrian-Samn. dialects points to a close fc 
(cp. short o § 81): in Umbr. u, o, u, in Osc. u, u (also uu, a 
proof for the length of the vowel), o, w. Lat. dd-nu-m, Falisc. 
donum, Umbr. runu, Osc. dunum, d]uunated ('donavit% 
Mars, duwom, Vestin. duno : Gr. JoT-po-v. Lat. pd-tu-8 y Umbr- 
puni poni abl. 'posca' : Gr. nento-xa. Lat. flds flirts, Flora, 
Osc. Fluusai dat. 'Florae', Sabin. Flusare 'Florali' : MHG. 
bluost (fem.) 'blossom, bloom' Ags. bldstma (masc.) 'flower, sU 
*bMds-. Umbr. ar-fertur-e ar$-fertur-e dat. 'adfertori, flaminiV 
Osc. regaturei dat. 'rectori' kenzsur censtur nom. 'censores' r 
Umbr. armune dat. 'alimoni', Akerunia- Acersoma- Osc- 
Akudunnia- 'Aquilonia-', Pelign. Semunu gen. 'Semonum', Lat. 
suffix forms -Jtfr-, -m&n-. Abl. sg. of -o-stems: Lat. 0naiv6d r 
Umbr. poplu 'populo' sotno 'summo', Osc. Buvaianud 'Boviano* 
preivatud 'privato', Volsc. vinu 'vino' : Gr. Locr. Cret. w *unde\ 
Umbr.-Osc. nom. pi. of the same stems in -ds : Umbr. prinu- 
vatus prinvatur 'legati' screihtor 'scripti', Osc. NuvlanAa 



§ 89—91. Indg. 5 in O.Ir. and Germ. 85 

'Nolan? : Skr. vfkOs Goth. vulf6s 'lupi'. Imperatives in -tdd : 
Lat. estdd, Umbr. fertu'fetto', Osc. likitud licitud 'liceto', Pel. 
/*&(& 'petito'(P), Volsc. estu 'esto' : Gr. aotw. 

The tf instead of the expected d in Lat. datur-u-s quae- 
$tUr-a } fur = Gr. q>oio 'thief, Aii-c beside quG (are they to be 
compared with f&g~u-s beside equ-o-s? § 81) and others (Corssen 
Aossprache II 2 p. 193 f.) is unexplained. 

§ OO. Old Irish. In chief accented syllables a. gndth 
"known, accustomed' : Gr. yvotto-g. blath 'bloom, blossom* : OHG. 
lluot 'bloom, blossom', fr. st. bhU~ bhto-, cp. Goth. uf-blZsan 
-baibtos 'to blow up, make to swell', Lat. ^03. tor 'floor, ground' : 
MHG. vluor Ags. flOr 'floor', to Gr. nXy- nXw Lat. pU-pto- 'fill, 
swell, overflow', da 'two' : Gr. dui-dsxa, Skr. Ved. dvd, Indg. 
*d%d 'two' (O.Ir. dau do = Indg. *dufy, see § 85). Cp. also 
O.Cymr. di-auc 'segnem' (properly 'not quick') : Gr. u>xv'-q ; O.Cymr. 
m = a (Zeuss-Ebel G. C. 93). 

Rem. As to whether & was also spoken in Gallic depends, so far 
*6 I see, upon the view taken of proper names in -gn&tos. Zeuss-Ebel 
(p. 16) identify this word with O.Ir. gntiUh, whereas Thurneysen identifies 
it with Lat gndtus {Cinlugnatus 'first-born', Eeltoroman. p. 2). 

In final syllables d passed into U, and became shortened. 
1. sg. pres. no guidiu 1 beg' bin 'I am' : cp. Gr. xkai'w etc. 
Xom. sg. of n-stems, air-mitiu 'reverentia' (ace. air-mitin n-) : 
Lat. mentis. Dat. (instr.) sg. of -io-stems, ctliu 'socio' : Lat. 
modo (adv.). Voc. pi. a firu 'o viri' fr. prim. Kelt. *uiros : Goth. 
cntrds, Osc. Niivlantis 'Nolani'. In as-biur 'effero, dico' fr. *biru 
*berd, fiur 'viro' fr. *viru *vird this vowel is still reflected only 
in the labial timbre of the consonant which preceded the 
once present u = 0. Cp. on d in unaccented syllables also 
§§ 613. 634. 657, 2. 6. 7. 

§91. Germanic. In prim. Germ. 6. Goth, jlddu-s OHG. 
M float fluat fluot 08. Ags. fldd OJceL /tod 'flood, tide' : Gr. ttAco- 
to-£ 'swimming', Lat. plGrdre (cp. Horn, tiaxpv nXcisiv 1 122). Goth. 
f&dr neut. sheath', OHG. fdtar fuatar fuotar 'case' : Gr. ncS-jta 
lid, cover, Skr. pd-tra-tn 'vessel, receptacle'. Goth, fdtu-s OHG. 
/tfj foot, fuai fw% 08. Ags. f6t Joel, fttr 'foot' : Gr. Dor. 



86 Indg. 6 in Germ, and Bait- Slav. § 91-92. 

nom. sg. 7i ui$ 'foot*. Goth. sal~$6 pf. 'sowed* : Gr. uyewxa, av- 
~e(dvtcu, Heracl. dvswoOcu, pf. of a(firjf.a antj/xi fr. rt. s&- 'throw, 
sow*. OHG. spuot OS. spdd 'success, speed* fr. sp$- : spd-, cp. 
the ablaut grade spt- in Goth, spfrdiza 'later* Lith. sp£4i 'to 
be at leisure* (§ 76). O.Icel. d8$ (masc.) estuary* : Lat. ds oris, 
dstiu-m. Nom. pi. Goth, wlfds 'lupi* : Osc. Niivlantis 'Nolani*. 

Indg. 6 and a fell together in d in the prim. Germ, period, 
and were therefore similarly treated in all Germ, dialects. 
Cp. § 107. 

Goth, d was a close sound approaching closely to w, hence 
it is occasionally also written u. 

In OHG. d is only retained in the oldest monuments. This 
became first of all oa, ua, and then later uo, which, from about 
the year 900, became the universally predominant form. This 
change of o to oa etc. did not take place in unaccented final 



Prim. Germ, final -tf became -a in Goth, and -u in HG. : 
Goth, baira OHG. biru = Gr. ye qw. Prim. Germ, -on became 
-0 in Goth, and -o in OHG. : Goth. nom. rapjd 'number, account', 
OHG. hano 'cock*. See §§ 659—661. 

§ 92. Baltic-Slavonic. Slav, a, Lith. (Lett.) &. Lith. 
d&'-ti O.Bulg. da-ti 'to give* : Lat. dds ddtis. Lith. j&'s-ta 
O.Bulg. po-jas-nX girdle* : Gr. fttitf-ro-s iio-vt], Lith. nu of, 
from*, O.Bulg. na 'on, up' : Gr. uvw. Nom. ace. du. masc. of 
-o-stems : Lith. ger&'-ju 'the two good (men)* (Nom. sg. ger&s-is\ 
O.Bulg. vluka (nom. sg. vlUkd 'wolf) : Gr. At/xw. Lith. A'diin 
'1 smell, scent* : Gr. (itf- in pf. oti-wtia, <fo<7-<fJ<%. Lett fnuts 
*8on-in-law* : Gr. yvwro-g 'relation, brother*. 

In Lithuanian this vowel, when it had the broken fgestossen*) 
accent, became u in final syllables, gerii 'ayaOii 9 beside ger&'-ju tw 
dyadw. sukii 'I turn* beside the refl. suktilsi suk&'-s cp. § 664, 3. 

In both sections of this branch final *-dm, *-fln became ••««, 
whence Lith. -t{, O.Bulg. -y. Lith. gen. pi. d^vU (which pro- 
perly ought to be written devH), in dialects still dh>\\n (fr. 
dSva-s god*), orig. form *deiuom, Skr. Ved. dSvdm, cp. § 218. 



' 



§ 92-93. Prim. Indg. a. 87 

O.Bulg. nom. sg. kamy 'stone* (at. kamen-) fr. *-w3n : cp. Ghr. 
k-fiioy 'anvil', OHG. hano (prim. Germ. *xanOn) cock', Goth. 
fl#/ff (pri m * Germ. *rapidn) number, account*. The participle 
bery 'ferens' can quite as well be considered equal to Gr. ytpov 
as to Skr. bhdran fr. *bheronts. (§§ 84. 219). 

Rem. Lith. 8z& 'dog', akmA 'stone* have the same formation as Lat. 
homd, Goth, guma fr. prim. Germ. *%uind, Skr. dim a, cp. also Pruss. smoy 
= Lith. zmi 'man'. On the other hand the dial, form 8zun (beside sz&) 
is a formation in -o"w (cp. Armen. Sun Gr. xviov). 

Indg. a. 

§ 93. Indg. *d#J 'I drive, lead' (rt. a§-); Skr. djami) 
Arm. acewt, Gr. aya>, Lat. ajrfl, O.Ir. a^m, O.Icel. inf. aka. 
Indg. *a§ros 'field, acre': Skr. djras, Gr. ayoo'-s, Lat. a^er, 
Goth. a&rs. Skr. dk$as Gr. ajfw Lat. axis OHG. aAsa Lith. 
05^« O.Bulg. 08t axle*. Indg. *a/io- alius': Armen. ail, Gr. 
oAiLo-^, Lat alius, O.Ir. ai7$, Goth. alps. Skr. (fpa Gr. arco 
Lat. ab Goth, a/ 'of, from, by\ Skr. mddati 'undulates (of 
water), is drunk, drinks immoderately', Gr. fiaddm 'I am wet', 
Lat. maded 'I drop with wet'. Voc. sg. of fl-stems in Indg. -a: 
Skr. dtnba '0 mother', Gr. vvnya dionora, O.Bulg. ieno '0 wife'. 
Suffix of the instr. sg. -a : Skr. gerunds in -y-a and -ty-a, e. g. 
b-gdm-y-a O-gd-ty-a 'by approaching', Gr. nsd-d (§ 311), nag-d, 
ifi-a, Lat. ped-e. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ay. Skr. tdhas 'fire-wood', Gr. aiOw 
1 burn', Lat. aedSs (originally 'fire-place, hearth*), aestu-s 
heat, ebullition', O.Ir. aed 'fire', OHG. MHG. eit Ags. ad 
a burning pile', rt. ajdh- glow'. Skr. 8&tu-$ 'fettering, binding' 
&tdr- 'one who puts in fetters', Lat. sae-ta 'strong hair, bristle', 
OHG. sei-d (neut.) 'cord, knot', Lith. s&tas 'cord', pdsai-tis 
(masc.) 'a binding thong', O.Bulg. sfrtt (fem.) 'cord', rt. 8ajr *bind\ 
3. sg. mid. in Indg. -fa/: Skr. bhdrate, Gr. (ftgexai (rt. bher- 
fene 7 )] this orig. form -toi is not, however, quite certain, since 
*-tej would also necessarily become Skr. -# Gr. -rai (§ 109). 
Indg. tautosyllabic <?#. Skr. Sjas- (neut.) djmdn- (masc.) 
'power, strength', Lat. auged augu8-tu-8 augtnen augmentu-m, O.Ir. 
$g 'integer', Goth, duka 'I add, augment', Lith. dugu 1 grow' 



88 Indg. a in Aryan. § 93—94. 

augmu (gen. augmeiis) 'growth, excrescence', rt. a#g-. Gr. nav-oa> 
'I shall check*, Lat. pau-cu-s, cp. Goth. pi. fav-di 'few'. 

§ 94. Aryan. Skr. dpa Av. apa O.Pers. apa- 'away, 
off : Gr. am. Skr. dbnan- Av. O.Pers. asman- 'stone, thunder- 
bolt, sky': Gr. axuwv anvil, thunder-bolt'. Skr. dvati notices, 
favours', Av. avah- (neut.) 'protection : Lat. aveG. Skr. yajftd- 
Av. yasna- (masc.) 'veneration of the gods, offering': Gr. dyvo-g, 
rt. %a§~. 

Indg. and prim. Ar. tautosyllabic ai, au became €, G in 
Skr., af Gi, ao Zu in Av. and ai, au in O.Pers. (cp. §§ 126. 
160): 

1. a%. Skr. tdha-s 'fire-wood', Av. aestna- (masc.) (A v. -sw- 
fr. -fan- is remarkable, cp. however § 403): Gr. aidm. Skr. 
*fttf-$ 'string, bridge', Av. haftu-S 'bridge, way: Lat. saeta, rt. 
sai- 'bind'. 

Avestic had ? for a$, when final. Dat. sg. Skr. gdv-l 
Av. ^ar-fli gav-$ 'bovi': Gr. ifyev-cu. 3. sg. mid. Skr. iMra#: 
Gr. <pfQtrou; Av. va^nait^ O.Pers. vainataiy seems'. Norn. Ace. 
du. of ft-stems, Skr. ubht Av. ww? 'both': O.Bulg. een$ (zena 
'wife'). 

2. a#. Skr. #/<**" ^ v » aojah- (neut.) 'strength, power' 
Lat. augus-tu-8, rt. a#g-. — 

Aryan a corresponds, in addition to Indg. a, also to Indg. 
e (§ 62) and o (§ 78), farther to Indg. sonant nasal (§§ 228—231) 
and occasionally to Indg. 9 (§ 109a). To these was added further 
in prim. Iran, a new a in the combination ar = Skr. ur »r, 
Indg. jr (§ 290). Here may be discussed a few changes which 
prim. Iran, a, irrespective of its origin, underwent in Av. 

1. a became e before tn, n or r, and the ^-quality 
seems to have been most clearly marked in final syllables, since 
it is here written most consistently, nemah- (neut.) 'reverence': 
Skr. prim. Ar. ndtnas-, Indg. *netnes-, rt. nem-. te-m ace. 'the': 
Skr. prim. Ar. frf-m, Indg. *J<$-w, Gr. to-v. bare-m 'I brought': 
O.Pers. (a-)bara-m Skr. (o-)6fcaro-m, Indg. *(6-)bhero-m , Gr. 
(f-)<ptQo-v. dasetna- 'decimus': Skr. daiatnd- Indg. *dthpnui- 
(§ 231). 3. pi. pres. bare-nti, impf. bare-n: Skr. bhdra-nti. 



§ 94—95. Indg. a in Aryan and Armen. 89 

(a-)Wlara-n, Indg. Hhirtntti, *(6-)bhero-nt, Gr. Dor. yipo-m, 
{s-)<p€Qo-v. tevT&- (fem.) strength* : Skr. tdvi$f-, rt. tey-. e-vista- 
*unknown* : Skr. d-vitta-; a- = Indg. #- (§ 232), cp. also Gr. 

e } which arose from a before m, n or t>, passed into i after 
y> c, j, 2, but the orthography is also here inconsequent, yi-m 
quem': 8kr. yd-tn, Gr. o-v. yima-, name of a hero: Skr. yamdr. 
Aaci-*wwa- part, of haca4t$ accompanies', cp. Skr. sdca-mdna-. 
vOc-im ace. of vOxs 'word': Skr. vdc-arn; -am = Indg. -#t(m) 
(§ 231 rem.), jimafi 3. sg. conj. aor. fr. rt. gem- go', cp. Skr. 
gdmat for regular *;dmat (§ 451 rem.). sna$zint- snowing to 
snafiaiti snows'. 

Rem. The G&{>& dialect had also <J for e and t before tw n t>, espe- 
cially in final syllables, etna cant- 'vigorous': late Ay. amavant- Skr. 
dmavant-. Ace. kehrp-&n: late Av. kehrp-em 'figure, body', Skr. kfp-am. 
yim beside yim: Skr. ya-m. xsqnmin-i dat. fr. x§qn-man- 'grief, affliction*, 
cp. Skr. vdrtman-i. l-visti- 'want of acquaintance' beside late Ay. e-vista- 
(see shore). 

2. a became ? after y before », l, $, y, nA (fr. Ar. «i, § 125), 
c or j in the following syllable. The orthography is also here 
inconsistent, since a appears also beside f . 3. sg. act. karaytiti, 
3. pi. act. karaytinti, 3. sg. mid. karayqt^ of karayfimi, Causat. 
fr. kar- 'make*, ytsnya- adorable* beside yasna- 'offering, price': 
Skr. yajftdr Gr. ayvo-$. Gfi|>. gen. masc. yehya cuius* = Skr. 
ydsya, late Av. yehhd (fem.) cuius': Skr. yds yds. ipyejah- need, 
danger: Skr. tydjas-. Cp. ? fr. § 102. 

3. a became o before m ; m or t' in the following syllable, 
especially after labial sounds, and before r + consonant. The 
spelling with o is also in this case not consistent; since beside 
it a also occurs, pouru-s (fr. *poru-s, § 638) 'multus' beside 
nom. pi. parav-0: Skr. puru-§, purdv-as (§ 290). vohu c bonum': 
Skr. vdsu. moiu soon, quick': Skr. mafyA. GfiJ>. ver'zyotu 3. sg. 
imper. of ver'zyfyni 'I work'. a$-bourva- 'having much food': 
cp. 8kr. Ved. &&-bharva- 'much consuming'. cor*$ 3. sg. aor. made. : 
cp. 8kr. dkar fr. *a-kart, prim. Ar. *a-cart. Cp. d fr. a § 102. 

§ 96. Armenian, aseln (gen. asXan) 'needle': Gr. axgo-g 



90 Indff. a in Armen. and Greek. § 95—96. 

'point', Lat. acu-s 'needle', Lith. asz-t-rit-s OJBulg. os-t-ru sharp*. 
argel 'hinderance' : Gr. doasio 'I ward or keep off', Lat. arced. 

taigr y gen. taiger (g fr. # § 162): Skr. dSvdr-, Gr. d$r,o 
(§ 96), Lat. levir (§§ 65. 368), Ags. tOcor OHG. zeihhur (with 
remarkable guttural), Lith. dever-\-8 O.Bulg. dtver-f, Indg. prim. f. 
*daiuir- *da'mf- 'husband's brother, brother-in-law' (§ 155 rem. . 

§ 96. Greek Ja'xpr: Lat. dacruma lacruma O.Bret, dacr 
Goth, tagr 'tear', xaxxo'-i,* (Hesych.) 'little finger', xur.ti-g 'bad* 
compar. xaxiViw: Av. kasu- 'small' compar. kasyd. {taxpo-g 'long : 
Av. masah- 'greatness 1 O.Pers. mapista- 'uppermost', Lat. tnacer, 
OHG. magar 'lean'. ay/cu *I press tight', «'y/« 'near': Skr. qhas- 
'tightness, oppression', Av. qzah~ 'tightness, anxiety', Lat. ango 
angor, Goth, aggv-u-s 'close, tight', Lith. ankszta-s 'close, tight', 
O.Bulg. qzu-kii 'tight, close, rt. afl§h- 'straiten*. 

Tautosyllabic m and av. Xvuo-g: Lat. laevo-s, O.Bulg. Uvu 7 
cpf. *lai#o-s 'left'; here also OHG. alio 'powerless', prim. Germ. 
*4aiua-z? alalv 'time, life-time', alfsi oust 'always': Lat. aevo-m 
'time, life-time', Goth, diva (st. diva-) 'time', vai 'yea, verily': 
Lat. »ae. xavAo'-*? 'stalk' : Lat. catdi~8 'stalk' caulae "holes, cavities', 
Lith. kdula-s 'bone'. Mav-fiiivoc, to <Ww (fr. *dafia), § 131) 
'I kindle', at; 'again' («t;-i*, at-ns): Lat. (*m-£, aw£-ew. 

In Boeotian ai became ae (e. g. AhoxQwSaq, Avvavlas, inscript. 
of Tanagra), for which rj (e. g. yt = alftt) appears from about 
400 B. C. and on the latest inscriptions a i. e. close ? (e. g. 
JJfyiwv). The same si = «i in Thessalian about 220 B. C, e. g. 
3. sg. conj. mid. ffo'AA«-r« = Dor. J^-rai 'velit'. Later, but 
probably not before the second century A. D., at passed into e 
also elsewhere in Greece. 

In Ionic-Attic a fr. <u(f) before «-, t- and a- sounds, d&jg 
fr. *<Ja//j7p : 8kr. dZvdr-. del (a*/) = aifsi Horn, a foam Att. 
aixftj fr. */ai-/ix-/o> (a reduplicated form like Jai-daAAw, ncu- 
<f>do<Ho). ilda = iXm(f)6 (cp. the Lat. borrowed word ollva). 
Cp. § 131. 

0$ for au can be established for Ionic from the fifth 
century B. C. onwards, e. g. ooroV = aixov. Cp. to fr. eu 
§ 64. 



§ 97. Indg. a in Italic. 91 

§ 97. Italic. Lat. agd, Umbr. aitu Osc. actud agito': 
Or. ayu). Lat. amb-itu-s, Umbr. ambr-etuto 'circumeunto' (con- 
cerning -J- cp. § 209), Osc. amfr-et 'ambiunt' : Gr. aurpl d/utpic, 
circum'. Lat. albu-s, Umbr. alfu alba', Osc. Alafaternum 
'Alfaternorum' : Gr. dl<p6-s white leprosy', cpf. *albho-. Lat. caper 
capra, Umbr. cabriner gen. caprini' : Gr. xdnpo-g 'wild-boar, O.Icel. 
hafr 'buck*. Lat. ante, Osc. ant ante* : Gr. dvxl 'opposite', Skr. 
dnti opposite, before'. Lat. am-dru-s 'bitter': Skr. am-l&s 
am-Ua-8 (§ 199) sour, sourness'. 

In Latin, a (we here also take into account a = Indg. a, 
§ 109 d, and ar, al which arose from f, J, § 306) was changed in 
syllables which were unaccented, in prim. Latin (§ 680): 

1. to a sound lying between u and i before labials and I 
in open syllables, man-cupium and man-cipium beside capiO 
eapulu-m. Jnsulid and Tnsilid beside salio: Gr. aXXopai 'I spring, 
leap'. Cp. § 49 p. 42. The orthography fluctuated greatly, and 
it is questionable whether this fluctuation is not partly to be 
attributed to the fact that the sound was a different one, when 
followed by i, cp. e. g. ac-cipid beside oc-cupd. sur-ruptus for 
sur-reptus fr. rapid was certainly formed by analogy (see 3). 

2. to u before / + consonant (except 11). ex-sultd beside 
*ato, in-culcdre beside cakare. 

3. to e in closed syllables (exceptions under 2), before r 
and finally, ac-ceptus parti-ceps beside capid man-cupium, cOn- 
fecius arti~fex beside /acid cdnjicid. ac-centus corni-cen beside 
cano aC'Ctnd cortit-cnw*. obstetrlx beside stator cdnstitud. im- 
pertid beside partid. Instr. sg. of consonantal stems, as ped-e, 
aer-e, cp. Gr. m5-d, dfx-a (cp. § 93 p. 87) ; perhaps also inde = 
Gr. iv&a. red-dere beside dare. 

4. to i in open syllables (exceptions under 1. 3. 5.) and 
before ng. ad-igQ beside agd. concind beside cand. Juppiter 
beside pater. cOn-stitud beside statud. sistute = Gr. 7ara-rf. 
fostius beside satus. serite fr. **i-sa-fe (§ 33) = Gr. *7ar*, the 
older form of 7fr* (§ 109c). red-ditus beside datus. at-tingO 
beside tangd. 



92 Indg. a in Italic. § 97. 

5. -ay- became -u-: 8-lud €-ludcru-s beside lav&cru-m and 
(O.Lat.) latere, s. § 172, 1. -ya- probably also became -w-: 
con-cutid con-cussus beside quatid quassus 1 ). 

Before the christian era tautosyllabic ai became £ in Latin 
(having passed through the intermediate stage ae). This change 
occurs earliest in the popular language. The various stages of the 
change cannot be precisely fixed chronologically, since the 
orthography inconsistently retained ai and ae long after the 
monophthongic pronunciation was established; ai is still found 
on inscriptions under the Empire, aidili-s aed$s: Gr. aida 
(cp. § 93). caecus Caicilius Caecilius CiScilius: O.Ir. caech 'blind', 
Goth, hdihs 'blind*, haedus €dus: Goth, gaits 'goat*. Uvir (po- 
pularly connected with vir, s. § 65): Gr. Jarjp (§ 96), Skr. dBvdr-, 
Iudg. *daiyir- 'husband's brother. 

ai became f in prim. Lat. secondary accented syllables. 
in-quTro beside quaer6 quaistor quaestor. ex-Tstumd beside 
aestumd. Cp. also m?nsls fr. *mensai& (Osc. d i u m p a 1 s 'lumpis, 
nymphis'), the -a{s of which arose from -ai$ (§ 612). Concer- 
ning ex-quaerd and the like cp. § 65 rem. 3. 

Tautosyllabic a#. aurQr-a fr. *auz-$z-H (§ 569): Gr. ay/- 
avgo-q 'near the morning' avgtov 'morning' from stem *avopo- y 
O.Icel. austr OHG. OS. Ostar adv. 'eastwards', Lith. ausz-rd 
day-break*, auri-s: Goth, dusd (Gen. dusins) Lith. awsi-s 'ear'. 
This au became ao (cp. ag fr. ai) in the popular language 
and later do or the pure monophthong £, as the orthography 
o shows, e. g. oricula = auricula. Unaccented a# before u 
appears, in the time of the Emperors, as a, e. g. Agustus, 
asculto, augurium. 

To the proportion in-qulrd : quaerb correspond in-clUd6 : 
claudd and dS-frUdd : fraudor. Concerning con-clausu-s and 
like forms cp. § 65 rem. 3. 

Tautosyllabic ai and au remained diphthongic in Oacan, 
whilst in Umbrian they became respectively 8 and d. 

1) Cp. Thurneysen frber Herkunft and Bilduag der lat. Verba aof 
-io p. 51. Otherwise Osthoff Zar Gesch. des Perf. 585 and Bersu Die 
Gatnralen and ihre Yerbindung mit v im Lat. 132. 



f 97—98 Indg. a in O.Irish. 93 

08C. svai svae Umbr. sve 'si' (Volsc. septs 'siquis'), probably 
= Gr. ai. Osc. Aiifineis (or Afifneis) gen. 'Aedinf, to 
Lat. aedls (Osc. afdil % aedilis was a borrowed word, as is shown 
by the d). 

Osc. avH, Umbr. ote: Lat. awf, Gr. ai, airs. Umbr. oht. 
(abbreviation) uhtretie 'auctoritate' : Lat. auctor. Cp. also Osc. 
Toxgofi 'taurum', Umbr. torn 'tauros': Lat. taurus. 

§ 98. Old Irish, anirn 'soul' anal 'breath': Gr. avB-po-c 
'wind', Lat. ani-mu-s ani-ma, Skr. dni-ti 'breathes', Goth, us-anan 
'to exhale*, canim 'I sing': Lat. cand, Goth, hana 'cock', aile 
'alius': Gr. aXXo-g, Lat. alit^s. alim 'I nourish, bring up': Lat. 
o/0, Goth, ala 'I grow up'. Cp. also Cymr. am = Gr. &/d<pi; 
Gall. ad~ in Ad-magetobriga and others, O.Ir. ad- in ad-gladur 'I 
address' and other words = Lat. ad. 

In forms like aile 'alius', gen. maicc fr. *mahfi (Ogam 
inscrip. still maqui) 'filii' (nom. mace fr. prim. Kelt. *makuo-s\ 
the s following a denotes the palatal timbre of the following- 
consonant. In like manner u denotes the u-timbre of the same 
consonant, e. g. in 1. sg. ad-gaur 'I forbid' for *garu *gar& 
(cp. gair 'call' and Gr. Dor. yapv-g 'speech') and others. 8. § 640. 
Original a, so far as it did not entirely disappear (§ 634), appears 
mostly as a in unaccented syllables, e. g. c&m-ang 'angusW 
(Lat. angustu-sQr. ayx<*>) *)> beside the u and *', caused by the timbre 
of the following vowel, e. g. for-con-gur 'praecipio' beside ad-gdur. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ai became ae. caech 'blind' : Lat. caecu-s. 
aed 'fire' : Gr. aXQw. Before palatalised consonants ai, e. g. caic/i 
nom. pi. 'caeci' fr. *caicf. 

ai became I in final syllables, df (fem.) 'two': Skr. dve y 
Indg. *dtfdi) the change to I may here have taken place, when 
the word did not have the chief accent. T in orig. polysyllabic 
forms is still only recognisable in the palatalisation, as du. 
tuaith (sg. tuath 'people* = Goth, piuda) fr. *tdtf, older *teytai 
(§ 657, 4). 

Indg. tautosyllabic au appears, when accented, as au, d: 



1) Concerning the root of this adj. op. Zimmer Kelt. Stud. II 79. 



94 Indg. a in Germ, and Bait.- Slav. § 99—100. 

'ear dat. pi. auib, au-nasc 'ear-ring': Lat. auri-s. dg 'integer: 
Lat. auged. 

§ 99. Germanic. Goth, ahva OHG.OS. aha 'water, river*: 
Lat. aqua. Goth, skaban OHG. scaban Ags. scafan O.Icel. 
ska/a 'to scrape*: Gr. oxandvy 'spade* axdnrw 'I dig*, O.Lat. 
scaprts 'shabby, rough' Lat. scabo 'I scrape, scratch*, rt. sqap- sqab- 
(§ 469, 7). Goth, haban OHG. haben Ags. habban O.Icel hafa 
'to have': Lat. habed, cpf. of the stem *khabhe- (§ 553). Goth. 
O.Icel. OS. salt OHG. salz 'salt*: Armen. aX Gr. ah; Lat. pi. 
sales O.Ir. salami O.Bulg. sott 'salt*. 

Rem. Concerning the falling together of Indg. a and o in Germ, 
soo § 83 rem. 1. Indg. a appears as o in other than chief accented syl- 
lables, e. g. in ob, of, the Westgerm. proclitic forms of the prep, ab of 
'of (Or. «NJ, Lat. ab), e. g. OHG. ob-la^an *dimittere\ Cp. Paul in Paul 
and Braune's Beitr. VI pp. 186, 191. 

Indg. tautosyllabic at. Goth, skdidan OHG. sceidan OS. 
svithan Ags. scadan 'separate': Lat. caedd 'I hew, cut out', rt. 
^hatf- stjhaid- (§§ 469, 7. 553). OHG. eid Ags. ad 'rogus, 
ignis*: Gr. alHw. 

Indg. tautosyllabic an. Goth, auk 'for, but', OHG. auk 
08, flt Ags, tdc 'also\ OJcel. awl* 'thereto', to Goth, dukan 
'to increase': Lat. auged. 

The special OHG. treatment of a, ai, a* has been stated 
in § S3. According to the sound-laws given there, are to be 
explained e. g. the following forms: di-tenti fir. older aU-lanti 
"from another land, strange': Goth, a //*-*, Lat. alius, erran fr. 
*rrjaH: Goth, ar/a* 'to plough*. Lat. ar$. ncJ*: Goth, dittins 
'eternal', Gr. ot'Jr, Lat. uero-w. awA, later ouh: Goth. did: (see 
above). tVu: Goth. ti*$0 ear\ Lat. a*ri-$+ lath, a*si-s. 

§ 1CKX Baltic-Slavonic. Indg. a became o in the Baltic- 
Slav, unitary period, and fell entirely together with Indg. o 

lath. Mj^rur pi 'throat*. O.Bulg. aos-m noae': Skr. *ds- 
OHG. *nt$-a W>e : that the rt. b InJj. ***$-„ not *no$-+ follows 
from Lat. * tirsT^ Lira. *o<?h\? ^fenO 'nose* which stand in ablaut 
relation to the above wonis. L;ch. •.*•-:» O.BoU. or;*'i 'I plough': 
Artuoa. ar^jnr 'plough*. Gr. ***«, Lat. a*v 1 plough*. O.Ir. 



§ 100. Indg. a in Baltic-Slavonic. 95 

arathar 'plough', Goth, arja 'I plough*. Lith. akla-s 'blind': 
Lat aquilu-8 'dark'. Lith. alga pay, reward* : Skr. arghd- m. n. 
Vorth, value, gift of honour, Gr. alyrj akcprj/nu 'wage', fr. rt. 
algh-. O.Bulg. oftrti 'father': Skr. atti- atta- 'elder sister, the latter 
also 'mother', Gr. uxva 'father, O.Ir. aite 'foster-father, trainer'. 
OiJulg. instr. ag. fynojq voc. sg. ieno of zena 'wife': Skr. instr. sg. 
jihrnja (nom. jihvd 'tongue'), Gr. voc. sg. vi^a (nom. Dor. vvp<pa). 

With regard to the following sound-developments compare 
the laws given in § 84. 

Slav, a before explosives and spirants. O.Bulg. qzu-ku 
'narrow', c^chati 'odorari' (s. § 219). 

Slav, ye fr. %o. Voc. sg. zmije, duse, to nom. sg. Imija 
'serpent', dusa (fr. *duchjfl, §§ 147 rem. 3. 588, 3) 'soul', cp. ieno 
from zena. Instr. sg. jejq, nom. sg. ja 'she', cp. tojq from ta 'the'. 

Indg. tautosyllabic ai as £ and at in Lith. and as £ in 
Slav. Lith. d8ver-l-s O.Bulg. d$ver4 'brother-in-law': Gr. dchJQ 
fr. *dcuf7jg (§ 96). Nom. du. fern. Lith. t&dvi (-dvi = dvl 'two') 
O.Bulg. U from st. *fa- 'the': Skr. t$, perhaps also Gr* xal 
Lat. istae (see Brugmann, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII p. 199 ff.), Indg. 
*tii Lith. pdsaiti-s m. 'a binding thong', slta-8 'cord' (cp. also 
atsaj-& 'trace of a horse'), O.Bulg. stti f. cord' fr. rt. sai- 'bind'. 
Lith. sfeedd and skedrh 'chip' skaistb-s and skdista-s 'clear': Lat. 
caedd part, caesus, caesius 'clear-eyed', Goth, skdidan separate'. 
O.Bulg. liv» 'left': Lat. laevo-s. 

Before this £ in Slav, k becomes c, e. g. rqc£ nom. du. of 

raka 'hand'. 

Rem. Concerning the change between ? and at in Lith. see § 84 
rem. 2, concerning final Slav, e see § 84 rem. 8. 

Slav. i» fr. *j*i, *ioi. Nom. du. fern, zmiji of zmija 'serpent*, 
duii of duSa 'soul', cp. rqc6. Likewise ji 'they, they two' = 
8kr. yt, Indg. *id{. 

Indg. tautosyllabic a#, as au in Lith. and « in Slav. Lith. 
sausa-s O.Bulg. swcAtf 'dry': Skr. &fti-* (fr. *80ia-s, § 557, 4) 
a drying up\ Gr. avo) 'I dry, make dry' fr. *oavou) (§ 564), 
Ags. 8edr € withered, dry' OHG. sOr&n 'to parch' O.Icel. saurr 
mud', fr. rt. says-. Lith. augmu (gen. augmefts) growth, ex- 



L 



96 Prim. Indg. ff. § 100—102. 

crescence': Lat. augmen-tu-m. O.Bulg. w- off, away' {u-myti 
'to wash off, thdati € to give away, hdovvai 0vyarBga\ Pruss. 
aw- off, away* (au-fnu-sna-n ace. 'ablution ) : Lat. au-, aw-ferre. 

Indg. a. 

§ 101. Indg. *bha§hu*s elbow': Skr. bahu*§ 'arm', Gr. 
Dor. n&xv-g 'fore-arm, elbow', OHG. buog O.Icel. bdgr elbow* 
Indg. *tna-ter- mother: 8kr. tnatdr-. Arm. mair, Gr. Dor. hQttjq, 
Lat. mOter y O.Ir. mathir, OHG. muoter O.Icel. mdder m&Ur, 
Lith. mote ("wife'), O.Bulg. mati. 

Indg. fem. suffixes -fl-, -to-, -jo* etc. : Skr. dha 'mare', sfl 'the', 
Gr. x<*>Q& 'land', Dor. & 'the', Lat. dat. abl. pi. dextra-bus, O.Ir. 
dat. instr. pi. mn&ib fr. st. mnfl- fr. *frnO- (nom. sg. Jen 'woman, 
s. § 520) = Skr. gna- 'woman', Goth. dat. pi. gibd-m fr. st. 
gibd-, nom. sg. giba 'gift', sO 'the' f., Lith. instr. pi. ratiko-mis 
fr. st. ranko-, nom. sg. rank& 'hand', O.Bulg. instr. pi. rqka-mi 
fr. stem rqka-, nom. sg. rqka 'hand'. Indg. conjunctive suffixes 
-0-, -ja-, etc., stem *bhera- from bher- 'bear : Skr. 2. pi. bhdrd- 
tha y Lat. fera-tis, O.Ir. 1. pi. do-bera-m, O.Bulg. 1. sg. (era 
fr. *bher(L-m (cp. Brugmann Morph. Tint. I p. 145, HI p. 30 f., 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII p. 419) 0- Indg. pres. suffix form -n£-: 
Skr. mi-nd-mi fr. rt. mei- 'lessen', Gr. Horn, ddft-vfj-fa. -tam 
Indg. personal ending of the 3. du. act.: Skr. dbhara-tOm, Gr. 
Dor. itpegi-Tav, Indg. *6bhere-tdm fr. rt. bher- 'bear'. 

The tautosyllabic diphthongs d{ and d# were not, as it seems, 
frequent in prim. Indg. -#i ending of the dat. sg. of a-stems: 
Skr. su(v)-apatydi (su(v)-apatyd- 'having * beautiful posterity'), 
Gr. *n/(>a, O.Lat. Matuta 'Matutae', Goth, gibai 'to a gift'. Skr. 
fiflti$ ship', Gr. vavg fr. *»aus (§ 611). 

§ 102. Aryan. Skr. sthdna- n., Av. O.Pers. stdna- n. 
'standing, standing-place, place of abode' : Gr. ivovyvo-s fr. *$vg- 
otGvo-$ 'in evil plight', Lith. stona-s 'position , O.Bulg. stanu 'posi- 
tion, bed'. Skr. ace. ndv-atn 'navem', (ved.) nav-iya f. 'a navigable 
river', Av. nav-ya- 'flowing' : ace. Gr. Horn. vrj(f)-a, Lat. nav-em. 

1) Gr. <pSeu>ptr, y^ffii for *9>#ity/ff>, 9*por? with vowel quality alter 
the analogy of the indie, and conj. forms with o, * as Horn. oonj. lop*r % 
dlyyotrt) Att. indie, qrfoourr. wioert. 



§ 102—104. Indg. & in Ar. Armen. and Greek. 97 

Skr. stitfl-tn O.Pers. hainO-m ace. sg., Av. haenO-hu loc. pi. fr. 
at. sinO- hainO- ha$nO- (prim. Ar. *$ainO-) 'army'. Conj. Skr. 
vdhOrsi At. vaza-hi 'vehas', O.Pers. parsO-hy = Skr. pfchd-si 
poecaB. — 

Aryan d corresponds not only to Indg. a but also to Indg. 
? (§ 70), d (§ 86), and to long sonant nasal (§ 253). Here may 
be discussed certain changes which prim. Iran. #, irrespective 
of its origin, underwent in Avestic. 

1. After y, a became ? before i, I, ?, y, c or j in the follow- 
ing syllable, karayfyni : Skr. kardyOmi causat. fr. kar- make' 
cp. Lat. tnoneO. ver'zyftti 3. sg. act., ver'zyfitf 3. sg. mid. conj. 
of ver'zyemi 'I work, do' : cp. Lat. capiat, capiatur. Cp. ^ fr. 
a §94. 

2. a became 6 before u, U or v in the following syllable, 
but the orthography is mostly inexact, since d also occurs, vt- 
SUu-S 'demon of the dead' beside abl. vf-dataoJ>. Cp. o fr. a 
§94. 

3. a became & before nh (fr. 8, § 558) and before nasal 
+ explosive sounds, ndwha- nose' : O.Pers. naha-m ace., Skr. 
ndsa*, cp. Lat. nar-&. y&nhqm gen. pi. from yd- 'quae' (Gr. 17) : 
Skr. ydsdm. m&wha- 'moon' : Skr. mdsa-. iddwh-em ace. 'dawn' : 
Skr. u$d$-am, cp. Lat. aurdr-a. v&nti 'they blow' : Skr. vdnti, 
Or. atari fr. ♦o/iy-yri (§ 611). bar&nti 3. pi. conj. of bardtni 
1 bring' : Lat. ferant. 

§ 108. Armenian. eAfccwr, gen. eXbaur, 'brother' (§ 263) : 
Skr. bhrdtar-, Or. (pparwg (member of a (pgOrgia)j Lat. frOter, 
OJr. brathir, Goth. 6r#ar, Lith. broter-elirs (Tittle brother"), 
OJSulg. 6ra*r-ii, Indg. *bhrdtor- 'brother', nav, gen. navu, ship' : 
Skr. ace sg. n&v-am; the Arm. word is, however, not free 
from the suspicion of having been borrowed from Persian. 

§ 104. Greek. Dor. £dv-g : Skr. svadu-?, Lat. suCtois 
(strtcis) fr. *9yfl4ryri-z (§ 170), OS. swtti OHO. swuap suo$i 
(prim. Germ. *sy#-ia-), Indg. *syOd-u- 'sweet, lovely'. ii-dri(f)-s 
It burns' Ayiov (da/tor) wp : Skr. davd-8 'fire-brand'. Dor. <p6-ni 
T say', fiit. <pa-<5w, <pi-fia 'voice, saying' : Lat. /tf-rf; fa^na, fa- 
bula, O.Bulg. ba-jati 'fabulari'. Nominal suffix -rtfr-, Dor. v*o- 

Bri{«ino, ZtemtnU. 7 



98 Indg. a in Italic. § 104—105. 

-rag -T&T-OQ 'youth' : Skr. dSvd-tat- (gen. d£vd-tat-as) 'deity, 
worship', Lat. novi-tas, gen. novi-tat-is, 'novelty'. 

In Ionic- Attic d became rj : ijJvg, <MPh mot^s. This was 
in certain Ionic dialects an open I in comparison with the Indg. I 
in Oq-oa> (§ 72). This passage to 17 is older than the first 
appearance of Att. Ion. tag, naaa fr. rdvg, nivaa (§§ 205. 618). 
Forms like vyia Ivfoa beside aatpij fr. -*(a)-a etc. render it more 
probable that the Cc in Att. laoo/xai, xapdid, yevei, oixva y nQavxa, 
y/tiga etc. (Ion. oftfO/uai, xpadlr n ysvsri, ffixu'/p, ngrjaao)^ Z<opij) 
goes back to an open I than that it should be an unchanged 
Indg. and prim. Gr. a. 

§ 106. Italic. Lat. mater , gen. sg. Umbr. matrer Osc. 
maatrei8 : Gr. Dor. /uar/jp. Lat. pac- 'peace', Umbr. pase 'pace', 
Osc. Paakul 'Paculus' (cp. Pdcuviti-s) : Skr. pdia-s 'knot, cord', 
Gr. Dor. nayvvfxi 'I fasten', OHG. hf-fuoga 'match -maker (of 
marriage)' fern., MHH. vuoge 'joint*. Lat. Statins, Ose. Staatiis 
'Statins', fr. std- stand'. Feminine suffix -0- : Lat. dextra-bus, 
ista-rum, Gen. familias, Umbr. sestentasia-ru 'sextantariarum' 
tutas 'civitatis', Osc. paa-m 'quam' egma-zum 'rerum' moltas 
gon. 'multae' : Gr. st. z l0 P&'i T& "< Verbal stems in -fl : Lat. testa- 
in. testa-tu-s testa-mentu-m, Umbr. katera-mu cateraha-mo (-aha- 
= ~a-, §23) 'catervamini', Osc. tristaamentud abl. 'testamento* : 
Gr. nsiQG- 'try' in nsiga-tionau, nugG-xiov. Lat. fdgu-s 'beech* : 
Gr. Dor. q>ayo-q 'oak', OHG. buocha Ags. bdc 'beech', Goth, boka 
'letter. Lat. conjunct, sista-tur, sterna-tur, sistd'tnus, sterna- 
mus : Gr. Arcad. 7ara-roi, Skr. 3. sg. sthd-ti (stha- 'stand'), 1. pi. 
yu-nd-ma (yw- 'yoke, draw tight*), cp. §§ 111 rem. and 113. 

In Umbrian open d fr. a in the nom. sg. of O-stems and 
in the nom. ace. pi. neut. of o-stems, as the fluctuation between o (a) 
and a shows, etantu mutu 'tanta multa' and panta muta 
'quanta multa'. vesklu and veskla vascula'. triiu-per trio-per 
'ter' and triia 'tria'. The same o-sound in pihaz pihos 'piatua 1 , 
Casilos 'Casilas' (dat. Easilate Casilate). In Oscan likewise u, 
u, 0, u for the final a in the nom. sg. of ft-stems and in 
the nom. ace. pi. neut. of o-stems. Fem. vid viu Via', molto 



$ 105-108. Indg. a in O.Ir. Germ, and Bait.- Slav. 99 

multa', Ttofro 'civitas'. Neut. teremenniii 'termina', comono 
'comitia', petiro-pert petiru-pert 'quater*. Cp. § 655, 2. 

§ 106. Old Irish. ag, gen. aga, 'combat' : Skr. ajUf 
'race, pugilistic combat', Lat. amb-agte circuit, way. -tau W : 
Lit pa-stdju 'I become something', cpf. *sta-jfi fr. rt. stO- 
"stand'. 

In the following examples the i after a indicates the 
*-timbre of the following consonant, faith c poet' fr. *#0#-$ : 
Lat. vatts, cpf. of the stem *ffOfi-. taid 'thief: O.Bulg. tatt, 
-cpf. of the stem *tati-, Skr. tdy&-§ 'thief, Gr. Dor. rardo/Liai 
'am bereft, in want', gdir 'call, cry' : Gr. Dor. yag-v-q 'voice, 
speech'. Cp. § 640. 

In unaccented syllables mostly a for a. tuatha nom. pi. of 
fem. tuath (fr. *teyta) 'folk' beside mnd fr. st. mnO- 'woman*. 
Adjectives in -ach fr. *-Oco-s (cp. Gall. Benacu-8) DumnOeu-s 
and others), as cnoc-ach 'hilly' from cnocc 'hill'. Cp. §§ 613. 657. 
Concerning the dat. pi. tuatliaib i. e. ttiuth'ib s. § 640. 

§ 107. Germanic. Goth, sdkjan OHG. sOhhan soahhan 
sudhhan suohhan 03. sdkian 'to seek' : Gr. Dor. Styiofxou 'I lead 
or show the way', Lat. sdgu-s 'predicting' sdglre 'I track, per- 
ceive'. Goth, stdls 'throne', OHG. stuol OS. Ags. stdl O.Icel. 
stdll stool* : Lith. pa-stola-s 'frame, scaffold'. Goth, brdpar 
OHG. bmoder OJcel. brdder brOdir 'brother' : Lat. frater. 
Verbal stems in -&, e. g. salbd- 'anoint' part. pass. Goth, salbops 
OHG. -salbdt anointed* : Gr. netpG- nstp&rfov, Lat. testa- testatu-s. 

Indg. a and D fell together in d already in prim. Germ., 
a. § 91. What was there said concerning the treatment of d = 
Indg. d in Goth, and OHG., also holds good for d = Indg. a. 
For the shortening of final in polysyllabic words cp. e. g. 
Goth. nom. sg. Jriuda fr. prim. Germ. *jte#<?5, orig. *teyta. 

§ 108. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. 0, Lett. Pruss. a, O.Bulg. a 
(prim. Slav, a, s. § 615). 

Lith. broter-eli-s 'little brother' brdli-s 'brother', Lett. 6r<J- 
li-$ 'brother', Pruss. voc. brati, O.Bulg. bratr-U 'brother* : Lat. 
frater* Lith. moil 'wife', Lett, mdte 'mother', Pruss. po-tnatre 



100 Prim. Indg. 9 in root-syllable*. § 108—109. 

'step-mother, O.Bulg. matt 'mother' : Lat. ntftter. Inf. Litb» 
sto-ti Lett, std-t Pnies. sta-t O.Bulg. sta-ti fr. rt. sta- 'stand*. 
Dat. pi. of O-stems: Lith. 2em6-ms Lett, ftmd-m O.Bulg. zima- 
-roti, nom. sing, iemfr Jtma zima 'winter . Lith. ndsi-s f. 'nose* : 
Lat. pi. narts, 8kr. Ved. du. nds-a. O.Bulg. taji adv. 'secretly* : 
Av. taya- 'theft' Skr. ULyu-$ 'thief. 

a is to be inferred for the Baltic unitary period. Thi* 
a remained in Lett, and Pruss., whilst it became d in Lithu- 
anian. Lith. 6 is still pronounced very open in the Memel 
dialect, whereas elsewhere, probably in most places where- 
Lithuanian is spoken, it has a close articulation. The univer- 
sal Lith. shortening of the broken accented vowel e. g. in the 
nom. sg. lemb, (orig. f. *§hei-ma) arose at a time when fl, or 
at all events an differing very little from pure tf, was still 
spoken (§ 664, 3). This short a just as a = Indg. o (§ 84> 
is pronounced as open e in many dialects after j and palatalised 
consonants, e. g. giji = gijb, f. 'thread', girt = giria 'forest*. 

q arose in Slav, in those cases where d with the following 
nasal became a nasal- vowel. Ace. sg. lenq 'wife', orig. f. *gpn&-m. 
1. sg. vezq Velio' = Lat. veham, cpf. *ye§ha-tn. Cp. § 219. 

Indg. 9. 

§ 109. This vowel, whose quality cannot be more preci- 
sely determined — it may be pronounced as a sound lying be- 
tween a and e — appears in many root syllables as the sonant 
of the secondary accented weak grade (§§ 315—817). "We 
denote it by 9 following the general practice of writing d for 
the 'indistinct vowel-sound'. 

In Armenian and European it fell together with Indg. a 
(§§ 93 — 100) (for the representation of it in Greek s. below), 
but was still separated from this in Aryan : Indg. a = Ar. a, 
but Indg. d = Ar. i, only before i-vowels = a (cp. Hubsch- 
mann Das idg. Yocalsystem p. 1 ft). 

Indg. *p?-^r- 'father' : Skr. pitdr-, Arm. hair gen. haw T 
Gr. 7iaTiyo, Lat. pater , O.Ir. athir y Goth, fadar. Indg. s&- r 



J 



% 109. Indg. 9 in root-syllables in Ar. and Armen. 101 

weak form of the rt. stO- (Gr. rfrtf-, Lat. #10-) : Skr. sthi-td-s 
"standing* sthUi-s standing, stability', Gr. axa-xo-q ord-<ft-g, Lat. 
sta-tus sta-tid, Goth, sta-ps (at. stadu) place*, Lith. sta-taU 
"I place', O.Bulg. sto-jq 'I stand*. Indg. da- weak form of the 
rt. d&- (Gr. &»-, Lat. (to-) : Skr. 3. sg. aor. mid. d-di-ta (act. 
<i-<feW), Arm. ta-f»i£ 'damns', Gr. id-vog n. gift, loan', s-to-to 
Jo-ro-^ td~ot-<;, Lat. da-mus da-tus da-tor, Lith. part. pf. act. 

a. Aryan. Skr. pi-td Av. jw'-te O.Pers. pi-ta 'father' : 
Gr. na-njo. Skr. mi-td- Av. m»-fo- 'measured', Skr. Av. tni-ti- 
f. 'measure', Indg. *ma-$<5-, *md-tf-, Gr. fii-tQo-v, fr. rt. mg- (Lat. 
«Mior, Skr. md-trO- 'scale'). Skr. sq-di-ta-s 'fettered' d-di- 
ii-4 'unbound, boundless' : Gr. tivv-tie-ro-g it-oi-q, fr. rt. d$- 
<Gr. X-fy 'he bound' vno-ty-fta 'sandal', Skr. dd-man- 'string'). 

On the other hand 9 became a before t-vowels. The op- 
tative, formed fr. the rts. std-, dh$- y dd-, was in Indg. 1. sg. 
act. *ste-$-ro, 2. pi. *8to-i-tS (fr. *sto-f-te like *bh&ro#e = cpt poire 
fr. *bhero-f-te), 3. pi. *ste-i-#t, analogously *dhd*$-m etc. ; thence 
prim. Ar. *$tajflm *staita *8tajflnt, *dhajflm etc. The 8 in the 
Skr. forms act. 1. pi. *sth&na 2. pi. *8thtta, 3. sg. mid. *sthtta 
i= Gr. arcufisr, otcuts, *otcuto) was transferred to the forms 
with -ay- (cp. Skr. 3. pi. bhdrfy-ur with Av. baray-en with £ 
instead of a after bhdrgma etc.) , hence Skr. sthZydm dteydm 
dfydm, sthtyur etc.; sthtyama is formed after the analogy of 
sthtyam, like s-yO-ma for Vf-roa (Lat. *?#»«#). Cp. § 116. 
Further Skr. -ay- and -8- = -a|- in dhdydmi 'I suck' : Goth. 
daddja 'I suckle' (§ 142) O.Bulg. dojq 'I suckle'; and in dht- 
mfr§ 'milking', fr. rt. dte(S)- (cp. Hubschmann as above p. 21 ff. 79). 

b. Armenian, ta-m 'do' ta-mX 'damus' fr. rt. form cb- 
'give'. dail (dot) 'boastings' dayeak (gen. dayeki) 'wet-nurse' fr. 
dktjr, weak grade to rt. dhtfj)- 'suck' (cp. a.), ba-n 'koyo-$ (rt. 
ihOr) either from ifo- (Gr. cpa^ev) or bha- (Gr. (py-pi, Lat. 
/0-fwa), see § 316. 

c. Greek. a-«fy* 'abundantly, enough' : Lat. sa4ur sa-tis, 
OJr. sa-thech 'satiated', Goth, $a-J>$ 'satiated', Skr. a-$i-ntHi- 



102 Indg. 9 in root-syllables in Greek and Italic. § 109. 

'insatiable', fr. rt. so- (0 Jr. saith 'satietas', Goth, sd-ps 'satisfying', 
Lith. so-ti'8 f. 'satisfying, satiety'). itaXai-tpa-ro-g <pd-vi-g (pa-/u?v 
fr. rt. bkOr speak*. XaSetv beside XijOetv 'to escape', rt. XaO-~ 
raxsgog 'easy to melt' raxijrai beside rijxsiv, rt. rfix-. 

The weak grade forms of 0-roots regularly retained a. Id 
like manner also the forms which became isolated through their 
development of meaning : ia-vog fr. rt. dd- and Xay-aoo-g 'slack r 
thin' Xay-6ve$ 'the flanks, loins' : Lat. laxu-s, OHG. slack OS. 
slac 'slack' OJcel. slakr 'slack, idle' fr. rt. steq- (Gr. Xrjyw 'I 
leave off' a-XXyxro-g 'incessant'); also SdxxvXo-g 'finger', in case 
it is connected with O.Icel. taka 'to take' beside Goth. Wean 
(pf. tattdk) 'to touch'. In other cases 9, in forms from d- and 
d-roots, took the timbre s and o after the analogy of forma 
with rj and w : Se-to-g fr. Srj- 'set', s-ro-g = Lat. sa-tu-8 fr. rj- 
'throw', ovv-Ss-To-g cp. Skr. sq-di-ta-s fr. <fy- 'bind', (xs-vgo-v fr. 
fxf}- 'measure' (Lat. mS-tior), oWo'-$ = Lat. da-tu-s fr. Jiw- "give" 
no-ro-v 'beverage' fr. no- and others. Cp. op, oX for regular ag> 
ok = Indg. fr, \l after the analogy of og go), oX X& = Indg. 
f I in €-7rop-o-y etc. § 306. 

Rem. Pick's hypothesis (Bezzenherger's Beitr. IX 313 ff.) that the* 
Towel triad a, t, o in <rra-T6-s, 6*-To-e> 3o-r6-t is a continuation of three- 
different prim. Indg. vowels, is not at all convincing. 

d. Italic. Lat. pa-ter, Umbr. Iu-pa-ter 'Juppiter' Iuve 
pa-tre 'Jovi*, Osc. pa-tir : Gr. -n*-xrig. Lat. sta-bulu-m, Umbr.,. 
sta-flarem 'stabularem', Osc. Anter-sta-taf dat. ''•Inter-stitae', 
Volsc. sta-to-tn 'statutum, consecratum', fr. rt. sta-. Lat da-mti* 
da-tu-8, Falisc. da-tu 'datum', Vest da-ta abl. 'data', fr. rt. (to-. 

Lat. sa-tu-s fr. rt 8fr 'sow' in 8€-men. spa-tiu-m 'space' fr.. 
rt. 8p%£)- 'extend' in *p2-*, Lith. sp$-ti 'to be at leisure, to b* 
quick enough', O.Bulg. spt-ti 'to progress, have success', lassu-s* 
'weary, tired' : Goth, lots 'weary, idle', fr. rt. ted- in Goth, lita 
1 let, leave'. Lat. ca-tu-8 'sharp' beside eds cdtis 'whetstone'^ 

For the treatment of Lat. a in syllables which, according' 
to prim. Lat. accentuation, were unaccented, e. g. Juppiter > 
s. § 97. 



j 



§ 109—110. Indg. 9 in root-syllables in O.Ir. and Bait-Slay. 103 

e. Old Irish, a-thir 'father* : Gr. na-T7Jp. sathech 'satiated* : 
Lat. sa-tur, Gr. a-J^v 'abundantly', Skr. a-si-nv-d- 'insatiable*. 

The form -airissid, 2. pi. of -airissim 'I stand, stand still 
fr. rt. sta-, probably may not be traced back to ^{pari^sUstchte 
and directly be placed equal to Gr. 7-ara-r*, as can be the case 
with Lat. sisti-te = 7ar«-r* (§ 97 p. 91), since the form *-airessid 
with the influence of the a on the preceding syllable would be 
expected; cp. also 1. sg. -airissiur, which points to *sistjd. 

f. Germanic. Goth, fa-dar OHG. fa-ter OJcel. fa-Ser 
fa-dir 'father : Gr. na-xyQ. Goth. sta-ps (st. stadu) OHG. sta-t 
(gen. steti) OS. sta-d (gen. stedi) 'place' : Gr. ara-tfi-s, Skr. stht- 
•U4; OHG. stara-blint OJcel. star-blindr 'blind with a cataract', 
MoAHG. starr 'stiff : Skr. sthi-rd-s 'fast, immovable', rt. sta-. 
Goth. ra-Pjd OHG. re-dia account' : Lat. ra-tid, rt. r£- (Lat. 
rJ-n). OHG. slaf Low Germ, slap 'slack' to Goth. sUpan 'to 
deep'. Ags. snear 'snare, cord, string' OJcel. snara cord' f rt. 
stti- 'bind, spin'. OHG. blat OS. Had OJcel. blad 'leaf, orig. 
part, 'blossomed', rt. bhU- 'swell, bloom'. 

For the treatment of a in OHG. (e. g. gen. steti to nom. 
stat) s. § 83. 

g. Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. sta-tau 'I place', stfrkUs pi. 
'loom', O.Bulg. sUhjq 1 stand', fr. rt. #a-. Lith. part. pf. act* 
d&-ves to inf. d&'-ti 'to give', fr. rt. dd-. O.Bulg. spo-rti plen- 
tiful' : Skr. sphi-r&- 'large, plentiful', to sp&jq 1 have success' : 
Skr. sphdydmi 1 thrive'. O.Bulg. dojq 'I suckle' : Goth, daddja, 
Skr. dhdyami, fr. rt. dte(i)- 'suck'. 

§ 110. In prim. Indg. 9 was frequently spoken directly 
after the root syllable. Some regard this 9 as forming a fixed 
part of the root and speak of dissyllabic roots ; whether rightly 
(cp. p. 17), or not is here a matter of indifference. 

The forms, which the vowel in this case assumes in Lat. 
and O.Ir., are explained by the laws which hold good for un- 
accented syllables in these languages, cp. §§ 97. 98. 

In Greek it appears as a, f, o. A still closer investigation is 
needed to determine on what the various timbre in this 



104 Indg. 9 after the root-syllable. § 110. 

case depends. The explanations hitherto attempted are un- 



Skr. duh-4-tdr-, Gr. dvy-d-rtjp beside Av. dug'dar- duydar- 
Goth. datiktar Lith. dukte 'daughter*. Gp. Bartholomae Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII p. 206 f., and von Fierlinger in the same vol. 
p. 478. 

Skr. dam-i-td- 'tamed* dam-i-t&r- 'tamer', Gr. a-4a/t-a-*o-c 
'unsubdued* nap-tiafii-d-Tu>Q 'all-subduer', Lat. dom-i-tus dom-i- 
tor. Skr. vam-i-ta- Gr. i^-s-ro-c Lat. vomi-tu-8 'vomited*. 

Skr. janri-tdr- Gr. y€v-s-rijp yev-e-rwg Lat. gen-i-tor 'be- 
getter*, Lat. gen-e-trfx. Lat. mer-i-tdr-iu-s mer-e-trfx, mol-i~tor 
moUe-trlna. 

Skr. bhar-4-tra-m arm, that with which one carries' (fr. 
bhar- 'carry, bear'), Gr. <pep-€-rpo-v 'bier, litter', Lat. prae-fer- 
i-culu-m 'offering-cup' (as implement, to bear something before 
one self). Skr. ar-l-tra-8 'oar' (cp. ar-i-tdr- 'rower, Gr. ip-i-Trjg 
*E(>-i-TQ-ta), khan-i-tra-m 'shovel'. O.Ir. cenil cend 'sex, race' = 
O.Cymr. cenetl fr. *ken-e-tlo-n ; scU story, tidings' = Cymr. 
chtvedl fr. *8k#-e-tto^n (Cymr. chwedl fr. *sueti>, cp. §§ 175. 573) 
fr. rt. seq- 'say, O.Ir. 8 through compensation lengthening (§ 518) ; 
cp. Zimmer Kelt. Stud. II 7. 142 f., Thurneysen Rev. Celt. 
VI 324 f. 

Gr. av-e-fio-g 'wind', Lat. an-t-ww-s, cp. Skr. 3. sg. dn-i-ti 
'breathes, gapes'. Skr. jdn-i-man- 'birth' t?ar-i-ma'n- 'extent, 
distance'. Gr. rcp-d-fitutv 'becoming soft by boiling' «-r/(>-a-^r- 
o-$ 'indigestible, hard*, rsX-a-fioiv 'shoulder-belt'. Lat. reg~i-men, 
mon-u-mentu-m, col-u-men, col-u-mn-a. O.Ir. anim, dat. anmain, 
'soul' (cp. Lat. anitha), mentne, dat. menmain 'sense' (prim. f. 
*men-9-men-). 

Skr. Icravlf- 'raw meat', Gr. xpsag y cpf. *qreips-; Skr. &3ci£- 
'flame', Gr. yiJQag 'old age*. 

Skr. tan-i-§ydnU 1. sg. fut. act. fr. tan- 'stretch, extend', 
t&d'i-sydmi fr. vid- 'know', vart-i-$yt 1. sg. fut. mid. fr. cart- 
turn*. dvldri-§am 1. sg. aor. fr. vid- (cp. also v$dri-tum inf., v£d- 
i-tar- 'knower'), dyas-i-$am fr. yfl- 'go*. Gr. fut. rev-d-io rsroi 
(tUvw 'I stretch'), xp^-a'-w xQe/uw fr. the verbal stem xgf/ia- *haiig 



§ 110—111. Prim* Indg. vowel contraction. 105 

op' (ep. HQBfi'd'Sga a basket to hang things up in'), Horn, o/uov/uat 
fr. ip-6-oftou fr. the verbal st. ofi-o- swear (op. oV-o'-r^ Wearer ). 
Plusquampf. jjS-e-a, opt. pf. cld-e-ltj-v, opt. aor. Ssi£-€-iav. Lat. 
fat pf. vfd-e-rd (= Gr. titi-i-ai) dfz-e-rd, conj. pf. rfd-e-rfmw* 
(= Gr. sti-B-'ifiBv) dtx-e-rimus. Here perhaps belong also the 
Slav, aor. in *o-chU, e. g. 1. sg. nes-o-chft, 2. pi. nes-o-ste from 
mq 'I carry*. 

Pres. 8kr. v&m4-mi 1 vomit', r6d-i*tni 'I lament, weep*. 
Or. xQtft-a-fAat 'I hang'; spic* 'I vomit' is probably a trans- 
formation of */*/*-€-/<# = Skr. vdm-i-mi. Lat. vom-i-8 } vom-i-t 
(cp. 8kr. t?om-i-$ft, vam-i-ti) may be forms of this class, which, 
being associated with legis legit and the like, was the cause of 
their passing into the ^-conjugation ; here probably belongs also 
td-u-mus (s-u-mus a new formation, after which 1. sg. s-w-m). 

It also seems necessary to assume Indg. a in certain 
flexional syllables. Nom. ace. pi. neut. Skr. bhdrant-i Gr. 
tpiqovva = Indg. *bhiront-9, part. pres. fr. rt. bher- 'bear; cp. 
on the other hand voc. Skr. dmba, Gr. vv/tupa, O.Bulg. Uno 
with Indg. -a §§ 93. 94. Are the personal endings Skr. -mahi 
and Gr. -/«*0a (1. pi. impf. mid. Skr. dbhara-mahi, Gr. iyeoo- 
/ada) to be traced back to an Indg. *-rnedto? 

Towel contraction in the indg. primitive period. 

§ 111. The Indg. long vowels and i- and ^-diphthongs, 
whose regular representation in the individual branches of 
languages has been exhibited in §§ 28 — 108, were not, as may 
with probability be assumed from an etymological analysis of 
word-forms, originally monosyllabic, but first became so by con- 
traction. 

Rem. As regards the patting down of pre-historic forms we follow 
this principle : where b y analysis a form can be deduced as being originally 
dissyllabic, and all languages concurrently exhibit it as monosyllabic, we 
regard the contraction as hating already taken place in the prim. Indg. 
period, e. g. the pf. stem id- (rt ed- 'eat', Lat. id-imus eto.) which, after 
the analogy of perfect stem forms whose root begins with a consonant, is 
to be resolved into an older e-ed- *). 

1) 8ince it is here only a question of the formative-type in general, 
it is immaterial whether this very example belongs to the oldest of its 



106 Prim. Indg. vowel contraction. § 111—112. 

Observe further: when an isolated form in a single language presents 
two vowels directly ooming in contact with each other (but neither arising 
from the meeting together of two stems or words, nor due to the elision 
of a consonantal element which originally stood between the Towels), of 
which the first is an a-, e-, or o- vowel, it is never, so far as can be seen, 
the regular continuation of a prim. Indg. form with unoontracted vowels, 
but always a new formation. Here belong, e. g. the Homeric conjunctive 
forms dijofitv, 7raQOTr t *Toy etc. and Goth. 1. sg. pf. aiduk (dukan 'to add, 
augment'). Cp. also § 600. 

The following are examples of forms which became mono- 
syllabic in the Indg. prim, period. They, of course, all rest 
upon etymological analyses only and their hypothetical character 
should not be mistaken. 

§ 112. I. Contraction of a-, e-, o-vowels with a-,e- f 
o-vowels. 

The product of the contraction was everywhere a, l } or d. 
When the two vowels differed in quality, the product regulated 
itself after the quality of the first. Cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. II 
113 ff., Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 123 ff., Bremer in Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. XI 264 ff. 

§ 113. I. a arose from: 

& + a. Dat. sg. fem. *e£##i fr. *e^drai or *e£ffa-ai {?eku& 
'mare': Skr. aha, Lat. equa): Skr. Ved. -fl», Gr. -a, O.Lat. -a, 
Goth, -di, O.Bulg. -£. Instr. sg. fem. *ek%a fr. *ek%Ora or 
*ekua-a : Skr. Ved. -a, Gr. -<E (Att. drjjitooia, nij, Ion. xpi^pip), Lat. 
-a (f rostra). 

a + e. Nom. pi. fem. *ekw08 fr. *ekyUl-es: Skr. -0s, Umbr. 
Osc. -fls, Goth, -ds, Lith. -ds. Conjunctive stems in -0- fr. -fl-e-, 
e. g. *sta- fr. *sta-e- (rt. sta- stand'), e. g. Skr. 3. sg. act. 
sthdti, Gr. Arcad. 3. sg. mid. lavGxoi. 

a + o. Conjunctive stems in -0- fr. -«-o-, e. g. Skr. Ved. 
1. pi. yundma (1. sg. ind. yu-nd-mi 1 bind to'), Gr. Dor. dv-ra-/uai 
(Att. dvvo)f.iai is a new formation). 



kind, and accordingly a dissyllabic e-ed- as predecessor of Set- was 
once really spoken, or whether id- first made its appearance* after the 
termination of the process of contraction and on coming into existence 
took its f after the analogy of other perfect stems. 



§ 113—115. Prim. Indg. yowel contraction. 107 

Rem. The Indg. nom. ace. pi. nent. *jug& (Skr. Ted. yugd, Lat. 
juga) fr. stem *jugp- presents difficulties. If a (or a) was the case suffix : 
why not *jugS or *jugf? If Osthoff is right (Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 123 f.) 
that the product of contraction only assumed the quality of the first yowel, 
when the second did not contain the chief accent of the word, one might 
think of an older *jugo-d or juge-d (respec. -d). But it is equally possible 
that Indg. *jnga is to be looked upon as *jug-&, i. e. the stem forming 
suffix was dropped before the case ending (tonlose tiefstufe, 'unaccented 
weak grade' § 311). 

§ 114. 2. I arose from: 

e + a. Perfect stem *B§- fr. *e-a§- (fr. rt. a§~ 'drive, lead') : 
1. pi. Lat. Ig-imus Skr. aj-itnd. Instr. sg. of -o-stems, e. g. 
V fr- 8 tem *?0" 'who', Gr. Lacon. nq-noxu 'usquam' or 'unquam', 
Goth. hv€: Skr. instr. in -a can equally as well be placed here 
as to the form in Indg. -d fr. -o-a. (§ 115). 

S + e. Perfect stem *U- fr. Ved- (rt. ed- eat*): Lat. 1. pi. 
id-imus, Goth. 1. pi. lUum, Lith. part. masc. ed-$s fem. $d-u8~i, 
(XBulg. part. masc. jad*& fem. jad-USi, Skr. 1. pi. Od-itnd, Gr. 
part. i$-7}i-<i>$ for older *tjti-u>e. Conjunctive stems in -£- fr. -&*-, 
*eite-fr. *(&£-*• (rt. d*£- place'), e. g. Skr. Ved. 3. sg. dhdti, prim. 
Qr. *6ijTi. 1. sg. impf. *&-#» 'eram' fr. *6-es-ip, (rt. es- 'esse'): 
Skr. ds-am, Gr. Horn, ^a, Att. >}. 

l\ o. Conjunctive stems in -S- fr. -£-<>-, *dhZ- fr. *dh$-o-, 
Gr. Messen. tfpo-rflfyin, Skr. Ved. *dhdnti. 

§ 116. 3. 9 arose from: 

o + a. Dat. sg. masc. *e£#tfi fr. *ekyo-ai (*ekyo-s Tiorse' = 
8kr. divas, Lat. egtio-*): Av. -at, Gr. -w, Lat. -5, Osc. -Hi. 
Instr. sg. of the same class of stems in -# fr. -o-a: Lat. -o (roodo, 
«to), Gr. -w (since a number of adverbs in -cu -o>-$ are probably 
instrumentals, not ablatives), O.Ir. -w (c&iu fr. <£fe 'comrade'), 
OHG. -w, Lith. •& (jrerii fr. *yer& , as ger&'-ju shows, s. § 664, 
3); the Skr. instrumentals in -d can equally as well belong here 
ts to the form in Indg. -2 fr. -e-a (§ 114). 

S + e. Nom. pi. *efeuds fr. *efoo-es: Skr. -Os, Umbr. Osc. -$*, 
Goth. -$s, O.Ir. voc. pi. a firu *o viri' fr. V* (§ 90)- Conjunctive 
items in -3- fr. -5-e-, *<&- fr. *dd-e- (rt. cto- 'give*), e. g. Skr. 
Ved. 3. sg. ddti, prim. Gr. *<ra>Ti. 3. sg. indie, pf. of rootB in 



108 Prim. Indg. vowel contraction. § 115 — 116. 

-fl, e. g. Skr. Ved. dadd 'dedit* fr. Indg. *ded6 fr. *dt-d6-t, Goth. 
saisO Wit* for regular *sa{sa (§ 660, 2) fr. Indg. *sesti fr. se-s6-e 
from rt. s£- 'sow*. 

o + o. Gen. pi. *ekudm fr. *tf£#o-Ofn: Ar. -flro, Gr. -wr, 
Lat. -wm, OHG. -o, Lith. -t*. 

o + a* (i. e. it cannot be determined whether the second 
vowel was a, e or o). Abl. sg. *e&%0d fr. *eJG#o-a x d: Gr. -w 
(Locr. Cret. at Locr. otto* unde'), Lat. -dd l ). Instr. pi. *e£ff#is 
fr. *ekto-a m is: Skr. -fli£, Gr. -o/$ (§ 611), Lat. -oes -fs (§ 612), 
Lith. -ais (§615). 1. sg. pres. act. *bherd (Gr. (psgat, La.t. ferd) 
fr. *bhero-a* : Ar. -a, Gr. -g>, Lat. -fl, O.Ir. -u (wo raidiu 1 speak'), 
Goth, -a, Lith. -& (sttfcw 'I turn* fr. *suk&\ cp. the refl. suk&'-si 'I 
turn myself, § 664, 3). The nom. ace. du. of o-stems in -du 
perhaps also belong here (whence -0 before consonants in prim. 
Indg.§ 645, 1), e.g. *dufy: Skr. dvaii O.Ir. dau dd 'two* (§ 85). 

§ 116. II. Contraction of a-, e-, o-vowels with t- and 
ti-vowels. 

ei fr. e + i, o% fr. o + 1. Loc. sg. of o-stems partly in -ei, 
Gr. -«/, 08C. -ei, partly in -oi, Gr. -o*, OHG. -e O.Bulg. -£ (com- 
pare however § 84 rem. 3). 

a£, o% fr. a + f, o -I- f. Weak form of the opt. of roots in 
-a, -8, -d. *stoi- fr. *st9-$- (rt. $ta- 'stand*): Gr. ovaunsv, Skr. 
*sth2ma, instead of which sthEyama was formed after analogy 
of the sg. sthSydm (for regular *$thayam). *dh9jr fr. *dte-f- (rt. 
dh8- place'): Gr. Osiftev instead of *0ouftsv (cp. § 109c), Skr, 
dhSydma instead of *dhema after the sg. dheyam. *ddi- from 
*(fo-f- (rt. dG- give') : Gr. totfisv instead of *6aitxsv (cp. loc. oit.) 
Skr. dZyama instead of *d£ma after the sg. dfyatn. Cp. § 109 a. 
Opt. tenses with thematic vowel, e. g. *bheroi- fr. *bhero-f- (rt. 
bher- 'bear'): Skr. bhdr$§, Gr. q>igotq etc. 



1) Skr. md-d, tvd-d, asmd-d permit the assumption that in the abl* 
sg. -a x d and -d stood beside each other in the same manner as -e* v -©# 
and -« in the gen. sg. Lith. w'&0 and Slay, vluka 'wolfs', whose ending 
is to be traoed baek to an orig. form with d on account of Lith. 6 (§ 108), 
can only stand in an indirect relation to Lat. -6d and Gr. -*; they are 
a problem of a similar nature as Indg. *jugd 'iuga' (§113 rem.). 



f 116—117. The vowels % and if. 109 

For Gr. yvoi- in the Opt. yvoTjuev (indie, iyvwv iyvwutv), 
which goes back to *y vw 4'* a prim. Indg. form *§n&jr fr. *§nd-T- 
miut apparently be assumed. In like manner also for Gr. 
*Xhoto-$ O.Icel. flester (fr. *flei$tr) fleire an Indg. *pU%$- fr. 
*/&-«*-. See §§ 611. 614. 

B. THE VOWEL8 AS CONSONANTS. 

§ 117. Of the yowels ascribed to the prim, language there 
were two, i and u, which were employed both as sonants (*, u) 
and as consonants (i, u). 

It is not possible in every case to draw a sharp line between 
Indg. i, # and the Indg. spirants j 9 v. (§§ 554. 598). 

i, u can everywhere be assumed with certainty, where they 
correspond to an i and u of other forms of the same form- 
system, or stand in ablaut relation to i and u. 3. pi. *i-iti 
(Skr. y-dnti) beside 2. pi. *t-« (Skr. Uhd) fr. rt. ejr go'. 3. pi. 
*ji-n#-f|ft (Skr. cuno-dnti) beside 2. pi. *qt-nu-t6 (Skr. ci-nu-ihd) 
fr. rt. j«i- 'to set in rows'. Nominal suffix -#>- beside -i(j)o- y as 
•medfcjo- (Skr. mddhya-8 Gr. Horn, fitiooo-g fr. *ite6jp-s 'medius') 
beside *p9tri(i)o-8 (Skr. pltriya-s Gr. naTQto-g patrius'). *d#tf 
Wo' (Skr. ved. cfod, Gr. d(f)(6-d6xa) beside *<&<(#)# (Skr. Ved. 
Aiiri, Gr. <Wa>). Nom. pi. *tre%-es 'tres' (Skr. trdy-as) beside 
loc pi. **W-a« (Skr. trirty). Nom. sg. *djfof-$ 'sky (Skr. dyaA-$ f 
Gr. Zcv'c) and loc. sg. *diy-i (Skr. dt«?-l, Gr. 4if-f). Root form 
**lf«p- or *suop- in Skr. svdp-na-s 'sleep, dream' beside *swp- in 
Skr. part. 8up-td-s, Gr. v7r-vo-c. 

Where i and tt were missing from Indg. times in formations 
which properly should have weak grade, the probability is for /, v. 
E. g. the participles Skr. tyaktd-s, Gr. oenxo-g exhibit the rt. 
'/*g-> not tjeg- f step back from something', hence in Gr. 'to 
be timid, to honour with pious awe"), since from tjfig- the form 
*tiqt6-8 would have to be expected. Skr. kfal Gr. hutch 'lies* 
permits the assumption of the rt. 1cej-. Rt. ves- 'clothe', not 
IK*-, on account of Skr. pf. mid. t>o-t?cw-£, etc. Cp. § 307 ff. 

In Greek initial X> and ' decide whether we have to do 
with j- or jr, e. g. Ciw 'I seethe' fr. rt. j*8-, tvyov 'yoke' fr. 



; 



110 PrimitiTe Indg. j. § 117—119. 

rt. jeuq-, but ayio-g 'holy* fr. rt. %0§^ ifisTg 'vos' fr. st. *iu-sme- 
(Skr. yu-$ma-). 

In every case where the spirantal value of the sound can 
not be determined with certainty, or with great probability, we 
write the Indg. orig. forms in this work with i, #. 

In most Indg. languages i and u, in dissyllabic vowel com- 
binations as ia, ua, were spoken as glides: iia, uya. This sound 
must have existed also in the Indg. unitary period. We assume 
therefore e. g. *patr-iip-8 and *du%6 as the Indg. orig. forms of 
Lat. patrius, dud etc. Cp. Sievers Phonetik 8 146, Osthoff 
Morph. Unt. IY 398 S. Analogously % and u also before nasal 
and liquid sonants, e. g. *8%i"$t = O.Lat. sient ($int) fr. rt. es- 
'be', *6-Jclii-#t = Skr. dkriyan and *fte-Itiijr#tdi = Gr. Horn. 
xtxh'urei fr. rt. Jclei- 'lean against*, i and u in this case cor- 
responded to the r in ^is-pro- (Skr. *£tVa-s, Gr. Core, laoo-g) 
and to the n in *f#n-w- (Skr. tantl~§, Lat. tenu-i-s) etc., s. §§ 223, 
4. 284, 3. 

Indg. i 
Prim. Indg. period. 

§ 118. Initial % only before sonants. Pronominal stem 
*1M- (*i«-*i»e-) ye, vos': Skr. nom. yUydtn Abl. yu$mdd, Arm. 
/e-r your, Gr. vjustg 'ye', Goth, ^'ms ye', Lith. jUs ye*. Skr. 
yd-ti goes', Av. ^flr* n. 'year', Gr. u>qo-q year* c3(>a 'time', Lat. 
janua 'entrance, door', Goth. jSr year', Lith. jo-ju 'I ride' 
O.Bulg. jadq 'I drive, ride', jaru m. /ara f. 'spring*. Skr. ydnti 
fr. Indg. *i-#* (3. pi. of *£-tm 'I go*). 

§ 119. Intersonantal. 1. sg. *##-<?: Skr. vdy-a-mi 'I 
weave', Lith. i^'-A O.Bulg. tftjq vijq (§ 68) 'I turn, wind'. Nom. 
pi. in -ejres from easterns, e. g. *tr&i-es 'three': Skr. trdyas, 
Gr. TQsig fr. *TQs(i)fg, Lat. trEs fr. *tre(i)es, Goth, ^rew fr. 
*£rii(*> (§§ 67. 660, 1), O.Bulg. trtje trije (§ 68). Causat. in 
-ijd, e. g. Skr. tar^dydmi 'I let thirst, languish', Lat. torred C I 
make dry, parch', etc. Skr. sphdya-tt 'increases, grows, Lith. 
sp'eju 'I am at leisure', O.Bulg. spijq 'I have success'. Lith.-* 
pa-stoju 'I become something', Lat. sto, O.Ir. -tan 'am' fr. *std^S m 



§ 119 -120. Primitive Ind$. *. Ill 

Derivative verbs as Star. pftanO-yd-mi 'I fight' fr. pftana- 'fight*, 
miira-yd-mi 'I mix' fr. tni&rd- mixed', Gr. ri/<a> fr. **T//d-iw fr. 
(Dor.) xlfid 'esteem', <ptku> fr. *<pil£-tfa fr. st. (pike- (plXo- 'amicus', 
Lith. pdsako-Ju 'I narrate' fr. pasaka narration', O.Bulg. Iqka-jq 
'I deceive' fr. Iqka craft', etc. 

Present stem *tnQ-je- fr. rt. mew-: Skr. tndnyaU 'means', 
Lith. nriniu O.Bulg. rritnjq 'I think'. Derivatives as Skr. udan- 
yd-ti 'streams from' fr. prim. Ar. *nd#-id-tf, Gr. tsxtoIpu) fr. 
*r«T^-iai, Goth, glitmunja C I shine' fr. prim. Germ. *zlitm'QriQ 
(§§ 223, 2. 225). 

Present stem *wf-ie- fr. rt. mer- 'die': A v. wer*ye#», Lat. 
worior; Gr. oncugot 'I struggle convulsively', Lith. */rirt& 'I push 
with the foot', cpf. *8pr-tf (§§ 284, 2. 286). 

j as glide after i. For examples see §§ 117. 120. 

§ 120. Postconsonantal. Stem forms *diS#-, *dje#-, *$**- 
'sky': Star. nom. sg. dyai? ace. sg. dydm (§ 188) instr. pi. 
dyMhi§, Gr. Zctfe fr. *i#vg ** im (§ 611), Z^v (cp. § 188), 
Lat. Jew- in Jovis Osc. Iuv-ei Umbr. Iuv-e 4 Jovi' fr. *djeu- 
(§ 65). Root form fl$u- sew': Skr. part, syu-td-s, OHG. $utf 
m. 'seam' siu-la 'awl', Lith. part. *iii-to-$, siii-Ja-* 'linen-thread', 
O.Balg. part.5#tifr.*$iy-*ti, Silo n. 'awl' fr. *3jy-lo. Stem *medhio- 
medius': Star, mddhya-s, Gr. niaoo-$ jueoog, Goth, midjis, O.Bulg. 
fern, mottla 'boundary' fr. *tnedj&. Presents in -i#, e. g. *$##-# 
fr. rt. #*r£- 'work, effect': Av. ver'zy&ni, Gr. <>^co for regular 
*pa£ai (s for a after £Jp£a>, sgdw etc.) fr. *fpay-j@), Goth, va&rk-ja 
(§ 299). 

Postconsonantal i often interchanged with *i in prim..Indg. 
(in the same manner as y, n, m, r, I with uu, #w, fpm, pr, jfi, 
§§ 153. 227. 287). A formative element assumed various shapes not 
only in different words, e. g. suffix form -ijp- in *pdtr-iip- (Skr. 
pltriya-s Gr. nargio-g Lat. patriu-s) beside -$0- in *medh-jo- 
(Skr. mddhya-s etc., s. above), but also in the same words, e. g. 
stem forms *dti£*f- *d*i*#- (Skr. nom. diyafa§ ace. diydm, Lat. 
Dior-* Osc. Diuv-ei Jiovfst 'Jovi', Lat. diem) beside *di^ 
*<&*#- (Skr. dyQu-§ etc.). In this change it is a question of a 
difference of ablaut-grade, e. g. *g*i-rf (Lith. gijh 'thread', Gr. 



112 Primitive Indg. j. § 120. 

pio-g 'bow* for older *pt&, s. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 188) re- 
presents the secondary accented (nebentonige) weakgrade form, 
but *gi-d (Skr. jyd 'bow-string') the unaccented (tonlose); cp. 
§§ 307 ff. and 670. 

We shall here confine ourselves to cases in which no ablaut 
(the opposite of weak and strong grade) can be determined. 
From the investigations hitherto made concerning the origin 
of the double forms j and *i (s. especially Sievers in Paul 
and Braune's Beitr. Y 129 ff., Hubschmann Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXIV 362 ff., Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 353 ff., Zur Gesch. d. 
Perf. 421 ff.) the following may be given as probable: 

After initial consonants the change depended on the nature 
of the final syllable of the preceding word. In the parent 
language they may have spoken *so sjjSt = Skr. sd sydt 'he 
may be', but *tod sijtt = Skr. tat siyat 'that may be (cp. also Goth. 
1. sg. s-ijdtt). Double forms may also here be shown as pres. 
st. *w ( f-j^- = Av. mer'y?-iti Lat. morio^r beside *mr-t|£- = 
Skr. mriyd-te, Opt. st. *bhu-i<&- = A v. 3. sg. bu-y&-J> f Gr. Cypr. 
qw-iy beside *bh&ijfi- = O.Pers. 3. sg. b-iy& fr. rt. bhe#- 'be, 
become' (cp. Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 426 ff.). *t6d m&etai 
'that dies' possibly stood originally beside *so mrijetai 'he dies', 
impf. *4 mriieto. 

i was used medially after short syllables, i\ after long, 
especially after consonant groups. This is seen most clearly 
by the suffix #<k Cp. on the one hand *medh-ip- 'medius' (s. 
above); *aLj<)- alius' = Arm. ail Gr. aXXo-g O.Ir. aile Goth. 
alji-s; and on the other *p9tr-ijp- 'patrius' (s. above); *e£|H;f0- 
'equinus' = Skr. d&viyas Gr. "nmo-g; *§hesLij,<>- (deriv. of 
*§heslo- 'thousand') = Skr. sa-hasrlya- 'thousand-fold 1 , Gr. Lesb. 
XsXXiot 'thousand'; *morUij,p- = Skr. d-martiya- 'immortal', Gr. 
d-juppoaio-g (pgorog for (.lopco-g through the influence of *0paro-v 
= Skr. mftd-s mortuus); *nept-iip-8 = Av. naptiya- 'relation', Gr. 
avsy/io-g 'first cousin', O.Bulg. netijX 'first cousin' (■*;- fr. -I;- § 36); 
*nfl#-i$o- = Skr. ndviya- 'navigable', Gr. v&o-g vijto-g 'belonging 1 
to a ship'; also especially the established difference in Goth., e. g. 



§ 120—123. Indg. j. Indg. jj in Aryan. 113 

between gen. sg. harjis (harja- army') and hairdeis (hairdja- 
shepherd'), cp. § 84 rem 1. 

It may be presumed that regular forms occasionally suffered 
interruption in their development already in prim. Indg. through 
analogy. This certainly frequently took place in the separate 
developments of the orig. language, as e. g. Skr. Ted. gdv-iya- 
(beside gdv-ya-) *bovarius' after such forms as ASviya-, Gr. Dor. 
-xanot Arcad. -xdotot (dta-xurioi 'two hundred* etc., cp. Skr. -Satya 
'consisting of a hundred 9 ) after %iXkioi (yifaoi). But, besides 
this, %i fr. i arose in Aryan (§ 125) and Lat. (§ 135) by regular 
development. 

§ 121. Anteconsonantal. i only occurred in this po- 
sition after a-, e- and o-vowels, with which it formed 'diph- 
thongs', e. g. 3. sg. *%6id-e 'knows': Skr. vtda, Gr. /o?<fe, Goth. 
vdtt. For the fate of i in these combinations cp. §§ 61 — 108 
and § 150. 

§ 123. Finally, i only occurred finally as the second 
component of diphthongs, cp. nom. pi. *toi 'the' = Skr. t£ Gr. 
Horn, to/ etc., dat. sg. in -tfi of O-stems (§ 101 extr.). The 
treatment in the individual languages was generally the same 
as before consonants, cp. e. g. Skr. it with vtda (= Gr. /o«fe). 

When conditionally final (in the body of a sentence), % also 
stood after consonants, e. g. Indg. *proti ebherom may be 
assumed for Skr. praty-abharam Gr. nQog-d<ptpov 'I brought for- 
ward'. Cp. § 645 finals 2. 

Aryan. 

§ 123. Initially. Pronominal stem Skr. Av. O.Pers. 
ya- which' (in Iran, also demonst.), nom. ace. neut. Skr. ya-d 
Av. y<*-jj, Skr. yd-tha Av. ya-pa O.Pers. ya~pa 'how': Gr. 8-g 
qui' o 'quod', Goth, j&ins 'that' (either to Lith. ji- in ;i-$, § 84 
rem. 1 or according to Liden Arkiv f. Nord. fil. Ill 242 from 
Indg. loc. *ipi, formed like Gr. sxu-vo-g fr. i*st), ja-bdi 'if', 
ace. ag. fem. Lith. jq O.Bulg. jq 'earn' (= Skr. yrf-m, Gr. av, 
f t v). Skr. ydjati Av. yazait$ 'honours', Skr. ydjas- n. 'veneration': 

BrvgmanD, Elements. 8 



114 Indg. i in Aryan. § 123—125. 

Gr. a^o/acu 'I honour, stand in pioua awe of fr. *iayiouai (§ 131), 
ayog n. 'veneration. 

The difference between initial Indg. i- and j- is still seen 
in Skr. ptc. ify&- fr. yaj- 'honour (Gr. ay-io-$) and yas-td fr. 
yas- 'bubble, seethe* (Gr. fc'oi) and similar forms. See §§117. 
318. 598. 

§ 124. Intersonantal. Skr. a-vay-a-ti 'drives on, leads 
to* pra-vay-ana-m 'drover's goad', Av. vay-eiti 'drives, scares' : 
Lith. vej-U 'I persecute', O.Bulg. voj-\ 'warrior*. 1. sg. Skr. 
dhardyami Av. ddray&ni O.Pers. ddraydmTy (read -rot) 'I hold, 
keep', Indg. ending of the 1. sg. *-e#J. Nom. pi. Skr. gir-&y-as 
Av. gar-ay-G 'mountains' (Nom. sg. Skr. girl-§ Av. yairt-i, 
cpf. *grr-is, § 290). 

1. sg. impf. Skr. Ay am O.Pers. ay am (read ay am) 'I went' 
= Indg. *%(ro), cp. Gr. rja for *%a (§ 130), fr. rt. **-. Opt. 
3. sg. Skr. hanydt Av. j any dp 'he may strike dead', prim. f. *ghQ- 
j$-t, fr. rt. ghen- 'strike dead'. Opt. 3. sg. Skr. gamydt At. 
jamyap 'he may come', prim. f. *gijp-j££-£, rt. gem- 'come'. Av. 3. eg. 
mer'yeiti, to Lat. morior (§ 119). Skr. 3. sg. kury&t 'he may 
make' fr. *krydt, prim. f. *#-#-* (§ 289). 

In Av. for final -ay$ (= prim. Ar. *-aia%) -€$ is written 
and for final -ayem (= prim. Ar. *-aiam\ -a$m, e. g. dat. sg. 
roate? = Skr. matdy-l (nom. sg. Av. maiti-§ Skr. matt-? f. 
'sense, thought'), 1. sg. impf. va?3a$m 'I let know' = Skr. (a-) 
vtdayam, prim. f. *#a*tfe$o-ro, rt. #ejd- 'know*. See Bartholomae 
Handb. §§ 93. 95. 224. 290. 

§ 125. Postconsonantal. Skr. jyd- Av. jy&- 'bow- 
string', prim. f. *gi-0-. Skr. sat-yd- Av. haipya- O.Pers. hasiya- 
(read haSya-, s. below) 'true*. Skr. ar-yei- Av. airya- 'faithful, 
devoted to, Aryan'. 1. sg. Skr. pd&-ya-mi A v. spasyfrni con- 
spicio', Indg. *spek~jfi. Passive Skr. &as-yd-t8 'is valued', O.Pers. 
pah-yO-mahy 'we are called'. 

In Vedic % often interchanged with i%, e. g. d§v-iya- 'irmtog, 
raj-iyd-m 'dominion' fcp. Lat. rigiu-s), mitr-{ya~ 'friendly* 
but sat-yd- ; dat. abl. pi. prajd-bhiyas beside prajd-bhyas (prafd- 



§ 125. Indg. i in Aryan. 115 

'posterity') pitf-bhyaa (pitdr- 'father'), etc. Cp. § 120. In the 
classical language mostly only i occurs, e. g. only -bhyas, 
only raj-ya- etc., only opt. sydm 'aim'. The old grade %i remained 
however e. g. in tnr-iya-t8 'moritur', kr-iya-t$ 'is made' (kar- 
'make') and similar presents; in the opt. (precative) Jcr-iya~t from 
har- and similar forms; in the aor. a-&i'&riy-a-t fr. Sray- Sri- 
lean against'; in the instr. sg. bhiyd fr. bhf- f. 'fear' (cp. Ved. 
part. bhiy-dnd-, Lith. bij-aO-s 'am in fear') striya from strt- 
'wife' (but i in other than initial syllables: datrya fr. datrT- 
'donatrix'). In the popular dialects ii frequently appears 
for the i of the classical language, without the quantity of 
the preceding syllable being a criterion in the same manner 
as in Yedic. In this case it is undoubtedly, partly at least, 
not a question of Indg. »i or analogy, but of a purely regu- 
lar evolution fr. consonant + i (as in Lat.), e. g. Pali tnari- 
yada = Skr. marydda 'mark, boundary'; ariya- = Skr. arya* 
(-iy- very frequently after r); kammaniya- beside kammaiWla- 
= Skr. karmanya- operative, active'; PrSkr. cdriam = Skr. 
caurya-m 'theft'; uddisia = Skr. ud-diiya absolutive 'by point- 
ing to'. With Prakr. ia for tja cp. niutta- — Skr. ni-yukta- 
'bonnd to'. 

Prim. Iran, hi = prim. Ar. si became hh in A v., but hy 
was still retained in the Gapa dialect, vanhd, Gap. vahyd : 
Skr. vds-ya$ 'melius', neut. compar. of vawhu- : Skr. vdsu- 'bonus*. 
Cp. § 558, 3. 

Final -ia -fa, which was still retained in the Gapa dial, 
as -yd (i. e. -ya and -yd, § 649, 1), appears after consonants, 
especially after A, (= prim. Ar. s, § 558, 8) as -f. y§h$, Gap. 
yehya : Skr. yd-sya, gen. sg. fr. ya- 'which*. 

-fm appears for -yem. ainim : Skr. anyd-m 'alium' (Gap. 
also anytm). haiplm : Skr. satyd-m 'verum'. Similarly y$snTm : 
Skr. yajftiya-m 'venerandum'. Cp. Bartholomae Handb. § 95. 

In Av., as in Yedic, the metre shows that y is often to be 
read as iy especially after long syllables, e. g. batnya- 'beaming, 
shining' as bdmiya-, dat. pi. hitaebyd = Skr. siti-bhyas Sanctis* 

as hitaebiyd. This is further shown by the preceding voiceless 

8* 



116 Indg. i in Aryan. § 125— 12b'. 

explosives not being changed into spirants, e. g. daitya- 'legal* 
was daitiya-) because *dat{a- would have become *daipya-, as 
e. g. haipya- = Skr. satyd- 'true' shows (§§ 353. 473). 

In Old Persian iy or ty mostly occurs (the latter only 
graphically different from ty, s. § 21). In a number of cases 
in which these spellings are found, the pronunciation may have 
been *i as in Ved. and Av. But this can only be directly 
supported in cases where the preceding t was not changed 
to § (§§ 353. 473), e. g. martiya- 'homo' = Av. masiya- (§ = ri 
§ 260) Yed. martiya- (§ 120 p. 112). In most cases, however, 
iy (Iy) will have to be read as i, certainly in hasiya- (= A v. 
haipya- Skr. satyd-) and others, where § was caused by ti, pro- 
bably in aniya- (= Av. anya-, Skr. anyd-)*, maniyahy (2. sg. conj. 
pres., to Av. 1. sg. indie, pres. many a, Skr. 3. sg. pres. indie. 
mdnyate fr. Ar. man- 'think'), 3. sing. opt. jamtyd (= Av. 
jamyop Skr. gamydt 'eat') and others of the same kind. 

On the other hand O.Pers. tya- 'which* is to be read a» 
tiia- on account of the non-change of the t, cp. Ved. tiyd- be- 
side tyd- 'that, the'. 

§ 136. Anteconsonantal and finally. The vowel re- 
mained i after a (ai) in Sanskrit, whereas in prim. Ar. and 
prim. Skr. ai became ?. Prim. Ar. and prim. Iran, ai appears 
in Av. as af (i. e. a^) or ffi, finally as -di and -$, prim. Ar. 
and prim. Iran, ai as ai; prim. Ar. ai and ai remained an* 
changed in O.Pers. (ai, written -aiy -ay when final, and ai). 

Prim. Ar. 3. sing. *ai-ti 'goes' = Indg. *#-tf , Gr. s!-ot : 
Skr. eti, Av. aeiti (fr. aeti § 638), O.Pers. aitiy. Prim. Ar. 
3. sg. *bharait 'he may bear* = Indg. *bhiro& Gr. q>igot : Skr. 
bhdrtt, Av. bdrdip. Prim. Ar. *dflraj, loc. sg. of *dura- 
*distant\ cp. Gr. o*xf« otxot at home' : Skr. dur£, Av. dur&i 
d&ir& O.Pers. dtlraiy duray. 

3. sg. Skr. ait, Av. aip went*, Indg. *#f fr. *t e#, fr. rt. 
*i-; O.Pers. atiy-ais 'went beyond' (the ending -s from the sig- 
matic aorist). Instr. Skr. pi. A»ta/s At. $atdi-s from st. Skr. Sttta- 



I 126-130. Indg. i in Armen. and Greek. 117 

Av. sata- 'centum', Gr. -otg (§ 611). A v. dat. sg. mazistai fr. 
«t maziSta- 'maximus' : Gr. /neyiorw. 
Cp. §§ 62. 78. 94. 

§ 127. The transition of \ to a palatal spirant. 

y was probably everywhere a consonantal vowel in Yedic and 
classical Sanskrit. Whilst initially and frequently also medially 
it became a spirant in Prakrit, hence e. g. ja- which 1 (si) = 
ya- y kajja- n. 'business, trade' (3psT) — karya-. 

Bartholomae (Handb. pp. 9. 36 f., cp. also Hiibschmann 
Kuan's Ztschr. XXIV 354 f.) thinks that it had partly a spirantal 
function in Iranian. The change of prim. Ar. tenues into spirants 
seems to have been caused by this in every case. (§ 473). 

Armenian. 

§ 128. It is here difficult to ascertain the sound-laws 
owing to the scarcity of reliable etymological material. In any 
case i probably did not remain unchanged. 

Initial i seems to have became a spirant / in je-r 'your', 
which is generally connected with Skr. yu-§ma- Lith. jus ye'. 

i disappeared after consonants. 6u 'a breaking up', to Skr. 
<ythtir§ 'quick motion, departure from something'; it is not 
however clear whether the prim. Indg. rt. is qieu- or qje%~. 
Epenthesis appears in a#, gen. ailoy, 'alius' fr. *al%o~ (Goth. 
<dja- Gr. SXXo- etc.). 

For the rest we refer to Hiibschmann Armen. Stud. I 78. 

Greek. 

§ 120. Initially uniformly \ which presupposes a voi- 
celess i as intermediate stage, og 'who' : Skr. yds. ijnap 'liver' : 
Av. yakar 4 , Skr. ydkft y Lat. jecur. ayvo-g 'holy, venerable' : 
8kr. yajfid-8 'offering'. v6/ntvrj 'battle' : Skr. yudh- 'fight*. Lesb. 
' f r. ' : ififtfq 'ye' beside Att. €f*sTg, to Skr. yu-ftna-, cp. Lesb. o 
fr. i = Skr. sd § 564. 

§ 130. Intersonantal. { between vowels, when the firet 
was not u, dropped out in prim. Gr. (except when, after i, it 



118 Indg. i in Greek. § 130-131. 

served as a glide to the following vowel, s. § 131). dtog 'fear* 
fr. *J/^-o?, Horn. pf. JfAfco i. e. *J/J/cd 'I fear probably from 
*(fetf/o(jO-a, rt. dyei-. Nom. plur. rpsTg 'three* fr. *tq€ (i)-eg : 
Skr. trdy-as. 1. sg. (poptu* 'I frighten, scare away* : Skr. bhOr 
jdydmi 'I hunt'. The cases, in which * seems to have been 
retained in this position, are new formations, e. g. Arcad. raw 
T atone for, pay not = Skr. cdy-a-t8, but a formation from 
riio riw (Skr. cl-yd-ti) after thog) tvsma etc., Horn, oxveuo be- 
side 6xv€(o 'I hesitate, linger not fr. *6xve-tfa (cp. oxvo-g 'hesi- 
tation'), but formed after such presents as rs\ti<o fr. *T£k£o-ifi) 'I 
finish' (§ 131). 

i after u: Cypr. opt. (pv-jw = Av. bu-yO-Jt, Indg. *bhu-ie-t; 
Lesb. pres. <pv/w fr. *bhu-id, rt. 6Ae#- 'be, become'. 

When the second vowel arose from Indg. sonantal nasal: 
1. sg. rja Vent' for regular *i)a (rj-, formed after ft/uav etc.) fr. 
Indg. *#-#*, 3. pi. opt. mid. Horn, (psooiuzo for *<pt(>oaTO (-<w- 
after (ftpoi/ueSa etc.) fr. *bh6roi~#to, rt. bher- 'bear'. 

1. sg. Ttxraivoj 'I make' fr. *r«craf^o>, *r*xr#-£G> fr. rlxrwv. 
/Wwo fr. *pavifi>i */Ja/<-xo>, *g^-j^ (§ 204), rt. gem- go*. Cp. § 234. 
analgo) 'I struggle convulsively' fr. *anaoico, *spr~i6 (§ 293) : Lith. 
Bpiriu 'I push with the foot', j palatalised nasals and (? and 
combined with the preceding a to form «# (§ 639). On the 
other hand axaklio 'I stir up, hoe' fr. *ax«>lxco, *$q\-jfi : Lith. 
fftft (fr. *sfe7-iu) 'I strike fire'. Cp. § 131. 

§ 131. Postconsonantal. 

sjr became ' : v-fiijv (v) 'thin skin' v-fitv-o-g 'hymn, song', 
to Bkr. syd-man- 'cord' syu-td-s sewed', cp. further the com- 
pounds with xar(a) xdtieVfia Att. xarrf/ia 'anything stitched, 
leather sole', v«>-xarr«;ro-s 'new-soled'. 

Postvocalic s and # became palatalised by a following i, 
then the latter combined with the preceding vowel to form & 
diphthong (§ 639). Gen. sg. *ro-tfxo of the' = Skr. tdsyo be- 
wine *roniOj Horn. roTo, Att. rov. Horn. rcJUuo Att. t*Xw 1 
(torripltite' fr. *r£tetf-|(*> st. tsXso- 'end', cp. Skr. namas-yd-ti 
'honour*/ from ndmas- 'honour , respect'. Horn. $Ir,v sim' fr. 
*lH*p* cp. Skr. sydm; the i- in the Att. form n^r is due to the 



i 



§ 131. Indg. % in Greek. 119 

influence of eljtiv. *xXaf-t,u) 1 weep* (fut. xXav-oopai) became 
*xAai/(o, hence Horn. Att. xWo), but *xXcuJ : e- Att. xXas- in xXasig 
etc., like Jatjg 'brother-in-law* fr. ^daifr^g = Skr. devdr-, s. § 96. 
The double forms xXaia, and xXa<o, as well as xauo and xdw 'I 
burn, light* (fut xavaw) are due to levelling: the forms were 
originally xXaiw xXastg xXaei xXaio/nsv etc. 

*xtsv-jho 'I kill* became xxeww in Lesb. and xrelvo) in Att. 
(by compensation lengthening). *dficv-tw 'better became Att. 
ufiHvwv Boeot. 14/tiHvoxXsTog A read. ^Afirptag Cypr. 'ui/ttTjvi^a. 
*<ffop-l<0 C I destroy became Lesb. <p6spga), Att. ydsipw, Arcad. 
<tfhjgu>. [hig-(avQo-g) = Lesb. ntQQ-(pyo-q) fr. *nspi-. These 
forms show that Horn, sly and vnstg^ which arose from *h^ 
*vitfQl before words beginning with a vowel, are due to com- 
pensation lengthening, netgi- Dor. nrjgi- (flug^doo-g, flypi-Ooo-g) 
is a mixture of ntgl + ubiq- (Dor. *nrjg-), as is also Horn, slvl 
of ivi + dv. Cp. § 618. 

Whereas *ots X-w 'I order became universally axi Xfoo, *dXt,o-g 
'alius Att. etc. dXXog, but Cypr. allo-g. Cp. §§ 130. 639. 

Ifldg. ji gAj, fci, ghi, t% } dh% appear as oo, tt, see § 489; 
hdg- Sh §h d k as f (^), W, s. § 493. 

Indg. ^ became nr. Verbal stem nvv- in mho 'I spit* fr # 
*(tfV|£-. # Lith. spidu-ju O.Bulg. plju-jq (fr. *(s)/>iw-eq, § 147) 
1 spit', Skr. abhi-§fhyu-ta- 'bespit* (cp. § 327). xaX&nxa 'I oppress, 
depress' fr. *xuX6n-io) fr. ^faAf7io-^. 

The prim. Indg. duality i and i\ was preserved e. g. in 
niaoog ftioog 'medius' (fr. *ns6-io-g = Skr. mddhya-s) compared 
with ndxgtog 'patrius (••= Skr. pltriya-s), in gt£io 'I do, work' 
(fr. */p*/-|(o, cp. § 120) compared with Id-iio 'I sweat'. On the 
other hand the Lesb. forms /udrepgo;, dXXdrsggog = Att. ftexgiog 
'moderate', dXXorgiog 'alienus' etc. show a sound-change which took 
place within Greek itself: pixgiog became *tnetfio8i *meterjp%) 
thence /nhtggog (§ 626). It seems to me more probable that the 
£ in Lesb. fa, xdp&, Zovvdoog, Cypr. xopla and others, beside 
&a, xugdU, diuivcaog (s. Meister Griech. Dial. I p. 127 AT.) is 
due to a Gr. change of i to i than to regard it as an old in- 
herited double form as is the case with ftioog and ndvgiog. 



120 Indg. i in Greek and Italic. § 131—133. 

The Cypr. orthography 2Zaqp/#«, l^arijpav, Pamphyl. <W, 
E6tN{v)6uvq (= *A6n£vSiog) (read tjQ, and other facts show that 
the antevocalic i was pronounced -*$- in words like ndrpiog. 
The ending -no-g was therefore probably the unchanged form 
of Indg. -iio-s. 

§ 132. Anteconsonantal and finally. 

The Indg. anteconsonantal ei, oi, ai, Si, ffi, a% can all be 
proved to be pure i-diphthongs up to historical times. E. g. 
slfu (= Indg. *eimi 'I go'), o7<te (= Indg. *uoide 'he knows*), 
(ptpercu (= Indg. *bheretai 3. sig. mid. fr. rt. bher- 'bear*), "iTvnm 
"unto (= Indg. *efc#di 'to a horse'), ^a/pai ;*»(>« ('to land* with 
Indg. ending -di) were, in Attic, still pronounced with ei, oi etc. 
about 500 B. C. 

But e%, oi, ai underwent manifold changes even at an early 
period. In certain cases i became £, and in others the con- 
sonantal vowel coalesced with the first component to form a 
simple long vowel. S. §§ 64. 80. 96. In the Middle Ages 
monophthongs were generally the only forms still met with. 

The first component of 1% di, &i was shortened before con- 
sonants in prim. Gr., e. g. "nnotg = Skr. d&vai§ (§ 611). When 
final, they remained unchanged up to historical times. But then 
final 4 became mute at the same time with the new 4 in the 
combinations 771, wi, ai (#, m, a) which in the meantime had 
often arisen before consonants, as fits 'ye went', pcuhog 'easy'. 
This process however dit not extend itself over the whole lan- 
guage at the same time; it seems everywhere to have taken 
place with rjt earlier than with eu and m. Towards the end of 
the third Cent. B. C. they were still only spoken as simple 
vowels in all or most dialects, e. g. %nnw as hippd, firs as Ste. 

Italic. 

§ 188. Initially. Indg. 3 and ; fell completely together 
in i, written / in Lat. words, and i in Umbr.-Samnitic. Indg. i 
e. g. in Lat. jecur 'liver' 1 Skr. yakft, Gr. quag. Cp. Lat /•*- 
gurm 'yoke' : Gr. £vyo-f , ^th Indg. /-. It is frequently uncertain 



§ 133-134. Indg. \ in Italic. 121 

whether a form represents Indg. 3- ovj- : Lat. jocu-s joke', Umbr. 
iuka 'ioca' : Lith. jukas 'joke' 5 Lat. juven-i-s juven-cu-s, Umbr. 
ivengar nom. 'iuvencae' (t- fr. *iu-) : Skr. y&van- 'young* yuva- 
id* youthful', Goth, juggs young*. 

Several centuries after the beginning of the Christian era 
Lat. j- (i-) became a spirant which became developed to di-: 
cp. e. g. Ital. giovane Fr. jeune with Lat. juvenis. 

§ 134. Intersonantal. i between vowels seems to have 
disappeared already in prim. Italic 1 ), when after i it did not 
serve as glide to the following vowel. Lat. e&- she', ace. earn : 
Goth, ijd- 'she', ace. ija\ cpf. *eia-; Umbr. earn earn* eaf 'eas', 
Osc. iok *ea\ Nom. pi. Lat. trls 'three' fr. *tre(i)-es : Skr. 
trdy-as; Lat. pontes, Umbr. puntes 'bridges' : O.Bulg. pqttje 
pqtije 'ways'. Lat. st. aer- (gen. aer-is) 'ore, bronze' c&nu-8 
ahenu-8 'brazen', Umbr. ahesnes 'aenis' (where h only indicates 
the separation of the vowels in both dial.), fr. *aies-, *ajes-no- 
(§ 570) : Skr. dyas- 'iron'. Lat. std 'I stand' fr. *sta-(i)o, stds 
fr. *sta-(i)0-$, Pelign. {ncubat 'incubat*. Lat. tied 'I sew', neunt 
fr. *«2-(i)ff, *n£-(i)o-w* : OHG. naan 'to sew*, fled 'I weep : 
O.Bulg. bli-jq 'I bleat*, siled 'I am silent* fr. *stf£-(i)0, cp. Goth. 
3. sg. sildip silet' fr. *sile-ie-ti (§ 142). O.Lat. compar. pledres 
plures' : Skr. prd-yas-, cpf. *pti~ies-. Causat. moned 'I cause 
to remember* fr. *moneid : Skr. mdndyami ; 2. pi. imper. monUe 
tr.*mone(i)ete : Skr. mdmyata. Osc. putiad 'possit* fr. *pote(i)at, 
to Lat. potem potui. O.Lat. clud 'I am called , named' : Skr. 
irU-yi-te 'is heard'. O.Lat. conj. juat 'sit* : Lesb. yvUo. 

Lat. finid 'I finish' represents an older */7m'-itf. from finis, 
just as Skr. Ved. arOti-ydrti 'is hostile, bears Hi-will' from dra- 
ti-$ 'hostility'. Notwithstanding the orthography -id we must 
probably assume that % was not quite mute. This consonant 
however disappeared by contraction in finis, finite, whose 
original endings were *~i-&-s, *-i-is-te. Cp, § 135 concerning 
fieri, pairius etc. 

1) Some forms, in which jf was only apparently retained, as in Oso. 
stafet, Umbr. fuia 'flat* portaia 'portet', will be disposed of in the 
ftotidence. 



122 Ind&. * in Italic. § 134-135. 

Indg. *g#-i# (Gr. fiuivu>) 'I go* became *g\ieniO in prim. 
Italic (§§ 208. 239), thence Lat. venid; Indg. pres. st. *wHo- 
*die' (Av. 3. sg. wer*- ye-irt) became prim. Ital. *mor}o- (§ 29C), 
thence Lat. morior, s. §§ 120. 135. 

§ 136. Postconsonantal. i was only retained as aeon- 
sonant in this position when a consonant had disappeared before 
it Lat. Jov-is, Umbr. Iuv-e Osc. Iuv-ef c Iovi' : Skr. dydu-s, 
Gr. Zsvq. Lat. ajd 1 say* fr. *ah-i6 or *ah-iD beside ad-agium : 
8kr. pf. 3. sg. dha 'said'; major greater' beside magnu-s : Skr. 
mdhiyas- 'greater; cp. § 510. 

In other cases i became sonantal, a process which may be 
compared with the transition of the suffix -uo- to -uo- (§ 1 70), of 
-do- to -culo- (intermediate stage -<$o) etc. (§§ 269. 627). 
E. g. mediu-s: Skr. mddhya-s; alius: Gr. akko-g] acu-pediu<$ 
'quick-footed': Gr. nsZo^; con-spicid: Skr. pd&yami ; capid: Goth. 
hafja. In like manner also t?ew*0, morior directly fr. *venw, 
*morior (cp. § 134). That tj was spoken (if only with a weak 
articulated i), is probable in itself, and is vouched for by such 
spellings as Fabiius, Corneliia (Seelmann Die Ausspr. des Latein. 
p. 237). 

The form socius fr. *$ok#-jp-s (rt. seq- in sequor, cp. Gr. 
a-ooarjTTJQ 'helper with aa = ji, §§131. 489) is of interest for 
the chronology of the change of -$- to -i*-, since u probably 
dropped out at a time when i, not already t£, was still spoken. 

Further such forms as capis capit fr. ^copies *capiet = 
Goth, hafjis hafjip, cape fr. *capi (like mare fr. *iwaW, § 33), 
the latter fr. *capie y also point to this old i, likewise nom. alis, 
Cornells fr. -lis cp. Lith. medis fr. *med}is (§ 84 rem. 1). 

Rem. It is hardly probable that we have still an older { for **(£) 
in such quantities as aci«m (fr. avis), principium, f acids, found in Roman 
poets, these possibly follow the prevalent pronunciation of some dialect. 
It is quite incredible that a similar one holds good for prim. Romance *medJHs 
(Italian mezzo) etc (Diez Gramm. d. rom. Spr. I* p. 179 ff., Horning Ztschr. 
t rom. Phil. VII 572 f.). 

On the other hand Indg. %i seems to have remained un- 
changed in the following cases. Lat. gen. pi. trium: Goth. 



§ 135—136. Ind*. i in Italic. 12B 

prij-e, Lith. trij-u, O.Bulg. trXj-% trij-% Gr. tqmv. patriu-s: 
Skr. pltriya-, Gr. ndrgio-g. rtgiu-s: Skr. rajiyd- 1 ). stem (later 
8im): Skr. siydm, Goth. *{;aii. du-bius fr. *du-bhu-iios, fieri 
fir. Indg. *bhy-iid, fis fr. *bhy-iie-8, from rt. JAe#- (op. § 120 
and Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 430 ff.). 

We cannot tell whether the i was consonantal or sonantal 
in Umbr. fasia, Volsc. fakia 'faciat', Unibr. avie dat. auspiciis', 
Osc. mefiai 'in media', diuvia- lovia-' and other similar forms 
in the Umbr.-Samnitic dialects. Whereas ij may be traced 
in spellings as Umbr. Vusiia-per pro Vocia', Osc. Iiiviia lo- 
YianV (cp. Osc. Meelikiieis Msthyjov), and i in such as Umbr. 
vistisa vestisa beside vestisia vestisia abl. c libamento\ spinam- 
af beside spin i am -a ad spinam*. Osc. s from ti in B ansae 
'Bantiae', z fr. di in zicolom 'diem* (cp. Lat. dilcxda). { seems 
to hare sprung from older %i in both forms; the zetacistic process 
may have been limited to the local dialect of Bantia. 

§ 136. Anteconsonantal and finally. 

Ifldg. 3b oi, a% were still diphthongs in prim. Italic. At 
the beginning of historic times ei seems to have become an open 
* in Lat. and Osc, the orthography ei was at all events retained 
for a long time after the diphthong had become monophthong 
(§ 65). oi and at were certainly still diphthongs at the beginning 
of historic times. They became in the first instance o$ and ag. 
For their further development s. §§ 81. 97. Prim. Ital. ei, oi, 
ai are met with only as monophthongs in Umbrian, e. g. etu 
eetu W fr. prim. Ital. *eitdd, un u unum' fr. prim. Ital. *oino-m, 
stt si* = Osc. svai svae. 

The first component of ei, di, &i was shortened before con- 
sonants in prim. Lat. or prim. Italic, e. g. Lat. oloes illfs = 
Skr. -o#, Indg. *-6is (§§ 85. 612). 

Final *-0j became -d in Lat., e. g. dat. sg. equd = Gr. 
famp; Marius Yictorinus knew -oi ex libris antiquis foederum 



1) ndbis, vdbU probably not fr. *-bhiie8 = Skr. -bhiyas in Ved. praja- 
bhiyas etc. (cp. Stolz Lat. Qramm. § 90), but a transformation of *-bhi 
after i&tis, in the same manner as tibi was of *-bhi after istt, cp. Skr. /ti- 
bhy-am 'tibi', yupnd-bhy-atn 'vobis' with particle -am (see the accidence). 



124 Indg. i in Old Irish. § 136-139. 

et legum; perhaps still the old -oi. -&% became -#, e. g. Dat. 
Mdtuta 'Matutae' like Gr. /copa ; -fli may still be represented in 
the oldest inscriptions in such forms as Menervai, whilst -ae 
is the locative ending of later times. Osc. dat. Abellaniii 
'Abellano', deivai 'divae*. 

Old Irish. 

§ 137. Initially. In most words which come under con- 
sideration it cannot be determined whether the initial sound was 
Indg. i- or j-, and traces of this Indg. difference have not, so far 
as I know, hitherto been proved in Keltic. The consonant was 
dropped in Irish, but was retained in the Gallo-Britannic 
branch. 

Indg. i- in Iud- ('strife, fight') found in many Britann. proper 
names, as O.Cymr. Iud-nerth (nerth 'strength') : Skr. yiidh- 'battle, 
combat', Gr. vofitvrj. 

Whether the following have Indg. i- or^'- is doubtful: O.Ir. 
dac dc Cymr. ieuanc Corn, iouenc Bret, iaouank 'juvenis' Gall. 
IovincillU'S, prim. Kelt. *ioun}co-8: Skr. yuva-Sd-s ; O.Ir. compar. 
8a (Bret, iaou), superl. dam: Skr. ydv-lyas-, ydv-i$tha-. O.Ir. 
Et 'zeal', Gall. Iantu-marus (cp. Mid. Ir. edtnur = O.Ir. *Hmar 
'jealous, zealous* fr. Et + mar great'). O.Ir. aig 'ice', Cymr. ia 
(= *%ag) 'ice', Bret, ien (= *iagin) 'icy'. Other Gall, proper 
names with %- as Iura, Iuvavum s. Zeuss-Ebel p. 47. 

§ 138. Intersonantal i had disappeared, -tau -to I am'. 
2. sg. -tax : Lith. sto-j&s 'I place myself, -caru 'I love' (2. sg. 
cari) fr. *cdra-i$ or *cdrO-id, a denominative verb like Gr. 
xl/udio fr. *xlfia-i i m 1 Skr. pftana-yd-mi. 

§ 130. Postconsonantal. Dat. (instr.) sg. ailiu (i. e. 
ailiu) fr. *a/j5, stem alio- 'other'. Compar. laigiu (i. e. laigiu) 
'smaller' fr. *lag-id(s): cp. Gr. ikdaawv fr. *elax'A(ov. 

-e with palatalisation of the preceding consonant (§ 640) 
appears for -\o- in the Indg. endings ^-io-s^ *-io-m and for *•$£, 
e. g. axle 'alius', aile n- 'alium'; neutr. suide n- 'seat' fr. *sodip-m: 
Lat. soliu-m ; nUe 'new' : Skr. ndvya-s, Indg. *txe#-ip-8 (cp. §§ 66. 



§ 139—142. Indg. i in O.Ir. and Germanic. 125 

154); fem. aile 'alia*. This -e also appears in cases where ac- 
cording to § 120 we should expect an original -/$o-, e. g. orpe n- 
n. 'hereditas* : Goth, arbi n. inheritance*. 

Rem. The process, whioh gave rise to this -«, is not clear. We 
do not know whether in this case we have also to take into consideration 
the suffix form ~{i~ (§ 84 rem. 1) for the masc. and neut., and for the 
fem. a suffix form as in Lith. zoti 'root, plant'. Thurneysen conjectures 
that *al{08 first of all became *alios (cp. Lat. alius\ thence *aPeo(s) (P is 
to be read as palatalised /), aile ; correspondingly in the fem. *a£|tf, *alid 
*aPea f aile: cp. GalL AUsea = Alisia and similar forms. 

§ 140. Anteconsonantal and finally. In accented syl- 
lables ei became 2 (id) § 66; o% became oe, finally I § 82; a% 
became ae, finally T § 98. 

Rem, Cp. § 657, 4 for final Indg. -#, &i 

Germanic. 

§ 141. Initially. Indg. i- and /- fell together in i- in prim. 
Germ. 

Indg. |-. Goth. j€r OHG. jar n. year : Av. yar' n. year, 
Gr. &()o-g 'year*. Goth, jus (u?) 'vos': Lith. /ws, Gr. v/nsTg. 

Indg. /-. Qoth.juk OHG. joh n. yoke': Skr. yug&-m, Gr. 
W/o-y 'yoke*. 

It is uncertain whether we have Indg. i- or j- : Goth, juggs 
(jtiggs?) OHG. jung young', prim. Germ. *iuuM9-ga-s: Skr. 
yuva-H-s Lat. juven-cu-s. 

Goth, j' was i-. In OHG. (and OS.) i- before e and i 
became a spirant, which was written jr, e. g. gmlr yon', gehan 
'to say, speak', indie, pres. gthu, but pret. iah idhun ; s. Braune 
Ahd. Gramm. § 116, Holthausen Die Soester Mundart § 182. 
Prim. Germ, i- dropped out in O.Norse: O.Icel. ar, ok, ungr 
= Goth jtr, juk, juggs. 

§ 142. Intersonantal. 

Goth. fem. stem ijo- ea' = Lat. efl-, cpf. *ejtO-. 

Prim. Germ. -i{- = Indg. -ei- (§ 67) became -U before 
consonants and finally. Goth, preis OHG. drl 'three* fr. *prijf(i)z : 
Skr. tragus, O.Bulg. *r#e *r*ye etc., Indg. *trii-es; likewise Goth. 
gasteis OHG. gesti guests' fr. *zastii-(i)z = O.Bulg. gosttje 



126 Indg. % in Germanic. § 142. 

gostije, cpf. *Qhostei-es. 2. sg. imper. Goth, nasei OHG. neri 
'save, nourish* fr. *na2i-i(i) (Goth, s for after the analogy of 
nisan 'to recover, be healed', s. § 581), Goth, fra-vardei 'destroy 
(something)': Skr. vartdya 'let something take its course', Gr. 
yopH 'scare' fr. V^GO** Indg. *-#«. Cp. §§ 660, 1. 661, 2. 

Goth, indie. 1. sg. nasja, 3. sg. nasjip (OHG. neriu nerit, 
Mod.HG. ndhre, ndhrf) fr. prim. Germ. *nazij6 *nazi{idi, still older 
*nozi%6 *noziie&i. This -eie- y younger -*#- became -ij- -»- after 
long closed syllables: Goth, fravardeip. Cp. Skr. 1. sg. vartdya-mi, 
3. sg. vartdyati = Indg. prim. f. *uortti6, *uorUie4i. Goth, ana- 
mahtja 'I offer violence', 3. sg. anamahteip, from anamahti- f. 
'reproach', can be traced back to Indg. *-i-i<5, *-i-ie-ti, cp. Skr. 
Ved. arati-yd-ti 'is hostile' from (frflrt- 'hostility'. Cp. § 635. 

It is questionable whether Goth. 1. sg. opt. bairdu (indie. 
baira 1 bear) is regularly developed from *bhero-j~tii prim. 
Germ. *bera%u(n) (§ 244) (Paul in Paul-Braune's Beitr. IV 378, 
VI 161, Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 302, Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 626). 

Goth, siuja 'I sew': cp. Gr. xaoofoo fr. *xar-axi>xw, O.Bulg. 
sijq fr. *s%y-iq (§§ 60. 147), Lett, schuju. 

Indg. $- appears in Goth, before vowels as at- (at/-)- saia 
€ I sow', 3. sg. saiip (also saijip, saijands): Lith. se/w O.Bulg. 
sfy'q 'I sow', cpf. *s£i#. armaid f. (st. amatfln-) 'compassion* 
(from arma 'I pity', 3. sg. armdip), prim. Germ. *arm$idn-. In 
unaccented final syllables as -a*'- fr. original -£-jfe-: 3. sg. armdip 
fr. *arm2-ii-d(i) , *-g-f*-tf; it is here a question of the present- 
class which is represented in Lat. by habSre, tacfre, sitere (Goth. 
haban, pahan, silari). In OHG. we have the forms sdan (sdhan), 
sdn, saian (i = %), sdwan (OS. saian, Ags. sawan, O.Icel. $a) 
as compared with Goth, saian and the form armU as compared 
with Goth, armdip. 

Rem. 1. The much discussed question as to the history of ante- 
vocalic t% in Germanic (recently more folly discussed by Paul in Paul* 
Braune's Beitr. VII 152 ff., K5gel IX 509 ff. f Bremer XI 46 ff.) has not 
yet been completely cleared up. The following seems to me to be the 
most probable. 

*8Z{d existed up to the end of the prim. Germ, period. The at in 
Goth. saia was the long vowel of the at in balra , namely an open g, 



§ 142. Indg. % in Germanic. 127 

which Towel is certainly to be assumed also in loan words as hairaiais = 
Gr. m^otc (Gr. at was an open e in Ulfila's time) ; s. Braune Got. Gramm. 2 
p. 11. Cp. Goth, au before vowels § 179. It is probable that the j in 
mjip was still prim. Germ, -j-, but it must not be maintained as certain. 
We may apparently assume for West Germ., where I became d (§ 75), 
that { partly (before a and guttural vowels) regularly dropped out and 
that then w made its appearance before guttural vowels as glide (1. eg. 
sdwu\ after which by form assimilation i became also used before guttural 
Towels and xc before palatal; and at this stage the different dialects took 
different directions. One might also assume that those forms in which i 
regularly dropped out were extended by analogy to all other forms and 
that i was later generated again as a glide in sa-is, sd-it etc. 

Original lye in unaccented final syllables was treated somewhat 
differently. 3. sg. *artniii&i became *armi%di (with open g), thence Goth. 
armdip and OHG. arm&. For Goth. 1. sg. arma> 1. pi. armam, see the 
accidence. 

Prim. Germ. *bldjana-n 'to blossom' (cp. Lat. fld-s ft6-r-ix 

'flower'): OHG. bluoan (bluohan) bluoktn bluowan, OS. bltian, 

Ag8. bldwan ; cp. OHG. sdian sdwan above. Prim. Germ. 3. sg. 

Vrifa-ii-di 'loves' (= O.Bulg. prija-je-Vt 'takes care of) became 

yrijdjfti, *frii$di, thence Goth. /W/($, analogously OHG. salblft 

= Goth, salfop 'anoints'; cp. Goth, corapar. armdza 'poorer', 

superl. armdsts 'poorest' fr. *armd-izd, -isto-z, which first became 

*arm&izd -djptaz. 

Rem. 2. It is remarkable that tfjj and Si were treated differently 
before consonants, but I see no plausible means of avoiding this as- 
sumption. 

After short vowels -j- occasionally appears as -ddj- in Goth. 
Gen. pL tvaddjl 'duorum': Skr. dvayd: daddja 'I suckle': Skr. 
dhdyOrtni. iddja 'I went': Skr.o-yfl-m. To this -<W/- corresponded 
OJJorse -ggj', e. g. O.Icel. tveggja : Goth, tvaddjg. In Westgerm. 
the original prim. Germ, 'sound 1 generated an t, which, uniting 
with the preceding vowel, formed a diphthong, and when the 
preceding vowel was i, an f, e. g. OHG. zweijo : Goth. tuaddjB, 
Frfja: O.Icel. Frigg. The conditions for this universal Germ, 
special treatment of -i- have not been determined. Cp. § 179 
and Kogel in Paul-Braune's Beitr. IX 523. 

Rem. 3. The consonant, developed before the prim. Germ, i-sound in 
Gothic-Norse, was a palatal g. Nothing stands in the way of our assigning 
this palatal valne to O.Icel. gg before j. This sound moved further 



128 Indg. % in Germanic. § 142—143. 

forward in Gothic and became (dorsal?) d (dd). See Braune in Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. IX 545 f. 

Indg. Combination -#$-. Goth, glitmunja 'I shine', like Gr. 
onsQ/tiatvcj 'I so w with seed', Indg. -fw#-i# (§ 245). Goth, kuni, 
st. kunja-, n. 'sex, race' fr. *gi}-io-\ sama-kunja- 'of the same 
race or family* to Gr. bpo-yvw-g, which stand to one another 
in the same relation as Lat. tnorior to Skr. mriyi 'I die' etc. 
(§ 120 p. 112). 

Goth, -j- was -i-. The frequent spelling with g in OHG. 
points to a spirantal pronunciation, e. g. pluogentiu to bluoian 
'to blossom', wart-sago 'seminiverbius' to saian 'to sow', 3. pi. 
opt. pres. salbog&i beside salboi&n salboen from scdbdn 'to anoint', 
cp. § 120 extr. 

§ 143. Postconsonantal. 

Consonant + i in the initial syllable was not retained 
unchanged. 

Of the Indg. double form of the Opt. *si&-m and *sij$-m 
fflm' the latter only survived: Goth, sijdu. Cp. also us-kijans 
'sprouted forth' (pres. 1. sg. us-kei-na), originally *g#-ono-s fr. rt. 
qei- (Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 38. 368. 373). 

The i of *siU- united with the following u to form a diph- 
thong in Goth, siujan OHG. siuwan 'to sew', OHG. sitda *awl' 
(cp. Skr. syU'td-s 'sewn', Lith. siti-ta-s sewn, siMa-s 'sewing 
thread'), likewise in OHG. chiuwan 'to chew' fr. *§i&- (cp. O.Bulg. 
Sivq zujq 'I chew* fr. *ziuvq *2%iliq, §§ 52. 147). 

Rem. With siujan, as compared with midjun-gards 'sphere of the 
earth' (i. e. *midjum(a)'gards) etc., compare pius 'servant* fr. *pi%(ayz 
(gen. piv-is) with sunjus 'sons' fr. *8uniy(i)z (cp. § 179). 

Medially. 

Goth, midj is midja 'medius media': Skr. m&dhyu-s tnddhya. 
aljis 'alius': Gr. cikko-g. b€rus-jds 'parents', properly partic. 'having 
brought forth' : cp. Lith. gen. sg. partic. pf. sufcus-io of suku 'I 
turn'. Opt. viljdu 'velim' 1 ) for orig. *j4el-j€-m (with this cp. 



1) The ending formed after the analogy of balrdu, s. the accidence. 



§ 143—144. Indg. % in Germanic. 129 

sijdu for orig. *8-ij8-m). hafja 'I raise': Lat. capio fr. *capj&. 
Verbs in -atja as kdupatja 'I give a box on the ears', svOgatja 
'I sigh' like Gr. verbs in -a£a> fr. *-aJ-j$w. Of the nom. sg. 
hakdeis "herdsman' fr. *xir&ii(i)-z (cp. 3. sg. fra-vardeip fr. 
*yardii(i)d(i), § 142) as compared with Aar/is army' we have 
already spoken in § 120, we refer also to § 660 rem. 3; pi. 
hairdjds fr. *zirdiidz like 1. sg. fra-vardja fr. *%ardij&. Goth. 
namnja 'I name' may be regarded as the representative of a 
prim. Germ, form *namn-%id, so that it would stand to glitmun-ja 
1 shine' (§ 142) in the same relation as Skr. mr-iyd-te to Av. 
mer'-ye4ti (§ 120 p. 112) and as Gr. norv-ia to rixxaiva (fr. 
*rtxiav-ia § 234). 

In OHG. i had suffered manifold changes the course of 
which it is to some extent difficult to control, because no diffe- 
rence was made in writing between i (/) and t, and because 
the fate of \ was connected with the West Germanic consonant- 
lengthening which arose before this consonant (§§ 215. 277. 
529. 532. 535. 540). 

-rjr after short syllables became by anaptyxis -rii~, -rig- (g 
signifies palatal spirant, cp. gen&r § 141, pluogentiu § 142). 
Dat. herie herige: cp. Goth, harja 'exercitui*. Nom. ferio ferigo 
'ferry-man : Goth. *farja. Cp. § 628. 

In other respects postconsonantal «£• was still retained in 
the oldest period, e, that is g, was also written instead of t, and 
disappeared in the IX cent, urillio willeo (read wiU%o willed) 
unUo 'will, desire' : Goth, vilja m. heff(i)an : Goth, hafjan 'to 
raise', bitt(i)an : Goth, bidjan 'to beg'. 

1 had already disappeared before i prior to the time of our 
oldest monuments. 2.sg.bitis: Goth, bidjis 'thou beggest'. Dat. 
pi. herim fr. *her-iitn (and further fr. *-i#w, *-iom) : Goth, harjam 
exercitibus'. More will be found regarding postconsonantal i 
in OHG. in Braune's Ahd. Gramm. p. 83 ff. 

§ 144. Anteconsonantal and finally. 
Indg. ei became »j, i in prim. Germ. 1. sg. *sttzd (Goth. 
steiga) 'I ascend' : Gr. ors/xio. Loc. sg. *x a i m% (OHG. heimi 

Brngminn, Elements. 9 



130 Indg. i in Bait-Slavonic. § 144—146. 

heime) at home' : cp. Gr. oixsi at home* (Kogel Zeitschr. f. 
deutsch. Altert. 1884 p. 118 f.). See § 67. 

Indg. o£ and a\ fell together and have partly remained {- 
diphthongs up to the present time. 3. sg. Goth, vdit OHG. 
um% Mod.HG. weiss : Gr. /o? A?. Nom. pi. Goth, pdi OHG. titi 
d& 'the* : Gr. xoi. OHG. seita f. seito m. 'string, cord' : Lai 
saeta Wong hair, bristle', Lith. sfia-s 'cord', from rt. sa%- 'bind*. 
See §§ 83. 99. 

Goth. dat. sg. fem. gibed 'to a gift* fr. orig. -&i : Skr. Ved. 
-at, Gr. -a. See §§ 659, 3. 660, 3. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 146. Initially. Indg. i- and/- fell together in i-, which 
has retained the pronunciation as consonantal vowel in historic 
times. Ace. sg. fem. Lith. jq O.Bulg. jq earn* : Skr. yd-m Gr. 
Sp jqv 'quam', Indg. *ja-m. Lith. j6-ju 'I ride, drive', O.Bulg. 
jadq 'vehor ! ) : Skr. yd-ini 'vehor, Indg. *ifl-. Lith. dial, jeknos 
pi. 'liver : Lat. jecur, Gr. facto. Lith. jus 'vos : Skr. yuydtn, 
Gr. vfistg. 

In Slavonic initial if- became •-. t-jfc qui* fr. *&-£e, beside 
which ft (— Lith. jis, cpf. *ii-s, § 84 rem. 1), which was en- 
clitically attached, remained ; cp. especially the 'definite* declension 
of adjectives, as dobry-jl and doblji-jf, aQ d hereto /(I) — beretu 
jt with the same change of u to o as in dotnoch(ii) = domuchu 
§§ 52, 665, 5. igo 'yoke* fr. *jigo, older still *iugo : Skr. yugd-m, 
Gr. ftyo-r with Indg. initial j-. 

§ 146. Intersonantal. Lith. veju O.Bulg. vtjq vijq 'I turn, 
wind* : Skr. vdydmi 'I weave, cpf. *i*4H>. Lith. dt#/l 'by twos' 
O.Bulg. dvojf 'twofold* : Skr. dvayd- twofold*. Lith. seju 
O.Bulg. sfjq 'I sow* : Goth, saia, cpf. *se[d. Lith. loju O.Bulg. 
lajq 'I bark': Skr. rrfydwi'I bark*. Lith. pasako-ju 'I relate', 
O.Bulg. Iqka-jq 'I deceive' : cp. Skr. pftana-yd-mi 1 fight'. Lith. 
€tf-saj-d 'horse traces' fr. rt. $ai- 'bind*. O.Bulg. gosftje gostije 



1) The orthography ftfa beside jWq is due to a false representation 
of the sound-combination (<i, which was occasioned bj the change of orig. 
I to *M§ 76^ 



§ 146-147. Indg. i in Balt.-8lavonic. 131 

'guests* fr. *-ei-es : cp. Skr. dvayas ovea'. O.Bulg. instr. sg. 
senojq of iena 'wife* : cp. Skr. jihvdyd fr. jihad- 'tongue'. 

Lith. tniniii O.Bulg. rrifnjq, 'I think', prim. Bait-Slav. 
*nqn*ij5 : Skr. many ate 'he thinks', Indg. pres. st. *w#-$e-. 
O.Bulg. Sinjq 'I cut off, orig. *sh#-i6 from rt. qhen- 'strike, hew*. 
Lith. spiriu 'I push with the foot' : Gr. anatpio 'I struggle con- 
vulsively', cpf. *8pf'%6. Lith. skUu 'I strike fire' : Gr. oxdXXw 
1 stir up, hoe, cpf. *sq}i6. Cp. §§ 250. 304. 

i as glide between i and a following vowel. Gen. pi. 
Lith. trij-u O.Bulg. trij-t trij4 'trium' : Goth. prij-$, Gr. tqiwv, 
Lat. trium. O.Bulg. prtja-zttf prija-zwt 'love' : Goth. st. frija-, 
nom. sg. freis 'free', Skr. priyd- 'dear', Indg. *pri%-6-. O.Bulg. 
hraMja bratrija fem. collect, 'brothers' : Gr. (pgarpia. Lith. 6(/- 
aw-s *I am afraid' : cp. Ved. part. mid. bhiy-dnd-s. 

Lith. j and Slav. / retained the pronunciation % between 
vowels. 

§ 147. Postconsonantal. 

Lithuanian. Here a distinction must be made according 
as a palatal vowel (e, i) or another followed. 

i dropped out before palatal vowels already in prim. Baltjp 

(J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 331 f. and 339). Voc. sg. 

weti fr. *svet-je, to nom. svtczias guest' fr. *svet-ia-s. Comparat. 

9ald*8-ni-s (fr. saldii-8 sweet') fr. *-ies-nii-8, formed with the 

comparat. suffix -{es- = Skr. -yas-. Nora. sg. iemS 'earth', Lett. 

feme, Pruss. semmS, prim. Bait. *zem~je; see the accidence for 

the relation of this suffix form to -i# in giria give 'wood, forest' 

(beside gire), zinid iinb 'tidings' (Lett, find) and in O.Bulg. 

zemlja, as well as to martl (gen. marczios) 'bride' pati spouse'. 

geras-is 'definite' form of the adj. geras 'good', beside jls. Nom. 

sg. ntPdis 'tree' (gen. medzio) fr. *med-ii-s {% retained after 

vowels : mo-jis, gen. mo- jo, 'sign, nod'), Indg. -ii-s (§ 84 rem. 1); 

whereas lokys 'bear' (Lett. Idzis) with -ys fr. *-iii-s like Goth. 

hairdeis fr. *xirdriii-z ; i. e. we have here a manifestation of 

double suffixes -#o- and -ifo-, respectively -|t- and -*#- (§ 120), 

which in Baltic were brought into relation in the nom. sg. with 

the varying position of the word-accent. 

9* 



132 Indg. y in Bait -Slavonic. § 147. 

Postcoiisoiiantal i remained longer before other Towels than 
before e, J. It softened the preceding consonants and then 
mostly disappeared in this palatalisation, so that the *, which 
is now-a-days written between consonants and following Towels, 
is simply to be regarded as a sign of the softened pronunciation 
of the consonant. This softening is more intensive in the south- 
eastern dialects than in Pruss. Lithuania, spiduju 'I spit* : cp. 
Gr. nxiio fr. *(o)niv-i(o (§ 131). siu-ta-s 'sewn' : Skr. syu4d-$. 
Gen. sg. pikio (pikis m. pitch'), st. pikia-, orig. *piq-io- : cp. 
Gr. nlaaa fr. *ir#x-^«. arih 'I plough' : O.Bulg. orjq. Hi-, *d|- 
became czi-, dii- i. e. softened t§, dz, e. g. gen. sg. teczio fr. 
*tdjfi (teti-s 'father'), medzio fr. *med%6 (medi-s 'tree') ; this affec- 
tion is not old; *i, di occur still in the dialect of Memel 
and are pronounced similarly to softened k, g etc. Whilst Indg. 
*ney-io-s new' (Skr. ndvya-s new') became naujas naujes, Indg. 
*qre&>io- (Skr. kravya-m raw meat, carrion') became kraujas 
kraujes (cp. Pruss. Vocab. crauyo). 

i remained in Slay, after p, b, t>, m, but in a part of the 
Slav, languages (amongst which O.Bulg.) a soft I was developed. 
O.Bulg. pljuti 'to spit' fr. prim. Slav. *{s)piu-tl : Lith. spidu-ti. 
Indie, pres. 1. sg. zobljq 2. sg. zobljesi etc., inf. zobati 'to eat*. 
Pem. zemlja 'earth' : cp. Lith. zetne. 

i palatalised I, r, w, and then disappeared (as in Lith.). 
orjq 'I plough' : Lith. ariti. fUja ground, pavement' : cp. Lith. 
pi. Ales 'foot-boards in a small boat' (§ 304). vonja 'smell' fr. 
orig. *ania (§ 666, 1) fr. rt. an- 'exhale'. The softened con- 
sonants are represented in manuscripts by r, f, n or rj, lj, nj 
or are simply written r, /, n, e.g. volq, voljq and volq beside voljq 
ace. of volja f. 'will, wish', more beside morje sea*. 

Prim. Slav. {j, d% (= older #, di and Hi, dij) became st, id 
in O.Bulg. Pres. 1. sg. meitq 2. sg. mestesi etc. fr. *tnetiq *me- 
tiesi, inf. metati 'to throw', mezda 'boundary' fr. *medja : Skr. 
mddhya. The same sound-combinations arose from stj, zd%. 
itiMta pinguedo' fr. Hlftstjfl (more correctly *ftlstia § 302) from 
tlftstu 'pinguis'. za-gvozdq, 'I nail fast' fr. *za-gvozdiq, from 
gvozdf nail'. When an r or v stood between t, d and the 



§ 147. Indg. i in Balt.-Stavonic. 133 

following i, it did not prevent this process of assimilation, sii- 
mostrjq 'I look, consider fr. *-motr-jq, inf. sfrmotriti. Adj. 
neut. buidrje 'vigilant* fr. *btidr-ie. u-mr$Stvljq 1 kill* (part, 
pret. pass, u-tnrfstvljenu) fr. *u-mrttvjq (for the interpolated I 
s. p. 132), inf. u-mrttviti. The form tiusta corresponded to 
ostrjq acuo* fr. *ostriq, inf. ostriti, derived from ostru sharp', 
the t of which was excrescent (§ 545). 

Rem. 1. In the phonetic explanation of this influence of j on a pre- 
ceding t or dj and consonant-groups containing them, we must start 
from zdi, 8t{, 8tr\. The treatment of these prim. Slay, combinations in 
the Slay, dialects shows that the whole combination preceding the i was 
first of all softened. There arose: *gvoz'd'jq, *ttl8't'ia, *08't'r'jq (' indi- 
cating the softening); i after ? f d in the first two forms then became 
t palatal spirant (/ voiceless, y' voiced) : *gvozdy'q t *tU8't'z& (pronounce 
<f/ and ty like Buss. J.B and TB). In O.Bulg. specially *08t'r'iq became 
<&rja, and *gvozdy'q, *V&8't'xa became first ^gvoz'dz'q, *tlti8t , 8'a (pro- 
nounce dz and /V like Polish dz and c), then *gvotdzq, tltitttd 1 ) and 
UgUy gvozd q, tlii&t'a (cp. below for tt' fr. *&kj). 

Analogously *med%a, *inetiq became in prim. Slav. *m€d'jjfl, *tne?jq, 
and then *med'y'&, *tnetx'q* Hence specially in O.Bulg. through anticipation 
of the spirant *mey'<f /£, ****z'tz'qi further ^mezd'z'a, *me8't'8'q — *mei~ 
dza, *meiriq — meid'a, mekq. 

The O.Bulg. forms su-moitirjq, u-mrtitvljq, buzdrje were also prepared 
for already in prim. Slav, in so far as % had softened the whole com- 
binations tr, tv, dr. But it must here be observed that the $ and z de- 
pending on the anticipation of the palatalism are not always written in 
the monuments, e. g. 8ik-motr(J)enije beside 8Urtno8tr(j)enije n. 'consideration' 
(Miklosich Vergl. Gramm. I s 220). We do not decide as to how this 
fluctuating orthography is to be judged. 

That the O.Bulg. combinations zd and k were spoken soft (di\ &') 
follows from such spellings as nadezde (c sign for ja) beside nadezda 
"hope*, $qjUju beside 8<$tu Vm* dat. sg. of the part sy. *£r* met with in 
most monuments. Cp. rem. 4. 

Prom prim. Slay, ty, g% (mostly = Indg. ji, gi, qhi, § 461) 
arose in prim. Slav. 6 (i. e. is\ dz, the latter was weakened to 
I in O.Bulg. pri-ttida comparison fr. *-tukjfl. luzt mendacious* 
fr. *lugff: OHG. lukki 'mendacious' (prim. Germ. st. *iwjia-); 
lu£q 'mentior' fr. *lUgiq, inf. lugati. 
— Analogously ski became $6 i. e. st§, hence by assimilation 



1) z y i are the softened z, L Cp. Ar. z and t §§ 20. 21. 396 and 
elsewhere. 



134 Indg. i in Balt.-Slavonic. § 147. 

of the sibilants sts, farther historic st (more correctly St, cp. 
rem. 1). i§tq i§tesi etc. fr. *isk%q, inf. iskati 'to seek'. 

Rem. 2. Cp. vusteti 'to begin' fr. *viiscrti = *vuz+ceti. Further on 
acoount of the O.Bulg. change of &£ to si, the loc. sg. cloveciste beside 
clovecisce from nom. clovecisku 'human' and inf. istelili beside %8-cHUi 'to heal' 
(#* fr. 8ts) are instructive. 

Beside this treatment of prim. Slav, ki, gi there is also a 
change of them to c (i. e. ts) and dz, the latter was weakened 
to z in O.Bulg. in the beginning of the literary period (Miklo- 
sich Vergl. Oramm. I 2 251 ff.). Nom. sg. in -fc# m., -ice n., 
-Tea f., e. g. jurtict young bullock* fr. *iunikj$, srtdice 'heart* 
fr. *8rtd$kje, ovtca 'ovis' fr. *ov(kUl. Neut. lice (gen. lica) 'face' 
fr. Hikjfi. Fem. sfiiza 'way' fr. *sttgjfl. The treatment here in 
question took place at a later period of the prim. Slav, language 
than the one above, viz.: at the same time when the instr. sg. 
HakimX (O.Bulg. tcM 'talis*) became tac6ntt($$ 84. 462). There- 
fore a *iunVcjt was only formed to *iunXkii and an *0t#fcga to 
*ovika after the law, whereby ki became <f, had already ceased 
to operate. The voc. juriMe still belongs to *iuri(ku (cp. vluce : 
vlUku)y so too junta 'taurinus*, ovtSi 'ovinus' are also directly 
to be referred to *iuntk&, *ovtka l ). 

Prim. Slav, si, z\ = Indg. £j, $, §hi (§ 412) became al- 
ready in prim. Slav. S, S. O.Bulg. pres. pisq piseSi etc. (inf. 
ptsati 'to write*) fr. *pis$q *plsie§i, rt. pe$- 'to cut, cut straight'. 
iujq and *ztvq 1 chew' fr. *ziu-jq and *z&vq *ziUvq (§ 52), the 
latter = OHG. chiuwu from rt. §ja T #-. liiq lizesi etc. (inf. 
lizati 'to lick*) = Lith. Uzih *I lick*, prim. f. *le%gh-j$. 

i with a preceding Indg. s became s in prim. Slav, siti 
'to sew* fr. *sim, *$iyti = Lith. siuti 'to sew' (§ 60). Adj. na$t 
'noster', to gen. nasu 'nostri* (fr. *na$-su). Part, neut bysqste-je 
'to (a{\\ov\ to an obsolete fut indie. *by-§q : Lith. bu-siu 'I shall 
be'. Part. pf. gen. sg. masc. nesusa (indie, pres. nesq 'I carry*): 
Lith. nesz-us-io, cp. Goth. nom. pi. bQr-us-jos 'parents' ('those 
who have brought forth'). 

1) No direot historic connexion, consequently, exists between jutiM 
and Lith. jaunlkis, gen. jaunlkio 'bride-groom' (properly 'juvenculiis') in 
spite of their similar suffix formation. 



§ 147-149. Indg. % in Balt.-Slavonic. 135 

Bern. 3. In those oases where Indg. s had passed into ch in prim. 
SUt., s is not to be traced back direotly to 8%, but first of all to chi (op. 
snusinu 'like a daughter-in-law* adj. fr. snuchinu from sniicha 'nurus': Skr. 
snujd, Indg. *snU8d). Cp. § 588, 2. 3. 

These affections of prim. Slav, s (= Indg. £, s) and z (= 
Indg. g y gh), caused by j, took place also when an I or n stood 
between them. O.Bulg. mysljq : inf. mysliti 'to think', blaznjq : 
inf. blazniti 'to lead astray*. Here i first palatalised /, n and 
thus extended its influence to 8, s, but disappeared in the soft- 
ened /, n, according to the remarks made above under rj, Zj, 
»i. Cp. ostrjq (inf. ostriti) fr. *ostrjq above, rem. 1. mySljq : 
/)&$, nesusa = oHrjq : tlusta. 

Rem. 4. That O.Bulg. c\ i = orig. qi, gj, gh%; <?, <te = orig. qi, 
Sh 8*i ; *v £ = orig. £$, $(, ^/»i and a = orig. si were spoken soft, follows 
from the spellings with a following j, found in most monuments, as mqzju 
beside mc^u dat. sg. of mcpl 'man* (st. mqze- fr. *m<igje-\ dusjq beside 
dusq aoc. sg. of d*#£a 'soul*. Cp. rem. 1 extr. 

§ 148. Anteconsonantal and finally. 

Indg. ei = Lith. ei and 2, Slav. i. Inf. Lith. ee-#, O.Bulg. 
i-ii 'to go* from rt. e$-. Lith. #2-#t& O.Bulg. zi-tna f. winter' : 
Gr. /tf-^ua. S. § 68. 

Indg. oi and ai = Lith. ai and 2, Slav. £ (initially t, finally £ 
and i). Lith. snSga-s O.Bulg. stitgti 'snow* : Goth, sndivs, cpf. 
*8ttoigho-s. Lith. v-Sna-$ O.Bulg. t'nft unus' : O.Lat. oino-s. Lith. 
ii O.Bulg. ti 'the* nom. pi. : Gr. to/. Lith. dt-laikos O.Bulg. 
oiurWcu 'remnant* : Gr. Xotno-g. Lith. pd-saiti-s m. 'binding thong' 
sfai-8 'cord', O.Bulg. sltt f. cord', rt. sai- 'bind'. Nom. du. fern. 
Lith. tS-dvi ('the two') O.Bulg. ti from Indg. st. **0- 'the' : Skr. 
ti, Indg. **<& S. §§ 84. 100. 

Final Indg. -di retained the d down to the Lith. language 
period, hence Lith. dat. sg. vilkui 'to a wolf, Gr. Xvxu> (§ 664, 4). 
Whilst the instr. pi. vilkcus = Skr. vfkai? presupposes the change 
of oi to oi in an earlier period; s. § 615. 

Loos of i in the primitive Indg. period. 

§ 149. i after an initial consonant has frequently been 
dropped in the different Indg. languages, without its loss being 



136 Dropping of jj in prim. Indg. § 149—150. 

able to be explained by the sound-laws of the languages in 
question. E. g. from rt. sia x #- 'sew', Skr. sA-tra-m 'yarn, string', 
Lat. md suturSj OHG. $ou-m OJcel. sau~m-r m. 'hemmed edge, 
seam' beside Skr. syu-td- 'sewn', OHG. siutvan 'to sew', siut 'seam'. 
Upon this Osthoff bases his neat conjecture (Morph. Unt. IV 19) 
that the first i in pres. forms like *si#-ifl 'I sew* *spiu-jfi 'I spit* 
disappeared by dissimilation already in the Indg. period, so that 
now *sQrjfi stood beside *si&-to-s (part.). $&- was then trans- 
ferred by analogy to pres. forms also, hence e. g. O.Bulg. sijq 
i. e. *siy-iq after forms like inf. Siti i. e. **iy-# (§ 147), and 
vice versa sn to non-pres. forms, hence e. g. Skr. s&-tra-fn in- 
stead of regular *syu-tra-m. 

§ 150. According to Joh. Schmidt (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 
305. 369 ff.) and W. Schulze (ibid. 420 ff.) anteconsonantal i 
was dropped after long vowels in the Indg. prim, language. Nom. 
sg. *r&s -t= Skr. rds 'possessions, treasure* Lat. res 'possessions, 
thing* fr. *r£|-s : cp. Skr. nom.pl. rdy-as. Indg. *po- fr. *pdi- 
'drink' in Skr. inf. pd-tu-m, Gr. ma-fia 'potion*, Lat. pd-tu-s pd- 
ctdu-m, Lith. p&'-ta 'drinking bout':cp. Skr. pdy-ana-m 'watering 
of cattle* pi'td- 'drunk', Gr. nt-va) 'I drink*. Indg. *dhlUu-s = 
Skr. dhar&-$ 'sucking Gr. Sijlvg suckling, female* fr. *dh£i- 
lurs : cp. Skr. dhend 'milch-cow*. Gr. Dor. Tarao/utu 'I am 
bereft, want*, O.Ir. titid 'thief (prim. f. *tati-\ O.Bulg. tatt 'thief 
fr. Hai- : cp. Skr. ste-nd-8 beside stdyu~$ t&yu-$ 'thief. 

Our assumption of -djs as the ending of the instr. pi. 
of o-stems, and of *ejs thou wentest* (Skr. ai$) etc. for the 
prim, period (§§ 69. 85. 101) would not contradict these 
combinations. In these latter cases we should only have to 
assign the first appearance of the monosyllabic from an older 
dissyllabic form (-#is perhaps fr. -o-a x is; *$i$ fr. *6 eg) to a 
later period of the prim, language, in which the sound-law, 
whereby *r$a became *r&, no longer operated. 

Nevertheless the above hypothesis still requires further 
support before it can be set up in any degree as certain. Cp. 
also Hubschmann Das idg. Vocalsystem p. 24 and elsewhere. 



§ 151-152. Prim. Indg. #. 137 

Indg. U. 
The prim. Indg. period. 

§ 151. Initial u before sonants and consonantal liquids. 
Pres. *ui§h-d 'veho' : Skr. vdhami, Gr. Pamph. fs/jo Ion. Att. 
0%0-q, Lat. vehd, O.Ir. fen 'plaustrum' fr. *fegn (§ 527), Goth. 
ga-viga 'I move', Lith. vezh O.Bulg. vezq 'veho'. Rt. *yeq- 'speak* : 
Skr. vdcas- n. speech', Gr. finog, Lat. vocdre, O.Ir. iar-tni-foig 
*he asks', OHG. gi-tvahanen € to remember, mention, Pruss. en- 
wackemai 'we call to*. Rt. ueid- 'see, know' : Skr. veda c he 
knows', Arm. gitem 'I know', Gr. /o«fe, Lat. vided, O.Ir. ad- 
fiadat nan-ant', Goth, vdit 'he knows', Lith. vtida-s 'face, coun- 
tenance', O.Bulg. vidifi 'to see'. *#£«<& 'wool' : Skr. Urnd 'wool', 
Lat. fowa fr. *ulana, cp. Gr. otJAo-^ 'crisp' (§§ 157. 204. 306). 
Partic. *#rB-to- 'decided, settled' : Av. u rvO~ta- n. 'determining, 
command' fr. *%rd'ta- (§ 157), Gr. fyTjro-g Qfjto-g 'specified, 
settled' fpiJTpG (El. fgatga § 72) (if/rpa 'agreement, saying'. 

§ 162. Intersonantal. Pres. 3. sg. *8r6#-e-ti 'flows' : 
8kr. srdv-a-ti Gr. <k'(/)-f<; Skr. srdva-s 'river, efflux', Gr. go fa 
iptj 'river, flood', Lith. srav-a 'issue of blood' sravtti 'to flow 
gently*, O.Bulg. o-strov-u 'island' (properly 'flown round'). *ney- 
o-s new' : Skr. ndvas, Gr. vifo-g, Lat. nopo-s, O.Bulg. novU. 
Loc. sg. Skr. rftp-l, Gr. Jif-i, Indg. *<%-*. Skr. dvi'§ Gr. 
o(/)i-s Lat. <ra*-s sheep', Goth, attipi n. 'herd of sheep', Lith. 
ads O.Bulg. ovf-ca 'sheep'. *gjt~u6-8 'quick, alive' : Skr. jlvds, 
Lat. vivos, Cymr. byw, Goth, gwa- (nom. sg. jws), Lith. gyva-s 
O.Bulg. zivu. Nom. pi. of easterns in -ey-es : Skr. sundv-as 
O.Bulg. synov-e 'sons', Gr. j}4e(/)-«€ suaves'. Suffix of the pf. 
part act. : Skr. babhu-vdn, Gr. neyv-^uiq, Lith. tni-v^s O.Bulg. 
by-vu from rt. bhey 'become'. Personal ending of the 1. du. : 
Skr. vdhOrvas, Lith. vefa-va O.Bulg. veze-v£ from rt. ye§h- 
'vehere*. 

Skr. Yed. pf. part. act. jaghan-v&n (beside the st. form 
}aghn-u$-) Tiaving struck' fr. Indg. *gte-gA#-#fe (§§ 225. 229), 
cakj-vdn (beside cakr-u$-) 'having made' fr. Indg. *qe-qz-uo$. 




138 Prim Indg. t*. § 152—153. 

*Pt m U° m8 'the front, earlier : Skr. pur-va-a, Gr. Dor. hqov fr. 
*7r(Mo/a-v (Ion. Att. npt&fjv), 8. § 306. *neu# nine 1 , *ne#%i46- 
'ninth', *ne&Q-tl- 'the number nine* : Skr. wdt?a navati-$, Qr. iwe(f)a 
(compounded of *iv vc/a nine in all, fully nine', s. Wackernagel 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 132 ff.), Lat. novem (-e*w for -en after 
septem, decern), O.Ir. w#* n- Cymr. Corn, naw, Goth, niun niunda, 
Lith. devirUa-s, O.Bulg. tfet^ti devtft (Lith. Slav, initial cfe- after 
the numeral for ten deszimta-s, desftu; the regular form would 
be Lith. *navitUa-s, O.Bulg. *nov#U), cp. §§ 224. 233. 

U as glide after u. Examples s. §§ 117. 153. 

§ 153. Postconsonantal. St. *d#o- 'two', *tf#i- (in *d$4*-s 
'twice* and in compounds): Skr. dvd dv&u, dvi-, Gr. (W-J*xa, 
tfi-, Lat. fit-, O.Ir. d<X, Goth, tvdi, Lith. dw (masc, fr. *d#&\ 
§ 184) dtrt (fem.), O.Bulg. dva. Nom. sg. *s#&0( r ) sister*: 
Skr. 8vdsd, Lat. soror (so- from *s#e- § 172, 3), Cymr. chwaer, 
Goth, wts^ar, Pruss. swestr-o, Lith. ses$, O.Bulg. sestr-a (for the 
-J- in Germ. Pruss. and Slav. s. §§ 580. 585, 2). *ek-yo-8 'horse', 
fem. *e£-#0 : Skr. divas aha, Gr. "nno-g, Lat. equo-s, Gall, epo- 
O.Ir. ecA, Goth, alhva- (in alhva-tundi fem. 'pdvog), Lith. a&evd. 
St. *qetfier- 'four* : Skr. catvdr-as, Gr. Ion. wWe^-^, Lat. fttol- 
^Mor, O.Ir. ce/Atr O.Cymr. petguar Mod.Cymr. pedwar Corn. 
peswar Bret, pevar, Qoth.fidvdr, Lith. tetoeri 'by fours', O.Bulg. 
distrib. ietvero. Part. pf. Skr. vid-vdn, Gr. atf-(/)cJe from rt. 
#ejd- see, know*. Suffix -J#o-, -£##- : Skr. priya-tvd-m 'the being 
loved', Goth. frija-J>va 'love', O.Bulg. mrfc-tfw* 'mortuus' goni-tva 
'persecution*. St. *per~yen- : Skr. p&rvan- n. 'knot, node', Gr. 
a-nsipwv 'boundless' fr. *d-n£()f(jov , cp. nsipaQ, pi. Lesb. 7r*(h» 
Qara (§ 166). *dawir- 'husband's brother' : Skr. devdr-, Arm. 
taigr etc., s. § 95; loc. pi. Skr. d$vf$u, Indg- *daiu?-8u. Gr. 
«e(/)a/v 'time' oiVW 'ever', Lat. aevo-m, O.Ir. ae$ ots gen. aesa 
(Cymr. oes) 'age' fr. *aiues-tu-s, Goth. d*i?s 'time'. 

w# stood beside u on the same principles as Indg. tj be- 
side i (s. § 120). 

First after initial consonants. *duu6 beside *dtf# 'two' : 
Skr. Ved. duvd, Gr. <Jv(/)g>, Lat. du(v)o. From rt. gha x #- calT 
partly #Attjf-, and partly §h#* as weak grade form (§ 312): 



_j 



§ 153-154. Prim. Indg. #. 139 

8kr. Ved. 1. pi. opt. huv-i-ma A v. 3. sg. indie, zuv-ayq-iti, 
O.Bulg. inf. ztiv-ati beside 3. sg. indie. Skr. hv-dya-ti Av. zb- 
aye-iti, nominal st. Skr. hv-Otar- Av. zb-atar- 'shouter, panegyrist', 
O.Bulg. zv-onu 'sound, noise', zv-atett crier*. 

After initial i or / and initial doable consonants only uy. 
St. *|*uff-€w- or *juu-en- young', *iw#-#-&J-$ or */w#-#-£o-s ju- 
venile' (cp. Comparat. Skr. ydv-tyas-) : Skr. ytiv~an- yuv-a-Sd-8, 
Lat. juv-eti-i-s juv-en-cu-8) Goth, juggs fr. prim. Germ. *iw#- 
un-ga-s. Antesonantal st. form *bhruu- 'brow' : Skr. gen. bhruv- 
ds, Gr. gen. o<jp(m/(/)-os, O.Bulg. nom. bruv-t. 

Medial u# after long syllables, especially after double con- 
sonants. Prim. Indg. is the contrast, e. g. between Skr. 3. pi. a£- 
mw-Anti (1. sg. a&-no-mi 'I attain'), Gr. ay-vy^-aci (I. sg. ay- 
vv-fti 'I break') on the one hand and Skr. 3. pi. su-nv-dnti (1. sg. 
$u-n6-mi 1 press the soma-juice out') 3. sg. f-nv-drti 'puts in 
motion', Gr. Att. fp6iva> 'I waste away, decay' fr. *(pQt-vf'tt> (cp. 
qNfc-w-0u>), Goth, rinna 'I run' fr. *n-n#-0 (§ 180) = Skr. H- 
nv-a-mi 1 let flow, run' (not found) on the other, cp. § 313. 

§ 154. Anteconsonantal medially. Very frequent after 
a-, *- and o-vowels, with which u formed diphthongs, e. g. st. 
*o#g-m#i- (rt. ajfg- 'grow') : Skr. djmdn- m. strength, power, 
Lat augmen, Lith. augrnu (gen. augmeHs) 'growth, excrescence'. 
♦<*#&-* 'sky' : Skr. dyau§, Gr. Zev'g. Cp. §§ 61—108. 

The treatment of u before i was often different from that 
before other consonants. Whilst e. g. the ey in Indg. *ney- 
ips, a further formation of *neuo-s (Skr. ndva-8 etc.), appears 
developed in the same manner as before other consonants in 
Lith. naujas and Goth, mw/i-s, Skr. ndvya-8 shows the hetero- 
syllabic form of Indg. e\i. Analogously in Gr. e. g. &aro/e- 
poio-$ fr. *-/to/-*o-$ (cp. Skr. gdvya-s 'bovarius*) in contrast e. g. to 
(kvoi. The manner of dividing the syllables before \ therefore 
took different ways : Lith. naujas represents a *ney?\i<)8, Skr. 
navy as a *ne\uip8. Cp. also Skr. gdvya- with A v. gaoya- (§ 160). 

A diphthong was frequently not formed before nasals and 
liquids in cases where it might be expected, e. g. Skr. vavnii§- 
beside maghdn- (§ 160), Gr. ifydyq (ipgdyq) beside (Lesb.) 



140 Prim. Indg. #. Ind&. t* in Ar. § 154-157. 

svQayt] (§ 167). The various modes of syllabic formation were 
also here the criterion. 

Anteconsonantal u seldom occurred after i-vowels from the 
very beginning e. g. Skr. div-y&- 'celestial'; Skr. pF-tw- 'fatf, 
weak antevocalic st. form beside pi-van-, e. g. gen. pi. p%-vn-am\ 
A v. j%vya- 'belonging to life*. Diphthongs were only formed 
in Germ., e. g. Goth, ga-qiunan 'to come to life again 9 from 
st. qiva-, which, of course, is not an old inherited formation, 
cp. §§ 179. 181. 

§ 166. Interconsonantal # was not, at it seems, per- 
mitted in prim. Indg. E. g. antesonantal *qetur- (four) for 
*qetur- (Skr. ace. catur-as) beside anteconsonantal *qetyf- (Gr. 
Horn. tsxQaoi xitQaxoq fr. ^erfya-ot -to-q, Lith. ketvifta-s). Cp. 
also prim. Ar. *atharun- (fire priest') for *aiharun- (Av. dat. sg. 
dparun-%) beside *athar#a- =■- *atharu%- (Skr. dat. abl. pi. 
dtharva-bhyas), Skr. instr. Ayun-G, (life*) beside Gr. oi (/)eV ai{f)w¥ 
etc. (The author Morph. Unt. II 189 ff). 

Rem. I, therefore, conjecture that Skr. instr. sg. devr-d (fr. *da&Ltr- 
'husbaiid'8 brother') does not represent an Indg. *daj(j*r-, but a special 
Sanskrit new formation *daj#er-i *daiiyr~ and *da$ur- may have existed 
side by side of each other in Prim. Indg. The spondaio form <We*>», 
Ilias SI 769, can equally well be read Sav^v (fr. *dai%>Qu>v) as dm^wr, 
conjectured by Ebel. 

§ 166. Finally. # only occurred as an absolute final in the 
second component of diphthongs. E. g. voc. Skr. s&nd Lith. 
sunau O.Bulg. synu 'O son', Indg. *sUneu or *sunou; loc. Skr. 
sunaA O.Bulg. synu ( in filio', Umhr. manuv-e 'in manu, Indg. 
*sun6u (cp. § 85). Its treatment in the individual languages 
was almost entirely the same as that of anteconsonantal diph- 
thongs, th when conditionally final, also stood after consonants, 
perhaps *midhu esti = Skr. tnddhv asti mel est'. Cp. § 645, 2. 

Aryan. 

§ 167. Initially. Skr. vdyam A v. va&n O.Pers. vayam 
we' : Goth. veis. Skr. trfJ- Av. vis- O.Pers. vip- clan': O.Bulg. 
vts-TL vicus'. Skr. Av. O.Pers. vd 'or : Lat. -ve. 



^^^^^| 



jj 157—159. Indg. u in Aryan. 141 

Initial u was lost before u and U in Skr. uru-§ 'broad' 
fir. *#«r-w-& prim. f. *yfr-u-s (§ 290). urnd wool' fr. *yQrna, 
Indg. *t£na (§§ 151. 306). 

#r- was transposed in Ay. with u-prothesis. *rv&ta- n. 
'decree, command': Gr. fpijro-g 'decreed*. Part. pres. mid. 
"rvfeemna- 'powerful' (z = d) to Skr. vradh- 'to be great, 
powerful'. Cp. §§ 260. 624. 

§ 158. Intersonantal. 3. sg. impf. Skr. d-bhav-a-t Av. 
bav-a-J> O.Pers. a-bav-a, Indg. *6-bheu~e-t from 6Ae#- 'become, 
be'. Nom. pi. Skr. bdhdfMLs Av. bazav-d 'arms': Gr. nyxe-sg 
nfasig fr. *n7jxsf-sg. 

Part. pf. act. Skr. vavan-v&n Av. 0at>an-0# 'victorious' (ante- 
sonantal weak stem form Skr. vavn-&§- Av. vaon-us-) fr. orig. 
*V*iftM^> Skr. jagan-vdn 'having come' (anteson. weak st. 
jagm-u?-) fr. Indg. *Qe-gw-y68, see §§ 225. 229. Skr. nf-vdnt- 
nch in men*. Skr. Av. suffix form -vat- fr. Indg. -##*-, e. g. 
in loc. pi. Skr. vi§d-vat-8u Av. vtia-vasU, loc. pi. from t*£d- 
txro*- vUcwant- 'poisonous' (cp. Gr. losig 'rusty'). 1. sg. impf. 
Skr. akptav-am O.Pers. akUnav-arn (read U as w, cp. § 228) 'I 
made', fr. orig. *£-qf-neu-ip(tn). 

Mff, with # as glide. Ved. suvd- A v. Awra- (beside svd- y 
two-) 'suits'. Ved. Jwraw Av. G5|>. ^tt^m (beside Skr. tvdtri) 
'thou'. Gen. sg. Skr. bhruv-ds: Gr. oqppv'-os of an eye-brow*. 
3. pi. a&nuv-dnti, like Gr. ayvv-Got. Cp. § 159. 

-aom is written in Av. for -avem = prim. Ar. •ay^am^ e. g. 
kcr'naom = Skr. ci%*-nar-aw 'I made'. In like manner drum 
for druvem = Skr. dhruodrm 'firmum'. Cp. Bartholomae Handb. 
§95. 

§ 169. Postconsonantal. Skr. svd- Av. awa- 'suus': 
Gr. fog oc, Indg. *9#6-s. Skr. htrtttar- A v. zb-atar- 'crier': 
O.Bulg. zv-ateti, from rt. §ha'u-. Skr. catvdr-as Av. capw&r-d 
tour': Goth, fidvdr. Skr. ^-nr-antf Av. Jcer'nvanti 'they make', 
°"g- *#-***-?&• Skr. «iri?a- Av. haurva- O.Pers. Aariit>a- (read 
harva-i 8 « below) 'all': Gr. ovAos o'Aoc fr. *dA/o-£. Skr. tfcwf-* 
god', Av. dafva- 'devil': Pruss. deiwa-s € god', Indg. *<fefgo-8. 




142 Indg. tf in Aryan. § 159. 

U often interchanged with u# in Ved. (cp. §§ 120. 125. 153). 
In the initial syllable, e. g. dvd and duvd like Gr. Sui-dsxu and 
dtJoj; Sv&n- and Suvdn- 'dog', cp. Av. span- Lith. nom. szu fr. 
*szu& and Or. xvW xv'ov. As this interchange dates back to the 
prim. Indg. language, w#, after a long syllable in the same word, 
may perhaps be regarded everywhere as an old inherited form, 
e. g. rak§as-tuvd-m 'damage' beside d$va-tvd-m 'divinity'; part. pf. 
daS-uvdn 'doing homage' beside vid-vdn 'knowing'; 2. pi. mid. impf. 
dyug- dhuvam (yuj- 'yoke, harness') beside dkpiu-dhvatn (kar- 
'make'). In the classical language -jf- for the most part only 
appears, e. g. only -tva-, -dhvam. The old stage u# remained, e. g. 
in gen. bhuv-as from Ww- 'world', bhruv-as from bhru- 'brow', and 
in non-initial syllables in 3. pi. in -nuv-anti after consonants beside 
-nv-anti after sonants, aor. a-sursruv-a-t 'flowed' from srav- sru- 
(cp. § 313). In the popular dialects u# frequently made 
its appearance again where the classical Skr. only had #. We 
may have old forms, e. g. in Pali tuvam (beside tarn = Skr. tvdm) 
'thee' ; nom. ace. duve (Prakr. written du& and duv€) beside dve 
'two'; suvan-a- beside nom. sa 'dog'. 

Yarious assimilations took place in Iranian in the combin- 
ation consonant + #. For O.Pers. we must premise that uv or 
uv was written for v after consonants, e. g. puvdm for pvdm = 
Skr. tvdm 'thee', hariiva- for harva- = Skr. sdrva- 'all'; cp. the 
orthography -fy- and -Fy- for -y- p. 116. 

Indg. %j (= Skr. h) became Iran. sp. Av. O.Pers. aspa-: 
Skr. &&va- 'horse', Indg. *eJcuo~. Av. span- : Skr. Svdn- 'hound, 
dog', Indg. *Jcuon-- 

In like manner Indg. gu, ghu (= Skr. jv, hv) became Av. 
zb. zb-atar-i Skr. hv-atar- O.Bulg. zv-atett 'crier. 

Indg. ty (= Skr. tv) appears in Av. as pw (w was spirant), 
and in O.Pers. as pup, that the uv in the latter combination 
was a consonant, follows directly from the change of t into p 
(§ 473). Ay.pwqm O.Pers. puvam : Skr. tvdm 'thee'. Gen. sg. Av. 
xrapw-o : Skr. hrdtv-as from st. xratu- : Skr. hrdtu- 'power, under- 
standing'. 

Indg. du, dhu (= Skr. dv, dhv), which, in prim. Iran., fell 



§ 159—160. Indg. # in Aryan. 143 

together in dy (§ 481), appear in Ay. initially as dv and db 
(G5J>. db\ bj medially as Sv and dw. Initially, dva$$ah-: Skr. 
dvi§as- n. 'bearing enmity, hatred'; <?Ms-, Gap. d a bi§-: Skr. dvi§- 
Tiate'. &t£?m, Gap. d*bitlm\ Skr. dvitiya-m 'secundum' 1 ). Me- 
dially, part. pf. evidvA: Skr. d-vidvan not knowing, unwise'. 
*•'&«*-: Skr. urdhvdr upright' (cp. §§ 288. 306). So also side 
by side of each other Gap. -dum (i. e. -dvem s. below) and late 
Av. -dxvem = Skr. -dhvam, ending of 2. pi. mid. O.Pers. 
dmtiya- 'secundums', whose Uv (to be read as consonant) was 
either t* or spirant. 

Indg. PU became *fw f thence / in Av. Ace. sg. afentem 
aquosum' fr. prim. Ar. *ap-#ant-am. 

Indg. $u (Skr. sv) became in Av. xw (init. and med.) and 
mh (medially), xwa- : Skr. svd- 'suus'. xwawhar- : Skr. svdsar- 
'sister*. haraxwaitf- : sdrasvati prop. name. 2. sg. imper. bara- 
nuha: Skr. bhdrasva, from Ar. bhar- 'bear, bring'. The pro- 
nunciation of -nuh-, which is mostly not sonantal, has not been 
determined. For xw and mth in the Gafms hv also occurs: 
hva- suus', 2. sg. imper. gu§a-hva 'hear*. In O.Pers. up = prim. 
Ar. sj*. twa-: Av. xwa- Skr. s*?a- 'suus'. 2. sg. imper. pati- 
payauvG 'protect thyself : cp. Skr. bhdra-sva. Ace. sg. harauvatim 
= Skr. sdrasvatim. Cp. § 558, 3. 

-iim is written for -vem in Av. Ace. pourum : O.Pers. 
poruvam (read parvam) Skr. p&rva-m 'priorem*. 2. sg. imper. 
Gap. dazdum: Skr. daddhvdm, from Ar. rfad- give', etc. See 
Bartholomae Handb. § 95 a. 

i? in Av. is often to be read as uv 1 especially after long 
syllables, just as in Ved., e. g. gen. sg. read zantuv~d for 
zantvd from zantu- 'district', cp. Ved. gen. dhf§nuv-ds from 
dhf$nu~ 'repose*. 

§ 160. Anteconsonantal medially and finally. 



1) For an uncertain conjecture concerning the reason of the change 
<fo- on the one hand and db', $b- on the other, see Osthoff Morph. Unt. 
IV 371 tt 



144 Indg. t* in Aryan. § 160—161. 

The vowel remained in Sanskrit as u after a (an), whereas 
prim. Ar. au became d. Prim. Ar. prim. Iran, au appears as 
ao (i. e. oq) or Zu in Av., prim. Ar. prim. Iran. a# remained 
(flu); prim. Ar. a# and a# remained unchanged in O.Pers. (a«, 
written auv when final, and au). Skr. drSgha- 'insult, grief, 
Av. draoya- O.Pers. drauga untruth'. Gen. sg. Skr. krdto$ Av. 
xrataoi arateuS from st. krdtu- xratur 'power, understanding', 
O.Pers. kuraus from kuru- 'Cyrus*. Nom. sg. Skr. gdU'$ Av. 
gau~§ 'bullock'. Loc. sg. Skr. vdsdu Av. vimhdu from st. vdsu- 
vanhu- 'good'. O.Pers. nom. sg. dahydus 'country, district' (cp. 
nom. pi. dahyav-a\ formed like Av. bdzOuS 'arm'. Cp. §§ 62. 
78. 94. 

In Skr. v is also found before consonants, viz. before y, r, n, 
e. g. div-yd- 'celestial', d€vr-d instr. sg. from devdr- 'brother-in- 
law*, pfvn-dm gen. pi. from ptvan- 'fat', ftdvn-dm from ftdvan- 
'holy, pious', va-vn-il$- weak st. form of the pf. part. act. 
'triumphant', but magh6n~a instr. sg. from maghdvan- 'distributer . 
In Av. v only before y after T: jfvya- 'belonging to life*; but 
diphthongic in gaoya-: Skr. gdvya- 'bovinus'; vaorfcapa- n. 
'friendliness* for *va-vraz-apa-; vaonu§-: Skr. va-m-tig-; a$dun~qm: 
Skr. fidvn-Om. That diphthongisation does not appear in Skr. 
in cases where it was possible (cp. vavnti$- with rnaghon-d), 
depends on a different mode of forming syllables, in which 
other forms of the same system may have to some extent set 
the type (cp. va-van- beside va-vn-). Cp. § 154. 

§ 161. u as spirant. 

U seems in Skr. to have become labiodental and spirantal 
already in the classical period, s. Whitney Skr. Gramm. § 57. 
Also forms of the popular language as Pali dibba- = divya-, 
pabbata- = parvata- presuppose the change of u to v spirant. 

As to whether orig. u also in other cases than pwqm, aspa- 
etc. (159) had acquired a spirantal pronunciation in Av. (the p 
in aspa- was developed from a spirant), we leave undecided, 
and refer to Hubschmann Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 354 f. and 
Bartholomae Handb. 9. 36 f. 



§ 162—164. Indg. # in Armen. and Greek. 145 

Armenian. 

§ 162. Indg. u appears partly as «?, and partly as g fr. *g# 
(cp. Italian guastare 'vastare', Cymr. gweddw 'vidua'), without 
the conditions for this difference of treatment being clear. 

1. v. vasn 'on account of: Av. vasna- m. 'wish, intention', 
Or. Ixuiv 'voluntarily', rt. uek-. kov, gen. kovu, 'cow': Skr. gav-, 
Or. 06/-, Indg. *go#-. veg 'six': Qr. fQ ?|, Cymr. chmch, cp. 
§ 589, 3. 

2. g. gore 'work': Qr. figyo-v. gitem 'I know': Skr. pf. 
vtda. loganam 'I bathe myself: Lat. lavd. taigr, gen. taiger, 
'brother-in-law': Skr. dZvdr-. 

k(u) appears for g(y) after voiceless explosives and spirants. 
8o si- fir. *su- (= orig. ##-, § 408) in skesur, gen. skesriy 'mother- 
in-law'; prim. Arm. *$*#*- arose form Indg. *8ue&- (cp. Goth. 
waihrdj Gr. ixvpd) through assimilation of 8- to the following Jc 
(§ 562). Indg. **#- and **jf- became #- : AfotV, gen. Her, sister': 
Skr. svdsar-; Xo 'tui' Kez W: Skr. tva-; cp. §§ 560. 360. 

Greek. 

§ 163. Indg. y, was retained as /, which was generally 
spoken as a vowel, not as a spirant. It was sometimes also 
incorrectly written v and /?. The sound remained in most dialects 
until far into historic times, as inscriptions show. / first 
disappeared in Ion.-Att. It generally disappeared earlier me- 
dially than finally. 

§ 164. Initially. Boeot. etc. fixart Dor. fdxan Ion. Att. 
uwoci 'twenty' : 8kr. v\&ati-j Lat. tftgintt, O.Ir. fiche. Cret. Hofo-g 
Boeot. etc. fioo-g Att. &o-s, probably to Skr. vi$u adv. 'in both 
directions', Hxog hog 'year' : Lat. vetus 'old', Skr. vats-d- 'year', 
OJBulg. vetUchft 'old', ftnog snog 'word' : Skr. vdcas-. foTxo-g 
o?xo-e : Skr. vZ&d-s Tiouse', Lat. vtcus Goth, veihsa- spot', O.Bulg. 
rfe* 'village', fdarv dorv 'city : Skr. vdstu seat, place', vdstu 
place, ground, house'. St. form fap-v- ram' in the Boeot. proper 
name fdoixov, in agv-og agv-t etc., fr. orig. *t$f-n- ; beside */(>-i^- 
in nokv-QQtjv 'rich in sheep'. ovXo-g 'fleecy, twined' fr. *i$no- 

Br acnaon, Element*. 10 



146 Indg. # in Greek. § 164—166. 

through the intermediate stages *fa)Xvo- Vo^o- VoUo- (§ 306) : 
Skr. urna 'wool' (§ 157). 

Rem. The c of tbeta 'I draw', which word can not be separated 
from avlal 'furrow* and Lith. velku ( I draw', is perhaps to be explained on the 
ground that an attraction to ilx- obt- (with c fr. a-, § 564), corresponding 
to Lat. sulcus and Ags. sulh 'plough', took place. 

El. fpaxpa Att. QijxpG 'covenant': A v. "rvdta- n. 'decree, 
commandment' (§ 157). In Lesb. fig* fr. fp-\ farjuop, to El. 
fpaxpa. On Att. fo cp. § 226. 

§166. Inters onantal. Loc. eg. Aif-i Ad : Skr. div-i, 
Indg. *diu-i 'in the sky*, v-Xifoq nXio^ glory, renown* : Skr. &rdv-as 
renown', O.Bulg. slovo 'word*. Corcyr. phof-at Horn. po-ai 
'floods' : Lith. 8rav-& 'flowing, bleeding' (nouns). Corcyr. ororo- 
fioav (read a as aa) Horn, oxovosonav fem. 'lamentabilem' : cp. 
Skr. bdla-vatT fem. robusta'. St. axiax- (oxt&x-og) xatiS fat' fr. 
*<rr^ar- (§ 611), *tfira-/ar-, prim. f. *8ta-wp*t- (§ 233). Aor. s/ta 
'I poured out' fr. *€-/*/-^ (§ 233), active to ^t/-ro. 

In Lesb. u combined with a preceding short vowel to form 
a diphthong, i. e. heterosyllabic ay, eu, etc. became tautosyllabic, 
or still more precisely : aya became a**a (cp. Sievers Phone- 
tik 3 146). This also occurs in Horn, as an Aeolic peculiarity. 
osvio 'I drive, hunt': Skr. mid. cy&v-ail 'moves himself, with- 
draws', Indg. 1. sg. act. *q$6u m V or *qj&%hG. svtSov 'I saw' : Att. 
sldov, Skr. dvida-m, Indg. *6 uidom. avijQ air' avsXXa 'gust of 
wind' : Ion. dijp asXXa, to af/Jippi, Skr. v&mi 'I waft, blow*. 

§ 166. Postconsonantal. vf, pf, Xf remained unchanged 
in some dialects until after the beginning of historic times. In Lesb. 
and These, vv, pp, XX arose, in other didects (Ion. Boeot. Dor.) the 
double consonants were simplified with 'compensation-lengthening', 
whilst in Att. / was elided without compensation-lengthening. 
Fr. *yovfa 'knees' (cp. Av. zanv-a, Lat. genu-a) : Lesb. yovpa, 
Ion. yovva, Att. yova-ra. Corcyr. npo-twfog : Lesb. J*Wos Ion. £«Voc 
Att. JfaWc 'foreign'. Fr. *y>0a-v/-G) 'I come first', *n-v/-a) 'I pay 
penalty' (cp. Skr. f-nv-A-ti puts in motion) : Ion. <pdavo), Tivto, 
Att. <p6avw, tivto. Fr. Indg. stem *per-uen- : pi. Lesb. nippa-ra 
Ion. nsipa-xa 'the ends, furthest point' a-ndpwv 'unbounded', Att. 



§ 166. Indg. i* in Greek. 147 

ni pctg nepaivto, to Skr. pdrvan- 'node, knot*. Inscrip. (Thessal. P) 
xogfs : Ion. xovptj Dor. xuipG Att. xogr} girl*. Fr. *oXfo-g = 
8kr. sdrva-s whole, all' : Horn. ovXog, Att. oXog. With the forms 
having compensation-lengthening cp. § 618. 

£#. "nnog, dial, ixxog (handed down by the grammarians; 
dialect unknown) : Skr. d&oas, Indg. *ek#O m 8 'horse*, nag navtog 
'complete, entire': Skr. Sd-foant- complete, entire, each* ($ 557, 
4), Indg. *kfryt- (cp. the author's Griech. Gramm. p. 120). xx 
= &# also in ntXtxxdw 'I hew' ntXexxo-v axe-handle 1 beside 
ntXtxv-g axe' : Skr. para&ii-§ 'axe'. 

Rem. rrrr beside ** is perhaps so to be explained that the latter 
process of assimilation belonged to a later period than the former. On 
account of f**o% it would then have to be assumed that also *ektt- existed 
beside *f£#o~* which was not transferred to the o-declension until after the 
first appearance of the form f^no-;. 

tu, du, dh#. Cret. rfi (in Hesych. wrongly written rpi) 
Dor. re Lesb. Ion.- Att. oi 'thee' : Skr. tvd-. Boeot. ntxiagsg 
Att. zevramg Horn, rioougeg etc. 'four : Skr. catvdr-as. Cp. 
§ 489. Corinth, /tfetvtog, Horn. ediuosv ieiiifisv Seoidtjg (the 
spellings dditfitv, fcovitjg are wrong), in case if was not still 
spoken in the time of Horn., Att. invog dtiotxa, from rt. duejc 
'fear*. i(i-(d*Y.a) il-g : Skr. dvd dvi-$. 6gdo-g : Skr. Urdhvd-s, 
Iodg. *?dhy6-8 upright* (§ 306). 

py, bhy. vijmog (beside vq-nv-xio-g unintelligent, under 
age") fr. *r*j-nf-io-g. vntQ-q>laXo-g 'overbearing* fr. *int()-qf~iaXo-g, 
just as Lat. mperbia fr. *super-f#-ia, from rt. bheu- (cp. § 312). 

Initial su became voiceless /, which became h. fol fe, ol 
I fflbi se\ fe-xdg ixdg apart, separated* : Skr. svd-. fi % 1% six* : 
Cymr. chwech. The yoicelessness of f is indicated in Boeot. 
inscrip. by A, fhtxa-iatio$ } cp. gh = voiceless p § 266. Con- 
cerning medial s#, which probably became ao a, as in looo-g 
ioo-c, and the initial a of adlog and others see § 563, 7. 

Concerning #-epenthesis § 639. 

j&. dlfo-g oh-g alone* : Av. at va- unus\ aifU ahl ever* : 

Lat. aero-m. Xaiog 'left' : Lat. laevo-s. For the <s in dti, iaijg 

'brother-in-law* = Skr. dtvdr- etc. see §§ 96. 131. 

10* 



148 Indg. if in Greek. § 166-167. 

Change between u and uu (cp. §§ 120. 131. 153). An- 
dexa and dvco 'two'. Tlav-6\pia and Sam. Kvavotpidv (cp. xva/uo-g 
with w-suffix) exhibit the double forms navo- and xvavo- 'bean* 
(nvayos is a later contamination form) from rt. Jca'w Weir. 3. sg. 
pret. i-<pv-fj arose', but vne()-(p(f)-iako-g (s. above) and 0*Bulg. 
bi 'was' fr. *bu-€-t. xiiov 'hound, dog 1 : Skr. Ved. Suvd; fr. 
♦x/ort' = Skr. &?d Lith. szu probably became *mov and this 
form was then given up owing to its formal severance from 
xw (in xvvog etc.). 3. pi. ayvv-aoi like Skr. a&nuv-dnti (beside 
sunv-dnti). 3. sg. fppvq like Skr. Asusruv-a-t from rt. 8re#- 
'flow 1 . Cp. also §§ 312. 313. 

Spellings like Cypr. dvfavot, Chalc. rapvfov^g prove that 
the u from u# was not quite mute in Greek. 

§ 167. Anteconsonantal medially and finally. 

The Indg. diphthongs eu, ay remained diphthongic. n&l- 
Sttva : Skr. b&ihaU!, Indg. *bhi\&dhetai from bheudh- 'wake, mark*. 
Voc. Zsv fr. Indg. Vie**, av av-re 'again' : Lat. au4 au-Um„ 
S. §§ 61. 96. Whilst o*4, e. g. in loc. pi. povoi (Skr. g6$u\ 
passed into il already at an early period, s. § 80. 

The first component of anteconsonantal fy, $u, &# un- 
derwent shortening in prim. Gr., e. g. Z*vc fr. *di?u~8 (§ 69) T 
0wc bullock' fr. V^ 5 (§ 8 5), vavg 'ship' fr. *««#-$ (§ 101), 
s. § 611. They thus fell together with orig. eu, <*i, a# and 
became subject to the same changes as these. 

Ion. Att. a-ppijro-^ 'unspoken* fr. •a-Zo^ro-c, noXv-ppTp 'rich 
in sheep* fr. K fpr t r y aor. e-ppr*a *I broke* (trans.) from (Cypr.) 
f-/«>r3rt. Whereas in Lesb. (and in Horn.) / before p, k united 
with the preceding vowel to form a diphthong : avpqxrog = 
rto$>r«nv not to be broken*, $vpd^ = *ppi}ij 'he broke* (intr.), 
r«irtr«Jr«-v 'shield-bearing* (cp. fp*n>$' Afpua Hysych. t written 
;cMitv in the Cod.), *rxro« 'reins' (cp. orx^oor and apXypa in 
Hesvch.), 

e#j\ iW«» 1 kindle* fr. ♦iW'-i^ xkai<o 1 weep' fr. *xia/-#». 
Horn. iiN«> 1 sail* fr. Ni*/-** See § 131 p. 118 and § 639. 



i 



$ 168-170. Indg. « in Italic. 149 

Italic. 

§ 188. Initially. Lat. vehd, Umbr. ar-veihtu 'adicito', 
08c. veiatura vectura' (Paulus F.) : Skr. vdhami 'veho', Indg. 
*yeghd. Lat. verto, Umbr. ku-vertu co-vertu 'convertito', Osc. 
ftQGOQsi 'Versori, Tgonalw : Skr. vdrtate 'turns himself, Indg. 
%irto. Part. Lat. vorm-s, Umbr. Osc. vorsum fquod Graeci 
jrXiBgoy appellant, Osci et Umbri vorsum', Frontinus de limit. 
f>. 30, 9) : Skr. vrttd-s, Lith. virsta-s, Indg. %*+*<>- (§ 295), 
Lat. wr, Umbr. viro veiro 'viros', Osc. vereias 'iuventutis' : 
Goth, vair 'man, Skr. vtrd-s 'hero'. 

Lat. radix root* fr. *urad-, *u?d- (§ 306) : Gotb. vcuirts 
root 1 . Lat. Una 'wool 1 fr. *#7<lw<J, *y$' na : Skr - &rna (§ 306). 
Lat. rtpd 'I creep, crawl' probably fr. *ur$pd : Gr. genco 'I 
incline* (of the scale of a balance) fr. *fpento, cp. xaXa-vgoxp 
'shepherd's crook* avzi-pyono-g counterpoising'. Idru-m Veins', to 
Or. tvkfjga (§ 167). 

§ 169. Intersonantal. Lat. ovi-s, Umbr. ovi ace. 'oves', 
Osc. Ovius : Lith. avi-s sheep*. Lat. Jov-is, Umbr. Iuve Osc. 
lave! 'Ioyf : Skr. loc. dyav-i 'in the sky', Indg. st. form *$£#-. 
Lat. vivo-s, Osc. bivus nom. Vivf : Skr. jlvd-8. Lat. juven-cu-8, 
Umbr. ivengar nom. 'iuvencae' : Skr. yuva~&d-8 youthful', Indg. 
*&uy-%6-s or *juu%'Jc6-s (§ 133). Lat. novem, for *noven (after 
the analogy of sept em, decern) ' Skr. ndva^ Indg. *neu#. 

The u of the Indg. combination uu in *dw#tf 'two' etc. 
was not so strongly articulated in Lat. as to be represented; 
forms like instituvit, suvo, mortuva did not make their appearance 
until after the end of the classical period (Schuchardt Yoc. II 
520 f.). Whereas Umbr. tuva neut. 'duo' tuves 'duobus' beside 
duir 'duobus'; k as truvuf beside castruo 'fundos'; Osc. eitiuvam 
beside eituatn pecuniam'. Cp. § 170. 

§ 170. Postconsonantal. Such an u partly remained 
consonantal in Italic, and partly became sonantal. 

Lat. tenuis : cp. Skr. tanv4 fern, 'long, stretched'. Lat. 
genua : cp. A v. zanv-a Gr. Lesb. yowa 'genua'. Lat. arvo-m, 
Umbr. arvam-en *in arvum' arvia aruvia arvio pi. n. 'fruges': 



150 Indg. n in Italic. § 170. 

Cymr. erw 'piece of land* Bret, erv 'furrow'. Lat. ferved : O.Ir. 

berbaim 'I seethe, cook, melt*. Lat. salvos, probably connected 

with Skr. sdrva-8 Or. ovAo-c oko~g (Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. 

XXVIII 160), Umbr. salvom saluvom, salva saluva. Lat. heir 

vo-s : OHG. gelo, inflected gelawGr, yellow', cpf. *§hduo-s. 

Rem. Lat. II fr. /#, in illustration of which pallidums beside Lith. 
palras 'pale-yellow' and other are quoted, seems to me very uncertain- 
See W. Meyer Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII p 163. 

Lat. equo-8 (Umbr. ekvine loo. 'equini' loan-word P) : 8kr. 
divas, Indg. *e£jfO-s. Lat. queror questus : Skr. &v&8~i-mi 'I 
breathe, wheeze, sigh' Indg. *£#**-. Lat. quatvor quatuor 
(quattuor) : catvdr-as 'four*. Lat. mortuo-8 : O.Bulg. mritvU 
'mortuus'. Lat. bis, birdSne : Skr. tftrf-£ 'twice*. Lat. bonus 
bene fr. *du-onos rt. da*#- 'honour, acknowledge' : cp. Skr. 
Ved. duv-as- n. mark of respect'. derbid&u-s 'scabby', fr. 
*derdth : Skr. dardU- eruption on the skin, leprosy'. Lat. sua- 
vis fr. *suadu-is (§ 506) : Skr. fem. svadv-t 'suavis'. Lat. 
foru-m fr. prim. Ital. *Puoro- : Lith. dvaras O.Bulg. dvorU 
court*. Lat. suf-jid from prim. Ital. *pu-iid : Gr. 0v<o 'I sacrifice*. 
Lat. arduos fr. prim. Ital. *arpuos : Skr. urdhvds upright', 
Indg. *?dhuo-3 (§ 306). 2. sg. fts fr. fiis, *fu-ijes, like O.Pers. 
opt. b-iya fr. *bu-iya{t) y rt - ***»" (Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 
430 f.); hence du-bius from *durbhu-iio-8, -id -bam in cate-bd, 
•bam (Osc. fu-fans erant 1 ) fr. *-bhu-$ *-bhu-a-m etc. 

su* appears variously treated, but the reason of this diver- 
sity has not hitherto been discovered. Lat. suavis : Skr. svadii- 
OS. swdti 'sweet'. Lat. si, Osc. sval svae Umbr. we si', Volsc* 
se-pis 'si quis', related to Goth, sva W sv8 'how'. Lat. sex : 
Gr. /*'£ 1} Cymr. ckwech 'six*. Lat. *er-&it<-* : Skr. war- 
splendour, sky'. OXat sis suis' : Gr. fog 8$ Skr. svd- suus'. 
The elision of the t* in Lat sudor suddre y fr. *suud- *suojd- 
according to § 81 p. 74 (cp. OHG. sima; OS. suM Skr. svtda-s 
sweat*), may be directly due to the following u. By the aide 
of this so- fr. ***** in sorar etc. § 172. Medial -**-: Menerva 
Minerva fr. *M*nes-ua, to Gr. fiivog n. 'sense'; cp. § 569. 

iw. Lat rfftrw dTcos y Umbr. cfetxta 'divina', Osc. deivai 



§ 170—171. Indg. v in Italic. 151 

'divae' : Pruss. deitca-s Skr. d$vdr$ god', Indg. *deiyo-s. Lat. 
aew-tn : Gr. alfu ever' al(f)vbv 'time*. 

Indg. u had become sonantal in such forms as tenuis mor* 
tuos, like i (§ 135) and I (§ 269). Poets occasionally, as it 
seems, made use of forms not usual in the ordinary language, 
e. g. suddent trisyllabic = svadent in Lucret. (Christ Metrik 2 43 f.). 
When, on the other hand, they employ also tenvis, genva etc. 
(Christ as above p. 32, Kuhner Ausf. Grammat. I 94), this 
pronunciation may be due to some dial, peculiarity, but it can 
hardly represent Indg. #. This is still less the case in O.Fr. 
ienve 'tenuis', Italian belva 'belua', Ital. morto Sp. muerto 'mortuus* 
(-*o fr. -tvo) etc. (Diez Gramm. d. rom. Spr. I 4 187 f., Horning 
Ztechr. far roman. Phil. VII 572 f.) 

On the other hand Indg. uy seems to occur unchanged e. g. 
in dud duis dui-d&is beside hi- (cp. Skr. Ved. duvd duvf$ be- 
side dvd dvi§ etc.); O.Lat. duondro 'bonorum' (cp. Skr. Ved. 
d&v-as-); su-is sn-l surinu-8 (cp. Gr. v-o's v-l with e. g. Goth. 
sv-ein 'pig' O.Bulg. su-inu 'suillus') ; Fa-tuo-8 prophet', mu-tuo-s 
'changeable* (cp. Skr. Ved. jt-tuva-s 'to be won'), suo-s may 
have arisen from sovos = Indg. *seuo-s (§ 172), but it may 
also be identical with Skr. Ved. suvd-s (beside svd-s). 

Umbr. forms like scUuvom show the same change of u to 
«# as Lat. quatuor etc. 

§ 171. Anteconsonantal medially and finally. Prim. 
Ital. o# (= Indg. ey and ou) became U (0) in Lat., in Umbr., 
ov in Osc. : e. g. gen. sg. Lat. tribUs, Umbr. trifor 'tribus', Osc 
castrovs 'fundi', s. §§ 65. 81. Prim. Ital. ay became Lat. aw, Umbr. 
fl, Osc. av : e. g. aut, ote, avti s. § 97. Umbr. manuv-e 'in manu' 
(v was a glide) is traceable to Indg. -$#, and perhaps also Lat. 
tfeti used as loc, cp. Skr. s&ndu loc. sg. of sanu-§ son', s. § 85. 

Osc. t>, / in ayt avti 'aut', Avfi 'Aufius', castrovs 'fundi', 
tuvtiks 'publicus', tovto ratfro civitas', Luvkanateis Xucana- 
tia', Luvkis "Lucius', Luvfreis 'Liberi', Nuvlanlis "Nolani*, 
and others, point to a sharper division of the two components 
than in the usual pronunciation of diphthongs, i. e. an articulation 



152 Indg. v in Italic. § 171—172. 

similar to the Mod. Or. pronunciation of av and ev (in uvkij, 
ai>Qiov, svvovq, fiyvci/ucov etc.). 

§ 172. v = Indg. u was certainly spoken as a vowel, not 
as spirant in Lat. prior to and during the classical period, pro- 
bably also in the other Ital. dialects. Lat. v did not become 
a spirant until the second cent. A. D. 

By the vocalic pronunciation of the Lat. v are to be ex- 
plained the following changes which have not been given above. 

1. -w- in unaccented syllables (§ 680) fr. -ou- (§§ 65. 81), 
-0tf- (§ 97). d8-nud fr. d& novG. ind-ud fr. *ind-ovd : Umbr. 
anovihimu 'induimino', Lith. au-nu (Inf. au-ft) 1 put on feet- 
covering', implud fr. *itn-plovd beside plovd, Gr. nXHf)u). ab- 
lud 8-luOeru-s beside lavo lavOcru-m. Cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. 
IV 80. 158. 391. Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 259. 

2. -w- from -#o-. ecus (class, period) from equo-s (corre- 
sponding to aecus fr. aequos with qu = Indg. q, s. § 341a). 
Gnaeus from Gnaivo-s. deus fr. deivo-s. Cp. also inscrip. tins (f) 
= vivos, aeum = aevom etc. The postclass. form equus is a 
new formation made after the analogy of equl etc., class, divos 
(divus) after dlvT etc., vice versa Gna&, det after Crnaeus, deus. 
Cp. Bersu Die Gutturalen 53 ff., Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. 
yX VUF 155 f. In a similar manner probably also con-cutid 
fr. *con-quatid (§ 97). 

3. -o- fr. -ffe-. soror fr. *s#esdr : Skr. svdsar- 'sister*. 
socrus fr. *$uecru-s : Skr. &va&r&- fr. *suaSr&- (§ 557, 4), Gr. 
hwpd 'mother-in-law', somnu-s fr. *suepno-s : Skr. svdpm-s 
'sleep*, combr-etu-m 'a kind of rush* : Lith. szveHdrai pi. a kind 
of reed', cpf. *]feetidhro- (§ 370). Correspondingly coquD fr. 
*quequd etc. with qu = Indg. q, s. § 431 a. 

4. Changes with loss of a medial syllable, au-spex fr. 
*api-spex. claudd fr. *cla?idG. Q-pilid U^pilid fr. *otri-pili$. 
noundinae nUndinae fr. *noven-dinae. prud&is beside prd-vidins* 
aetas fr. O.Lat. atrftOs. praedis pi. fr. O.Lat. praevides. mail* 
mOlim beside O.Lat. t/i<Jroto macelim, etc Cp. § 633. 

Cp. Umbr. &we *bove' 6mo 'boom', courtust beside covortus 
'oonverterit'. 



$ 173-174. Ind*. * in O.Irish. 153 

Old Irish. 

§ 173. Initially /- fin wain : rt. yegh- 'vehere' (§ 526). 
fedim 'I bring, lead* : Skr. vadhii-$ 'bride, young woman', Lith. 
vedu O.Bulg. vedq 1 lead', fer man* : Lat. vir. fiss 'scientia' 
fr. *yissu-s, *uid+tu- : Skr. vtda 'he knows', Lat. video, frass 
f. 'shower of rain' : Skr. var§&-$ rain', Gr. Horn. id pay 'dew' 
(cp. § 274). flaith, gen. flatha, f. 'dominion, sway : Goth, valda 
O.Bulg. vladq 'I wield, rule' (cp. § 274). 

Concerning /* when conditionally initial, e. g. a fir '0 man', 
s. § 658, 1. 

/- fr. *ul- in lingim 'I jump', to Skr. vdlgami 'I jump, hop* 
(s. § 285 rem.)? Otherwise Thurneysen Keltor. 85 f. 

p- (i. e. u or spirant?) still appears in Gall., and also in 
Britannic names of the Roman period, later in Brit gu- (gu- gw-)* 
Gall, vergo-bretus 'cuius iudicium efficax est*, O.Cymr. guerg 
efficax' : O.Ir. ferg fere 'ira', to Gr. opyq 'impulse, anger . Cymr. 
gweddtr : O.Ir. fedb 'widow', Lat. vidua (cp. § 174). O.Cymr. 
gtdat Mod. Cymr. gtolad, Bret, glat : O.Ir. fiaith. 

Rem. 6 i. e. voiced spirant (cp. § 175) for medial/ after the pre- 
position com-, which lost its tw. co-bsud 'stabilis' to fossad 'quiet, fast* 
from foss 'a remaining, quietness* : Skr. vds&mi ( I sojourn, dwell*, Goth, 
two 'I remain*, coibnes *affinitas fr. *co(n)-bines from fine 'relationship* : 
OHO. 08. wini 'friend*. Cp. §§ 212. 513. 658. 

§ 174. Interconsonantal y> partly underwent contraction 
with the preceding vowel and formed a long vowel, and partly 
entirely disappeared, whilst u remained in the Britan. branch. 
clu 'fame, renown , Cymr. clyw 'hearing* : Gr. xlkfog Skr. Srd- 
va8- 'renown. Plural cUi 'nails' : Lat. clatft. di 'sheep' : Lat. 
wi-8. Perf. bdi 'fuit' fr. orig. *(bhe-)bh<*u-e : cp. Av. ba-vdv-a, 
rt. bhe#-. Gen. pi. bd n- 'bourn' : Gr. 0o(/)-cJv; Boind, a river 
in the south of Ireland, in Ptolem. still BovovivSa (Buvinda). 
<Jac dc (compar. da, superl. 6am) Cymr. ieuanc 'iuvenis', prim. 
Kelt. *iPti%ko-8 : cp. Skr. yuvahd- comparat. ydvTyas- (§ 137). 
fr cymr. Uiw O.Corn. liu Mod. Corn, lyw color, splendor' : Lat. 
bvor. biu beo (nom. pi. bt) Cymr. byw alive', O.Corn. biu 
Mod. Corn, hew 'vita* : Gr. pio-s 'life', Goth, qiu-s Lith. gyva-3 



154 Indg. tf in O.Irish. § 174—175. 

Lat. vivos quick, alive', Indg. *gl r #o-s-. ndi n- Cymr. naw Corn. 
naw nine' : Skr. ndva, Indg. *w^##. 

In fedb 'widow* (Skr. vidhdva, Lat. vidtia fr. *vidova by 
§ 172, 1, O.Bulg. tUdova) -doy- became -d#- at an early period 
(§ 634), from the latter -d£- (cp. § 175). 

§ 175. Postconsonantal. marb 'dead* marbaim C I kill', 
Cymr. marw Corn, marow Bret, mart? mar/ 'dfead' : OHG. tnaro, 
inflected marau$r 'ripe, mellow, fragile*, tarb ox', Gall, tarvo-s 
Cymr. tarw Corn, tarow Bret, /art? Jar/ ox* : Gr. xavgo-q pro- 
bably fr. *Tapfo-g (§ 639). berbaim Cymr. berwaf I seethe' : 
Lat. ferved. Cp. also de/6 'figure, form' Cymr. cfcJw and darib 
bus' Cymr. 6anw fr. *bandva. This 6 after r, I, d was a voiced 
spirant like intervocalic b (§ 522). 

ech "horse', Gall, epo-, prim. Kelt. *ek#o-s : Skr. d&a-s (cp. 
O.Ir. c Britt. p = Indg. q § 435). cethir 'four', O.Cymr. petguar 
Mod. Cymr. pedwar Corn, peswar Bret, pevar, in Ptolem. 
neTovagia, a town in Britain : Skr. catvdr-as, Goth, fidvdr. da 
dau 'two', O.Cymr. M.Bret, dot* : Skr. drrf (foftti. 6ttt 'I am* 
like Lat. /W goes back to a prim, Indg. *6A#-*itf , r*. 6Aejf- - 
(§ 170). 

$#■ appears as a- and as /-, Cymr. chw. siur fiur 'sister, 
Cymr. chwaer : Skr. svdsar-. se six' seser 'six men', mOr-feser 
'magnus seviratus' i. e. '7*, Cymr. chwech : Gr. /*| S$ fr. *<*/«{?. 
do-sennat, 'they hunt, drive' from a rt. sjf*»d-. / and b = sif 
appear after vowels; & is written before voiced consonants and 
finally. Red up], pf. 3. sg. do-sefainn = *se$uonde, 3. pi. do- 
sefnatar, pres. 3. sg. imper. toibned from *to-fenned, related 
to do-sennat, given above. Gen. feibe dat. ace. /ei& 'excellence, 
suitableness, worthiness' fr. prim. Kelt. gen. *ue$u-i&8 dat. -I 
ace. -w beside nom. ./ft* fr. *uisus *uesu-8. We must accord- 
ingly assume that initial /- = sjf- in ./far did not arise in 
absolute initiality 1 ). Cp. § 658, 1. Medial sy af ter Jc probably 



1) The form fiur, as Tnorneysen remarks, does not ooonr as an ab- 
solute initial 



§ 175—178. Indg. # in Germanio. 155 

in dess 'to the right, southerly* fr. *defauo-, O.Cymr. dehou : 
Goth, taihsva 'to the right', cp. Gall. Dexsiva. 

itf. d»a, gen. de voc. d€, god* (hereto diacfe godly'), O.Cymr. 
duiu Mod. Cymr. duw god', Gall, deiovova D8vo-gnata : Pruss. 
deiwas Skn devd-s god', Indg. *deiuo-s. 

§ 176. Anteconsonantal medially and finally. Indg. e^ 
and o# fell together in d (tea) in accented syllables, e. g. Idche 
'falmen', tuath 'folk', ruad 'red'; from a# 5, e. g. aw <J W ; 
8. §§ 66. 82. 98. dau dd 'two' : Skr. dvdu, Indg. *dufy, s. § 85. 

Germanic. 

§177. Indg. u was, as it seems, still generally a con- 
sonantal u in prim. Germ. This pronunciation remained in 
Goth, (written v), likewise in OHG. (written um, w) ; but in the 
MHG. period u became a spirant, spoken as in Mod. HG. 

§ 178. Initially. Goth, ga-vigan 'to move', OHG. wegan 
Ags. we^an 'to move oneself, O.Icel. vega 'to be in motion' : 
8kr. vdhami 'veho', Indg. *yeffhD. Goth, vatd n. (gen. sg. vatins, 
dat. pi. vatn-a-m) OHG. wa^ar OS. tcatar O.Icel. vatn n. 
water' : Lith. vandfi, gen. vcmdefts, O.Bulg. voda water', cp. 
Skr. ud-dn- water* with Indg. weak grade form of the root 
syllable (§ 221). Goth, vitan OHG. wi&an 'to know' : Gr. 
fiStiv litiVy Skr. vidmd 'we know'. Goth, vulfs OHG. wolf 
prim. Germ. *u\dfa-z 'wolf (concerning /, s. § 444), Skr. vfka-8 
Lith. viXka-8 O.Bulg. vKM 'wolf, Indg. *ufao-8. 

Goth, vrdiqs slant, crooked' : Gr. qcu$6-q 'crooked, crook- 
legged' fr. *fpaipo-s. Goth. vrit8 m. 'line, point', OHG. n; 'line, 
stroke, letter', OHG. rl^an OS. tcritan 'to cut, scratch into' (rt. 
*rejd-, not found except in Germ.). Goth, vlits m. 'look, face', 
OS. wliti; represented in OHG. by ant-lizzi il. 'countenance' 
(cp. Ags. andriclita m.), which arose from a contamination with 
anLlutti n. (Goth, ludja fern, 'face') and represented regular 
*ant~U%. wr- occurs in OHG. only a few times in Prank, monu- 
ments as wrehhan exulem', to the yerb rehhan 'to punish' = 
Goth, vrikan 'to persecute*. 



156 Indfr. v in Germanic. § 179. 

§ 179. Intersonantal. Goth, avgpi n. 'herd of sheep', 
OHG. au (nom. pi. awi) 'sheep* : Lat. ovi-8 Lith. avis 'sheep*. 
Goth, suniv-8 'of sons' : cp. O.Bulg. synov-u, Gr. nr^smv fr. 
*n7ixsf'<xn>. Prim. Germ. *iuuut9ga-z (= Skr. yuva&d-s, Lat. 
juvencu-s) became *itifdga-z : Goth, juggs (still spoken with u? 
cp. § 614) OHG. OS. jung O.Icel. ungr young*. Correspondingly 
u fr. tfw in Goth. OHG. niun 'nine', cp. Skr. ndva etc., Indg. 
*neuq (cp. § 659, 6). 

Indg. 0jf- and a#- = prim. Germ. 0#- (§§ 91. 107) became 
aw- in Goth, before vowels, staua f. judgment', staua, gen. 
stauins judge* : O.Bulg. staviti 'to place, stop' pri-stavu 'an offi- 
cial man*, Lith. stoviu stoveti 'to stand', af-dauips 'exhausted' : 
O.Bulg. daviti 'to strangle', Lith. dovyti 'to put in continual 
motion*. This au was probably an open 0, viz. the long of au 
(baurans 'carried'), like the au in loan-words as TrauadcU 
'TgwdSi, praitauria beside praitdria f. 'praetorium' (Braune Got. 
Gramm. 2 p. 13). Cp. the ai in saian § 142. The questions 
connected with antevocalic au in Goth, and its representation 
in HG. have not as yet been fully settled, see Paul in Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. VII 152 ff., VIII 210 ff., Kogel ibid. IX 513 ff. 

Goth, av and iv before a vowel passed into the diph- 
thongs du and tw, when this vowel was elided and v con- 
sequently became final or stood before a consonant, sndu, 
3. sg. pret. of snivan 'to hurry', fr. *snau(i), prim. f. *$e-sn6t4-e- triu 
'stick, stake' (gen. trivis) fr. *tr%u(atri), prim. f. *dreu-o-m. qius 
'vivus' (gen. qivis) fr. *qiu(a)z, prim. f. *qiuo-s ; ga-qiuja 'I quicken' 
fr. *gi#(0itf> prim. f. *giueid (cp. § 142). Such an -tw- became -jw- 
in unaccented syllables : nom. pi. sutyus 'sons' fr. *$uniu8 *suni#z 
*mneu-es : Skr. sundv-as 'sons' (cp. § 143 rem.). Here belongs 
also the change of -$ui- to Goth, -d/- : the diphthong du became 
(close) d. stdja 'I j'udge' fr. *sttyi$, prim. Germ. *$ttyijd, pret. 
stauida (see above): O.Bulg. 1. sg. stavljq (with excrescent I, 
§ 147 p. 132) 2. sg. stavisi, inf. staviti 'to place'. 

With this cp. Uv n. 'opportunity, occasion* fr. *feg(a-m), 
levja 'I betray'; nom. divs ace. div 'time' (Lat. aevo-m) fr. 



§ 179—180. Indg. y in Germanic. 157 

-ggv- (the first g is not to be read w as in other cases) 
fr. -g- is parallel to Goth. -<M;- fr. -i- (§ 142 p. 127). In Norse 
likewise -ggv- {-go-), whilst the orig. prim. Germ, sound 
generated an u in West Germ., which united with the preceding 
rowel to form a diphthong, or u (when the preceding vowel 
was «). Goth, triggva f. covenant* triggvs 'true, faithful', O.Icel. 
tryggr ace. tryggvan = Goth, triggvana, OHG. treuwa triuwa 
loyalty* : cp. Pruss. druwi f. 'faith, belief, Gr. dgoo-v • loxvgov. 
'AqY&oi Hesych. Goth. glaggvG adv. 'carefully, exactly', adj. 
O.Icel. ghggr OHG. inflected glauu&r 'exact, clear*. Goth. 
skuggva 'mirror*, O.Icel. skugge OHG. scUwo 'shadow'. The 
conditions for this special Germ, treatment of u as well as that 
of the corresponding % have not been determined. Cp. Paul in 
Paul-Braune's Beitr. VH 165 f., Kogel ibid. IX 523 ff., J. Schmidt 
Anz. f. d. Alt. VI 125 f. 

§ 180. Postconsonantal. Goth, aihva-tundi 'jfc'ro? : Lat. 
ejwo-5, Indg. *ek%o-s 'horse*, tnavi f. 'girl' fr. *ma(j)jf-? (§ 444 c) 
to magu-s 'boy*, like Skr. svadv-i f. to sv&dti-§ 'sweet*. Suffix 
-]>va, e. g. frija-J>va f. 'love* : Skr. priya-tvd-m n. 'being agree- 
able, pleasing', fidvor 'four* : Skr. catv&r-as. PI. tvdi 'two* : 
Skr. du. dvd dvdu. svistar 'sister* : Skr. svdsar-. fatir-valveip 
'he rolls before* : Lat. volvd. 

w remained in OHG. in combinations at the beginning of 
words, dtcahan 'to wash* : Goth, pvahan. zwlne 'two* : Goth. 
tvdi. swester 'sister* : Goth, svistar. Sometimes with anaptyctic 
vowel after $-, z-: sowarz beside swarz 'black', Goth, svarts; 
ztoMfin beside zwedn 'to doubt*; in other cases seldom, e. g. 
thotcahan beside thwahan dwahan. w remained in medial con- 
binations only when preceded by r, I, s in which case a vowel 
was developed, marawlr (inflected form to maro) 'mellow', 
prim. Germ. st. *marwa-: O.Ir. marb Cymr. tnarw 'dead', ge- 
\wer (inflected form to gelo) 'yellow' : Lat. helvo-s. zeswZr 
zesau&r z&ewlr (infl. form to zeso) 'dexter' : Goth, taihsva. w 
disappeared after other consonants, selida shelter' : Goth, salipva. 
tcahta 'watch' : Goth, vahtvd. 



J- >< Uutiz. * a •Ittmmma- § 180—181. 

tt*m I *f>it.y. %*a. #"t'.i9r+±. ol 4itade\ no Gock. jfcarf» - j is generally 
tf, **n ** *n **/•**» r»j it, T.i<» iiruu anw^rer, seems to go back to * at 
*/*')i£,*W f-y fjHtjr v t i r>i ; Croll. ruti'ti 

K*m t On rim f«ii*a» eoaLuaui^ anApcjctie vowel* ep. § 628. 

*»*>* t&rame -**- in prim. Germ. Goth, stijifttra OHG. 
mnniro 'minor* fr. *«i/w*-ti-£ from **•**»- : Gr. ptvv-tko, Lat. 
mint/'/*, Vrim. Germ, **aw»- 'man' fr. *«iaw^-, dat. (loc.) sg. 
Goth, fwtfnn OIK}, man fr. *mnn*-ij gen. pL Goth. mann-Z 
OHO, mann-o etc. : Skr. md*u-p 'Mann. Goth. OHG. ruina* 
'to run' from *ri*nu-ana-ii : Skr. ri-nt-a-ii 'he lets flow* (not 
found io the text*), cp. the close of § 153. 

iu. Ooth. rf*r*, gen. dim, m. a long time' diveim 'eternal', 
OHG. /?w>« f, 'long time, order' £iw? 'eternal' : Lat. aevo-m y cpf. 
*itiuo: (loth. AW/c n. 'tumulus', OHG. hUo gen. hUwes, prim, f 
Hioi-uO'B from rt. tfei- 'lean': cp. Lat. clT-vo-s. 

Postconsonantal -#u- became -m- in prim. Germ. O.Icel. 
$und n. Ag«. jnwd m. 'swimming' from prim. Germ. *$uum-da- 
(§ 2 1 4), to O.Norso jvjmci 'to swim' part, sumenn. Goth, hunsd 
Agn, Art**/ O.Iool. Afls/ n. 'offering, holy service' from prim, 
(lorm, *xuuHt + tla-m from Indg. *£#-#/- : cp. Av. spent-a- 
Cllulg. $vtfU 'holy'. OHG. part, gi-dungan (to dtcingan 'to 
»(|Uooko, prows 1 ), c/rt/«iw 'to squeeze, press' (weak verb) fr. prim. 
Uorm» *pH»g- */>ww/- fr. *Puut*g- *PuH&y m - (§ 214), rt. t#etxj- : 
tilth, tvtnkia *it is sultry, gives pain*. Cp. OHG. koinan 'come* 
\*\k IV, prim, Goriu. *ih*iwflMa- f older "ibgumajia- etc. with Indg. 
voUr explosive, § 444 b. 

$ MU* Auteeousonantal medially and finally, t* : 
Gotlu P**d« OHG. tWti diohi 'folk' : OJr. tuatk. cpf. *te*<d, 
§ ^?v ^ ; Goth. ni'«£$ ($t. rwt^i-) OHG. nV 'red*: OJr. rwi 

opf *»"<j- ; V*N^ § ^3 V «$ : Goth, (c-t for, but* '.t'lfcin *to increase, 
ytv*\ OUG, u*i VtW : Lat. a'/*»\ rt. u"*/^ § 99. f* : Goth. 
**> v * V^itt* : Skr. ^\'?* % cot. *^a : '>. § 6o'^ 3. 

Wih, * * <iuvi ,/ « tvt jw * in? also specially tc be noted 
V^ l x *\ *« \ ^ V>» 4 : Sir. wrj'i^ ^ijTr\ Lair. **^ p *-t«/-# ^cp 
ca Tk v vvw ^vivi OIlv*. % r« % *'„-w 0;cx ^art. i.*u-%irip$ 
Nva v »*\Ni \ •-•• v< <^a. ^; ♦. -^ x *hay\ ^.-;n. st *;•'*-{<*- or 



§ 181-183. Indg. # in Baltic-Slavonic. 159 

*jojf-io-, to OHG. hauwdn O.Icel. hqggva 'to hew', O.Bulg. 
kwq kovati 'to hew, strike, slay. Cp. iu in ga-qiuja § 179 p. 156. 
Rem. The supposition of several scholars, that 6 also arose from 
<ft before other consonants than % (op. Goth, stojan § 179) in prim. Ger- 
manic, e. g. in Goth, flodus OHG. fluot 'flood, tide', rt. *pld% m i is not 
sufficiently founded. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 182. Initially. Lith. vezit O.Bulg. v&q 'veho' : Skr. vd- 
hami, Indg. *ue§hG. Lith. valdau O.Bulg. ttfadq 1 govern, rule* : 
Goth, valda 'I rule, wield*. Lith. vy-ti O.Bulg. vi~ti 'to wind, 
turn' : Lat. vied vTti-s. Lith. viida-s 'face', O.Bulg. wdw 'look* : 
Lat vided. Lith. vSja-s 'wind', O.Bulg. v&ja-ti c to blow' : 8kr. 
td-ti 'blows' t>&yu-$ 'wind'. Lith. vilnl-s f. O.Bulg. vlma wave', 
prim. f. *yl-ni-s *t$-wfl, rt. urf- 'turn, wind, roll' (Gr. *Avw, Lat. 
voted). Lith. virszh-s O.Bulg. vrtchU 'the upper end, point', prim. f. 
*ift$-u-s : Skr. vdr§-i§fha- 'the highest, topmost*. 

§ 183. Intersonantal. Lith. ari-s O.Bulg. oi#-ca 'sheep* : 
Lat. ovi-8. Lith. sravb 'the act of flowing', O.Bulg. o-strovU 
'island' : Gr. po/a ^ 'stream', 8kr. srdva-s 'river, efflux' srdva-ti 
'flows', rt. «re#-. Lith. gy-va-s O.Bulg. it-ufi 'alive' : Lat. vf- 
ixh$, Indg. *gJ-wo-s. Part. pf. Lith. dd*v$s O.Bulg. da-vU '(feoWcoV 
(Lith. do- = Indg. *<fo-, O.Bulg. da- = Indg. *dfl-) : cp. Skr. 
bi-bht-vdn (Wkf- 'fear'). 1. du. Lith. ve£a-va O.Bulg. veze-vS 
'we two ride' : Skr. vdha-vas. O.Bulg. nom. pi. synov-e 'sons' : 
Skr. sunav-as. Lith. deviftta-s Pruss. newints O.Bulg. devtfu 
ninth' m. (concerning the transformation of the initial see §68): 
Goth, niunda, Indg. *new$-t6-s. 

tiff. Lith. kriiv-ina-8 O.Bulg. kruv-Xnu 'bloody', O.Bulg. 
knfo-f, gen. krito-e, 'blood' : Lat. cru-entu-s crti-or, Av. xruv-iye-m 
'stain, horror beside Skr. krav-ya-tn raw meat, flesh' Gr. xge^-ag, 
rt jrejf-. Lith. buv-aU 'I was' bUv-us-i fem. part, pf., O.Bulg. 
za-buv-enu 'forgotten' : cp. Gr. nsyvvta, Skr. bMv-ana-m 'being, 
world'. Lith. bruv-i-8 m. O.Bulg. br&v-l f. 'brow' : Skr. st. form 
bkruv- in gen. abl. sg. bhruv-ds etc. O.Bulg. z&v-a-ti 'to call' : 
Skr. huv-d-ti calls'. O.Bulg. svekruv-e gen. sg. of svekry 'mother- 
in-law' : Skr. Ved. loc. sg. Sva$ruv-dm. 



160 Indg. # in Baltic-Slayonic. § 184. 

§ 184. Postconsonantal. Lith. szvittti OJBulg. svft&i 
'to shine brightly' : Skr. hrit-rd-s 'shining', rt. h&efr. Lith. a&zvit 
'mare', Pruss. aswina-m 'equinum, horse-milk* : 8kr. d$va~8, Indg. 
*ekuo-8. Suffix -tuo-, O.Bulg. mri-tvU 'mortuus' tnno£l-s-tvo n. 
'crowd', Lith. send-tvt f. 'old age'. Lith. ketverl O.Bulg. ietvero 
'four' (distrib.), Lith. ketvirta~s O.Bulg. ietvrUU 'fourth' m. prim. f. 
*qetuf-to-8. Lith. dv\ O.Bulg. dv& 'duae' : Skr. dvt^ cpf. *difdi- 
Lith. 1. du. ed-va 'we two eat' : Skr. ad-vas. O.Bulg. bi 'thou 
wast' U 'he was' fr. *bu-t-s *bu-€4 fr. rt. bheu- 'to become' (§ 312); 
cp. obiti 'to wind round' fr. *ob-viti etc 

Pruss. swais O.Bulg. svoff 'suus* : Skr. svdr 'suus'; Lith. 
svdtai 'parents of the bride, related by marriage' from the same 
Indg. stem has the suspicion of having been borrowed from 
Slav., O.Bulg. svatU 'affinis*. Lith. svilti 'to take fire, to burn 
without flame' : Ags. swelan 'to glow' OHG. surilizdn 'to burn 
slowly away'. O.Bulg. sv-inU 'suillus' : Goth, sv-ein 'pig'. Lith. 
te-va O.Bulg. jes-v€ 'we two are' : Skr. s-vds. 

# is occasionally elided before initial s- (sz-) y without the 
reason of its elision being clearly known (cp. Osthoff Zur Gesch. 
d. Perf. 456). Lith. se$& O.Bulg. sestra, but Pruss. swestro 
lister* : Goth, svistar. Lith. sdpna-s 'dream' : Skr. svdpna-s. 
Lith. 8ze8zura-s, by assimilation from *seszura-s (§ 587, 2) : 
O.Bulg. svekru Goth, svaihra Skr. h&hira-s fr. *8vahtra-s 
(§ 557, 4) Gr. hvQo-g 'father-in-law'. 

In Lith. szu 'dog' fr. *szu& = Skr. Svd and in du 'two' fr. 
*dti (§ 664, 3), the latter fr. *du&', the elision of the u was 
caused by the following u. 

Lith. kdrvi O.Bulg. krava fr. *korva (§ 281) 'cow', related 
to Lat. cervo-8. O.Bulg. siirdravU zdravu (§ 588, 5) 'healthy', 
-dravU fr. *-dorvii (§ 281) : Skr. dhr-uvd- 'fast' with weak grade 
form of the root syllable and dissyllabic form of the suffix -jf<K 
Lith. palva-8 (Slav, loan-word?) O.Bulg. plavU 'whitish, pale' 
(§ 281) : OHG. falo (inflected falawtr) 'fallow*, cpf. *poluo-8. 

Old -nu- perhaps in Lith. dial, tenvas Lett, ftws (i regu- 
larly fr. en) 'thin', to O.Bulg. ftn-X-ku •thin* : Skr. tonti- tanv- 
'long, stretched'; the Baltic words probably with vowel form of the 



§184-186. Indg. t* in Baltic- Slavonic. 161 

comparative in the rt. syllable, as leftgva-s beside lengvu-s 'light* 
(cp. comparative Av. renj-yd neut. 'lighter and Skr. pos. lagfabr 
kghv-j Gr. ikaxv-). Slav, -n- fr. -nu- : compar. nitnji-ji, gen. 
friinfisa, 'minor' : cp. Goth, minniza fr. *tnin#-iz-d. 

t#. Lith. dever-l-s O.Bulg. d&ver-V 'brother-in-law' : Skr. 
*wfr-, Indg. *daiuer-. 

The change between v and uv in O.Bulg. dva beside duva 
W (Skr. Ved. dvd and duvd), zvaii beside 2?fit;a// 'to call' (Av. 
zbaytiti and zuvay$Ui 'he calls'), 6£ 'he was' fr. *&#£ beside 
za-buo-enu 'forgotten (Skr. d-bhv-a- 'not being, monstrous' and 
hhiv-ana-m 'the being, world') etc., may be regarded as old 
inherited. Cp. the end of § 183. 

§ 185. Anteconsonantal medially and finally. Indg.£# 
and off fell together in Off in the prim. Baltic -Slavonic period. 
Inf. Lith. ptduti 'rinse, wash' O.Bulg. pluti 'to flow' : Gr. snksv-aa. 
Gen. sg. Lith. sunaus O.Bulg. synu 'son's : Goth, sundus, Indg. 
•o#s. Voc. Lith. sunau O.Bulg. synu '0 son' : Skr. sAnd. Cp. 
§§ 68. 84. Further this prim. Baltic-Slav. o# also fell together 
with Indg. au. Lith. sausa-s O.Bulg. suchu 'dry' : Gr. avu> 'I 
dry, wither, cp. § 100. 

O.Bulg. loc. sg. synu 'in filio' : Skr. sunati, see § 85. 

Diphthongs with the first component short before Indg. %. 
Lith. plduju 'I rinse, wash', O.Bulg. plujq 'I flow' : Gr. Horn. 
*klo> fr. *nteJ : irQ (§§ 131. 639), cpf. *pleu-i$. Lith. nauja-s 
new' : Skr. ndvya-s, cpf. *neu~ip~s. Lith. krauja-s 'blood' : Skr. 
bavya-m 'raw flesh', cpf. *qreu-io-. O.Bulg. suj% 'to the left' fr. 
*$*i* (§ 147) : Skr. savyd-s 'to the left'; iu for u with the same 
regular, but still unexplained i as in bljudq and others (J. Schmidt 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIII 348). 

Rem. That O.Bulg. jaje n. 'egg' has arisen from *ay-%e (Lat. ovom, 
Or. moV), is very uncertain. 

§ 186. Indg. #, where it remained an independent con- 
sonant, has now become a spirant, probably throughout the 
Baltic -Slav, languages, certainly in a great part of them. I 

Btigminn, Eltments. 11 



162 Loss of if in prim. Indg. § 186—190. 

leave it undecided as to whether the sound was still u consonant 
in the O.Bulg. period. 

Loss of u in the prim. Indg. period. 

§ 187. The Indg. parent language had an enclitic case of 
the pronoun of the 2. person Hoi = Skr. t& A v. t$ toi O.Pere. 
taiy Gr. toi O.Bulg. ti beside accented *£#oi = Skr. tve Av. 
pwdi Qr. oW fr. *t/o* (cp. also O.Bulg. tvofl 'tuus'). Perhaps 
also of the reflexive stem a *soi = Prakr. se Av. he hdi O.Pers. 
saiy O.Bulg. si beside *s#$i = Gr. fot. It is not improbable 
that the u in the enclitic forms first disappeared after certain 
consonants. See Wackernagel Kuhn's Ztschr. XX IY 592 ff. 

§ 188. # seems further to have disappeared between long 
vowels and (antesonantal) m. Ace. sg. Skr. dydm diydm, Gr. Zijr, 
Lat. diem, Indg. *di&n *diietn (cp. § 120) beside nom. *dieus clear 
sky = Skr. dyati? etc.; Skr. gdm, Gr. |?wh, OHG. chuo OS. kd, 
Indg. *Qdm beside nom. *qjoyis 'ox* = Skr. gau§ etc., cp. §§ 192. 
645. OHG. guoma Ags. ^dma O.Icel. gdtnr palate', Lith # 
gomurys palate* (beside OHG. caumun Mod.HG. gaumeri) fr. 
*g ) ha(y)-mo- or -men- (Gr. XWI?* x a V' v °S * ao s). Some assume 
such a loss of u before other consonants also. See, among 
others, Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 311, Thurneysen Bezz. Beitr. 
VIII 285, Schulze Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 427 ff. Cp. also Indg. 
final -0 fr. -o#, § 645, 1. 



NASALS. 
A. THE NASALS AS CONSONANTS. 

Prim. Indg. period.. 

§ 189. The Indg. parent language possessed four different 
kinds of nasals; labial wt, dental n, palatal ft (corresponding to 
K), and velar w (corresponding to q). 

§ 190. Initial m. 

Antesonantal. *mater- 'mother* : Skr. mdtd, Arm. mair, Gr. 
prjTTjQ, Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir, OHG. muoter, Lith. mote ("wife*), 



§ 190—191. Prim. Indg. m, n, n, td. 163 

O.Bulg. mati . *tny-t6-$ part, from rt. men- 'think' : Skr. matd-s, 
Gr. aixo-fiaxo-g, Lat. com-wen*w-«, Goth, ga-munds. *mf-ti-s 'dying, 
death* : Skr. tngii-^ Lat. mors gen. mortis, Lith. mtrti-*, O.Bulg. 
su-mrifi. 

Anteconsonantal, probably before n and liquids. *mnO- to 
»i#t- 'think' : Skr. part, mna-ta-s, Gr. fut. firy-aw, Arm. tnna-m 
1 remain, expect' (Hubschmann Arm. Stud. I 43). *m/fl- pass 
away, wither : Skr. pres. mlaya-ti part, mla-ta-s y Gr. p\6-% -xoV, 
t&ij-ZQo-S. 2. pers. sg. imper. Skr. iru-W (fr. *mruhi) Av. 
mm<&' speak'. 

§ 191. Medial m. 

Intersonantal. Rt. uem- Vomit' Skr. vdmCLmi vdmimi, 
Gr. ipsa), Lat. vomd, Lith. pi. vemalat 'that which is vomited*. 
1. pi. ind. pres. from rt. bher- 'carry' : 8kr. bhdra-mas, Gr. 
(fttoo-fisv, Lat. feri-mus, O.lr. 6mwe fr. *beromi *bero-mes-i, 
Goth, baira-m, O.Bulg. iertf-mfl. Formations with the nominal 
suffix -m#-, e. g. Skr. dhdma 'place', Gr. ard-fyfta 'that which 
is set up, votive offering' cpf. *dhe-m#; Gr. tjfia 'throw', Lat. 
£men 'seed', cpf. *se-wi#. 

m in the combination gtm as consonantal glide (§ 223, 4). 
*apm-o- any one' : sam-a-, Gr. a^-6-, Goth. sum-a-. 

Postconsonantal. smei- 'smile, be astonished' : Skr. sir\dy- 
a-tf 'smiles', Gr. <fiXo-{4ftstJrjg 'laughter-loving' fmddc* 'I smile', 
Lat. mlru-s 'wonderful', Engl, smile, Lett, smlt 'to laugh', O.Bulg. 
smijati s$ 'to laugh'. *g ) hor-mo- : Skr. ghar-md-s 'glowing fire', 
Lat. formu-s OHG. warm 'warm', Pruss. gorme 'heat', cp. also 
Arm. jerm Gr. Qtpfto-g 'warm* with a different grade of the 
root vowel. *ayg-men- : Skr. ojmdn- m. 'power, strength', Lat. 
augmen augmen-tu-m 'increase', Lith. augmu, gen. augmefts 
'growth'. *ghei-men- : Skr. h$man- 'winter', Arm. pun (gen. 
jean) 'snow' fr. *jivn with v = m (§ 202), Gr. x s ^ ta 'storm, 
pouring down of rain' x^f i( ^ v 'winter ; hereto Lith. z'emh O.Bulg. 
zima fem. 'winter' with -ma- for -men-. *file#-men- *kleu-m#-to- f 
rt. He& 'hear' : Skr. hromata-m 'a hearing', Av. sraoman- n. 
'hearing', Goth, hliuma, gen. hliumins, 'hearing', OHG. hliumunt 
'renown'. 

11* 



164 Prim. Indg. m, n, n, n. § 191—194. 

Anteconsonantal. *§ombho-s : 8kr. jdmbha-s 'tooth', Gr. 
y6ft(po-Q 'tooth, bolt', O.Bulg. zqbu 'tooth*. *rump-6-ti 'he breaks' : 
Skr. lumpdti, Lat. rumpit. *Qemtu-s a going' from rt. gem- go, 
come' : Skr. gdntu-^ Lat. ad-ventu-s. Nominal suffix -inn- : Skr. 
nd-mn-a instr. to ndma 'name', Gr. vww-ttv-o-g 'nameless', Goth, 
pi. na-mn-a 'nomina'. *dem-s 'of a house' : Skr. Ved. dan (§ 198), 
Gr. fog- in dsti-noTtjg (§ 204). 

§ 192. Final m. Ace. sg. in -w, e. g. *to-m 'the' : Skr. 
td-m, Gr. to-v, Lat. istu-m, Goth, pan-a, Lith. £o, O.Bulg. id; 
O.Ir. /er f»- 'virum'. -m probably occurred after consonants 
only when the following word began with a sonant, e. g. ace. 
sg. *bhrdtorm a- beside *bhrdtonp i-, the former represented by 
Goth, brdpar (§ 659, 5), the latter by Gr. tpparopa (§ 233). *d^m 
serene sky' and *gom 'bovem' have probably also arisen in this 
manner from anteconsonantal *di$#m, *goum (§ 188). 

§ 193. Initial n. *neuo-s *neuio-s new' : Skr. ndva-s 
ndvya-s, Arm. nor (with r-suffix), Gr. wo-j, Lat. novo-s, O.Ir. 
ntte, Goth, niuji-s, Lith. nauja-s, O.Bulg. novu. Loc. pi. *np-su 
from ner- 'man : Skr. nf-su, Gr. dvdpd-ai. Perhaps antecon- 
sonantal in the combination nr- : cp. Skr. nr-asthi- 'human bone 
from nar- (dat. ndr-& Av. naire were new formations after the 
st. form nar- in the ace. sg. etc.), Gr. $Q-io\p • avOgatnog Hesych., 
avtig-og gen., avSg-aygta 'the spoils of a slain enemy'. 

§ 194. Medial n. 

Intersonantal. *seno-s 'old' : Skr. sdna-s, Arm. hin (gen. 
hnoy), Gr. evrj, Lat. sew&r, O.Ir. sen, Goth, superl. sinista, Lith. 
sena-s. Nominal suffix -wen- : Skr. Ved. dat. (inf.) vid-mdn-e 
get to know', Gr. id-fisv-ui, Lat. no-min-^ Goth. gen. na-min-s 
'nominis* (§ 660, 1), gen. Lith. ak-men-s (§ 664, 2) O.Bulg. fca- 
men-e 'lapidis'. *pl-no-s *p%-no-s 'full' (§§ 285, 306) : Skr. pfcrnd-s 
([), Av. per'na- J), Gr. tfoUoi' (J), O.Ir. /<*» (J), Goth, fulls (j) 
Lith. pUna-s O.Bulg. plunu (|). 3. sg. mid. *t#-nu-tdi, rt. ieti- 
'stretch, extend' (§ 224) : Skr. ta-nu-te, Gr. rd-w-Tcu. 

n in the combination i o m as consonantal glide (§ 223, 4*. 
*i#n-w- 'stretched, thin' : Skr. tan-u-$, Gr. rav-i/- ray-ao-Cy Lat. 
ten-w-f-$ ; O.Ir. ian-a Corn, tan-ow. 



§ 194-196. Prim. Indg. m, n, n, n. 165 

Postconsonantal. Rt. weigh- 'snow' : Ay. snaezaiti 'it 
snows', Gr. Horn. dyd-w«po$ 'much snown upon Hes. vupa nivem', 
Lat. ninguit nix, O.Ir. snechta enow', Goth, mdivs Lith. snSga-8 
O.Bulg. sntgu 'snow*. *§nd- 'know* : Skr. part, jiia-td-8, Gr. 
part, yvia-xb-q, Lat. gndscd ndscd, O.Ir. gnOth 'solitus', OHG. be- 
muodelen 'to give a countersign', O.Bulg. inf. zna-ti. *$up*no- 
*sftep-no- *8#op-no- 'sleep, dream' : Skr. svdpna-s, Arm. Run, 
Gr. vnvo-g, Lat. somnu-s, O.Ir. suan O.Cymr. hun, OJcel. svefn, 
Lith. sdpna-s, O.Bulg. sunu. *qoi-nd- 'requital' (rt. qe%-) : A v. 
iofiitf- 'penalty', Gr. notvtj 'requital, penalty, reward', O.Bulg. 
cina 'pretium'. 

Anteconsonantal. Rt. bhendh- 'bind' : Skr. bdndhana-m 
a binding' bdndhu-§ relation', nevdfgo-g 'father-in-law', Lat. of- 
fendimentu-m 'chin-cloth', Goth, bindan 'to bind'. Participial 
suffix -nt- : ace. sg. Skr. bhdrantam 'ferentem', Gr. tpigovTa, Lat. 
euntem, Goth, giband 'datorem', Lith. vUant{ vehentem'. *§hans- 
goose' : Skr. hqsd-s, Gr. %ijv X*l v -°Si l»at. &nser, OHG. gems, 
Lith. sqsi-s-, concerning O.Bulg. gqst s. § 467, 2. Present st. 
suffix -n#- : Skr. 3. pi. ci-nv-dnti 'they string together' 3. sg. 
f-nv-d-ti 'brings, sends', Gr. Horn, riva) Att. rivw 'I atone for 
fr. *Ti-vf-<o, Goth, rinna 'I run' fr. *ri~nu~o. 

§ 195. Final n. Voc. of n-stems : Skr. tak$an Gr. racrov 
'carpenter, Skr. han Gr. xtW 'dog'. Loc. sg. of the same st. 
class: Skr. bar-man ('business') uddn (water'), Gr. do-fisv (inf. 
'to give'), alev fever to aiuiv). Ending -en -On in the nom. 
and ace. of neuter n-stems : Av. ndmqn 'names', prim. Ar. *-0n, 
Goth, namd (sg.) prim. Germ. *-0w, O.Bulg. im% (sg.) prim. 
Slav. *-£n. *en 'in' : Gr. iv, Ital. en, Germ, in, Pruss. en Lett. 
«, perhaps also O.Bulg. -e in the loc. sg. Jcamen-e (§ 219). 

§ 196. In the primitive period ft and & only occurred be- 
fore Jc- and g-sounds. Skr. pf. anqSa 'he attained', qSa-8 'share, 
lot', Gr. rjveyxo-v 'I brought', Lat. nanc-Tscor, O.Ir. con-ice 'he 
can*. Rt. ofljA- 'tie together, straiten' : qhas- Av. qtzaA- n. 
distress, need', Arm. anjuk (ancuk) narrow', Gr. ayxa 'I tie, 
strangle', Lat. angd angor, O.Ir. cum-ung 'narrow', Goth, agg- 
vu-8 'narrow' (with v from the other cases), O.Bulg. cpa string, 



166 Indg. m, n, H, n in Aryan. § 196—198. 

a 

fetter. *peioqe 'five* : 8kr, pdfica, Arm. king, Gr. news, Lat. 
qufnque, O.Ir. cdic O.Cymr. pimp, Goth, fimf, Lith. penW (4 
a Lith. new formation). Skr. dftjas- 'salve*, aft j -anti 'they 
smear, anoint', Lat. ungud, O.Ir. imm (gen. imme y stem *twfen-) 
•butter*, OHG. ancho 'butter . 

The numerous deviations of the Jc~ and j -sounds from their 
original place of articulation and the dependence of the nasals 
upon the particular organ producing the following explosives and 
spirants were accompanied, in the later individual developments, 
by frequent changes in the method of production of original ft 
and 19. 

Aryan. 

§ 197. 8kr. Av. O.Pers. prohibitive particle ma : Gr. fiij. Skr. 
Av. O.Pers. ni~ 'down : OHG. ni-dar. Skr. ndma Av. nqma 
O.Pers. ndma 'name' : Lat. ndmen. Skr. jdtdgha- f. Av. zatoga- 
m. "heel-bone' : Goth, gagga 'I go', Lith. zengiu 1 stride'. Skr. 
pdfica Av. panca 'five* : Gr. ni vrs , Indg. *pet9qe. 

Rem. Nasals before explosives and final n remained unwritten in 
O.Pere. e. g. Kabujiya for Kamb- Kan/Svoq<, 3. pi. baratiy for barantiy = 
Skr. bhdranti "ferunf, dbara for dbaran = Skr. dbharan 'ferebant'. 

§ 198. Prim. Ar. -nt- fr. Indg. -m£-. 3. sg. imper. Skr. 
gdntu Av. G5J>. jantU, prim. Ar. *jantu (Skr. ^- for 7- after 
$raM etc., § 451 rem.) fr. Indg. *gem-t-u, rt. gem- 'go'. Probably 
also prim. Ar. -ns- fr. -wis-. *atwa- 'shoulder* (Skr. 4 sa -«) fr« 
*atn8a-, Indg. *otw50- : Goth, ams (st. amsa-). Skr. gen. sg. 
da» 'of a house* = Gr. tit$- in ieanorrjg (§ 204), Indg. *detn-8. 
Skr. d#a» 2. sg. pret. from gam- go', fr. orig. H-gem-s. 

In like manner it may be conjectured that n in the com- 
bination ant was dropped already in prim. Ar. in the syllable 
before the chief accent, e. g. gen. sg. yat-ds beside ace. sg. 
ydnt-am, part, of yd-mi 1 go\ The accent had here a similar 
influence as in sat-ds fr. *s-yt'ds beside sdnt-am fr. *S'nUtp(m) 
(§§ 228. 230), part, of ds-mi 1 am (Hubschmann Das idg. Vocal- 
syst. 86). 



§ 199. Indg. m t n } n, n in Aryan. 167 

* 

§ 199. Sanskrit. 

Sonant + nasal became nasalised sonant before prim. Ar. 
spirants, and those specially developed in Skr. dq&as- n. noble 
deed 1 fr. prim. Ar. *dansas- : Av. superl. dqhiSta- = Skr. dqsifyha-, 
Gr. dfjvog resolution, counsel' (§ 565). qhas- n. 'distress, need' fr. 
prim. Ar. *aftzkas- : Av. qzO 'distress', Lat. angor, rt. aft§h~. 
dfhdti (beside dfhati) 'he fastens* fr. prim. Ar. *dhffi£hdti, rt. 
dher§h-, a present form like kpitdti 'severs, splits' rt. qert-, 
p&Ui cuts straight, trims', rt. pejfc- (cp. § 221). rqhdyati 'he 
hastens' fr. prim. Ar. *rafojhayati : Av. renjayqiti 'he quickens, 
hastens'. 

Rem. 1. The nasal vowel both in Skr. and Iran, ia generally con- 
sidered as prim. Ar. Bat it is in itself very improbable that the eg in 
Skr. rqhdyati and Av. mqpra- (§ 200), which cannot be prim. Ar., is 
historically to be separated from the q in Skr. dqaufrha-, Av. dqhista- etc. 
The question is decided by the fact that Skr. ddn and dgan (§ 198) can 
only be explained fr. prim. Skr. *dans and *agans (not fr. *dqs and 
*ogqs). The dropping of the 8 in ddn, dgan was specially Skr., and older 
than the first appearance of nasalised vowels, 8. § 647, 7. Forms like 
pijdnti 'they bruise', -jjf» -u$i endings of the nom. ace. pi. (havffi, dt/iisi) 
cannot, by taking into consideration the change of « to 8 in the prim. 
Ar. period, be considered as a proof that n was, already at this period, 
absorbed in the preceding vowel (cp. § 556, 1). 

n became % after j, c. yajfid-s 'veneration' : Gr. ayvo-q 'holy', 
Indg. *ia§-no-s. ydeftti 'desire, begging', a Skr. new formation 
to ydcati 'he desires, begs'. 

The same nasal became cerebral nasal (n) after the cere- 
bral sounds x 9 r ) & mf-nd-mi 'I bruise , beat in pieces' : Gr. 
fiag-va-nou 'I fight', Indg. *mf-na-mi. hf$nd-s 'black' : Pruss. 
hirsna- O.Bulg. drtnU 'black', Indg. *qrsno-s. This assimilation 
occurred also, under certain conditions (Whitney Skr. Gramm. 
§ 189 ff.), when the two sounds were more widely separated 
e. g. part. mid. bhara-mam-s : Gr. q>tQo-fisvo-g. In this case 
the tongue, which had been brought into the cerebral position 
ty ff t j & retained this position until the production of the nasal. 

Initial mr became br. brU- 'speak' : Av. mrU-. Cp. Gr. 
&oro'-$ fr. */lipot6-$ etc. § 204. For exceptions like mriydtt 



168 Indg. tn, n, H f n in Aryan. § 199—200. 

■moritur' cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 55. -rnbl- from -mJ- in 

atnbla-8 beside older amld-s "sour, sourness' : cp. Lat. amOrus. 

Rem. 2. Is the change of m# to *# specially Skr.? The question 
most be raised on account of the 1. du. mid. injunct. gdnvahi, part. perf. act 
jaganvdn from gam- 'go', ranvd- 'delightful' from raw- 'to be delighted*. 
The process might eventually have to be referred to prim. Aryan — 
corresponding examples from Iranian have not been handed down to us — f 
and since Indg. gt# is the basis of the forms in question (§ 225), we must 
further ask whether the dental articulation was not already in existence 
before the oonsonantal nasal arose from $k 

§ 200. Iranian. 

Sonant + nasal became nasalised sonant before prim. Ar. 
spirants and those which were specially developed in Iran. (§§ 473. 
475). We have already mentioned Av. dqhista- and qzo in § 199. 
Other examples : Av. tnqpra- 'saying' : prim. Ar. and Skr. tn&n- 
tra~ ; qpcnO- 'reins' : Skr. ankhdyati Tie clings to something' ; 
tq&yd 'stronger fr. prim. Ar. *taftcjfO$ y compar. to tancista- 
atrongest'. Concerning the treatment of f + n before spirants 
I may refer the reader to Bartholomae's Handb. pp. 14. 21. 

It is a mere conjecture that a nasalised vowel was also 
spoken in these cases in O.Pere. The written language was 
not in a position to represent nasalised vowels as such. 

Rem. We hare seen in § 199, rem. 1. why the q in dqhista etc 
is to be regarded as a special Iran, and not a prim. Ar. derelopmenL Com- 
pare also At. £ng/&t- satisfied* = prim. Ar. Skr. *tfmpthd- (§ 475) with 
m'nurijrti* inf. \stripe, strip oJP = prim. Ar. *i*p*zdkiai (pros. At. mar - 
c*it%)\ in both instances rq is the repreeentatiYe of r. 

Av. m before palatal explosives = Skr. prim. Iran. ft. 
jmmcii 'five' : Skr. prim. Ar. pdnca. rtnjayeiti lie hastens' : 
prim. Ar. *niA/A<iyii/t (Skr. niAuyu.'*, § 199). Cp. Av. -«c- = 
Skr. •&-, e. g. HMUM&5 cu = Skr. mdxai ca (Gr. n**x; ™) "and 
mind\ § 556, 1 

» became paktalbed in Av. before jr and #, i. This modi- 
fication is however only exhibited in a few Mas. aiiya- : Skr. 
%m+i- OJVrk #**+*> other*. Verbal prefix ni- : Skr. ni- 

Prim, baa. final -«**„ -<**• became in Av. -t^ written -a and 
-*$* -*|*». 3L pL cvoj. funi ^- ;»-»*, Stntm) : Skr. prim. Ar. 



§ 200-203. Indg. m *, *, n in Ann. and Gt. 169 

bhdrOn 'ferant', prim. f. *bherant. Ace pwq {Jncqm) : Skr. prim. 
Ar. tvdm O.Pers. puvam 'thee*. Spellings like m rvqn-d beside 
*roan-d (nom. pi. of u rvan- m. soul'), tfyma beside d&ma 'crea- 
ture* (= Star, dh&ma effect, stead, place*), where q is likewise to 
be read as q, show that -qtu, -qtn were the previous stages. Cp. 
Bartholomae Handb. §§ 14. 78, 4. 79, 3. 

Armenian. 

§ 201. mi 'lest' : Star, md Gr. fifj. armukn, gen. artnkan, 
elbow, bow* : Lat. annus, Goth. arms. 

nist 'seat' nsti-m 'I sit' : Star, ntdd-s 'place of rest', Lat. 
airfu-s, OHG. nest 'nest', Indg. *ni-2rd-o- from *ni~sed- 'sit 
down', nw 'daughter-in-law', : Skr. snu$d OHG. sntir O.Bulg. 
snucha etc. £wn 'sleep' fr. *Ruvn, *Rupn (£- fr. s#-, § 162) : 
Skr. svdpna-s Lat. somnu-s. ar-nu-m 'I take' : Gr. ap-w-pcu. 

anjuk (ancuk) narrow' : Skr. qhii-§ etc., rt. aMjh-. King 
'five' : Skr. pdhca etc., Indg. *pewqe. Cp. § 196. 

§ 202. The change of m to v (u). anun (gen. anuan) 
'name' fr. *a*i0an, *anman (cp. § 232). /mm (gen. jean) 'snow' 
fr. */Yw» : Skr. Mman-^ Gr. **«>«* x si t*<* y - See Hubschmann 
Ann. St I 75. 

m and n disappeared before s. us y gen. i^oy, shoulder : 
Goth, ams m., 8kr. qsa-s, Umbr. onse 'in umero'. mis, gen. 
msoy, 'flesh' : Goth, mimza- n., O.Bulg. mqso. amis, gen. amsoy, 
'month* : Lat. w&ts-i-s, O.Ir. gen. mis (prim. Kelt. st. *tw£ws-). 
Ace pi. em 'tres' : Goth./Jrwts, Gr. Dor. rptg fr. *rpi-vg; con- 
cerning the initial element of eris s. § 263. Ace pL z mards 
homines' fr. *mfto-ns : cp. Goth, vulfa-ns 'lupos', Gr. Cret. 
P0fiO-rg leges'. 

Final postvocalic -m disappeared, z mard 'hominem' : Skr. 
w[tdrm, Lat. equo-m, Gr. (}qot6~v. Cp. § 651, 2. 

Greek. 

§ 20S. f.d me' : Goth, mirk, Skr. mdm, Lat. m& rj/ui- 
'half : Skr. sdmi-, Lat. s£mi-. ax^a/v 'anvil' : Skr. diman- 'stone, 
thunderbolt', afiyi 'abouF : Lat. amb-. 



170 I„4 Z . m , mnvn Gr«*fc. § 203—204. 

r*f«* cloud* : Skr. mabk*$ "dowL^ atmosphere', O.Bulg. nebo 
'atmosphere skr*. nivrm "mistress* : Skr. pofof. Dor. tfipowi 
(Att. f W«r) € Aey bear : Skr. Wiranti. 

*rtpa*t> 'to bring" : Skr. pf. dmdsa. ejw-c "hook* : Skr. a&kds. 
nirrt "five* : Skr. pdncai a*uxrm-$ 'fifth' : Lith. pcnkta-s. 

Eea. The £*ttsral aasal was, as it rum , originally represented 
n wrttiag by r. Thas raMxip. e. £. ^*»f«, n^^ The representation of 
it bj j frst aiade its appearance, after the f ia f*, ?*• (^717*0-^ ay/to-c) 
» (§ 49*). 



§ 904. Prim. Greek changes. 

-rr- from -ml-, ferro 'he grasped* to ry-ytfiog ' ovXloifitj 
Hesyeh. ar-rlo-r "bilge -water, to apulm *I gather in'. Probably 
also -pg from -ms. &v (Cret, thence Att. «$) fr. *sem-s : cp. 
fuarv£ fr. *o7£-crfrwS 1 o/*-o-£, Lat. sew-e/. 

-ri- from -mi. ww^ 'common* fr. *jcor{o-£ *xofi~io-q : Lat. 
cwm. Cp. (Wrw 1 go* fr. *jtan**9 Indg. *g&-io : Lat. penio. On 
the i-epenthesis s. §§ 131. 639. 

-/*&>-, -A 4 /**-* -»^p" fr- *W"» V*~> •*£"• r " 1ne "w^J nasal 
disappeared with the development of the explosive, a-/i0poro-s 
'immortal', (?qot6-<; 'mortal' ] ) ; *f^or6-g was a contamination form 
of fiopTo-s Hesyeh. (8kr. mdrta-Sj Indg. *morto-s) and *fipaT6-g 
(Skr. mftd~s) y and popro-g itself was also such a form with regard 
to its accent. fitftpXtoxa, (ikwoxw (*I come*) with *ftku>- = orig. 
~tn{- (§ 306), aor. t polo- v. jiXurw 'I cut out the comb of bees' 
to ftih fuXiros "honey'. iv3p-6g -wr (nom. drtjg 'man'), dp-wip • 
aySgwnog Hesyeh., dQo-rrJTa ace. 'manhood' (thus with Clemm 
probably to be read for avdQoiijta in Horn. II 857, X 363): 
cp. Skr. nr-asthi- "human-bone'. 

-Xv- became -XX-. When the preceding vowel was short, 
so called compensation lengthening took place later (cp. § 618). 
Prim. Gr. *y*o\vevai (prim. f. *af-n^-tai, § 306) became Lesb. pok- 
Xbtcu, Att. flovX$Tcu and prim. Gr. *y*£Xverat (prim. f. *g#-ne-to|) 
Thes8. piXXeret (concerning /?- cp. § 428 rem.) Dor. tylerou, Locr. 

1) &~0qoto-s beside <?-/*^oto-c was a new formation from ^oto'-j. Cp. 
Prftkr. a-rina- 'guiltless' as a later compound beside an-irina- = Skr. 
an-fna-. 



><3M. ladg. m, m, m, » in Greek. 171 



kibrai "he wishes V rt. q/tl-. Horn, orlo-v 'crisp, fleecy' 

fr. VtiW$ prim. f. *hI*o-s : Skr. Brnd fr. **/-/f<I (§§ 151. 157. 306). 

Lab. in-itta Dor. fr t uo Horn. «Xm 1 press tight* fr. VfA-w**. 

Later, bat also probably already prim. Gr., was the assimilation 

of -i#- to -U- in okktfu 'I destroy' fr. *6k-wv-fu ; * XXo-g 'a young 

deer* fr. *&-r-*-$, cp. ilo-^o-v fr. *rf#-AAo-s, Lith. */n-*-* m. 

itsff' OJiuIg.jelm-u gen. jde*-t, 'stag'; oJUoV • rjjr rw fiqaxlovo^ 

**ttzfl* (Hesysch.) fr. *<**-*• o-*, to aJibyV -irov (cp. the author 

Morph. Unt H 173). 

Bern. 1. If, as we conjecture, the -IX- in (he three last named 
words was likewise already prim. Greet, the -U~ in fioXlopm etc., before 
'attpeoaatioo lengthening' took place, was pronounced somewhat differently 
frtm that in eii*/,* etc The forms nttvaptu (to 7r&x$) and mio'-*' ' <pai6r 
Hayek (to ?r«io^ nwhoi) may hare only come into existence after the law, 
whereby *62rvfu became 6U£p^ had ceased to operate. 

* disappeared before a + consonant without 'compensation 

lengthening', luato-q 'pierced, embroidered' fr. *x£v<jro-g, to 

unim. fog- in tta-noryg fr. *<fc*s, Indg. *dem-8 'of a house': 

8b. dan. 3. pi. imper. mid. q,epooScjv fr. *<f>e(>orod(*>v. !A6ijvit^ 

'towards Athens' fr. *14QGvavz-tis. itxaonoXo-g law-giver', fr. 

*3uut9$-nolo$ , an irregular compound with ace. pi.; likewise 

fwymnoxog 'causing pains' fr. *ftoyovg-Toxog. Here belong also 

the various dialectical forms of the ace. pi. of -o- and -0- stems, 

aa tog, Otog, rag xalag (beside xovg rdvg^ rot's rag) and 2$ from 

i*g into', which arose before initial consonants : the regular forms 

were xoq ncudctg beside tovg (tovq) avSgag, ig tovto beside ivq 

(tig) avro. Lastly nrloou) 'I pound' fr. *nviV(J-iu> : Lat. pinsid, 

and Horn, viadoficu I come' fr. *vi~vo-io-f4ai (redupl. pres.), 

beside vio^icu fr. ***o-o-/i«i, cp. vdo-ro-g, rt. ne$- (§ 563, 4). 

Rem. 2. Where in the course of the individual dialects ro -f cons, 
came into existence again, those dialects, in which v disappeared before 
7 with 'compensation lengthening' (cp. §§ 205. 618), show this lengthening, 
rhus Att. fontvopai fontutro (from o7ifrdto 'I deal out*) was a new formation 
\£ter lonetoa (Cret. Still tontvoa) and antiaw ; Ion. ntlo/jct 'rope' fr. *7i*y(0)-<ym, 
i new formation for prim. Gr. *ntrd-pa (cp. Lat. offendimentwm) , like 
mepa for older £»//<* etc. 

-m became -v . Ace. sg. xiv 'the' : Skr. Jd-w, Lat. i$-tu-m ; 
ir sheep* : cp. Skr. dvi-m. Gen. pi. mtuov 'equorum' : cp. Skr. 



hld g m > *. », » in Greek. 



§ 204-205. 



Ved. **. deorum Lat r™,. l. ^ impf . % 1 

£7^£"" hieM - Gr - **■«**• Th « * » & 

and M^~, *~ «. transferred to the other cases also: 
ft^fc^ ^^o, for the regular fonns * h <^, VV-o,, XIOf ^. 
Concenung prothesis before initial nasals as iT^^Tl 
milk : Lith. mtlsu a. § 626. 7 

§206. IndiTidual dialectical peculiarities 
The uniform omission in writing of the nasal before con- 
sonants in Cypr. and Pamphyl., permits the conclusion that a 
nasal vowel waa spoken in these dialects. Cv pr . ^^ = 

^' °- U = «*'' *****"»<» = «<*WW; thus 

(§ 653, 3). Pamph. *& = Att. tw* (§ 487) 

Prim. Gr. -^-became ™- in Lesb., elsewhere w 
Lesb. ««. pi Horn. etc. o^« « ey e', to oW« 0> £ 
Lesb. «W« beside Att aA*,^ Wve\ to Un-a «W™ 

* only remained in Cret and Argive before ^ and the 
voiceless -a- which arose from assimilation (§§ 489. 490). to-*; 'the* • 
Goth. pa~ns, Indg. *t o-ns. 6ivg fr. 6svr-g, part to 8*7vau 'to place' 
nginortu fr. *n Q snorc- k a , fern, to jrpeW 'becoming, fitting'. 
«m«>tfa fr. *iomwoa, aor. of oWvtfco *I pour out\ tiqLoikh fr 
*npsnovv-6t loc. pi. to TiptW. prpoi fr. *n V *o-o l l oc . pi. to 
gen. sg. Lesb. ^^w-os of a month 1 . Elsewhere v disappeared, 
since in most dialects it became with the preceding vowel 
a long nasal vowel (i. e. short vow. + v became long nasal 
vowel) and then the nasal sound disappeared. Dor. tcJ- 
nghntoCa, Bfjg, rjg (evg)] Ion. Att. rovg, npenovoa, 8stg, *I v; Dor. 
Att. firfil, rag (to*c), naOa (navoa); Att. 3. pi. ayova^ a>a#at 
(Dor. and prim. Gr. ayovu, aywvri). t-diphthongs arose in Lesb. : 
roi'g, ngenoioa, Osig, tig, raig, ncuoa, ayotoi, ayaxti; here the 
s-sound must have been the chief factor in the generation of 
the ». In Elean, i-diphthongs arose in the endings -ovg, *<&>$ 
prim. El. -ovz, -avz (cp. Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 26 ff.): 
xoiq, %axa^icug > but dtdutooa, naoa. 



§ 205-206. Indg. m, n, *, » in Italic. 173 

Bern. 1. The stage of nasalisation of the vowel which preceded 
entire loss of r is perhaps represented by the Cretan and Argive of the 
historical period. For we are justified in supposing that the pronunciation 
was nasal Towel (no longer vowel + nasal), but that the spelling with v 
was retained from an older period. Cp. French tonsure, mensonge. 

Rem. 2. Arcadian preserved the ra which arose by transition of -r* 
to -at (e. g. conj. xtlrvtoroi), but had alongside it e. g. ace. pL SaQXpiq 
'drachmas'. Consequently the activity of the law which produced SctQxpdg 
▼as already extinct at the time -yo* arose from -m in this dialect. Cp. 
in Attic the new forms B/^arat^ vyarmg etc. which originated after the 
completion of 'compensation lengthening' (naoa from naroa). 

Rem. 3. n and ov, produced by 'compensation lengthening', never 
were diphthongs. The n in Ionic -Attic and Boeot. el$ Bttaa is only 
graphically like the n in Lesb. *U Btlaa ; the latter was a diphthong. Cp. 
the other phenomena of compensation lengthening § 618. 



Italic. 

§ 206. Lat. magis, Umbr. mestru 'maior', Osc. mais 
magis : Skr. mah&n 'magnus'. Lat. homo, Umbr. homonus 
'uominibns', Osc. humans nom. 'homines' : Goth, gutna 'homo'. 
Lat. termo termen, Umbr. termnom-e ad terminum', Osc. te- 
remnattens 'terminaverunt' : Skr. tdrman- n. point of the 
sacrificial rod', Gr. tIquwv 'boundary' rtpjia goal'. Ace. sg. Umbr. 
tota-m y Osc. tovta-m 'civitatem', Lat. equa-m : Skr. d£va-tn 
eqnam'. 

Lat. ne ne, Umbr. Osc. nei-p 'neque, neve, non : Skr. nd 
Goth, ni Lith. nh non'. Lat. dd-nu-m, Umbr. funu Osc. 
dunum 'donum' : Skr. dd-na-m gift'. Lat. cor-n-fcr, Umbr. 
cur-n-ac-o 'cornicem' : cp. Gr. xoptovrj crow*. 3. pi. Lat. feru-nt, 
Umbr. furfa-nt 'februant', Osc. kara-nter 'vescuntur' : Skr. 
bhdra-nti 'ferunt'. Lat. mens-is, Umbr. menzne 'mense' : Gr. 
Lesb. firpv- Att. /<//v- fr. *inens~. 

Lat. angd angor : Gr. ayxw 'I press tight, strangle', Av. 
qzah- 'distress', rt. aftgh-. Lat. qulnque, Umbr. pumperias 
Osc. pumperias 'quintiliae', Osc. Ho^nTisq 'Quinctius', prim. 
ItaJ. *k#ewkye fr. *pewkue (§ 336) : Skr. pdUca, Indg. *pewqe. 

Rem. The guttural nasal is represented in the Ital. languages by 
the letter n. 



« v Vii r » k » » *s Jailc ^ SIT — 39*. 

? Tnt JaL -mi-, -he ■ »f Tinea *oea lack jwrdy a> Lttig- m 
- § JTIT. X* j - •. Moott .11 i» Iran. JtaL periiwt -**-. ami in Eke 
Maiwr -•*- lerame -+d- T?n* *!omr* alji ilw «o hold 
^rwl far du» -*wr- wtncii trnse juxr in dm xrarsB <rf bftfiridial 
tiaUW&t. LdC ~i»-0~* -iMr-'v-vrtw. '!«. -vit-*rW jKefL writh 
.o*. vimva. tt> far -*#/* 'Isc -/«•. Lac oi-'VNfc*-* : Skr. 
jn#tn-*4 & znras . In tig. m r*m-n» *; Lac -.w-^wai-* : Skr. yaAa~*. 
Orr„ i*tc>\-z w Entg. */w~^ -f- rs. i«>»~ -Ti . Lat. -wfttti : Lfth. 
*.-;, ;»/**-* hnniiraf. Inrig **7wr.*-*»_ vLat twtmr*Lt jsim'. Umbr. 
j'U* uiam\ ''■«**- >«• inani. *3i /nam. Lac '^^jm, Umbr. 
y,un* p*\n* pi a* *"sc pi* ;>/» ^oiiai. cu pv>m. Further 
Lar. Tr*+*v~% !v&Hite ~**m-*l \ !p. 4 •>*'* * ie\ff*fm-*r**~m-fs stpten- 
4* rim f tejttm *„ rfmr-ttm* f ~*mm)„ **H»~t*nm I >*nm h rrmmm-dd 
(trwHtmj f *iusi*-i I t mttm i ; TTnibr. .i« #*-//•*• Infra k*m-domu 
'inttmo', ^ afikmi^ mreria to Lat. » w «-g Gr. z*u-ai 
ttHnw:'\iMr,n Pauli"* AIci:. St;i«L LH 143 1. Umbr. *lcstn-duf 
'diuvfeeim", f'p. *-*> Ose. Pdarii* be»ie p*ymrij qninqmies* and 
//w/tr^ (latinised Prnt^ Pimptitu) : Lat. ^h******-*. 

Xanj exeepriosa to :h» law were created through analogy 
and rv*w formations. E. g. fat, ^tm-^, <fMfj «*{/*. r^ntwdamen 
after the limpid forjia *i*im ? r^ntiH. Of later origin are also 
Lot, *n*-/HfiM, Umbr. tn*^ 'emptor* top. d*i-*k*u 'demptnm'), 
Lai, *um-p4u-n with excrescent p ($ 20>|. 

Farther *Jb*oj» ir>#* probably also became *kHOty-kue already 
in prim. Ital. (Lat. fjuow/ue run*/*** Umbr. pampe) etc. Cp. 
al*o Lat. ningulu-n fr. *^ew-<r/o-j?, prinreps fir. *prTm(i)-cep$ (§ 633). 
Lai. r/w/m/ue cumque was formed in the same manner as 

Analogously -wa- probably became -iw-. Cp. § 568 rem., 
§ 570 concerning ienebrae. 

§ 206. Latin. 

-iw/- became -wi-. quoniam fr. *quom-iam. con-jedu-s } con- 
jungft, con-jilrd fr. *com-jr. venio fr. *(g)uem-io, Indg. *g9»-i^, 
from rt. g#w- (§ 239). 



§ 208. Iadg. », !,«,■■ haLc- ITS 

-p- as glide in -Mpt- (§ 207 1 -oft*-, -«/«?- : «■*-•*-*«, 
ex-etn-p-lunu Cp. Umbr. «»/** eapcas*. 

-/n- became -B-. eoflt-s fr. *«/-»-*# : Ltik. fcaV- 
Qr. x(hUo*-o'-£ 'hOT, wig. at farm *foim~. paGen yhemie poUm-ta^ 
developed fr. *pclen t gen. *potm-<* (see W. Meyer Knhif s Ztsckr. 
XXVIU 162) : Gr. ^a'Jby 'fined; serf or fcw\ /*«&»-* yoang 
animal, young* fr. *poL*~o-8 : Goth, fidm, gea. fulxm-s YoaT. from 
a stem *p#-e*-. txtius 'fleece* : Li*. fUm a angle hair of 
wool' etc. The reaaon is not dear why wraflitioa did sot 
take place in volnus, ulna, popuhms and otfcen. 

-nL became -ff- in diminutives : astUm-s fr. ^asm-lo-s^ to 
asinu~s; homullu-s fr. *homd*4o-&, cp. homM*-ndms. 

Rem. These affections asj partly or entirety be as cr ib e d to the 
prim. ItaL period. The Umbr.-Sasu. dialects do net fcraith safieient 
material for the determination of the chronology. 

Prim. Lat. -ns-. The nasal was often unwritten already in 
the oldest inscriptions, e. g. membus, cesor, eosol, cosentiont; 
further also in writers vicesimus and ticennmus^ quoties and 
quotiens, pisare and pinsare etc. Combining this with the clearly 
ascertained fact that short vowels were spoken long before -*#- 
(§ 619), it follows that a long nasal vowel was spoken, perhaps 
leaving the sound of a reduced consonantal element. It is not 
possible to gain an insight into the course of the process and 
its extent, owing to the inconsequence and inaccuracy in the 
representation of the sounds, and the possibility that n as full 
consonantal nasal was restored from other forms of the form- 
system (cp. e. g. scdnsum, defensor defenstrix) l ). In two cases 
the nasal was apparently entirely lost already at the beginning 
of historic records. 

1. In the case of final -ns, when -s had not arisen from an 
older -ts (cp. § 501). Ace. pi. equos, ovis, fructas fr. *-o*n$, 
f -Hw, *-m-ms, pedes fr. *-ens = Indg. *-ys (§§ 224. 238). Nom. 
sanguis fr. *sanguins, a new formation for older neut. sanguen. 

2. In forms with prim. Lat. -nsl-. pllu-m 'pestle* fr. *pinslo-m. 
pr&u*m press' fr. *prenslo-m, older *premslo-m (cp. cdnsequor 



1) Cp. among others Seelmann Die Anssprache des Latein p. 273 ff. 



176 Indg. w, », ft, n in Italic. § 208—209. 

fr. *com-sequor, inscrip. quansei and § 207 extr.). alu-m 'wild 
garlic* (hereto halare y an-hefare with inorganic &-, s. Osthoff 
Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 491) from rt. aw- 'breathe', fr. *an-slo- or 
*ans-lo (cp. O.Bulg. qch-ati 'to exhale' fr. *on-s-att, §§ 219. 588 
rem. 2). scala 'ladder' fr. *scan(t)sla, to scandd. an-held fr. 
*an-0i)ensW, like scandd : cdn-scendd (Osthoff loc. cit. 115), shows 
that the dropping of the nasal in the combination ~nsl- is 
younger than the weakening of a to e in the second member of 
compounds. Here probably also belongs ilico fr. *in sloco, § 570. 

Prim. Lat. final -m (partly coming from Indg. -tp § 238). 
The orthography fluctuated already in the oldest inscriptions, 
e. g. pocolo beside pocolom poculum. The sound was greatly 
reduced before words beginning with a vowel. After the close 
of the Towel in the last syllable there only followed a very 
imperfect lip-closure. Hence the vowel elision in poets, as 
Verg. Aen. VIII 386 firru(m) acudnt. Cp. Danielsson Zur 
Altital. Wortforschung (a separate reprint from Pauli's Altital. 
Stud. Ill and IV) p. 14, Seelmann Die Aussprache d. Lat. 
356 ff. 

§ 209. Umbrian and Oscan. 

Prim. Umbr.-Osc. -ws- became -nts- (cp. -mps- in Umbr. 
emps 'emptus'). This sound -combination was expressed in the 
native alphabet by -nz- (or -nzs-). Umbr. menzne 'mense. 
anzeriatu (beside anseriato) observatum', cp. Lat. am-putdre 
an-quirere. uze (beside onse; on the omission of the n in 
uze see below) loc. 'in umero* : Goth, ams m. shoulder, Indg. 
*omso~: cp. however also § 568, 3 for the Ital. form of this 
word. Osc. kenzsur keenzstur (beside censtnr, cemaum) 
'censor. 

-mbr- fr. -mr- is probably to be assumed in Umbr. ambr- be- 
side Osc. amfr-, to Lat. amb- Or. a^yt. Either *amfer, a 
new formation after ander 'inter etc., first became *ainer- (cp. 
umen fr. *umben, § 432a.) by assimilation, then *amr~, ambr-, 
or else *amer- was an Umbr. new formation from am-, which 
then led to ambr-. 



I 209—210. Indg. m, n, H f n iii Ital. and O.Irish. 177 

Prim. Ital. -ns became Umbr. -/, Osc. -88. Umbr. ace. pi. 
abrof 'apros' eaf eas' avif 'aves', trahaf traf 'trans'; Osc. ace. 
pi. fefhuss (at. feiho-) 'fines, vfass 'vias'. Likewise Umbr. 
zeref sedens' fr. *-em = *-ents. Cp. Danielsson Pauli's Altit. 
Stud. Ill 146 ff. Umbr. Ikuvins 'Igovinus', Osc. Pumpaiians 
'Pompeianus' etc. show that these changes are older than the 
dropping of short Towels before the -s of the nom. sg. Regarding 
Umbr. /, which goes back in the first instance to j&, cp. trahvorfi 
'transverse' (§ 501). 

That n tn n were reduced in Umbr. before explosives and 
spirants, follows from their being frequently omitted in writing, 
us-tetu beside ustentu 'ostendito'. Stem azeriato- aseriato- 
beside anzeriato- ameriato- 'observatus'. hutra beside hondra 
'infra', dirsas beside dirsans 'dent'. Sake beside Sarisie voc. 
'Sanci'. apr-etu beside ampr-ehtu circumito' ambr-efurent 
circumierint'. iveka beside ivenga iuvencas'. 

In like manner prim. Ital. final -m and -n must have been 
greatly reduced in Umbr., perhaps only a nasalised vowel was 
spoken. For they often also here remained unwritten and the 
letter tn stepped into the place of n: -e beside -en 'in, nome 
nomen, puplu poplo beside puplum poplom populum'; -em 
in', numem nomen'. 

In Osc, -« is uniformly written and -m only seldom omitted, 
mostly in later monuments, e. g. via (beside viam) Viam', 
isidu (beside isidum) m. 'idem', ini (beside inim inim) et'. 
If fiisnim (Zvetaieff Syll. n. 17, 8) contains -im = -in 'in', 
the same sound-development is to be assumed as in Umbr. 

For the development of anaptyctic vowels from nasals in 
Oscan see § 627. 

Old Irish. 

§ 210. menme, gen. menman, 'mind' (prim. f. *m^n-a-me»- 
§ 110): cp. Skr. tndn-man- n. mind', Gr. pivog 'mind', rt. men-, 
nem (gen. nime) n. 'sky', nemed n. sanctuary' (Gall, nemeto-n) : 
Skr. ndmati 'he bows, bends', rt. nem-. 

Bmsmann, Elements. 12 



178 Indg. w, n, *, n in O.Irish. § 210 -212. 

Particle nu no : Skr. mS, Gr. *t5, Indg. *nti now*, canim 
'I sing* : Lat. cand, Goth, hana m. cock*. Redupl. pf. ro-se- 
scaind lie leapt' : Skr. skdndami 'I jerk, leap, Lat. scando. 
btftm inf. 'swim' : Skr. snd-ti 'he bathes himself. 

curn-ung 'narrow* : Av. qzah- 'distress', rt. ailijh-. com-boing 

'confringit' : Skr. pf. babhdiija 'fregit' pra-bhawgd-8 'breaker, 

pounder , rt. bha x t9g-. 

Rem. The letter n is employed to represent n in Keltic as in 
Latin. 

§ 211. It may be concluded that -mt- became -nf- in prim. 
Keltic from Cymr. Bret, cant O.Ir. cH 'hundred* : Lith. szimta-s y 
Indg. *hpt6-m, cp. § 212. 

Indg. -m became -n in prim. Kelt. Gall. nom. ace. sg. neut. 
vfftrjTo-v netneto-n 'sanctuary' (Zeuss-Ebel p. 225). The nasal 
was often retained in Irish before vowels and mediae at the 
beginning of the following word, when the preceding vowel had 
disappeared. Ace. sg. fer n-aile 'virum alium' fr. *#iro-n. Under 
the same conditions the -n from prim. Kelt, -en = Indg. ~tp 
and -# was also retained. M.Ir. deich m-bai 'ten cows' fr. 
% deken : Skr. ddia, Lat. decern, Indg. *defap. M.Ir. nOi n-ubla 
nine apples' fr. *nouen : Skr. ndva, Indg. *ne&Q. Cp. § 658, 2. 

§ 212. Prim. Kelt, n (partly going back to Indg. #, ip, 
§ 243) disappeared in Irish — with 'compensation lengthening' 
when the preceding vowel was short — before t, c, s (/). The 
vowel was then shortened in unaccented syllables, afterwards 
became irrational and entirely disappeared under certain con- 
ditions (§§ 613. 634). 

s€t Cymr. hynt Bret, hent 'way' : Goth, sinps 'a going, a 

time', tet Cymr. tant string' : Skr. tdntu-? 'thread, string', rt. 

ten-, cet Cymr. Bret, cant 'hundred' : Lat. centu~m, Lith. *2im- 

ta-s, Indg. *bpt6-m (§ 211). Sc 'death* Bret, ancou; according to 

Windisch to Skr. tiai-, Gr. vf xv-g. brec 'lie, deceit' : Skr. bhrqia-s 

fall, loss*. €cath 'hamus' : Skr. atdkd-S 'hook', Gr. ayxalv 'bow' 

o-q 'bow, crook, bend', Lat. ancu-s uncus, OHG. angxd 'angle'. 

* necessity, constraint* : Gr. av-dyx?j. gcis (gen. du. M.Ir. 

i) 'swan* : Skr. hqs-d-s OHG. gam goose*. Put. st. sts- fr. 



§ 212. Indg. m, n, ft, »> O.Irish. 179 



s- i. e. *$%end+s- (suend- 'drive, hunt'), 1. sg. cu-du- 

s^VJ-sa, fut. sec. 1. sg. du-sVsainn (Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. 

XXVIII 148). Gen. sg. mTs (nom. ml) mensis', st. *rrien$- : Gr. 

Lesb. gen. sg. ftrjwog. 

Shortening and disappearance. 3. pi. bSrit 'ferunt' fr. *b6- 

r<mt(i), prim. f. *bhironti : Skr. bhdranti, Gr. Dor. (pegowi. ir-mitiu 

'honor (gen. tr-miten) fr. *-metiUj *-tnentid, fditntiu a remarking* 

fr. *f6-m$tiu etc. : Lat. mentiD\ a further formation with n from 

Indg. *m#-ti-, Skr. matl-§ y Goth, ga-munds (st. ga-mundi-), rt. men-. 

dSr-met, gen. dir-mait, a forgetting', fdr-mat, dat. fdr-mtd, 

'envy* from stem *-mito-, *-mento- : Lat. com-ftt^nfo-s, Gr. ai5ro- 

/«ito-s, Skr. matd-s, from the same rt. men-, oac 6c 'young* fr. 

*fec, Cymr. ieuanc, prim. Kelt. *jpw@ko-s : Skr. yuva&d-s, Lat. 

juvencu-s, Indg. *-#-&$-$ (§§ 137. 174). Ace. pi. /frw VirW, 

fdthi 'prophetas' fr. *fird(s) y *fdthi(s), prim. Kelt. *uiro-ns, 

*y(Ui-n$ : cp. Goth, valra-ns, gasti-ns. 

Rem. Zimmer Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 449 ff. shows that first an 
assimilation of the explosive to the nasal took place in the prim. Ir. com- 
binations tit, nc in such a manner that the former became voiced. Zimmer, 
p. 467, says that the new sound probably did not become a pure media 
in the first instance, but dt, gc. This change was generally not expressed 
in the writing of O.Irish, while in Mod. Ir. orthography it is expressed, 
e. g. eug 'death* = O.Ir. ic, ceud 'hundred* = O.Ir. cit. Cp. §§ 513. 658, 2. 

Where m came together with a following r, J, an excres- 
cent -{- was developed, and then initial tn became absorbed. 
brecktrad, older mreChtrad varietas' : to Lith. mdrga-s variegated'. 
blickt, older mblicht thlicht milk', bligim, older mbligim 1 milk', 
to melg 'milk', Gr. aftsXyw Lat. mtdgeo O.Bulg. mluzq 1 milk', 
rt. melg-. Cp. § 298. blaith, older trdaith 'tender, soft' (st. 
*mlati-) y to melim inf. bleith molo'; cp. § 306. 

Original intervocalic m, written mh, is in Mid. and Mod. 
Irish a nasalised labial spirant, e. g. nemh 'sky. That this affec- 
tion already took place in the O.Ir. period, follows from the 
fact that mh appears in the Modern language in words, where 
the nasal already in O.Ir. no longer stood directly after vowels ; 
O.Ir. amprom fr. Lat. improbus also speaks for the great anti- 
quity of this change, since m must here have represented a 

12* 



180 Indg. m f n, ft, 1a in Germanic. § 212—214. 

spirant. The change of m to a spirant is probably likewise to 
be also assumed in O.Ir. mebuir fr. Lat. memoria, in this 
case, however, it may be a question of dissimilation as in Mid.Ir. 
perf. tnebaid = O.Ir. memaid 'he broke*. 

Germanic. 

§ 213. Goth, mid; is OHG. mitti 'medius' : Skr. nvidhya-s 
Goth, qiman OHG. queman 'to come* : Skr. gdmana-m 'a going', fr. 
rt. gem-. Goth, hilms OHG. helm 'helmet', Ags. helm 'protector, 
helmet' : Skr. Sdrman- n. protection'. OHG. camb 'toothed 
tool, comb* : Skr. jambha-s 'tooth, bit', Gr. yofupo-q 'plug, bolt, 
nail', O.Bulg. zqbu 'tooth*. 

Goth, nakts OHG. naht 'night* : Lat. nox, Lith. naktl-s. 
Goth, manna fr. *roawj*-d OHG. man 'man' : Skr. mdnu-s 'man. 
Goth, dins OHG. tin 'one' : Lat. oino-s anus, prim. f. *oino-s. 
Goth, sndivs OHG. sneo 'snow* : Lith. sttSga-s O.Ir. snechta 
'snow\ rt. sneiqh-. Goth, bindan OHG. bintan 'to bind' : Skr. 
txindhana-m 'a binding, rt bhendh-. 

OHG. zanga Ags. fo*£<» O.Icel. tqng 'tongs', OHG. zangar 
*biting, sharp' : Skr. ddjkma-m a biting, bite'. Goth, aggvus 
OHG. angi engi narrow' : O.Bulg. oziUcu narrow', rt. ahgh-. 
Goth, stigqan 'to push* : Lat stingnere. Goth, gaggan OHG. 
gangan 'to go' : Skr. Jtwgha- Tieel-bone'. 

Rem. t> is generally represented in Goth, by $, 8. § 25; in West 
Germ, and Norse by * as in LaL 

§ 214. Prim. Germ, changes. 

-*m/- (m partly going back to Indg. »\ § 244) became -nd~. 
OHG. rtint m. OJceL *\W f. edge*, to rt rem- 'cease, rest*, 
Goth, rimis n. 'rest*. Goth, skamla OHG. seanla 'shame', to 
Goth, ^iwwn ^w. verW OHG. scamfm *to be ashamed'. O.Icel. 
$w*«J n. swimming* fr. prim. Germ. *$(it)Mm-da- y§ 180 p. 158). 
Goth, knmi OHG. h«*t "hundred* : Lith. szimta-s, Indg. *bpto-m. 
Whereas m remained before p down to the literary period. Goth. 
yu-^*w/i*» "synagogue*, OHG. c**\0 chht} with early excrescent 
f\ to Goth, ^imam OHG. tv*.!* 'to come*. OHG. nttmft nun ft 
a takmg\ to Gotk mi->*n OHG. <**«.»• *to take*. OHG. ramjt, 



§ 214. Indg. tn f n, a, t9 in Germanic. 181 

bye-form of rant 'edge', therefore goes back to a *rdm-pa- 
(§ 529) , ). For OHG. mft from mp see § 529. m also remained 
before s, e. g. Goth, ams shoulder' : Skr. qsa-8, Indg. *otnso-8. 

-In- (I partly goes back to Indg. J, § 299) became -M-. 
OHG. welia 'wave' : Lith. vilnl-s O.Bulg. vluna 'wave'. Goth. 
fuUs OHG. inflec. folter 'full' : Lith. pllna-s O.Bulg. pJfintf 
'fall*, Indg. *pj-no-s. 

Further w, as the initial sound of chief-accented it-suffixes, 
seems to have been assimilated to the descendants of Indg. root-final 
explosives. The prim. Germ, gemination may be thus explained. 
E. g. OHG. lecchdn 'to lick', prim. Germ. *likk6- fr. previous 
Germ. *W£A-nrf-, cp. Gr. Xt/vsva), rt. lejtfh-. Cp. Osthoff Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. VIII 297, Kluge ibid. IX 169. On the relations 
of sound-shifting s. §§ 530. 534. 538. 541, 5. 

» disappeared before x (§ 527—529), whereby short vowels 
became long 2 ). Goth. OHG. fahan 'to seize' fr. *fat9xana-n : 
Lat. pangd pax, Skr. pd$a-s noose, cord*, rt. pale-, with nasal- 
infix pa%h- (§ 221). Qoth.pahta OHG. dahta *I thought', pret. 
of pagkjan, denchen 'to think* : O.Lat. tongBre 'to know*. Goth. 
pukta OHG. duhta 'appeared', pret. of pugkjan, dunchen 'to 
seem, appear', from the same root. Goth, bi-uhts 'accustomed' : 
Lith. j-imkta-s 'accustomed' (§ 666, 1). Goth, peihan OHG. 
dihan 'to thrive' fr. *pit9xana-n, older *pet9x<tna-n : Lith. tenkh 
1 have enough', cp. Ags. pret. pi. dungon part, dungen and the 
OS. causat. thengian 'to complete'; the T of the present in the 
Goth, and HG. forms was the occasion of their passing into the 
analogy of verbs like Goth, steiga 1 ascend' = Gr. ortlxw : pret. 
Goth, pdih OHG. dih (cp. § 67 rem. 2). 

Bern. This disappearance of the nasal before x took place later 
than the passing of x into 3 (Yerner's law, §§ 530. 541, 4), as is seen by 
such forms as Ags. dunjpn beside Goth, peihan (s. above), Goth, juggs 
'young 9 beside oompar. juhiza. 



1) Goth, anda-numti- 'a receiving, taking up* was a new formation 
after forms like fralutti- 'loss*. 

1) It seems to me not to be absolutely necessary to conclude with 
8ieverg Ags. Gramm. p. 15 that the dx which arose from anx most still 
have had nasalised a down to the period of the separate dialects. 



§ 214—215. 

ii*-r -• f—ams -* _L~ «c. V*-*m VtiT : Skr. vfka-m; 
».-• r-mai Sc -u**Hi; 'win W : Skr. $unu-m', 
iu *?'"■* u'li'-'imiL ri. At. fia»f tr— * 'tree*). When 
it* irt--i-c r^ & pani_K ikh-t *a» <a*aage of -w to -* had 
?a&^s 7uc-- Tnir • vi* jLum/ vfc a Gcdi. fcm-a OHG. den 
Jlcv M^w^t T&t Sd u~m r-r r*-*_ Wikiv bo sneh protection 
was ic lamr., -■ -*** nr.-:-7»flC ir 3tf jcna. Germ, period at the 
sum tjtiw wnx ^hs in^r -• «fisr sbx*rt TviA, whereas it only 
tevaoiif ^f^iur^i. stut j*(cr v«*wt«k. oc £rst faDy died out in 

*S-«*.»-* *«i.. .^ Vw'i.^ Vi.«* = G*cL nJ>", qat, sm*u* Cp. 
if .a. >^*C3* tulc naera. *~ ...-*« = G;cL scdim 'stone', sunu 
^.ct* >••;■ w Tin: *rr *r-v» ml. jC aai fr. mm. *zQ*d* 
\wi^ *Sfc-.»* ^i aCTM *vxi Inir. -*. cac ?«■. Goth, hanins 
•#.. .• Mtf aa£ ^itt n:at i.nw^ir dr. avr «ej : *J<*6*, */a#itf*, 
*•««*,•• -- ^ cL r. - : . \ — . .• §.£«■*„ G;A. f^y.w (hence the 
iv k it v-^3. *%«> * *.v\racn **£ L*l *■«■■; are sot exactly the 
stttwv saw « iu*£ n.c tefa c\c->fti n LatA With Gh>th. 
H »y ^ jt-it Xars* ir*iu: aBRr-T/« Ft** = OJceL Finna. 

$ HV v,-;i,f xx£ W*>t Germanic changes. 

I* 0w>. fc mt^ :v.ii:i-ii*^ ;*-*•% passed into a spirant, 
%ivJt w** m WTT*a % »/w K e, £. rmmdm-fn-i f. 'wound, 
lv*£tfc>*\ rv-wii-*, a. l^-wic^ wiix weak form of the suffix 
-j*,^n ti^ i*n^c ^ Stir, re -*»-»- 'wisd;*^ (cp. the author 
Mvv^sV Vat. 11 ?.:, ?>v C^ O-LvL -/w- from -am-, e. g. 

ti + m t t* tW«k mmm ^ , W.nx' *W umw 'aoBinare' the 
-jm.«- >n^> ry-^t*r\si*,*vi %i^*a^ *a^w<r j^Uc mmm-X, MfNiu etc\ just 
** w vV^cvi **V >^ p4.-n.«» >**^?ie lyjTiUr •*/*•* fr«i fmmmm. n. 'joy\ 

U iS^ tr^I *jtUMe *£ »cos with »- and M-soffixes, if 
|Jh> ^v*s*t» t\r^%v>i e-\$Cv\$£v*» oc spirants, there arose in West 
tWtt^ thrvH^h tiw k*» of tie short rowel following the nasal 
(§ K^V tftil % *K f *ud *•. fcva whkh a xowd was then deve- 
K^hJ, Nv\m, *x\v OHG. <?-.<* OS. rfua Ags. efen even* = 
Uolh, urniu #«« a^v i ^ pH^ Germ. *<tma-z ^ebmt^-n). OS. 
mi t-\^m \$^ myuL * 'pm^ai^ jewvl" — Goth. mdSpms mdipm. 



§ 215—216. Indg. m, «, n, » in Germ, and Bait.- Slay. 183 

(It is possible that a sonantal nasal was also spoken in Goth., 
ib$s y ib#, mdipffis mdipip). In OHG., the vowel, thus developed, 
penetrated from the final into the medial syllable of these nouns 
and their derivatives, at first after short syllables, and later 
after long also, e. g. ebano adv., ebani a plain', ebandn 'to level'; 
such forms were chiefly due to analogy (cp. Sievers Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. Y 90 ff.). Anaptyotic vowels were also often 
generated from nasals in OHG. under other circumstances, e. g. 
wahsamo beside toahsmo m. growth* to wahsan 'to grow', bro- 
sama beside brosma f. crumb', kinoto beside chnodo 'knot, thong'. 
An assimilation to the quality of the surrounding vowels may 
occasionally be observed in the development of OHG. vowels, 
e. g. ebono, ebondn, ebini = ebano, ebandn, ebani. 

Bern. 2. Cp. anaptyxis in the case of u>, § 180, and liquids, § 277. 

Nasals, like other consonants (§§ 143. 277. 529. 532. 536. 
540), were geminated before i in West Germanic. OHG. f rum- 
man frumman OS. frummian frummean 'to further, promote', 
to OHG. frum 'apt, fit' OHG. OS. fruma advantage'. OHG. 
wenn(i)an OS. wennian Ags. wennan 'to accustom' : Goth, vanjan 
O.Icel. venja, to Skr. van- 'like, love'. 

In OHG. -tft, which had become final, passed into -n in 
the ninth cent., a repetition of the prim. Germ, change (§ 214). 
Dat. pi. tagun, older tagum : Goth, daga-m 'diebus'. 1. pi. geban, 
older gebam : Goth, giba-m 'damus'. 1. sg. biten, older bib$~m 
1 tremble at' : Skr. bi-bh$-mi 'I am in fear'. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 216. Lith. mirtl-s O.Bulg, su^nrttt f. 'death' : Skr. wtf- 
ti-£, Lat. mors mortis. Lith. pi. dumai O.Bulg. dymu 'smoke' : 
8kr. dhO-m&'S, Lat. fu-murs. 1. pi. Lith. vUame O.Bulg. ve- 
zemu 'vehimus' : Skr. vdha-mas, Lat. vehi-mus. Lith. esmi 
OJJulg. jestrit 'I am' : Skr. ds-mi. Lith. limpu 'I remain clinging' : 
Skr. limpdmi. 

Lith. nuga-s O.Bulg. nagu 'naked' : Skr. nagnd-s, Goth. 
naqaps. Lith. ans ana O.Bulg. onu ona 'that' ; Skr. and- 'this'. 






1S4 lnds. »- fc. ft w in B»h.-fll*v. § 216—218. 

lift. ap-HMJw-iitw; CBulg. m tmm- lm m *bekmging to seedT : Lat gen. 
MHnr'fiW& Ltth ptlHO-F OJJulg. jdun* *falT : Goth. /Wtts, Indg. 
*p}-no* ^ 802. 3ltfU- Pram. i*jr«MMi act, OJiulg. erfctfi 
*black' : Skr. trotf-, Indg. V*'** (Jjg 302. 303). Lift. *i««rtr<f 
fern. "twirling-sack'., OJBulrr. mqtiti to bring into tumult, con- 
fusion : Skr. md$UkOmi 1 stir, turn'. 

Lift, rfafika daitk/v-* 'creeper, slow man., O.Bolg. slqku 
'crooked' : OHG. sta^po OJcel. slanpt slangi m. 'snake', rt 
«7<*^-. Lift. *fipu*-pF Pratt. vocab. anpurpis: the ending of 
the word is wrongly written OJBnlg. qparisft eeT : Lat anguffla. 
Lift , minpa it snows : LaL ninpuit. 

Bern, w » represented br * in Baltic. 

§ 117. -♦*< seems to hare become -* in prim. Baltic-Slav. 
Aoc sg. *7(Kff tie from Indg. *?<m* ^Skr. ta-w) : lift, dial tan 
IfiHi generally f« v2lH Press. *-tan, O.Bulg. in. 

T%at for the Slav, form tk first of all *tun *t<m is to be 
presupposed, is shown by fhh^ in sitn-txtti 'oomedere* and other 
secondary forms of si = Proas, san (sam-inde "girdle*) : Skr. 
fti», lndg. ***»m. Prim. Ralt,-Slav, final hi did not entirely die 
out after « in SlaY„ e. g. ace sg. fern. t<q 'the* = Skr. tdm y 
Gr. rrV; cp. § 219. 

$ 118. Baltic. 

Indg. -mi~ remained ^wbile in other Indg. languages it 
became -»/-). lift, inf. vimti *tt> spit, vomk\ supine v&mtu, 
Lett, inf. tramt: cp. Skr. part. pf. rtfnto- beside reunite-. LitL 
rrmti to support : cp. Skr. inf. rawfwtii, to rdmati lie brings to 
a standstill, makes fast*. Cp. also tbe m from Indg. m (249) in 
Lift, szimtii-s Lett. sTma* hundred* : Lat. cc*tm~m; Lith. 
deszOkto-* Lett, demits Pruss. tuxstmte dtsstfmpts Mecimus : 
Gr. &*«r#-s Goft. taihHmia* beside Lift, decintas Lett dewits 
Proas. neriPits 'nonus*, Indg. *me«#-t<*4L 

Xasal — s or sc, i <= Indg. £, £ pfc, § 412). In words 
like iqsi-s *goose* \01IG. yjit*, Skr. JmiaiVj?), yr^siu 'I turn, 
bore' inf. gr%$z-ti, a/-yniin«* 'return' (OJcel. krwgr 'round', Mod. 



§ 218-219. Indg. m, w, n, » in Balt.-81ay. 185 

HG. hring kringel, rt. Qreft§h-} a nasal-vowel verging into a 
more or less distinct n is at present heard in a portion of the 
Lith. dialects, whilst in the greater part the nasal-vowel has 
entirely died out and a pure long vowel is only spoken (zdsis, 
greiiu). The nasal hook has therefore only an etymological 
signification in the literature of the latter dialects. No com- 
plete consistency, however, exists in the use of it. 

Rem. "When in those dialects, in which the pronunciation a for q 
etc is the universal rule, e. g. in that with Godlewa, fut. pUiu (pisiu) and 
pmsiu CI shall twist*) is spoken side by side of inf. pinti and piti (p[ti\ 
it is due to a levelling between the form of the fut. stem and that 
of the inf. etc : pinsiu is a new formation after p)nti, but piti after jnsiu. 
Cp. the Author Lit. YolksL und March, p. 288 »). 

Prim. Bait. -Slav, -w after vowels (§ 217) has entirely 
disappeared in one, part of the language, and a pure un- 
oasalised vowel prevails. The written language, which represents 
this state and in which the nasal hook has only an etymological 
value, is also here inconsistent. It has, e. g. ace. sg. dSvq, 
anq anq, sz\, but gen. pi. devu fdeorum') for d&nj; the latter 
from *-un y older *-dm (cp. Ved. dSv&m). Elsewhere, as before 
sibilants, a nasal vowel, ending in a more or less strongly 
articulated &, is spoken, e. g. tan, devtyQ, or -w remained intact : 
tan, anan, szin. There are dialects in which all three stages 
(pure vowel, nasal vowel + w, vowel + n) occur side by side. It 
is clear that in addition to differences of accentuation and 
quantity (s. Bezzenb. Beitr. X 307 ff.) also various relations of 
sandhi (position in absolute and conditional finality, various 
initiality of the following word) brought about the state of 
fluctuation. Unfortunately so little account is taken of word- 
combination in the writing down of the forms in question (s. 
especially Bezzenb. Beitr. VII 163 ff.) that it is at present im- 
possible to obtain a knowledge of the historical state of things. 

§ 219. Slavonic. 

Before all consonants except i, nasals became, with the 
preceding vowel, nasalised vowels in prim. Slavonic (cp. § 281 

1) The above is unaffected by Bezzenb erger's opposite view (Beitr. 
VII 167). 



186 Indg. m, n, tl, » in Balt.-81ay. § 219. 

rem. 3). The \ and w, thus formed, became then farther l 
(O.Bulg. i) and U (y, § 60). O.Bulg. remained at this stage. 
Examples: 

1. v-onja Vapour, smell* from rt. an- 'breathe' (§ 666, 1): 
Skr. pres. 3. sg. dniti. zemlja earth* : Lith. Seme, Lat. humus, 
Gr. x a l l0 *\ concerning the excrescent I s. § 147 p. 132. 

2. q = prim. Indg. prim. Slav, e -f- nasal. s«;0u 'holy* : 
Lith. sstwWa-s, Av. spenta-, cpf. *£jf6wfo-s. e?6q 'dilacero, frigeo' : 
Skr. jdmbha-te 'snatches at something*, causat. jambhdya-ti 
'bruises, pounds'. Cp. § 68. $ = Indg. on in the ace. pi. 
konfe equos* fr. *konien$, older *konip-n8 (§ 84 p. 80). 

< was at the same time the representative of the Indg. 
sonantal nasals = prim. SI. tn, tm (§§ 248. 249). pa-m&i f. 
'remembrance* : Lith. at-mintis 'memory*, Goth, garmundir re- 
membrance*, Skr. tnatt-$ 'thought, mind', Lat. mens, Indg. *m#-ti-s. 
desert 'ten* : Lith. deszimtis, Skr. da&ati-§, Indg. *defapti-s. 

3. q = Indg. o, a (prim. Slav, o) + nasal. 

berafi 'ferunt* : Gr. Dor. <ftQo-vvi. zctfrii 'tooth* : Gr. yon<po-q 
•bolt*. Cp. § 84. 

qz&cU narrow*: Gr. ay/at, Lat. angus-tu-s. qchati 'to smell* 
fr. orig. *<w-s- : Lat. anima, alu-m halare fr. *anslo- (§ 208), 
Gr. orf/<o-^, rt. an-. Cp. § 100. 

4. iy y = previous Balt.-Slav. i, u -f- nasal. 

Suffix -ifcfl (-fa-iitf) = Lith. -ift£a-$ (-m-inifca-s), e. g. ctoor- 
frttbi 'comes palatii* : Lith. dvarinmkas 'courtier* 1 ). isto, gen. 
istess, 'testiculus*, pi. istes-a 'renes* : Lith. inkstas 'kidney, testi- 
culus\ Pruss. inxcze 'kidney', Lat. inguen. Ace pi. gosii 'guests* : 
Goth, gtuti-ns, Cp. also pitta (beside pUnuta) 'brick* fr. Gr. ntirGog. 

Igko n. 'bast* : Lith. tonkas Pruss. lunka~n. p-ytnq *I 
learn* : Lith. j-&nk$tu 1 become accustomed' (§ 666, 1). Aoc 
pi. $y*g 'sons* : Goth, sunm-ns. 



1) If tak saffix belongs to OHO. -me OJeeL -imfr, it is easy to 
eoajeetare that it is borrowed from Germ. For Germ. -£090- beside 
-»w~*«- (tbe aataer Morpk Uat II 23S, Ktmge Nosmmde StammbDd. 13. 26) 
rmtker eoataias Iadg. -cm* taaa -**-. 



§ 219. Indg. m, n, n, n in Bait.- 81a?. 187 

y was further the continuation of older -cm- in the ace. pi. 
masc. vluky 'lupos' : Goth, vul/a-ns Gr. Cret. vopo-vQ (§ 84); 
ace. pi. fem. rqky 'manus' : cp. Pruss. gentians 'feminas' (§ 615). 

-n alone occurred as final in the prim. Slav, period (§ 217), 
and *-an, *-&* became -q, -% ; *-ww = Indg. *-dn (§ 92) became 
-y; *-ew and *-*n (= Indg. -ip § 248) became -e; *-in became 
4; *-un (= Indg. *-«w and *-oro, § 84 p. 80) became -#. 
O.Bulg. remained at this stage. Examples : 

1. -q, -£. Ace. sg. f. zenq 'wife' : Skr. dSvdm 'equam', Gr. 
XWQar, Indg. -0-w. 1. sg. vezq 'veho' : Lat. veham, cpf. *ye§ha-m. 
Nom. ace. neut. titi^ name* fr. *i-men: cp. the long vowel in 
Goth, namo fr. *na-mdn (§§ 195. 214). 

2. -y. Nom. kamy 'stone' (st. kamen-), formed like Gr. 
axfiayp, OHG. hano, Lith. dial. sstfia 'dog' (beside szu, Skr. 4rtf, 
§ 92 rem.). 

3. -e. Nom. ace. neutr. polje 'field' fr. *-ien, *-ion } Indg. 
*-io-w (§ 84 p. 80). J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 307 
perhaps rightly (doubts however remain, s. W. Schulze ibid. 546) 
traces the -e of the loc. sg. Jcatnen-e back to *en = Pruss. en 
Gr. iv 'in' (*kamen loc. like Skr. Ved. kdrman, Gr. do^ev). The 
-e of the ace. sg., e. g. mater-e 'matrem', fr. *-en = Gr. -a, 
Indg. -9* (§§ 224. 249). 

4. -¥. Ace. gostX 'guest' : cp. Skr. dvi-tn, Gr. oi-v. 

5. -#. Ace. synu 'son : Skr. stlnu-m. Ace. v/SAw 'wolf : 
Skr. vfka-m, Gr. Avxo-f . 

Rem. 1. Ace. 8g. ji 'eum* konjX 'eqaum' are accordingly not fir. *yo-n f 
femto-n, but fir. *j*-n (Lith. ./I), *kon{i-n. 8. § 84 rem. 1. 

Assimilation took place when nasals of different organs 
came together. This process was also prim. Slav, kam&tti 
'made of stone' fr. *kamn-$nu, to kamen- stone'. To the nom. 
pi. grazdan-e 'town-inhabitants' (fr. *gradi&n-e(s) § 147 p. 132 f.; 
from gradu 'town', cp. Gr. ovpavuov-sg 'celestial inhabitants') 
belonged as dat. grazdamu and as instr. grazdami (Miklosich 
Vergl. Gramm. Ill 2 15 f.), fr. *-an-niu, *-an-nii. 

Bern. 2. Cp. the assimilation of -nm- to in- in itn* 'name* (= *jim*) 
and imq 'I grasp, take' (= *i inM ti C P* vfe-iMq, 9tt/*-?m<g, § 666, 1), the 




f*ne biar sm! rtapj. : J3 

i< ilii m»& «e «*«« «u. It Jttr *£ J 
— t: •*»- witt .• = Tung «- 3 ii»l \»i i 
■*- mn 1. tl tat* = Sit. im vp mm 

*«■ mar. t a* Tnm. Bat-ikr. pen*. *■« 

— . '-*'^ *lr*»r •: aa point anat *«Mr; ^fA 

/ 

r 

-; re- u. the Ki*. Iiit perioi 

- ■■ • fKnfaiiVZiackr.Xirr i37ffi««. 
.* .tmhuuuioG tag vowd — ni» T 

linn;, hocuge. E. i Ibdj. "• 

. - •<■ <itak mres', G«L ^*te V 

- Mnd^' fr. -*-*$, «f* -*■** • 

- -^- *•: j Indg. Dom. sg. Jutf • 

. i^hMiN, etcl hence As Sst t 

• • «j mttc put. pf. «. -*■* 

-j 7 1 lr. -*o*$ (q>- *r. * 

-> wor th mentioning n tfci r 
_ . t< be noticed. At r 

tuandstiaB. We shall 
- ■ -i?^ «<i forawsategorics v 
„ -m.r of to theory. 
^— v . nest with forms Ji 
:> «*k in an exploi 
^.w : «pj*»e that th 
* mhaI *ofa. Fori 
-.«. witt weal in 
r wioch da 
ut be esi 



-r- aw K* a; 

. ».- ** ato K- 

..^ . c * lr 
*n mm ft 



188 Prim. Indg. nasal ohaoges. § 219—221. 

former fir. *m-mgn (op. O.Ir. ainm, Gr. Svojua etc.), the latter fr. *tnm-a-m 
(Goth, nima, Gr. vifi<a y rt. netn-) with tn = Indg. #- (§ 248). On account 
of Pruss. emn-a- 'name' and Lith. imu = Slav, imq we must assume that 
the assimilation here took place in the prim. Bait.- Slay, period. *Q-vncn- t 
*qm-6 (1. sg.) had probably already at this period become *ipmen-, *qun6. 
Gp. Lat. emd § 238. 

Nasal ohanges in the prim. Indg. period. 
§ 220. J. Schmidt (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 337 ff.) assumes 
that n, in the final combination long vowel + nasal + s, 
disappeared in the Indg. prim, language. E. g. Indg. -Os in 
the ace. pi. of fl-stems (Skr. dfaas mares', Goth, gibds gifts', 
Lith. rankos-na 'into the hands') fr. -a-ns, cp. -o-ns in the 
mascul. (Gr. Cret. vo^o-tv etc.). Indg. nom. sg. *tn$s 'month* 
fr. *m8ns (cp. Lat. gen. pi. mgns-um etc.), hence the Skr. form 
mds. The ending of the nom. sg. masc. part. pf. act. -uos (Gr. 
sl$(6q, Av. vtitvd 'knowing', § 649, 7) fr. -udns (cp. Skr. ace. sg. 
masc. vidvqs-am etc.). 

This hypothesis seems to me worth mentioning in this place 
as being a possibility which ought to be noticed. At present 
however it requires a still firmer foundation. We shall come 
to speak below of some of the forms and form-categories which 
Schmidt has brought forward in support of his theory. 

§ 221. In all Indg. languages we meet with forms having 
a nasal in the root-syllable, when this ends in an explosive or 
a spirant, where we have good reason to suppose that the nasal 
once stood behind the root-syllable as nasal suffix. Forms also 
often occur with nasal suffix beside those with nasal infix. It 
is probably here a question of a sound-change which dates back 
to the Indg. prim, period. But it still remains to be established 
on the one hand, by what law the nasal -anticipation (or the 
affection preparing the way for it) at that time now appeared, 
now not; and on the other hand it must be determined whether 
the same process or similar processes have not also happened 
at a later time in the individual languages, e. g. in Italic (cp. 
Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 301 ff.) and thus cause the 
whole mass of examples to have to be estimated from various 
points of view. In any case it is no mere accident that the 



§ 221. Prim. Indg. nasal changes. 189 

prim. Indg. change of the voiceless explosives into the voiced 
at the end of roots (§ 467, 7), so frequently appears in con- 
nection with present formations having a nasal infix (Osthoff 
Morph. Unt. IV 328, Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 548), and that the 
syllable, which had absorbed the vowel into itself, was generally 
unaccented (the strong forms of the Skr. seventh present-class 
as chindd-mi do not come into account here). 

The nasal anticipation appears most frequently in the 
present tense, especially in the formation with suffix -t- -6- (Skr. 
sixth class), with which the Skr. seventh present-class is closely 
related (a. the author's article in Morph. Unt. Ill 148 ff.). Skr. 
limpdtm, Lith. limpu : O.Bulg. pri-U(p)nq, fr. rt. leip- smear 
stick*. Skr. chinddmi chinddmi, Lat. scindd, OHG. scintan (cp. 
also Av. causat. scindayeiti, Gr. a^ivdaXfio-g) , from rt. sqhait- 
sqhaid- 'split, tear. Gr. nwHdvo^aty Lith. pa-bundu : O.Bulg. 
vfe-bunq fr. *-budnq, fr. rt. bheudh- 'watch, mark*. Skr. yuftj&U 
yun&jmi, Lat. jungd, Lith. jiingiu : Gr. tsvyvvfu, from rt. jeuq- 
'harness, yoke'. Lat. pangd, OHG. OS. inf. fdhan (fr. prim. 
Germ. *fai9yana-n, § 214) part, fangan : Gr. ntjyvvfiit, from rt. 
pa&- pag- 'bind, make fast'. Lat. pando : Gr. nlvvrj^i 'I spread 
out*. Gr. Xvyydvo/Liat 'I have the hiccup* (Xvy£ 'hiccup') : Mid. 
HG. slucken fr. prim. Germanic *slugn5na-n (§ 534). Lith. 
smunku 'I slide, glide* : Mid.HG. smUcken 'to dress, adorn 
OJcel. smokkr 'under dress' from prim. Germ. *smu%-n- (§ 530). 

Noun formations. Lat. fundus ground, bottom', O.Ir. bond 
bonn Wea', Gr. nvvda£ 'bottom' : Skr. budhnd-s 'bottom'. Lat. 
unda, Pruss. unda- m. water', Lett, udens 'water' fr. *undens, 
Lith. vandu -ens 'water' (the Lett, and the Lith. words seem to 
be due to a contamination of the stems *unda- and *uaden-), to 
these Skr. unddmi unddtni 'I wet, bathe' : Skr. uddn- udn- 'water, 
wave', Gr. i'Jar- from *W#-*- (§ 233) 'JXoo-idvy (?), Goth, vatin-, 
dat. pi. vatn-a~m, 'water' l ). Here come perhaps also Lat. mens- 



i 



1) OHG. undea 'wave* can only be compared on the supposition 
that the root originally ended in ?, so that the d in Lat. unda Skr. uddn- 
ete. would stand on the same level with the § in pan go n%yvvfn (beside 
Lat pac-, Skr. pat-). See above. 



1* ■■! 



u.: 1 . lu-nrii* 3 




i 'tii : a-- 




i * r 



•• ■ '« -It "— *» Of K*r^r W0TX A* 

#«- * ,:r. *t.iil /*■.»• r> .7 v «t wt * «sn. 1* lramii** 
.\tb jb- **i/«t^&,-* or **««*-*>-• -r mja mnai - * •**» - 
fscrr nun. p* rw*-**u* Ka. r-^»- ■as* ^ mrw9r 

Tin jkhuuqu: naaak iKOcrec two. * *«r aai Jim? * 
nitwit; .m^L Vuen lung, tiier caeawa iwniwiu^Hdr 

1. The short nmui iw - ifc 
J: BEL Tbe node of treoxm* xhe «« ** i> * * ai * 
^•anae lnpngee renders* it fttanUt * £*** *»*• ** ** 



t^mocnimg the ftoiratal — ■ ■■ vt *!■■* **■ . ^m 

**«* n. C«rtuw ttttuL IX 2*:» ff. **X *■*■ * to** TSSB^ l** 
^Ik. fL Murph. TitL D 151 ff.; J. SehmUt *■* U *^"*^V*i. 2 
«*-x- £uto> ZtHcfar. XXIV 321 t; Ostkeff *■*■"* ***** O^ *-f 
JlwrpU. Unt I W it D 14 It IV p. IV t; Bei««b*r?*- 3t ** ** 
IU Ilia fl ; Pick ibi<L m 157 C, IV 167 C; de 3«*«** ^^^V^ 
1* rrKWnoe primitif etc 6 £ 18 C 239 C; Merer 6o*** »■» 
P- * t; Pm.l in Pari-Brune'B Beitr. VI 106 t 4* t; K?«- _** 
VIII KG It; Kluffe Beitr. «ir Gesck. <L germ C**m i:£: X T ^ 
linger fcuhuY Zt«chr. XX\TI 437 C; Zi««er flwL 45* 



§ 223-224. The nasals as sonants. Prim Indg. ip, n, $, f. 191 

1. Unaccented 1 ) before explosives, spirants, nasals 
and liquids, and finally, e. g. *tyt6-$ part. pass, from rt. 
ten- stretch, extend' : Skr. tatd-s; *sem% nom. ace. sg. of the 
cent, stem *s$-tnen- a throw, seed' : Lat. sEmen. 

2. gi, # unaccented before i, e. g. *m%0 1. sg. pres. 
from rt. men- 'think' : Lith. miniii. Here are probably also 
to be placed the combinations ipu ) ##, s. § 225. 

3. With principal accent before consonants, e. g. 
VfiJt 3. pi. of *is-mi 'I am 1 : Skr. s-dnti. 

4. tp, # before sonants, in which case w, n were 
spoken as glides, e. g. *tyn~A- (rt. ten-) 'stretched, thin' : Skr. 
tan~U: The glide consonant corresponded to #, % in such Indg 
combinations as w#a, j$a, e. g. *du#6 = Skr. Ved. duvd O.Bulg. 
duva. S. § 117 p. 110. 

The following is an abctract of the usual representation of 
# in the Indg. separate developments from these four points of 



Primitive Indg. period. 

§ 224. 1. Unaccented before explosives, spirants,, 
nasals and liquids, and finally. 

*&}tf($-f» 'hundred* : Skr. katd-m, Gr. l-xaro'-v, Lat. centu-m, 
O.Ir. cit, Goth, hund, Lith. szimta-s. *g%i-t6~ gone', *g#*-rf- 
a going* fr. rt. gem- : Skr. gatd-s gdti-§, Gr. paro-g pacts, Lat. 
n-ventu-s in-ventid, Goth, ga-qumpi-. *sqi- weak stem of *sem- 



1) Here and in the following §§ the prim. Indg. accentuation is 
dways meant, from which the individual languages deviated in many in- 
Uances. See § 669. 



' • * i*4-*5. 

"* n ~"- " i2r - "■■**■ r - ~ •* - rr-.r Set- ■»-*. «• ' 

* " r ' -^^ ■* **-w W. «r- 



_ - . ,.- — . t — « ** ji nr-w» ; Sb. 






T1U£ ^= . LL. ~ i- •■* •/■.* **-"I*-»l"l 



-'-**--* p*rmi\ Lat 



.■>*—«„.#_ «-*. ...a. *-j«~»Mjfr~,„ iU ~ - n t^ ^ *„*«-#v* 



"i*£ • 1. Set. i*- •»- _ T r. 



*ji * 



/#/' 



"~«~*. •>- n>*ov. 



-** >ihs -.o^imt arui tmr^i *r n%* u— iu * >sr -w^ Gr -*r. Lat 
-* "^ *-<■* - -^ ^ i - * . ."".a. -*/«.-. -ww . -^z ^jjag^ f 
-a* 3 iu 3U.L Sir. ^r ~ -,r i. - -, fr » ^.-^ -*» q tfe ^^ 
*«. ur: ikhil it -**i-jh^h^ >ir K<^f *-- rn _ a f^ ^ 

£i. 5ini / **•- W . <kr m^n S, r %/**- fcke pitkati 
iir *jtt*'i*ir., $ ill „ *<**•» ^cwr; rp fc >*r_ / o**-* ly», OHG. 
z'Vi/'ir '-.inmr. *har? . rn*w ^>a^> ;.?^a &*-*+ etc, were 
ii»r a^^r 5*rmiidi,Ds ir-nr 5jrn& vjiuat in«i*^y ia tke roots). 

i «»u 2L * » mi'!«i:^i before k *ff^V> 1 go* 
froflft rt ^»*» : Gr. ^«y^ £n;ai *^cf^> *i*u^* |^§ 2(VL 639), 
Lit, 0^1^ i^ 2»r->. Pn?s. st *«^- rt. jw<r». 'think* : Skr. 
w*4m~f4~t*. Ht. uaJwzTx* (oa the m«etiain^ see Carthts Grundt 5 
VtX %Vl). Lkh. mini* 0£aU, *mi<± Preaw st^ *<j*£-# f - from 
rt. ^»- Tw>V : Skr. kan-tfi-t? pass, i/or regular *gkan-ya-te, 
| 4f>4 rem.), O.BaIg. f*»-/a 1 cot off! reap*. Formation of the 
pre*efrt from noun stems in -«m — men-, Indg. ending of 1. 8g. 



§ 225—227. Prim. Indg. ip, #, #, #. 193 

-#-# : Skr. tik§an-yd-mi to uk$dn- 'bull, ox', brahman-yd-mi to 
brdhman- n. prayer , Qr. rsxraivto to tsxtw 'carpenter', OnsQ/tialva) 
to ansQfia seed, germ', Gotb. glit-mun-ja to *glittnin- 'splendour'. 

It is probable that the treatment of ip# 7 ## in Ar. Qr. 
and Slav, was analogous to that of tpi, #3. Skr. Ved. jaganvdn 
Indg. *ge-g#i-#& and jaghanvdn Indg. *ghe-gh%-%6s, part. pf. 
act. from the roots gem- 'go' and qhen- 'hew' (cp. § 199 rem.). 
Skr. tanv-t fem. to tanir§ 'stretched' fr. **#-#-£, cp. OHG. dunni 
'thin' fr. *pun-u-ia-. Gr. part. pepa-(f)u)s, ysya-(f)ui<; were formed 
anew after forms with /te-, ya-. O.Bulg. part. pf. ptnu (jK-ti 
'to hang, strain) may have arisen fr. *pXn-vu (cp. da-vu from 
da-ft 'to give') : cp. mXnijX 'minor' to Goth, minniza f r. *mi-n#-iz-d 
(§ 184 p. 161). Cp. the author Morph. Unt. II 211 f. 214, 
Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 404. 436. 

§ 226. 3. Accented before consonants. Personal ending 
of 3. pi. -nti, -nf, e. g. pres. indie. *s-$ti, opt. *si-$l *sii-nt, 
imperf. *S 8-nt from rt. es- 'be'. Skr. s-dnti 'are' ds-an 'were'. 
Gr. Ion. sctoi 'are' fr. *£o-uvri (§ 205), El. iuv 'sint' fr. *s 6-^-av l ) 
Boeot. elav 'were' (« fr. 9, § 72). Umbr. s-en* 'sunt*, O.Lat. 
*-i-ent sint\ O.Ir. ft 'sunt', s. § 243, 3. O.Icel eru 'are' prim. 
Qerm. *iz-unjn, O.Icel. vissu OHG. wissun 'they knew* with 
-tm = Gr. -<w, Indg. -w£. O.Bulg. jad-tff 'they eat': cp. Skr. 
ad-dnti; s-aorist bass from 6oe2q 'I sting': cp. Gr. I'<te*£-ai>. 

§ 227. 4. tpm, yn (m, n glides) before sonants. 

sqim-6- 'any one' (rt. sem-) : Skr. sama-, Gr. apo-, Goth. 
sumo- ; by the side of this cp. Indg. *sm- in Gr. p-aiw£ 'having 
one claw', fem. fi-ia 'una' (§ 563, 6). *gflim-6 present form 
from rt. gem- 'go' : Skr. ved. gam-d-mi, OHG. Jcoman Ags. cutnan 
OJoel. Aowa; Skr. gamdmi : Av. fl /m-a-jj = huv-d-mi : d-hv- 
a4 etc. 

**#w-ti- stretched, thin' : Skr. £an-ti-£, Gr. ruv-v-yhaaao-g^ 
Lat-.ten-w-i-s, O.Ir. £an-a. Corresponding to the double suffix 
form -%o- and -(jo- (§ 120), -ro- and -fro- (§ 287), there existed a 



1) The a in El. Xav can, of course, by § 64 also regularly represent an 
older *. In that case the form would not belong here as a new formation. 

Br ug m an n, Elements. 13 



*** lmig. y f f y g, p m Aryaa. § 227-228. 

-9*0- -*»- beside. Hence e. g. Skr. Ted. yaj-an&s beside ya;- 
ikt-t Veneration of the gods*, 6r. <n>7-«oo-s beside <rr*y-#os 
eorering*, l impiw food* beside Skr. o w mi w 'food* fr. *ad-+a-m. 
Ted. jroj^t- BcBot ^ O.IceL *o*w = Indg. *£**-<*-, beside 
Ted. ^nd- Gr. V**- fr. *;&**- (in irwtmum 1 seek a wife for 
myself, § 492) OJr. wma (gen. sg.) = Indg. *gn-d- 'wife ; 
ep. Gr. /fci^ *bow* Litfa. gijh thread* beside Skr. /yd- 'bow- 
string*. Pres. Arm. U-anem 'I leave' Gr. hfat-ana beside Or. 
*»c-w etc. (Osthoff Znr Geech. d. Perf. 407). ***- 'on- : Skr. 
<m-udrdr$ Gr. ar~tdpo-£ 'waterless*, beside *$- before explosives 
etc., e. g. Skr. a-pdd- Gr. a-novq 'footlesB*; in the other languages 
we hare the same form in both cases, Arm. an-, Lat in-, 
Goth. un-. 

On the prim. Indg. interchange between ym, 911 and m, n 
after consonants cp. §§ 120. 153. 

Aryan. 

§ 228. 1 . Skr. ydchati Ay. yascriti 3. sg. pres., Skr. yata- At. 
yata- part, pass from Ar. yam- 'to restrain, curb*, prim. f. *jip-skl-ti, 
*jigirt6-. Skr. gahi At. (Gap.) gaidt 2. sg. imper. form rt gem- 
go', prim. f. *onp-dhi. Skr. £atd-m At. sate-m "hundred' : Lith. 
sziihta-s, Indg. *hpto-m. Skr. stabh- fr. *stipbh- in stabh-na-mi 
1. sg. pres., tasiabh-ur 3. pi. pf. (3. sg. tastdmbha) from rt 
stembh- (prim. Ar. sthambh~?) strengthen, prop up*. 

Skr. baddhd- At. O. Pera. basics 'bound', Indg. %htylh + t6- 
from rt. bhendh- 'bind* ; so also bhpdh- in Skr. badhndti 'he binds' 
badhydte 'he is bound' and others. Skr. iasto- At. sasta- 'spoken, 
valued', prim. f. *fc#s-t6- : Lat. census a new formation for *censtu-s. 
Skr. hatdr Av.jata- 'struck' (regarding the initial s. § 454 rem.): 
Gr. g>«ro-j?, Indg. *gA#-*o'-, rt. ghen- 'hew, strike, kill'. Skr. 
ta-n6-mi At. ta-nao-mi 'I stretch out' : Gr. ra-w-roi, rt. ten- 
stretch out, extend'. Skr. At. -ma-, -va- as anteconsonantal 
weak form of the Indg. suffixes -men-, -yen-: loc. pi. Skr. 
dhdma-su, dat. pi. Skr. dhdma-bhyas At. dama-byd (Skr. dfaz- 
man- 'effect, law etc.' At. da-man- dq-man- 'creature') : cp. Gr. 
ava-dijfta-m; Skr. pdrvatas 'range of mountains' At. paurvatd- 



§ 228-229. Indg. ^ #, & q in Aryan. 195 

£ mountain, to Skr. pdrvan- n. 'node, knot* : Qr. nsiQava Lesb. 
ni^gara, Indg. *per-y/ifr-to-. Skr. 8-at- A v. A-a*- weak at. form 
of the part, of dsmi ahmi 'I am', e. g. in the fem. sati, haiti: 
cp. Qr. Dor. toaaa, Indg. *«-#£-*. Skr. Av. -ma = *-m# in 
the nom. ace. sg. of -min-stems: Skr. dhd-ma, Ay. da-ma dqm-a: 
cp. Gr. avd-6/j-fia, Lat. nd-men. 

Skr. oJntftf Av. aSnaoiti (§ 398) 'he reaches', prim. f. 
*a£-w^f-tf : cp. Skr. perf. aw$a, Gr. tyeyxetv. Skr. 6oAti-5 'dense, 
much* fr. *bhh§hri-& : cp. superl. bqhifyha- and Av. bqzah- n. 
'greatness, strength*. 

Skr. Av. -ac- 'bent in a certain direction, turned', e. g. in 
8kr. loc. pi. praty-dk-§u instr. pi. -dg-bhi§, fr. *-##-, weak st. 
form to Skr. -aflc- Av. -awe- : Gr. 7rotf-a7r-o-£, Lat. prop-inqu-o-$ 
(cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 249 ff.). 

Concerning the qualitative changes of a in Av. see § 94. 

§ 228. 2. Skr. gamytit Av. jamyap O.Pers. jamiya 3. sg. 
opt. from rt. gem- go', prim. f. *gtp-j$-t l ) ; Sievers (Paul-Braune's 
Beitr. VIII 81 ff.) places here Ags. opt. cyme pi. cymen = Goth. 
*kumjdu pi. *Jcumeina. Skr. mdnyatl Av. manyqtl 'he thinks 1 , 
O.Pers. 2. sg. conj. pres. act. maniydhy: Lith. roimw, Indg. pres. 
at *my-i6-; corresponding to Skr. manyu-§ courage, zeal, anger' 
Av. mainyu-s 'spirit', from rt. men-. Skr. hanydte Av. jany$i% 
Tie is struck' : O.Bulg. sftn-jq 'I cut off, reap'; Skr. hanydt A v. 
janyaj) 3. sg. opt. 'he may strike', from rt. ghen- 'strike*. 
Denominative verbs: 3. sg. Skr. udan-yd-ti 'streams' brahman- 
j/d-ti 'prays*, Av. vydxman-ye-iti 'deliberates'. 

Bern. On the O.Pers. forms cp. § 125 p. 116. 

Part pf. Skr. va-van-vdn Av. va-van-vd from Ar. van- 
'obtain : cp. the weak st. form Skr. vavn-ib§- Av. vaon-us-. Skr. 
1. du. gdnvas (for *ganvds 1 accented after the analogy of the 
sg.) from gam- 'go': cp. 2. pi. gathd. Skr. udan-vdnt- 'rich in 
water' atman-vant- animated'. 

Concerning the qualitative changes of a in Av. see § 94. 



1) Skr. gam-y&t to gtn-iyd (1. sg. mid.) as jagan-vdn to jagm-ii$i 
(part, pt act. masc. and fem.). On Iran, initial j- cp. § 451 rem. 

13* 



196 Indg. fli, & ft, »a in Aryan. § 230-231. 

§ 230. 3. Skr. s-dnti Av. h-enti O.Pers. h-atiy (read 
hanti, § 197 rem.) 'they are', Indg. *s-nti; with secondary ending 
Skr. ds-an s-dn Av. h-en O.Pers. ah-a (read dh-an, § 197 
rem.). Skr. y-dnti Av. y-$inti 'they go', Indg. *i-nti : cp. Gr. 
cdai ; with secondary ending Skr. dy-an O.Pers. ay-a (r. dy-an). 
Skr. 8%-m&nta- 'boundary, parting* : Gr. i-paw- 'thong', Indg. 
*sF-m#-fo-, to Skr. sl-mdn- Gr. i-pav-ia, rt. sajr 'limit, bind'. 

On Av. e from a see § 94. 

§ 231. 4. saptatn-d-s 'seventh' : Lat. Septimus, Indg. 
*8epttpm~6-8, to which probably also belong O.Ir. sechtmad Mid. 
Cymr. seithuet (§ 634); but O.Bulg. sedmy-fl Pruss. septma-s 
Lith. sekrna-s fr. *septrn6-s. Skr. vandti 'he gains, loves' sanaft 
Tie attains' fr. *wpn-4-ti *sgn-4-ti (Av. vanaiti hanmti either 
identical with these Skr. forms or like Skr. vdnati sdnati after 
class I): Goth, un-vunands 'not rejoicing'. Instr. sg. Skr. 
brdhman~a (brdhman- n. 'prayer') Av. bar'sman-a (bar'sman- m. 
'sacrificial rod*) fr. prim. Ar. *-m#n-fl, with these cp. Skr. n&mn-a 
(ndtnan- n. name'). Antesonantal Skr. Av. O.Pers. an- 'un-' : 
Gr. aV, Indg. *#n-. 

ghan-d- 'killing* beside -ghn-d- (go-ghnd- 'ox-killing') is 
similar to gir-a- beside -gr-d- swallowing, devouring' (§ 290). 

On the qualitative changes of the a in Av. s. § 94. 

Rem. The Ar. ending of 1. sg. -am e. g. in Skr. ds-am 'I was' (op. 
Or. Jo 3 = *£*-ty») and that of the aoo. 8g. e. g. in Skr. pad-am 'foot' 
(op. Or. n6S-a = *pod-m) point to -mm. Three explanations are possible. 
1. There existed in prim. Indg. beside -m and -91 a form -g*w (and nfl) 
after the manner of the phenomena discussed in §§ 312. 313. In that case 
Cypr. -or in a(y)Jpd(r)r-ar (Att avdqtavT-a) etc. oould be directly connected 
with the Ar. form. 2. -m became -91m, by a special Ar. development, 
when the following word began with a sonant, i. e. generated an m as 
glide, under the same conditions as y and t* often made their appearance 
after -t and -u in various languages. 3. -m became -a in prim. Ar. (op. 
Skr. ddia) and this became transformed to -am after the analogy of forma 
like Skr. dbhara-m, diva-m. The second possibility seems to deserve the 
preference, and the first type in consideration of dbharam and d&vam may 
have been generalised through the side by side existence of tfsam a- and 
*dsa t-, pad am a- and *pdda t- (cp. J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 
282 f.). Cp. sthat&r § 285. 



§ 232-233. Indg. ^i, #, £, w in Armen. and Greek. 197 

Armenian. 

§ 232. Jtsan 'twenty' according to Hubschmann fr. *gisan 
(concerning g- § 162, and -s- § 408): Skr. vtfatl-, Gr. Dor. 
Bceot. fixate Lat. vfgintt, Indg. *#i%tff- or *#F%ff- (first syllable 
uncertain), tasn 'ten probably fr. Indg. *dehpt : Goth, taihun 
(cp. § 651, 2). inn 'nine*, pi. inun-U or innun-JZ: connected most 
closely with Gr. *i vfa (iwu-, slva-, iva-, § 166), beside Skr. ndva 
Jr. n(H n- Indg. *tirfjf#. anw» name' fr. *an#an *an-man (§ 202) 
Skr. nd-ma, Gr. ovo-j<a, Lat. nfl-w#i, O.Ir. awm n-, Indg. -wp 
an- 'un-' = Indg. *#- and *#n- (Skr. a- an-, Gr. a- av-, Lat, 
m-, Goth, un-), e. g. an-ban 'carens ratione et verbo' : cp. Gr. 
£'<patpog; an-anun nameless' : cp. Gr. av-cowpog. kan-ai- in pi 
kanai-K 'women : Boeot. [lava O.Icel. kona 'woman', prim. f. 
*g$n-a-. Present formative suffix -ara-, e. g. IR-ane-m 'I leave* 
gt-ane-tn 'I find' : Gr. -avw, k/undvu) , prim. f. -qne- -yno- l ) : by 
the side of this cp. -m-, e. g. af-ne*m 'I make' , like Gr. JaWco. 
amafn, gen. amar-an, 'summer' (cp. also amar-ayin 'aestivus' 
amar-aini 'messis*) : OHG. OJcel. sumar 'summer'. 

In the forms tasn, inn, anun the a in the final syllable -an 
had disappeared by the law of finals (§ 651, 1). 

Greek. 

§ 238. 1. paoxcj 'I go' : Skr. gdchatni 'I go', Indg. *gtp-8k6, 
from rt. gem-. eQaxo-g 'lovely' : Skr. raids 'rejoicing, loved', Indg. 
tnp-to-s, rt. rem- (Skr. rdm-a-ti). -a, ending of the 1. sg. in 
n-a 'I was', £x*(f)-a 'poured out', Usix-a-a 'showed', jjit-a 'knew' 
etc., Indg. -#». 

Bxadov itomxsvS- 'seize' (fut. x^oftcu, § 205) : Lat. pre-hend-G. 
inadov naiaOvTa from nsvO- 'suffer', nivSog. a-vd/M a-vvw d-vvw 
*l come to the goal' : Skr. sa-n6-mi, Indg. *s#-w^#-fm, rt. sen- 2 ). 

1) Only traces found in Ar. f as in Skr. Ved. i$-ana-t, Av. pe$-anaiti 
oter'nc-ainti. See the accidence, and Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. II 94 f. 

2) For a conjecture concerning the strange spiritus lenis in arijut 
see Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Pert 479 f. 



198 



Indg. 91, *, fl, 19 in Greek. § 233—235. 



ret- 'stretch, span in xi-w-xctx T€-tcc-tcu va-ro-g etc.: Skr. fa-, 

ta-nu-te, Lat. ten-, ten-tu-s, rt. tew-, gpa- 'kill' in ni-tpa-rcu 

9>a-ro'-s, Indg. *gfc#- : Skr. ha-td-s struck', yi-ya-nev 1. pi. pf. 

to ysv- gignere*, yiv-oq. s-xra-psv, e-xra-ro = Skr. d-k$a-ta, aor. 

to xt€v- Skr. A^an- 'kill*. Lesb. aftfisg Att. wicfc 'we', prim. Gr. 

*a-oyi«- (§ 565): Skr. a-sma- (dat. asmd-bhyam nobis'), Goth. 

-$, Indg. *#-sm€-. -a-, -^a-, weak form of the nominal 

fixes -en-, -wen-: (pga-ol, to yp«'- 'midriff, mind'; v'J-a-r-, to 

r. ud-dn- ud-n- water ; ovo-pa-ai : Skr. nd-ma-su, to nA-man- 

■mn- 'name'; ovo-fxata like Lat. cdgnd-menta. Suffix of the 

i. pi. -off : Skr. -as, Lat. -& (fr. *-*ns, § 208) etc., Indg. -gs, 

g. vjjfas 'ships' : Skr. ndv-as Lat. w&t?-£s; dqppv'ac 'eye-brows': 

r. bhruv-as. Ending of the 3. pi. mid. -ara* -aro : Skr. -ate, 

a, Indg. -#fcfi, -#*<? : #**««> ^'«*o 'they sit, sat' : Skr. dsatS, 

;ta; perf. xsxXiarat TBTodtparai, opt. yt volar o etc. er-yE(/)a 

ie' (orig. nine in all', iv- 'in') : Skr. ndva, Arm. inn (§ 232), 

jr. ndi n- (Lat. nopun after the analogy of septem, decern), 

§ 152. 

iXaxp-v from tey;r-, cp. pf. XiXoy^a. 

Rem. o in tfxoGt beside Fixan 'twenty' etc. does not really represent 
%. sonant nasal. See the author's Grieoh. Gramm. p. 68 f. 

§ 284. 2. palvio 'I go' : Lat. venid, Indg. *gip-i6 9 § 204. 
also xalvco 'I kill', prim. f. *&%*-$, to xap-6-vT€$ 'the dead': 
'. Samayami 'I put to death, destroy'; v crept into ixavov, 
)va from xa/iw. Lesb. xvaivto 'I kill' fr. *xrp-#o, rt. xtw-. 
vsTcu : Skr. mdnyate, Lith. mtmtSt, rt. men- (s. § 225). Ana- 
)U8ly Ttraivu) 'I stretch out', rexraivfo 'I build', 6nsQfxaiv(o 'I fruc- 
' (cp. Goth, glitmunja 'I shine') etc. rtxvaiva fem. to tsxtcjv 
penter', gen. sg. rsxralvTjg like Goth, latihmunjds (nom. 
hmun~i 'lightning'); cp. the author Morph. Unt. II 195 if., 
hoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 452 f. On the t-epenthesis see 
131. 639. 

§ 236. 3. 3. pi. -airi, Att. -dot fr. -nti : X-aai 'they go* : 
. y-dnti; dy-vv-aai 'they break in pieces, crush' : cp. Skr. 
-nuv-dnti, Indg. *-»w#-n*t. Participial suffix -err- = Indg. 

in dei%-avT-, vneg-xid-aVT, d-xd/Li-avT-, n-dvx- (§ 166 p. 147). 



f 235-238. Indg. ifi, * & » >n Italic. 199 

Bern. Some hold *r, and others a to be the regular representation of 
accented sonant nasal. The facts seem to ns to agree best with the 
hypothesis given above. 

§ 236. 4. a-/ua at once' dfi-6- 'any one'; Skr. sam-a~ 

Goth. sutn-a- 'any one*, Indg. 591m- (weak stem form beside 

sm- ap-) 'one 1 . Boeot. pava 'wife* : Armen. pi. kan-ai-R O.Icel. 

fona, Indg. *g#n-4-. Aor. ra/usTv, xravslv, Savstv from r*p- 'cut', 

xtfv- Trill', 0*r- (Osivai) strike, kill*. Weak st. dap- "house* 

(beside <fc/*- in dtanorrjg, § 204 p. 171) in dd/u-apr- 'spouse 9 , 

properly 'managing the house', to dgrvw sn-aprTJq (W. Schulze 

Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVin 281). 

Italic. 

§ 237. The Indg. sonant nasals became in the prim. Ital. 
period en, em, en, and thus fell together with Indg. e -\- nasal. 
In the same manner as in the latter combination e passed into 
1 in Latin, e. g. sin-guli (Indg. *8tp-) like tingud: Gr. xlyyta, 
s. § 65 p. 53. 

§ 238. 1. Lat. sim-plex sin-gull : Gr. o-7rc*5, Indg. *sip- 
one\ centu-m : Lith. szifhta-s 'hundred', Indg. *fvqU6-tn. vigintf: 
Gr. ftxari (cp. § 232); vTctsimu-s fr. *vicent+timo- (§ 208): 
Gr. Boeot. flHaovo-g. decern, Umbr. desen-duf 'duodecim': 
Skr. ddia. 

census (for regular *censtu-s), Osc. an-censto nom. sg. fem. 
'incensa' censtom-en 'in censum' : Sastd- spoken, valued', Indg. 
*h$8-t6-- $nsis: Skr. asl-§ 'sword*. Lat. emd, Umbr. emantur 
'accipiantur', Osc. pert-emest 'perimet', fr. *qm-6 = Lith. imU O.Bulg. 
imq *I seize, take' (§ 219 rem. 2) from rt. nem- 'allot' (Gr. vipta 'I 
deal out, possess', Goth, nima 'I take') ; *qm6 first became *ipmS y 
thence emd. tentid : Skr. taiir§ 'row', Gr. xdoi-q 'a stretching'. Suffix 
-m*H-fo-= Skr. -twa-to-, Gr. -pa-ro- Germ, -mun-da-itesta-mentu^n 
(fr. *tersUl-tnentu-rn) , Osc. abl. tristaa-mentud. juven-ta: 
Goth, junda (junda?) 'youth', cpf. *iuu#-td or *ju%ty-t&. trtfns 
to Gr. TQidg, like Skr. daidt- 'decade' to Gr. fexag l ). Lat. -dnsu-8 

1) Either the nom. sg. and loc. pi. of these Or. substantival numerals 
in -at were the occasion of their passing into the analogy of J-stems (cp. 



200 Indg. *p, y, n, n in Italic. § 238-241. 

-dsu-s e. g. in vfrdsus (n preserved in fortn&nsus etc.) explained 

by Osthoff *) as fr. *-o%enssO', *-o-##£-Ko-, orig. the weak form of 

the suffix -uent- (Skr. -vant-, Gr. -few-), -to- participial suffix 

as in ubertu-8, vetustu-s, aegrdtu-s etc. Participial st. rudent- : 

Skr. rudat- (Indg. *rudyt- ; beside the strong form *rudont- : 

Skr. ruddnt-\ from rudd : Skr. ruddmi 'howl, moan'. Ace. pi. 

ped-Bs, Umbr. ner-f 'nerones, proceres' fr. prim. Ital. *-ens 

m 208. 209), Indg. *-#s : Skr. -as, Gr. -«$. nd-men, Umbr. 

mem no-me nomen , Indg. *-m# : Skr. nd-ma, Gr. ovo-pa, 

:. ainm n- name 1 ; analogously ungu-en, Umbr. um-en 

■uen : O.Ir. vnb n- n. 'butter, cp. Gr. uksi<p-a, xdpa fr. 

iatf-a; concerning the Umbr. endings -em, -e, -en s. § 209. 

dingua lingua (§ 369) : Goth, tuggd OHG. zunga 'tongue'; 

l.Bulg. j-qsykU Pruss. insuwis 'tongue* also belong here, it 

>ws that the prim. f. is *d$gh-ud, and that d- has been 

)ped in Baltic-Slavonic; s. Bezzenberger in his Beitr. Ill 134 f., 

3u Die Guttur. 148 f. juvencu-s, Umbr. ivengar 'iuvencae : 

, yuvaSd-s. 

§ 239. 2. venio veniunt (transferred into the analogy of 
>8 in -ire) : Gr. (laiv<o, Indg. *gi|j&-i#, rt. gem- 'go* (cp. § 208). 

§ 240. 3. Umbr. s-ent 'sunt', O.Lat. s-i-ent 'shit', s. § 226. 

participial st. s-ent- 'being* (Lat. prae-s&is, Osc. prae-sentid 
esente') corresponds both to the accented form Skr. s-dnt- 
j. *$-#£- and to the unaccented form Skr. s-at-, Gr. *ar- 
J. **-#*-. 

§ 241. 4. tenu-i-s fr. Indg. *tyn-u-, § 227. hemd (n&nd 
*ne-hemo) ace. O.Lat. hemdn-em : Goth, guma, gen. gumins, 
i'; these forms stand to Pruss. smog Lith. zmu 'man (pi. 
nes) in the same relation as Indg. *g$nd- to *gnd- 'wife* 
!27). 

Septimus, decimus, ndnus (in the first instance fr. *noueno-s, 
at. inscrip. noine) fr. *septrpm-o-s, *defapm-o-s, *newft*-o-s, 



h; for regular 'vfnoTtg, § 327), or there existed a prim. Indg. inter- 
ige of tenuis and media (§ 469, 7). 
1) communicated by letter. 



§ 241-243. Indg. tf», #, £> ^ in O.Irish. 201 

8. § 231. Superlative suffix -timo- (op-titnu-s) : Skr. -tamd- (ya- 
tamd-8 which of many', relat.), Goth, -tuma- -duma- {af-twnan- 
latter', hlei-duman- 'left'), Indg. *-tipm6-. There exists a doubt 
regarding terminus, to termen (cp. Umbr. tertn-nom-e ad ter- 
minum', Osc. teremnattens 'terminaverunt') , as to whether 
we have here prev. Ital. #n, or whether old n first became vocalic 
in Ital. itself, since gen. sg. termin-is could exactly correspond to 
Skr. tdrman-as (cp. brdhman-a, § 231). The same doubt exists 
with regard to f&mina, dotmnu-s beside domnu-s, lamina beside 
tamna and many other similar forms. Furthermore -in- could 
here also be Indg. -en- 1 ) 

O. Irish. 

§ 242. Indg. nasalis sonans and Indg. e + nasalis con- 
sonans had fallen together in Irish before consonants, as in Ital. 
But they still existed apart in prim. Keltic, as is 'shown by the 
different treatment in the Britt. branch (see Zimmer Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII 450). Antesonantal -#n- (according to Thurn- 
eysen) became -an- already in prim. Kelt.; op. § 298, 3. 

§ 243. 1. cU 'hundred' : Cymr. Bret, cant Corn, cans, 
Lith. szimtchs, Indg. *fopto-m. fiche, gen. flchet, 'twenty' : Mid. 
Cymr. ugeint Corn, ugans Skr. vykati-, Lat. vlgintl. clt, un- 
accented form cita-, 'with' : Cymr. cant Corn, cans, Gr. xavd. 
det 'tooth' : Cymr. dant Corn, dans Goth, tunp-u-s (cp. § 244), 
Skr. dat- (weak st. form in instr. sg. dat-d etc. beside the strong 
ddnt- = Gr. bdovx- OHG. zand OS. tand Lith. dantl-s), Indg. 
*d-qt- (strong *d-6-nt-), participle from rt. ed- 'eat'; the indie, 
would be *d-i-ti. Sr-mitiu 'honor : Lat. mentiO, Skr. mati-§, 
Indg. *mi&-tl'S from rt. men- 'think'. Sac 6c young' : Cymr. 
ieuanc O.Corn. iouenc Bret, iaouank, Lat. juvencu-s, Skr. 
yuva&d-s. 

deich n- 'ten' : Skr. ddSa, Lat. decern, ndi n- 'nine' : Skr. 
ndva, Indg. *new$. ainm n- 'name' : Gr. ovo-pa, Indg. -w#. 



1) Cp. the conjectures of Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 908 and 
of Stolz Lat Chramm. p. 166 f. 



202 Indg. rp, #, #, w in Germanic. § 243—244. 

On the treatment of the prim. Ir. combination -en- in these 
words cp. §§211. 212. 

2. Examples for Indg. -tyi', -tyjr are unknown to us. 

3. it sunt* (proclitic) with Cymr. ynt goes back to *enti. 
This was an analogical transformation of *senti = *s-nti (§ 226), 
s. Zimmer Kelt. Stud. II 133. 

5. tana : Corn, tanow Bret, tanav 'thin, Skr. tanil-?, Indg. 
*f#n-ti-. samail 'likeness, picture' : Cymr. hafal 'similis', Gr. 
a/H-a, Indg. *squn-. sechtmad 'septimus' fr. *8echtamad 9 s. § 231. 

Germanic. 

§ 244. 1. Goth. OS. hund OHG. hunt O.Icel. hund-rad 
'hundred* : Lith. szirMa-s, Indg. *fopto-tn. Goth, taihun 'ten : 
cp. Lith. deszimt, pi. diszimt-s (the -£ in deszimt cannot of 
course be a final -t which has remained from the Indg. period), 
talhunda 'tenth* : Lith. deszirhta-s, Gr. dexaro-g, prim. f. *ddcqd and 
*defopto-s. The Goth, stem tigu- 'decade', originated in the 
dat. pi., tigum fr. *te%um-m(i) : cp. Skr. da$dbhi$ fr. *deJctp-bhi8\ 
tigum, associated with sunu-m, occasioned the passage into the 
w-declension. Goth, ga-qumpi- 'a meeting, synagogue' (q for 
regular k §§ 180. 444 b.), OHG. cutnft cunft *a coming' (for 
the / s. §§ 214. 529) : Skr. gdti-§, Gr. paarg, Lat. in-ventid, 
Indg. *gqi-ti- from rt. gem- 'go'. Prim. Germ, final -tw = 
Indg. -tp became by § 214 Goth, -w, ace. sg. tunp-u Mentem' 
fM-u 'pedem' : Gr. -a, Lat. -em. 

Goth, bundum OHG. buntun O.Icel. bundom 'we bound', 
to band bant batt 'I bound' (rt. bhendh-") : cp. Skr. tastabhimd 
to tastdmbha (rt. stetnbh- 'fasten') and Gr. nsnadvTa to nenovOa 
(nsvQ- 'suffer'). Goth, vunds OHG. wunt 'wound' : Gr. */aro- 
in fardkat ' ovXai Hesych. (cod. yardXat), from rt. #en- (Goth. 
vinnan 'to suffer, feel pain'). OHG. wuntar OS. umndar 'wonder : 
Gr. dOgito 'I gaze at, observe' fr. *fa0^€w. Goth, undar OHG. 
untar 'under : Skr. adhds 'below' ddhara-s 'the lower' adhamd-s 
'lowest' (concerning Lat. mferu-s infimus cp. § 389 rem.). Goth. 
t-unp-u-s 'tooth' : Skr. d-at- etc., s. § 243 ; tunp- was due to a 
levelling of the prim. Germ. st. form H&np- (OHG. saw, § 527) 



§ 244-247. Indg. tp, #, £, » in Germanic. 203 

and */e#«d-, Indg. *rfow^- and *d^, 8. § 530. The same par- 
ticipial suffix -#*- in Goth, hidundi f. 'cave (cp. § 301). Suffix 
-munda- = Skr. -mata-, Gr. -^«ro-, Lat. -mento-, Indg. *-m#-Jo- : 
Goth, sniu-mundd adv. 'hastily', OHG. hliu-munt renown'. Ending 
of the ace. pi. Goth, -tws = Skr. -as, Gr. -«c, Lat. -&, Indg. 
*-#* : Goth, tunp-uns 'teeth' fdt-uns 'feet' brSpr-uns 'brothers' 
auhsn-uns 'oxen' 1 ) 

Goth, pugkjan OHG. dunchan 'to seem, appear, prim. f. 1. sg. 
**ftN^ or *^g-irf : O.Lat. tongSre 'to know', from rt. te#0- or 
te»g-. Part. pass. OHG. slungan 'wound' O.Icel. slungenn 'slung', 
inf. OHG. slingan O.Icel. slyngva : Lith. slifikti 'to creep, sneak', 
rt. slenq-. 

§ 245. 2. Goth, kunja- (nom. ace. fcwm') OHG. cutwi 
(Xlcel. iyn 'race, generation' fr. *(j#-io- rt. §en- 'gignere'; with 
these Gr. o/uo-yvio-g 'of the same race' (Goth. sama-kunja~\ which 
represented a secondary form *§n-iio- (§ 142 p. 128); kunja- 
probably corresponds to Lat. genius ingeniu-tn. Goth, munjdu 
opt. to munan 'to think' rt. men-, prim. f. of the strong opt. stem 
*mQ~&-. Stem form Goth, laiihmunjd', e. g. gen. sg. latihmun- 
fis (nom. lauhmuni f. 'lightning*), fr. *-f»#-i#-, s. § 234. Goth. 
glit-munja 'I shine' fr. *-tn&-id : cp. Gr. amg/ncUvm 'I fructify', 
Skr. brahmanydmi 'I pray'. O.Icel. symja 'to swim', pres. st. 
prim. Germ. *s(#)t*m-$a- (on the loss of the u s. § 180 p. 158), 
prim. f. *«j#ijt-io- (Sievers Paul-Braune's Beitr. VIII 86). 

-nnjr fr. -njr in West Germ., e. g. OHG. gen. sg. cunnies 
cunnes dat. pi. cunnium cunnum (Ags. cynnes cynnum) = Goth, 
fam/fr him jam. Cp. § 215. 

§ 246. 3. Ending of 3. pi. -#«, -#* in O.Icel. eru 'are', 
OJcel. vmu OHG. wmtm 'knew', s. § 226. 

§ 247. 4. Goth, sums O.Icel. sumr any one' : Skr. sam-a-, 
Gr. afi-6-, Indg. *^w-(5- from rt. sem-. Goth, un-vunands 'not 
rejoicing* : 8kr. vandti 'he gains, loves', Indg. 3. sg. *w$n-b-ti. 
In like manner Goth, mwnan 'to think* (rt. men-) and OHG. 



1) To be read thus I. Cor. IX. 9 instead of Ms. form auhsunns 
8. KOgel Paul-Braune's Beitr. VIII 115. 



204 Indg. tp, #, ti, t? in Bait - Slavonic. § 247-249. 

koman OS. Ags. cuman O.Ioel. koma 'to come* the latter to 
Skr. gamdti (rt. gem-). Superlative suffix -duman-, to Skr. 
•tamd- Lat. -timo-, Indg. -fywi<J- ; see § 241. 

On the change of u to o before o or a in the following 
syllable in West Germ, and Norse cp. § 51. This change did not 
take place before nasal + consonant, hence OHG. part, buntan 
(§ 244) beside koman etc. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 248. The Indg. sonant nasals became i + nasal in the 
prim. Balt.-Slav. period. This t was open and still separate 
from Indg. t, as follows from the fact that Indg. in is represen- 
ted in Slav, by I before explosives and spirants, whereas Indg. # 
in the same combinations is represented by e. See § 219. We 
denote the prim. Baltic-Slav, and prim. Slav, equivalents of #*, 
# by ;m tn. Throughout the whole Baltic branch tm, in arose 
from m in, so that all distinction between these and Indg. im, 
in was lost. 

§ 249. 1. Lith. de$zi tn ta-s O.Bulg. des$tu 'tenth* : Gr. 
Jfxaro-v;, Goth, taihunda, Indg. *defopt6-8. Lith. kiihszia-s 
'stuffed, stopped', O.Bulg. ^stii 'dense', to Lith. pres. kemszu 
'I stuff, stop'. Lith. gimti 'to be born' (pres. gemti), pri-gimti-s 
'inborn peculiarity', probably from rt. qem- 'come' (Osthoff Zur 
Gesch. d. Perf. 103) : cp. Skr. gdti-§, Gr. tfdoi-g, Goth, ga-qumpi-, 
Indg. *g»}»-W-. Lith. ritnti 'to become composed in mind' rim- 
ta-s 'fast' : Skr. rdti-§ 'rest, repose, ease' rata- 'tarrying with 
something, devoted to a thing, being pleased with something*, 
Gr. *oai6-$ lovely' (§ 233), rt. rem-. Ace. sg. Lith. dukter-{ 
O.Bulg. dustrr-e 'daughter*, prim. Baltic-Slav. *dukter-tn : Gr. 
(hyaTtQ-a ; Lith. o?*ant-i 'vehentem' : Gr. <fd ooir-a, Lat. vehent-etn. 

Lith. at-minH-s 'memory*, O.Bulg. pa-m^tl 'remembrance' : 
Skr. matl-§ 9 Lat mentid, Goth. ga-mnndi- y Indg. *m#-tl- from 
rt mtn-. Lith. giftt* *to drive (cattle)' ap-ginti-s 'defence', 
O.Bulg. Itfi 'to hew, mow* : Skr. hati-$ a blow', Indg. *g&$- 



§ 249-252. Indg. ^, q, #, q in Balt.-81avonic. 205 

tis ; Lith. ginczia and giiiczia-s l ) combat, quarrel* : Skr. hatya 
a killing', OHG. gundea (Hildebr. 60 gudea) 'fight, combat', 
Indg. ^qhifr-tjd-, from rt. qhen-. Pruss. neuftnts Lith. devirUa-s 
O.Bulg. devtfu ninth* (concerning the first syllable of the word s. § 68 
rem. 1) : Goth, niunda, Gr. haxoq fr. *ivfaro-g (§ 166), prim. f. 
*ne##"M-8'i cp. also O.Bulg. d#;g# 'nine' : Av. navaiti- 'ninety'; 
Skr. navati- ninety'. Lith. tysti 'to stretch one's self out, extend' 
(beside tqsiit 'I stretch') : Skr. vi-tasti~§ a span' (causat. tqsdyati 
'he draws to and fro'), cpf. *tys-ti-8, from rt. tens-, cp. also 
Germ, puns- in the OHG. part, gi-dunsan 'swollen , to pres. 
dinsan. 

Concerning Lith. imu O.Bulg. imq, fr. *#tn-6 and O.Bulg. 
w»f fr. *#-m&n see § 219 rem. 2. 

Pruss. insuuri-s O.Bulg. j-ezyku 'tongue', perhaps to Lat. 
dingua lingua Goth, tuggd s. § 238; Lith. lezuvi-s for *\2uvi-s 
through a popular confusion with leziu 'I lick'. O.Bulg. p^stl 
f. 'fiat' : ORG. fust 'fist' (prim. Germ. *fuf9xsti-z, s. § 214 p. 181, 
and § 527 extr.), cpf. *pftRsti-s, possibly to Goth, figgrs 'finger. 
Lith. litikti 'to bend one's self lifttys 'inclined, bent', beside 
lenkiu 1 bend* lankh Valley' (O.Bulg. l$$ti 'to bend' can be both 
lith. linkti and lefikti 'to bend', cp. Leskien Arch. f. slav. Phil. 
V 507. 527). 

§ 250. 2. Lith. miniU *I think of, O.Bulg. trtfnjq 'I think' : 
8kr. mdnyate 'thinks', Indg. pres. st. *m#-#- from rt. men-. 
(XBulg. Sinjq 'I cut off, reap : Skr. hanydtt 'is struck', Indg. 
pres. stem *Qhyi6- rt. gAen-. Here probably also belong part, 
perf. act. ptnu (pres. pfnq 'I stretch out, hang) from *jfinvu 
and fihtikU, 'thin (compar. ttntff) fr. *Vlnv4-k&, like Skr. tanvt 
fr. **tHM (§ 225). 

§ 251. 3. -yti in O.Bulg. jad-tft 'they eat', -# in O.Bulg. 
aor. bas-e^ from bodq "I sting, stab', see § 226. It is possible 
on account of Skr. ddd-ati that the -{# in dad-<JX 'they give* 
(dad- = Lith. dtid-) arose from -qti (with unaccented #). 

§ 252. 4. Lith. £>//w 'I bend' O.Bulg. p(nq 'I stretch out, 

1) Thus spoken in the dialect of Godlewa and probably also else- 
where. Kurschat (Gramm. p. 28) writes gitlczas. 



206 Long sonantal nasals. § 252—253. 

hang', Lith. tninu 'I tread on' O.Bulg. trtfnq 'comprimo', Lith. 
ginii 1 check, keep off, Russ. znu 'I cut off, reap* (on the 
loss of the * s. § 36), like Skr. vandmi (§ 231). Part. pf. 
act fern. Lith. mlnusi (mirUi 'to think of) O.Bulg. ptnusi (peti 
'to stretch out'), cp. Skr. Ved. jajan-&r (beside jajb-tir) 3. pi. 
pf. act. from jan- 'beget*, tatan-t (beside tatn-e) 1. sg. pf. mid. 
from tan- stretch, extend'. 

Rem. The Zographos gospel has occasionally u for I before non- 
palatal Towels, e. g. tuma 'darkness' (prim. f. */gim-a) beside thninu 'dark 1 . 
Cp. § 36 rem. 

nant nasals. 

discussed by de Saussure, as to 
tations have arisen in the Indg. 
tonans (Memoire sur la syst£me 

239 ff.; cp. besides especially 

and p. 280, Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 

not hitherto, in many respects, 
as in the case of the Indg. long 
probable results of the investi- 

follow: — In Ar. a = #, §i, 
l Or. between consonants a (Ion. 

(Ion. Att. ny-) = #-. In Lat. 
ing to Gr. a and rfl-. " In Arm. 
; in any degree certain has, as 
ther languages. Examples: 
Jr. Dor. spar* Ion. Att i/fyrc, 

stem form *gfi- forced its way 
Skr. dgdm dgOs dgat Gr. tpyr 
igan dgnn. 

ctlta; Skr. jati-$ f. 'birth', Lat. 
a Gall. Cintu~gttfUu~s 'first-born* 
rom. 2\ from rt §en- gignere. 
wh- 'reach', vatd- from ran- 'to 

putting to death' gha-ti- 'blow, 

kill* etc 



§ 253-254. Prim. Indg. r, /. 207 

Skr. jandmi € I recognise, know', O.Pers. 3. sg. pret. adana 
(= 8kr. djandt), prim. f. *$f&-nrf-rot, Lat gnOru-s, prim. f. 
*j}$-r6-8 (formed like du-ru-s\ rt. gen- 'noscere*. 

Skr. dta- f. rim, door-frame', Arm. -and in dr-and 'door- 
post, threshold', Lat. anta 'four-cornered door-pillar, pilaster* 1 ). 

Skr. ati-$ f. 'a water-fowl', Gr. vfjoaa 'duck' fr. "Vffr-xo, 
(with these also Lat. anas anitSs, OHG. anut, Lith. onli-* 'duek' 
we venture to make no assertion as to their phonetic-relations). 

Skr. y&tar- 'wife of the husband's brother'; that the & arose 
from § is probable on account of Gr. rivdrepsg, Lat janitrfc88 y 
O.Bulg. j#ry. 

Further a -= # in the Skr. nouns yd-* (loc. pi. j(Usu) 
'born, creature, being' (here orig. also pra-jd- 'progenies', which, 
going out from forms like loc. pi. pra-jdsu, passed into the 0- 
declension), vaja-sd-8 'lending power' (cp. vdja-8&ti-§ f. 'a reaching 
of power', Skr. saw- reach, attain' and 'distribute, administer'). 
With a = fy samana-gd-s 'going to the place of assembly. 
These nouns are on the same footing as gtr 'commending; 
praise', p&r citadel', s. §§ 306. 312. 

8kr. Ved. ndrmd 'nomina' probably fr. *-m#, hence nd-m& : 
nd-ma = purA : punk. 

Greek vol- rrj- 'un-' in Dor. va-noivog Horn. vij-xspitJQ etc., 
Umbr.-Samnit. an- 'un-' in Umbr. an-hostatu 'inhastatos' Osc. 
an-censto nom. sg. 'inoensa' etc. fr. *§- (W. Schulze Euhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII 606). 

LIQUIDS. 

A. LIQUIDS AS CONSONANTS. 

Indg. primitive period. 

§ 254. One of the most difficult questions of Indg. phono- 
logy is to determine how many liquids the Indg. prim, language 
possessed and what their nature was (cp. Sievers Phonetik 3 p. 104 ff.). 



1) If the At. una} Ityofitror qipyd- should mean 'door-post' and be 
connected with 8kr. dt&- (Zimmer Altind. Leben 154), its first syllable 



208 prim. indg. r, I § 254. 

That there were at least two liquids, is seen by the cir- 
cumstance that the European languages and Armenian 
agree in presenting r in many cases and I in others, r 
e. g. in Arm. berem Or. <ffp<o Lat. ferd O.Ir. berim Goth. 
balra 'I bear* O.Bulg. berq 'I take*. / e. g. in Arm. li (gen. 
Hoy) Gr. nk^grjg Lat. pie-nu-s 'full" O.Ir. linaim 'I fill', O.Icel. 

Lith. jAlna-s O.Bulg. pJunt* •full*. 

sentation has not yet been gained for 

i of Europ.-Arm. r are 1) mostly r. 

/. ItMcati 'he picks, plucks, plucks 
Lat. runcdre 'to weed out', Lith. runku 
is 'wrinkle*. 3) r, later I. rup- lup- 

Ags. reofan O.Icel. rjufa 'to break, 

>p.-Arm. / we have 1) in most cases r. 
us (according to O. Weise Bezzenb. 
ys corresponds to Gr. k after ^-sounds, 
s). 2) /. Ud& 'balance' : Gr. TaXavror 

tallaim 'I take away', Goth, pulan 
later /. rip- lip- smear* : Gr. Xinog n. 
jred', Goth, bi-leiban 'to remain' (cp. 

a thing'), Lith. limpu O.Bulg. pri- 

erences still remain to be investigated. 

mere accident that Skr. / = Arm.- 

e frequently than Skr. I = Armen.- 



ade~ The interpretation of the passage in 

>t containing an / which does not show also 
ith the one letter are found in other texts, 
texts wrinen with the other. In the later 

are more separated, and the / becomes 
igh always arach rarer than the r (onlj as 

Sanskrit gramsaar § 53. 



§ 254-255. Prim. Indg. r, /. 209 

Old Iranian had only r as opposed to Arm.-Europ. r and I 
and Skr. r and I. O.Pers. / only in loan-words. It still remains 
to be investigated whether, and how far the /-sounds in the 
younger Iran, dialects are to be taken into account for fixing 
the development of liquids in pre-historic times. 

With this state of things 1 ) it seems to be most suitable to 
pot down the Indg. primitive forms after the standpoint of the 
Europ. languages and Armenian, thus e. g. *bhirO 'I bear, 
*plit6-s 'filled'. 

Rem. W. Heymann 'Das I der idg. Sprachen gehort der idg. Grund- 
spraohe an*, Weimar 1873, p. 1 ff., and D. Pezzi Glottologia aria recen- 
tissima, Torino 1877, p. 17 ff., give a summary of the older views, which 
hire been put forth, regarding the previous history of the r- and i-sounds 
met with in the Indg. languages in historic times. 

§ 265. Indg. r. Rt. reudh- c to be red* : Gr. igvOyo-g Lat. 
ruber (gen. rubrl) Umbr. rqfu 'mhos' O.Ir. mad Goth, rdups 
'red*, O.Icel. rodra f. 'blood', O.Bulg. rudru Skr. rudhird-s 'red'. 
8tem *dh%er- 'door, gate' (with gradation) : Arm. durn gen. draw, 
Gr. Arcad. Qvg-tia 'out' Ait. 0vq6, Lat. pi. fores, O.Ir. dorus, Goth. 
daur, Lith. pi. diirys y O.Bulg. dvoru (yard'), Skr. dv&r- dtir- 
(d for dh § 480). Stem *qetyer- 'four' (with gradation) : Arm. 
cor-Ky Gr. Delph. rhopeg, Lat. qtiattuor, O.Ir. cethir, Goth, fidvor, 
Lith. ketverl 'by fours' O.Bulg. ietvero (distrib.), Skr. catvdras. 
Rt. uer§- 'effect' : Arm. gore Gr. fspyov eQyov OHG. werah 
were 'work', Av. var'za- 'a working'. Rt. sreyr 'flow' : Gr. Qev/ua 
'river, O.Ir. sruaim 'stream', OHG. stroum 'stream', Lith. srav'eti 
'to flow tricklingly' O.Bulg. o-strovu 'island', Skr. srdvati 'flows'. 

Nominal suffix -ter-, e. g. *ma4er- *tna4r- 'mother' : ace. 
sg. Arm. fwatr, Gr. /nyrepa, Lat. m&trem, O.Ir. mdthir n-, OHG. 
mooter, Lith. moteri ('wife') O.Bulg. mater e, Skr. mdtdram; 



1) Indg. I beside r could be held as definitely proved if Fortunatov's 
rale had a firmer basis viz.: that, where in Skr. a cerebral consonant 
appears as representative of an original liquid -f dental, this liquid is the 
regular correspondent of Eur op. -Arm. / (Bezzenberger's Beitr. VI 215 ff.). 
Fs examples, to which a few others have been added by "Wmdisch Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII 168, are for the most part etymologically very uncertain, 
nor are unexplained exceptions wanting. Cp. § 259. 

B r u gmino, JStaments. 14 



210 Prim. Indg. r, /. Indg. r, / in Aryan. § 255—257. 

voc. Gr. fiirjTSQ, Skr. mdtar. r as element of the ending of the 
3. pi. mid. : Lat. sequontu-r O.Ir. sechiti-r 'they follow', Skr. 
riric-rt perf. from nV- 'to let loose, leave'. 

r as consonantal glide after f, e. g. *gfr-t£- 'heavy', see 
§§ 284. 287. 

§ 256. Indg. I. Rt. lejy- leave' : Armen. W-ane-m Gr. 
Xfinio Lat. Unqud O.Ir. Zectm 'I leave', Goth, leihva 'I lend', Lith. lekii 
'I leave' O.Bulg. otft-ltkU 'remnant', Skr. rindkti 'lets loose, 
leaves'. Rt. qel- 'fall, drop' : Gr. poXtj a throw', OHG. quettm 
'to spring, gush', Lith. galas 'end', Skr. gdla-ti 'trickles down*. 
Rt. #elq- 'drag, tear, draw' : Gr. r ibta) 'I drag, draw', ebtog 'wound, 
sore', Lith. veMcu O.Bulg. vlikq 'I drag, draw'; to the same 
root Skr. vfka-s 'wolf. Rt. Uei- 'lean' : Gr. xXivw 'I lean, bow', 
Lat. clfvos 'hill', O.Ir. cloen 'slant, unjust, wicked', Goth. Mains 
'hill', Lith. szlaTta-8 mountain-slope', Skr. Srdya-ti 'leans against, 
puts to'. 

Nominal suffixes -/o- -to- -lu-. Arm. dai-l da~l 'beestings', 
Gr. Stj^Xfj 'teat, nipple' 6r t -Xv-q 'nourishing, suckling, of female 
sex*, Lat. fB-lare 'to suck', O.Ir. de4 'teat, dug', OHG tiAa 'a 
woman's breast', Lith. pirm-dele 'she who has given birth for 
the first time, cp. Skr. dha-ru-s sucking', Kurd. d?A 'little 
woman'. 

I as consonantal glide after J, e. g. root form /$/-, s. §§ 284. 287. 

Aryan. 

§ 257. Indg. r. Skr. r(L1ha-ti 'brings about, prepares, 
satisfies' Av. rtidaiti 'prepares, gives* O.Pers. arahya-radly on 
that account, therefore' : Goth, ga-redan 'to provide* O.S. rOdan 
f to advise, help', O.Bulg. raiiiH 'to provide, take care of. Skr. 
pdri Av, /Him O.Pers. party about, over, against* : Gr. ntpi. 
Lat per- in permagnus. Perf. Skr. da-ddr&-a Av. da-dar's-a 
*l saw* : Arm. tes-apte-m I see* (§ 263), Gr. tioxoftcu &'<fooxa, 
O.Ir. perf. ml-chon-darc I saw\ Goth, ga-tarhjan to mark 
out*, rt. tfcrf-. Skr. pra- Av. O.Pers. fra- 'before* : Gr. 7?oo, 
Lat pr&i prd^ O.Ir. n\ Lith. pra- O.Bulg. pro-, Indg. *pro 



§ 257-259. Iiidg. r, / in Aryan. 211 

before*. Skr. ud-rd- Av. ud-ra- a water-animal : Gr. vd-go-g 
vfya water-serpent', O.Icel. otr OHG. ottar otter', Lith. ud-ra 
O.Bulg. vyd-ra otter. 

Skr. rikh- likh- 'scratch, tear', rBkha- Ukha- 'scratched 
streak, stroke, line* : Gr. igsixw 'I tear open, up', Lith. rekiu 'I 
cat, plough'. 

§ 268. Indg. I. Skr. rScdya-ti Av. raecaytiti 'leaves, 
abandons' : Arm. W-ane-m Gr. \dn<o etc., see § 256. Skr. 
Srdp-as- n. 'renown', Av. srav-ah- n. 'word, prayer, Skr. Sru-td- 
Av. sru-t<*~ heard, renowned' : Arm. lu 'audible* (?), Gr. xXtfog 
xkio$ n. 'renown xXvto-$ 'renowned', Lat. in-clutu-s, O.Ir. clu 
'renown' cloth 'renowned', Goth, hliuma m. 'ear, hearing', OHG. 
Ludo-wig KXvTOfiayoJ ', O.Bulg. slavo n. word'. 

Skr. roca-te lights' rdkd-8 light' ldkd-8 a lighting, open 
space', Av. raocah- n. 'splendour O.Pers. raucah- n. 'day : Arm. 
lois, gen. lusoy, a light, Gr. \tvxb-q 'white', Lat. lUx luc-is, O.Ir. 
llkhe 'lightning', Goth, liuhap 'light', Lith. lavkas palish' O.Bulg. 
Iu6a beam, ray', root forms leuq- and leyik- (cp. § 467). Skr. 
uda-pru-t- 'swimming in water pldv-a-te 'swims', Av. fra- 
fravaiti 'wavers to and fro' : Arm. lua-na-m 'I wash', Gr. ntiw 
'I sail, swim' nlvro-g 'washed', Lat. pluit, O.Ir. luath quick', 
OHG. flewen flouwan 'to rinse, wash', Lith. plduti 'to rinse'. 

Skr. luhhya-ti 'feels a strong desire' : Lat. lubet libet, Goth. 
Uufs O.Bulg. Ijubu 'dear. Skr. nabhi-la-m 'private parts : Gr. 
6ft<pa-X6-g 'navel, umbo', Lat. umbi-l-tcu-s, O.Ir. imb-l-iu 'navel', 
OHG. nabolo 'navef. 

§ 259. Skr. r was spoken cerebral (hence the change of 
prim. Ar. n to n in its vicinity, § 199), / dental. 

r became h in absolute finality. Voc. m&tah 'O mother' : 
Gr. pijrtp. antdh 'in the inside' : Lat. inter. Cp. § 647, 3. 

From a liquid with a following dental explosive or nasal 
often arose a cerebral explosive, or a nasal. katii-$ kdtuka-s 
sharp, biting' : Lith. kartu-s bitter, gand-8 band, crowcf : Gr. 
aytioto ayoga. jafhdra- belly, womb' : Goth, kilpei womb'. 
fi«£- 'the part of the leg just above the knee, axle peg' : Gr. 
tih'rq u>XXo-v fr. *J>\-v-o-V) Lat. ulna, paya-s wager, stipulation, 



212 Indg. r, / in Aryan. § 259-260. 

promised reward' : Lith. pelna-s profit'. In like manner prob- 
ably ld$-ami I long, desire' fr. *&*-&-, cp. la-las-a-s 'eager 
for, desirous', Lat. lascivo-s. It is still unexplained from what 
point of view such forms, as opposed to others in which the 
liquid apparently under similar conditions remained, are to be 
judged. It is not improbable that intermixture of dialects has 
taken place. Cp. p. 209 foot-note and in addition to the liter- 
ature quoted there Frohde Bezzenberger's Beitr. Ill 130 ff. 

Nasal from liquid through dissimilation, caft-ciiryate fr. 
older Ved. car-cUrydti! 'moves quickly , intens. fr. car-, cab- 
calas 'moving to and fro', from col-, pam-phulyate, intens. to 
phdlati springs assunder'. Cp. § 282. 

r underwent transposition before certain consonant com- 
binations, e. g. from dari- 'see fut. drak§ydmi (cp. Or. tip&ftai) 
perf. 2. sg. dadrdgtha inf. drd$fum; from tarp- 'to satiate 
one's self perf. 2. sg. tatrdptha beside tatdrptha; from sarp- 
crawl' fut srapsydmi beside sarpsydmi aor. dsrapsam beside 
dsarpsam. 

§ 260. Avestic. Before t- and u-vowels an anaptyctict 
or u was prefixed to initial r-. 'fista- part. fr. rafp- 'to be 
connected with*, "rusta- part. fr. raod- 'to grow forth'. An 
anaptyctic vowel arose from medial r before and after consonants, 
which, when r preceded, was generally represented by e. Perf. 
dadar'sa : Skr. daddria, Gr. <k'Jo(>xa, from rt. der%- 'see*, e also 
after er = Indg. f, J, e. g. part ker'ta- : Skr. Jcrtd- 'made', prim. f. 
*jfto- (§ 288). Other vowels more seldom, e. g. pres. s"ru~na<hmi 
from sm- : Skr. Sru- 'hear' : sfri-nao-mi (ni s'rinaomi 1 hand down*) 
from sri- : Skr. ire- 'direct towards, direct to*. Further e was 
suffixed to final r, e. g. antar* 'between : O.Pers. ator Skr. 
antdr. Cp. §§ 624. 649, 4. 

r became spirant before k, p, t, when the next preceding 
sonant had the chief accent. This pronunciation of the r was 
represented by hr before k, p, but hrt became £. This law 
also obtained for er = Skr. f (§ 288). mahr-ka- m. 'death, 
destruction' fr. *mdr-la- beside markka- (with the same meaning) 
= Skr. markd- m. 'an injuring of the sun, a darkening*, vehrka- : 



§ 260—263. Indg. r, I in Aryan and Armenian. 213 

8kr. vf ka- wolf, Indg. *yfao-. kehrp- 'form, body* : Skr. kfp- 

'form, appearance'. tna§ya- (ma$iya-) : Skr. Ved. m&rtiya- 

O.Pers. martiya- 'mortal being, man 1 . Orme§a- : Skr. a-mfta- 

'immortal' beside mer e ta- : Skr. tnftd-. Cp. Bartholomae Ar. 

Forech. II 35 ff. and § 674. 

Rem. Prim. Ar. final -rt, -rt always appear as -r*Ji, -er*Ji, e. g. ha- 
ktr>$ = Skr. sa-kft *once\ The law, whereby -t became -Ji (§ 649, 6), was 
therefore older than the ohange of rt to f. 

#r- was transposed with w-prefix, e. g. "rv&ta- n. a deter- 
mining' : Gr. /(^ro'-c; 'determined, settled*. See § 157, 

§ 261. Old Persian. £, whose exact pronunciation cannot 
be closely defined, appears for prim. Ar. tr = prim. Iran. pr. 
si- : Ay. pri- Skr. tri- 'three', pusa- : Av. pupra- Skr. putrd- 
W. Gen. piia : Av. piprO Gr. nargog 'of a father. See §§ 353. 
473, 2. 

Armenian. 

§ 262. Indg. r. erek evening' : Gr. egipog n. Goth, riqiz-a- 
n. 8kr. rajas- n. 'darkness', Indg. *reqos. e-re-R 'three* (e-pro- 
thetic, § 263): Gr. tQcYg, Lat. trto, O.Ir. tr%, Goth, preis, O.Bulg. 
trijej Skr. trdyas, Indg. % trl{-e% 'three', cer 'old man' : Gr. ylgovr- 
8kr. jdrant- 'old man', skesur, gen. skesri, 'mother-in-law': Gr. 
htvga Lat. socru-8 Corn, hweger Goth, svaihrd O.Bulg. sreiry 
Skr. Svairil- 'mother-in-law', tu-r 'gift': Gr. <fcJ-0o-v, O.Bulg. 
rfa-rtt. iutfr, gen. dster } 'daughter': Gr. Ovydrpjg. 

Indg. I. Uz-vmi 'I lick' : Gr. kefac* Lat. liftoff O.Ir. ligitn 
1 lick', Goth. W-&%0 'I lick', Lith. UHU Skr. rthtni Uhmi 1 lick'* 
rt. lejfih-. ail, gen. atfoy, 'alius' : Gr. aXXo-g Lat. atftt-* O.Ir. aile 
Goth. aJ/*8 other'. 

§ 268. r became f before n (occasionally also in other cases 
without any clear reason), durn, gen. dran y 'door', an extension 
of the Indg. st. *dhur- with the suffix -en- : Gr. Arcad. OvQ-tia 
'out'. jeffhu~m 'I warm myself, beside jer 'warmth' jerm 'warm': 
Or. Sigog 6tgfi6-q } Lat. fonnu-s. Thus also when r goes back 
to Indg. f , e. g. ^ar» 'lamb' : Skr. tir-an-a-s (wr- fr. *#wr-, § 157), 
Gr. gen. a«>-*-o'c, Indg. %+en- (§ 291). 



214 Indg. r, I in Armenian and Greek. § 263— 2«4. 

X appears in some words for Indg. r and I, without the 
special cause being known. astX, gen. asteX, 'star, constellation 1 : 
Or. darijg aorgo-v Lat. stella fr. *ster4d Bret, sterenn Goth. 
stalrnd Skr. sfcfr- 'star, eXn^ gen. eta'n, 'hart': Gr. sXXog c a young 
hart' fr. **>l-i>-o-£, iftaqpo-; 'hart' fr. *el-#-bho-8, Cymr. e/aw 'hind', 



isposed to rft, rf, A6. swri, gen. 
right, pretty'. fHrtn, gen. Jlrtan, 'sweat': 
ler (e- prothetic, s. below) : Lat. fraler, 

>ped a prothetic vowel which appears 

id. t-rtk 'evening': Skr. rdjas-. aXute 

piid. e-re-B 'three': Skr. tr&y-as. e-Xbair 
ibeur 'a spring' fr. *bXeur, older *bXeu(a)r: 

rhaps in orc-a-m 1 break open* and olb-a-m 
i Armen. Stud. I 46. 47. 

d in tes-ane-m 'I see* : Gr. dtpxo/uat. The 
ut is unknown. 

Greet 

ipF'yw 1 stretch out': Lat regd, O.Ir. 
elf', Goth, uf-rakja 1 lift up. niga 
1 pass through* nooo-^ 'passage, ford, 
int*, Lat. pcr-cgre 'in a foreign land', Jr. 
it 'to sail, drive', O.Bulg. perq C I traverse*, 
fc, farther, rnfo r nng (fr. *»*£(>*, §§ 131. 
^•S 'pestle*: Lat s-uper, Goth, ufar 
>kr. tyxiri 'above*, xtpdo/nai 'I break 
o break wind', Lith. ptrdsiu 7 break 
ks wind*, rioooum 7 become dry': Lat 
, g<i-p<iir$a 7 wither , Skr. tar$a-$ 'thirst*. 



§ 264-266. Indg. r, I in Greek. 215 

TQiw (aor. Horn, rgio-oat) 'I flee, tremble* TQSfjua 'I tremble': 
Lat. tretnd, Lith. trimu 'I tremble (with cold)' O.Bulg. tr&q 1 
shake', Skr. trdsdmi 'I tremble at, quake', dy-po-g 'field': Lat. 
ager, Goth, akrs 'field', Skr. djrchs a plain'. wp nvp-6g 'fir© ' 
Arm. Aur, gen. Aroy, 'fire', Umbr. pure 'igne', OHG. fuir fiur 
'fire', a-xv-po-g 'powerless, without authority' xv-gog 'power': 
Skr. &&-ra- Av. su-ra- strong, sublime'. 

§ 266. Indg. 1. Xi/og n. 'bed' ii-Xoxo-g 'bed-mate' (d- fr. 
i-, § 564) : Lat. lectu-s, O.Ir. /iy 'bed', Goth, liga 'I lie', O.Bulg. 
%(\-logu adj. 'consors tori*, xo^-cw-o-s 'hill' : Lat. collis fr. *col-n-i-8, 
ex-celld, Ags. AyK 'hill', Lith. kdl~n-a*s 'mountain' kdU 'I raise'. 
/iAJw 1 melt, make liquid' : OHG. smdzan 'to melt, dissolve'. 
xktji-no 'I steal' : Lat. clepd, Goth. W//a 1 steal', Pruss. au-hlipts 
'concealed'. xuv-Xo-g 'stalk' : Lat. cau-li-s 'stalk' cau-lae 'holes, 
openings', Lith. kdu-la-s 'bone'. 

§ 266. Affections of Gr. p and A (partly proceeding from 
hdg. f, h § 292). 

The one liquid was sometimes put in the place of the other 
by dissimilation, e. g. xsyaX-apyia beside xsq>aX-aXyia 'head-ache', 
to aXyog, fiopftoXvxvm 'I frighten beside fiog-fiogo-g 'fear', ByXrjrqp 
(Hesych.) beside (hjptjTijg 'hunter' ; or one of the two liquids was 
dropped, e. g. tpdxpla beside cppatpla 'brotherhood, clan', dpv- 
<paxTo-g fr. 8pv-q>paxxo-g 'fence', sx-nayXog 'frightful' fr. *i x-nXay-Xo-g, 
to ix-nXayijyut ; or the first liquid was changed to a nasal, e. g. 
yayyuhXw 7 tickle' fr. *yaXyaXt£(o (beside yapyaXttw). Cp. § 282. 
Probably also by dissimilation Cret. (Gortyn.) fiultvgeg fr. fidgrvgeg 
'witnesses'; palatal I was the intermediate stage between p and i. 

Initial p, X underwent vowel-prothesis. i-pvOpo-g red' : Lat* 
ruber, Skr. rudhird-8. 6pvaa<o 'I dig' : Lat. runcd. i-Xatpgo-g 
'nimble' : OHG. lungar. a-Xtvai 'to spread over, besmear : Lat. 
li-nd, O.Ir. le-nim 'I cling to'. Cp. § 626. Ibid, also concerning 
medial anaptyxis. 

The combinations sr- and #r- became g- i. e. voiceless r, 
the former in prim. Gr., the latter in the course of the individual 
dialects, e. g. pem 'I flow' fr. Indg. *«*•£#-$, Skr. srdvdmi, to which 



216 Indg. r, / in Italic. 



also Corcyr. ghofai Horn, goal 'streams' ; Att. qt)vq& 'a saying' = 
El. fQaTQa. Cp. §§ 164. 565. 

Anteconsonantal X was pronounced I in Cret. (Russ. az>\ and 
as such passed into #, e. g. avxd: Ion. ahuj 'strength', Stvyio: 
Horn. BtXyco 'I enchant, cheat' (cp. Lith. § 280). 

X before r, 6 became v in certain Doric districts, e. g. 
(pivrarog 'dearest', tjvdov 'I came'. 

Italic. 

§ 267. Indg. r. Lat. rt-s , Umbr. re-per pro re' : Skr. 
rd-s (instr. rdy-d) 'wealth'. Lat. rSx regis, Osc. regaturei dat. 
'rector?, Marruc. regen[a dat. 'reginae' : Gall, -r&c Tung' in Dumno- 
rTx etc., O.Ir. r% gen. rig, Skr. rdj-an- 'king'. Lat ferd, 
Umbr. /*rar 'feratur, Volsc. ferom 'ferre', Marruc. ferenter 
'ferentur : Gr. <pi (m», Skr. bhdratni. Lat. c«r^, Umbr. co~vertu 
'convertito', Osc. Stooge* 'Versori, TgonaUa : Goth, vairpan 'to 
become', Lith. f?e?stt and vartyti 'to turn, direct to' O.Bulg. vrattti 
'to turn, direct to', Skr. vdrtatS 'revolves, rolls'. Lat. serpo: 
Gr. ?p7iu>, Skr. sdrpdmi, Indg. *K^rp5 'I creep, crawl'. Lat. 
termd termen, Umbr. ttrtnnom-e 'ad terminum', Osc. terem- 
nattens 'terminaverunt' : Gr. tsq^kov 'boundary' Ttg/ua 'goal', 
Skr. tdrman- n. 'point of the offering rod*. Lat. frtgus, Umbr. 
frehtef 'refrigerans, frigefaciens' : Gr. gtyog 'frost', prim. f. *srfgos 
(§ 570). Lat. caper capra, Umbr. cabriner gen. 'caprini' : Gr. 
xango-q 'boar', O.Icel. hafr 'he-goat'. Lat. deer acris, Osc. a krid 
abl. acri' : Gr. ax-po-g 'point', Lith. asztrh-s O.Bulg. ostrti sharp', 
Skr. catur-aira- 'four-cornered'. 

§ 268. Indg. I. Lat. lux lads, Osc. Luvkis 'Lucius' : Gr. 
Xevxo-s 'white'. Lat. lud re-lud so4uto-s : Gr. X$o> 'I loose', Jcel. 
lyja 'to crush, shatter', Goth. Idus loose', Skr. lu-nd-mi 'I cut, 
cut down, annihilate'. Lat. gelu, Osc. ysXav 'pruinam' : OJceL 
kala 'to freeze' Goth, kalds 'cold', O.Bulg. zUdica 'snow-rain'. 
Lat. sdl : Gr. yiho-g tjXto-g Mid. Cymr. heul Corn. hotU Goth. 
sauil O.Icel. sdl Lith. sdule, Skr. Ved. suvar (gen. sur-as) 
Av. hvar* 'sun'. Lat. fids floris, Osc. Fluusaf dat. 'Florae'^ 
Sabin. Flusare abl. 'Florali' : O.Ir. blaih 'blossom' Cymr. blodau 



§ 268-269. Indg. r, I in Italic 217 

'flos, Goth, bldma m. 'flower' OHG. bluot 'blossom'. Lat. cltini-8: 
Cymr. dun 'hip', O.Icel. Maun 'buttock*, Lith. szlaunl-s 'hip, 
upper part of the thigh', Skr. &r<ini'§ Av. sraoni-S 'buttock, hip' *). 
Lat. ala fr. *acsla (cp. §§ 503. 570) : OHG. ahsla Ags. eaxl 
O.Icel #rf axle', prim. Germ. *axsld. 

§ 269. Latin. Affections of prim. Lat. r, I (partly arising 
from Indg. t , I § 295). 

The one liquid was often put in the place of the other by 
dissimilation: r for I, e. g. in caeruleus 'azure' fr. cadu-m, suffix 
-cro- in lucru-m simufacru-m lavOcru-m etc. from -do- (saedu-tn), 
which arose from *-tlo- (§ 367), suffix -Art- from -<Ui- in 
exemplari-s mtiitari-s lundri-s etc. (cp. aequali-s navali-s etc.); 
I for r, e. g. in vulgar Latin pdegrinu-8 (Italian peUegrino) fr. 
per-egr?nu-s. r was dropped by dissimilation in praestlgiae 
beside prae-strigiae , frdgAre beside Jrftgr&re etc. For a like 
reason nasal from liquid in cancer cancri fr. *carcro- : Gr. 
wpdvo-S Skr. karkata-8 'crab'. Cp. § 282. 

r disappeared before 8 + consonant, com-pescd 'I constrain' 
fr. *-per(c)scd *par(c)-scd, to Skr. pare- 'to put in connexion'. 
posed fr. *por(c)-scd : Skr. pfchdm 'I ask', Indg. *yy&sJ# from 
rt. pref-. tostu-s fr. **ors-*w-s, to forrefl. Maspiter beside older 
MarspUer. Tuscu* beside Umbr. 2Wsco- Twsco-. 

U fr. rf. *feSa from *8ter-fa: cp. Gr. acrofp Bret, sterenn 
Goth, stalrnd 'star', agettu-8 fr. *ager-lo-8, older *agf*to-8 
(§ 633). pauttu-8 fr. *paur-lo-s : Gr. navpo-g. 

88, s from r# (from r**) in prdssum prdsa qudssum sdsum 
etc. = prdrsum etc. It is uncertain whether the preceding long 
vowel was here a co-operating factor. This is not proved by 
vorsus morsus etc., since r may here have been restored by 
levelling (cp. vortd morded). 



1) Or. xlom *oooovx' will also belong to this category, notwithstanding 
its problematical vooalism. Cp. the author Zum heat Stand der Spraoh- 
Ttu. 70 I 



218 Jndg r,/in Italic. § 269 -271. 

ri, ro became er through the intermediate stage f in cer- 
tu-s = Gr. xpivo-g, ager =■ Or. d;'(w-$ etc. See §§ 33. 623 
rem. 1. 633. 

Just as medius arose from *tnedio-s, and mortuo-s from 

tostconsonantal I became 
. This process seems first 
c period. 

du~m, pia-cidu-m (Umbr. 
3 which also po-clu-m, 
mIo-, -ftt7/- fr. -Wo- (Gr. 
abld (Umbr. tafle e 'in 
c in angulurn') fr. *anclo-s 
angul. populus poplus 
tor fr. nomen-cldtor. Con- 
o § 431 c. 

ems to me very doubtful in 
ibr. onse 'in umero' Goth, ams 
'Numerii'). 8ec § 568, 3. 

lains unwritten before s, 
Etrrea', pesnimu beside 
nanner the orthography 
>eside emantur 'emantar, 
*8 r must have experienced 

sonantal before and after 
itic vowel. This took the 

the liquid came first in 
; the following vowel when 
rgento', amiricaiud mmer- 
nercius', teremniss 'ter- 
rain to Lat. cdbu-s. 2) 
cram' or sacra', puturus- 

loc. € in utroque', Vestiri- 

beside loc. zikeT\ei\ abL 
out anaptyxis altrei dat. 
Ltra* etc., see § 627. 



§271 274. Ind£ r, I in O.Irish. 219 

Cp. also Pelign. Alqfis 'Alfius', Salavatur 'Salvator, prista- 
falacirix (Lat. *prae-8tabidatrix) 'antistita', sacaracirix (Lat. 
*8acratrTx) 'sacrificans' (-cr- fr. -<r-, § 367). 

Old Irish. 

§ 272. Indg. r. roth 'wheel', Gall, petor-ritutn 'four-wheeled 
chariot* : Lat. rota, OHG. rad n. 'wheel', Lith. rata-s 'wheel', 
Skr. rdtha-s 'vehicle, war-chariot', daur (gen. daro) Cymr. 
derwen 'oak' (to which O.Ir. druid Gall. Druidae 'druids'?) : Gr. 
do'pt? 'wood, shaft, spear' $qv-q 'tree, oak', Goth, triu 'tree', Lith. 
dervi 'resinous wood' O.Bulg. dr$vo 'wood, tree', Skr. ddru dr&- 
Ay. dauru u. 'wood', ore 'pig' : Gr. nogxo-g Lat. porcu-s OHG. 
farh farah Lith. parsza-s O.Bulg. prasq, prim. f. *porJco-s 'pig, 
*ucking-pig'. brai Mid. Ir. 'eye-brows' : Gr. otppv-g OHG. brdwa 
O.Bulg. bruv<% Skr. bhr&-§ 'eye-brow', fe-r 'man' : Lat. vir Goth. 
calr Lith. vyra-8 Skr. i>£r<£-s, Indg. *ui-ro-s and *#*-ro-s 'man . 
Comparative suffix Indg. -tero- : air-ther 'East' (to ar 'before, ante') 
teritkir 'more diligent'. Gr. no-vspo-g 'uter utfio-repo-Q 'rawer, 
Lat i-teru-mj Skr. ka-tard-8 'uter'. e-ter e-fir 'between : Lat. 
tn-ter ; Skr. an-t&r. 

§ 273. Indg. /. lothur Mid. Bret louazr alveus, canalis' 
Gall, feiulro Twlneo' : Arm. log-ana-tn 'I bathe myself, Gr. Xovcj 
'I wash' Aovr(w-v 'bath', Lat. lavd lautu-8. gel 'white': Lat. hdus 
(holus, olusj, helvos, OHG. gdo (infl. gelau&r) yellow*, Lith. 
idh 'I grow green O.Bulg. zelije n. 'greens, vegetables' zelenU 
'green*, Skr. hdri-§ Av. zairi-$ 'yellowish', salann Cymr. halan 
aalt* : Arm. aA. (gen. alt) Gr. aAc Lat. 8(U salts Goth, soft 
(XBulg. soU 'salt', taety milk': Gr. a>^yo> 1 milk*, OHG. 
mdcfow 'to milk', Goth, miluks 'milk' (§ 628), Lith. milzu 'I 
milk', O.Bulg. mUsti 'to milk'. Idr Cymr. Kawr pavement, 
floor' : Ags. fldr 'house-floor' MHG. vluor 'corn-field, ground, soil'. 

§ 274. A transposition of vowel + liquid is assumed in 
fiaith 'dominion* (Goth, valdan 'to rule'), frass 'shower of rain' 
fr. *yrasta (Skr. var§d-s 'rain') and in many other words (Zeuss- 
Ebel G. C. 168, J. Schmidt Voc. II 370 ff., Windisch Ir. Gramm. 
§ 79). It is unknown to us within what limits this sound- 



220 Indg. r, I in Germanic. § 274-276. 

process is to be acknowledged and by what it has been oc- 
casioned. 

Bern. A great number of the examples brought forward are to be 
separated viz. all those oases in whioh ri re, li le depend upon Indg. f, 2 
(§ 298), and those in whioh the liquid with the accompanying rowel was 
the continuation of f, f specially developed in Ir. through samprasOra^a, 
as du-fu-tharcair 'voluif fr. *du-f&-thfcair from -thracoir (§ 634). 

Germanic. 

§ 276. Indg. r. Goth, rapjd 'account', OHG. redia reda 
'account, a talking over, speech' : Lat. ratid. OHG. rioym Ags. 
redtan 'to complain, weep', OHG. r0; 'a weeping, complaining': 
Lat. rudd 'I bray', Lith. raudh plaint' O.Bulg. rydajq 'plaint', 
Skr. ruddtni 'I lament, weep'. Goth, ga-tairan 'to destroy, 
demolish', OHG. fir-zeran Ags. teran 'to loosen, destroy' : Gr. 
digm 'I skin, flay', Lett, nb-daras f. pi. 'chips of bark' O.Bulg. 
derq 'I skin', Skr. perf. daddra 'he burst'. Goth, ga-dars 
OHG. gi-tar perf. 1 dare, venture' : Gr. Aeol. Oigaog courage 9 , 
QBQdtxrjg Qiptonnog (Sspaog : SdpOog = nivdog : nd6og) y Skr 
dhdrfOmi 'I dare, venture*. Goth, fraihnan Ags. fri^nan OJcel. 
fregna 'to ask' : Lat. precor procu-8, Lith. praszyti O.Bulg. 
prosiii 'to demand, ask for', Skr. pra&-nd-8 'a questioning*. Goth. 
tag-r n. OHG. zahar m. 'tear' : Gr. <fclx-(w Lat. dacruma lacrima 
O.Bret, dacr O.Ir. d&r 'tear'. Nominal suffix Indg. -tro- : Goth. 
maur-pr Ags. mor-por n. 'murder, OHG. ruo-dar n. 'oar': cp. 
Arm. araur, gen. arauroy, 'plough' (-ur- = -tr-, § 360), Gr. apo- 
tgfMf 'plough', Lat. claus-tru-m 'inclosure, bolt', Skr. Sr6-tra-m 'ear'. 

§ 276. I. Goth. Idu-n OHG. Idn OJcel. laun pay, 
reward' : Gr. ano-Xavo> 'I enjoy* Xrjig 'booty', Lat. lucru-m^ 
Laverna 'goddess of thieves', O.Ir. Uhg luag luach n. pay, 
reward* (P), O.Bulg. loth* 'hunt, capture*. Goth. Usan OHG. 
lesan OJcel. lesa gather, collect' : Lith. ttsti 'to pick up with 
the beak'. Goth, viljdu opt. 'velim' pi. vileima 'velimus', inf. 
vtijan OHG. toeUan^ OHG. uxrta f. OJcel. vol n. choice' : Lat 
velim vdle, Lith. velyti 'to wish, grant, advise' O.Bulg. voliti 
'to be willing*, Skr. va-vdra perf. 'chose himself, pre- 
ferred* vdrchs 'a wish*. Goth, valdan OHG. wcdian 'to rule, 



§ 276-277. Indg. r, / in Germanic. 221 

govern' : Lat. valed, O.Ir. flaith f. 'dominion'. Goth. Uutrs 
{u?) OHG. UUtar clear, pure' : Gr. xAvgiu 1 wash out, clean' 
fr. *%\vS-ifi}, xXidow 'a wave'. OHG. slingan 'to entwine, wind, 
to creep like a serpent', OJcel. slyngva slyngja 'to sling': 
Lith. slenku 'I crawl' slankti 'creeper', O.Bulg. slqktt 'crooked', 
rt. 8lct9q-. OHG. nebul 'fog', OJcel. nifl- in compounds 'darkness' : 
Or. vstp&Tj, *Lat. nefcw/a, O.Ir. n&. 

§ 277. West Germanic. 

Examples of dissimilation. In OHG. I from r, e. g. in 
mrmid&n tnurmtUunga beside murmurdn 'to murmur tnurmu- 
runga a murmuring' : Lat. tnurmurdre 'to murmur, grumble', 
Gr. fivQfivQsiv fiopfivpstv 'to murmur, roar, ripple'; in the loan- 
words turtul-tQba fr. Lat. turtur, martela beside martera tnartra 
'torture, rack' martoldn beside martordn martrtin 'to torture, rack' 
fr. Greek-Lat. martyr tnartyrium. Cp. § 282. Dropping of r ; L 
OHG. criskimtnOn beside criscrimmdn cristcrimmdn 'to gnash the 
teeth with rage', cp. OS. gristgrimmo 'a gnashing of teeth'. It 
is not so certain that OHG. bior Ags. bedr OJcel. bj&rr 'beer' 
are related to OHG. briuwan 'to brew', Greek -Thrac. Pqvto-v 
a kind of beer, Lat. de-frtitum, in case they do, the dropping 
of the root r must be ascribed to the prim. Germ, period 
Wrtaf-ra-). Many bring Goth, fugls OHG. fogal 'bird' 
together with OHG. fliogan 'to fly'; the dissimilatoric dis- 
appearance of the I would also here be prim. Germ. (*f(Qu3-lar). 

In the final syllable of nouns with r- and /- suffixes, when 
r and / followed a spirant or explosive, through the disappearance 
of the short yowel (§ 635) after the liquid, there arose in 
West Germ, f and J out of which a new vowel was developed, 
in OHG. OS. a, Ags. e, o. Nom. ace. OHG. acchar OS. accar 
AgB. (Bccer 'field' = Goth. nom. akrs ace. akr, Gr. aygo-g uypo-r; 
OHG. fogal OS. fugal Ags. fu^ol 'bird' = Goth. nom. fugls 
ace. /iyr/. (It is possible that liquids were also spoken syllabic 
in Goth., akfs akf, fug[s fugp)). The anaptyctic vowel in 

1) The contrast between rair sliitr fir. *vairz *stiurz and akrs speaks 
for akfs (§ 660, 6). Bat monosyllabic akrs may then hare arisen from 

difsjOabic okrs. 



222 Indg. r, I in Germ, and Bait.- Slav. § 277-278. 

OHG. forced its way from the final into the medial syllable of 
these nouns and their derivatives, at first after short syllables, 
and then later after long also, e. g. acchares of a field', fugaldn 
'to catch birds' (cp. Sievers in Paul-Braune's Beitr. V 90 ff.). 
Here must further be mentioned the development of a vowel 
between liquids and h which spreads throughout the whole 
extent of OHO., and in which OS. also to a certain extent 
shared, e. g. OHG. OS. ferah 'soul, life* : Goth, fairhvu-s 
world'; OHG. OS. bi-felahan 'to hide, bury* : Goth, filhan. 
Anaptyxis is also found between r and guttural and labial con- 
sonants especially in Oberdeutsch (Upper German), e. g. purag 
puruc beside burg citadel, city' : Goth, batirgs; peragan beside 
bergan 'to conceal' : Goth, bairgan; arapeit beside arbeit work, 
toil* : Goth, arbdips; aram beside arm 'arm' : Goth. arms. The 
vowels thus developed frequently become assimilated to some vowel 
in their vicinity, e. g. hungirita 'hungered' to hungar 'hunger'; 
fingirln 'finger-ring' to fingar 'finger'; wuntordn beside umntardn 
'to wonder at' ; puruc beside purag 'city ; piricha = pircha bircha 
'birch-tree' : Lith. btrza-s. 

Rem. 1. In these cases it is partly a question of a prim. Germ, r 
and /, which depended upon Indg. f , |, e. g. the orig. f. of OHG. burg 
Goth, baurgs must be put down as *bhfgh-, s. § 299. 

Rem. 2. Gp. the anaptyxis with w § 180, and nasals § 215. 

I became geminated in West Germ, before i, e. g. OHG. 
wUlio willo OS. willio Ags. willa 'wish, desire : Goth. vilja, 
rt. %iel-. See § 143 p. 129. Cp. the similar gemination of 
nasals § 216 and spirants and explosives (§§ 529. 531. 535. 540). 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 278. Indg. r. Lith. rugiu rdugeju O.Balg. rygaja 1 
have eructation, belch' : ipsvyopat 'I disgorge', Lat. &-r&g& *I 
vomit forth', OHG. it-ruchen 'to chew over Ags. roccettan 'to 
spit out'. Lith. purai pi. 'winter-wheat', O.Bulg. pyro n. 'spelt* : 
Gr. uvqo-q 'wheat'. Lith. hertU 'I hew', O.Bulg. dristi 'to cut* : 
Skr. kdrtana-m 'a cutting'. Lith. barzdh O.Bulg. brada 'beard 5 : 



§278-280. Indg. r, I in Bait. Slavonic. 223 

Lat. barba OHG. hart 'beard'. Lith. krauja-s 'blood' kriivina-8 
'bloody', O.Bulg. lcruv-% 'blood' kruvtnu 'bloody' : Gr. xpeag 
'flesh*, Lat. cruor, O.Ir. era 'blood', OHG. rd (infl. raw$r) O.Icel. 
hrar raw, uncooked', Gr. kravya-m kravi$- 'raw meat'. Lith. 
btbrus and bebru-s O.Bulg. bebru 'beaver : Lat. fiber O.Corn. 
befer (to which Gall. Bibr-ax) OHG. bibar 'beaver', Skr. babhtH-§ 
adj. 'brown', as subst. a kind of great ichneumon, Indg. *bhe- 
bhru-8. 

§ 279. Indg. /. Lith. loju 'I bark', O.Bulg. lajq 1 bark, 
scold* : Gr. Xij-po-s 'idle talk', Lat. la-trare 'to bark', Goth, lal- 
loun 'they reviled' Skr. rtiyati 'barks, barks at'. Lith. pele 
mouse' pdlsza-s 'faded', O.Bulg. plavu 'whitish' peksu 'gray' : 
Gr. nsXio-^ 71 tXidro-g nsXXo-Q 'colourless, gray, pale', noho-$ 'gray, 
hoary', OHG. falo (infl. fulawer) 'pale, faded', Skr. palitd'S 
'gray*. Pruss. dalpta-n a smith's tool for drilling holes, O.Bulg. 
dlato n. 'chisel' : OHG. delban Ags. delfan 'to dig'. Lith. Wew- 
dHu-s 'I darken myself (of the sun) pry -Hindi 'evening twilight', 
O.BuIg. blqdq 'I err' : Goth, blinds 'blind' blandan sik 'to inter- 
mingle*. Lith. mig-ld, and myg4a (also mygla and tnygle) O.Bulg. 
mig-la 'fog* : Gr. Horn. o»-^ (Skr. mihird- 'cloud', s. § 287). 

§ 280. Lithuanian. 

The difference between I (hard) and / (soft) is sharper than 
elsewhere in the south-eastern districts boarding on those where 
Slav, is spoken; in some parts of the former territory, e. g. in 
Oodlewa (Govern. Suwalki), anteconsonantal al sounds almost like 
the diphthong au, e. g. in mdlka 'fire-wood', cp. Cret. avxa = 
aha § 266 ! ). Following palatal vowels then also occasion a 
softened pronunciation of the liquid, when they are separated 
from it by one or more consonants (the separating consonants 
are also thus softened) ; hence e. g. nom. sg. tilta-s fbridge'), but 
loc. illte. 

Bern. Tbe East Lith. dialect of Szyrwid (f 1631) not only shows I 
before a, o, n, but also before e and e, e. g. slepiu C I conceal', saule 'sun'. 
Garbe, Lit u. lett. Drucke des 16. u. 17. Jahrh. IV p. XXXIV sqq. 

1) Cp. also Polab. vftuk 'wolf, vduno 'wool' = SIot. roW-, ro/tia; 
French haul = Lat. aiius; Du. woud = Mod.HG. «?«W, Swiss- Alem. (Bero- 



224 Indg. r, I in Balk- Slavonic. § 280-261. 

Dissimilation. katruJ 'in what direction? whither?* fr. *Aarfn*r, 
cp. kur y Jcitur. The ending of the so-called verba punctiva -eriu 
(1. sg. pres.) became in East Lith. (also in Lett.) -eliu when 
preceded by r, e. g. bdrkszteliu fr. bdrkszteriu 'I knock a little 
(then by analogy also stukteliu 'I beat a little' for stnkteriu etc.). 
purpullnis 'purple' from and beside purpurlnis. Analogously 
Lett, skrddelis 'tailor' fr. skrdderis. Cp. § 282. 

§ 281. Slavonic. 

-tcl-X, the suffix of nomina agentis, opposed to -ter- -tor- etc 

of other languages (e. g. da-tel4 'giver' : Gr. voc. oiS-rsg nom. 

tyrj-Ttipa ace. dio-vop-a, Lat. da-tor , Skr. dd-tar-) seems to 

have come by its / through dissimilation, and to have arisen 

regularly in forms like SrUtett 'sacrificer' ora-teH 'arator ori- 

tett 'destroyer'. Cp. § 282. 

Rem. 1. It seems to me improbable that the Lith. fern, -kle belongs 
directly here, i. e. to feminities like Gr. ywl-Tqux Lat vic-tri-x Skr. dd-tri 
(J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXV 29). I connect it with -kla- = Lat -do- 
from *-tlo-. 

Prim. Slav, interconsonantal -or- -oU and -er- -el- appear 
in O.Bulg. as -ra- -la- and -r£- -U-. pras$ 'sucking-pig' : 
Lith. pafsza-s, Lat. porcu-s. brada 'beard' : Lith. barzd&j Lat. 
barba, OHG. bart. vlaku 'draught' in oblakU 'cloud' from *ofc- 
vlaku (properly a veiling cover') : Lith. uz-valka-s 'a cover, Gr. 
ilxo-g. br&za 'birch-tree' : Lith. bSrza-s, OHG. pircha. vWcq 'I 
draw' : Lith. veUch, Gr. &xa>. Corresponding to this mode of 
treatment, initially, e. g. ralo 'plough' fr. *or-dlo (-dlo- = Gr. 
-6Xo-) : cp. Lith. dr-Jcla-8 'plough' (-Ida- = Lat. -do- from *-&>-); 
ra-tafi 'husbandman' : Lith. ar46ji-s\ but aUcati beside lakati 'to 
hunger : Lith. dlkti 'to hunger. 

Rem. 2. In the treatment of o, e f liquid between consonants the 
Slav, languages took various directions : O.Bulg. prase Senr. prdse Czech 
prase — Polish prosie Upper Sorab. proso Lower Sorab. prose — Russ porosjd. 
Perfect agreement only exists in a few words initially, e. g. O.Bulg. ralo 
= Serv. Slov. Russ. ralo Czech radio Pol. Upper Sorab. Low. 8orab. 
radio. The investigations hitherto made concerning these phenomena 



Munster; s. Brandstetter Die Zisohl. der Mundart von B.-M. 1883 p. 12) 
fergauktere = vergalstern. 



§ 281-282. Changes of liquids in prim. Indg. 225 

(op. especially J. Schmidt Vocal. II 66 ff., Leskien Deolin. p. XVI ff., 
Arch. f. slav. Phil. Ill 86 ff.) have not yet led to a solution of the 
question, what the change was, which the pre-Slavonic forms first 
underwent in prim. Slav, and what formed the last previous stage for 
All the individual dialectical formations. For the position between con- 
sonants it seems to me most probable that or ol y er el first of all became 
fro Wo, pv Ue y e. g. *parse became *pfrosc. It is highly probable that 
the initial differences, which cannot be here brought forward in detail, 
represent sentence-doublets. 

Rem. 3. The abandoning of the forms *pors£ *volhii is connected 
with a characteristic of the whole prim. Slav, history of sounds, which 
may here be disposed of 1 ). The Slav sought to restore every- 
where an open syllable (ending in a sonant). Compare besides 
the sound-change here in question, which in the first instance is supported 
hy the change of *zirno to *srino etc. (§ 302), the development of 
nasal vowels from vow. -f nas. before consonants, e. g. sretu 'holy' fr. 
*stvw/tt, § 219; the simplifying of consonant groups, as e. g. netifi 'nephew' 
fr. *nepttjl, 8unu 'sleep* fr. *8iipnii, § 545; the dropping of final con- 
sonants, as nebo 'sky' fr. *nebos, § 665, 4. A similar phenomenon exists 
in French. The tendency prevails also here to make all syllables open, 
the reason of which is here due to the weak expiratory accentuation 
(Ph. Kaufmann Die Gesch. des consonantischen Auslauts im Franz., Lahr 
1886). Nothing prevents our accepting a like reason for Slavonic. 

Changes of liquids in the prim. Indg. period. 

§ 282. The beginning of the processes of dissimilation, 
referred to in §§ 259. 266. 269. 277. 280. 281, probably goes 
back to the prim. Indg. period. 

Already at this period e. g. an original ger-ger- (or with 
other vowel-grade, e. g. ger-gg-) 'to gargle, swallow, gulp 
down may have become ger-gel- by dissimilation or an orig. 
$l-gel- (gel-g$-) have become ger-gel- (cp. Lat. gurgulid y OHG. 
querechela gullet, windpipe', Lith. gargal&'ju 'I gargle, rattle 
in the throat'; the latter may of course be a loan-word from 
German, Mod.HG. gurgel is borrowed from Lat. 2 ). A satis- 

1) My attention was drawn to it many years ago by Rob. Scholvin, 
hat I do not know whether it has been observed elsewhere. 

2) Forms like Gr. Y*eY f e°s • fcoyxns (Hesych.), yagytr^tov 'uvula* do 
not stand in the way of this theory. For firstly dissimilation need not 
have been extended to all the derivatives of reduplicated roots, and 
aecondly, the original equality may have been restored again partly by 
assimilation and partly by form-association. 

B m s ma nn, Elements. Ik 



226 Liquids as sonants. § 282-284. 

factory explanation is thus arrived at for a number of roots 
ending in a liquid, and often having full reduplication, which 
also show now r, now I unreduplicated finally (cp. e. g. Lat. 
vordre and gula\ It would be worth while to investigate more 
fully whether the nominal suffixes -tro- and -tlo- y beside -dhro- 
and -dhlo- are due to dissimilation. 

In like manner the substitution of a nasal for a liquid by 
dissimilation might have had its beginning in the prim. Indg. 
period, cp. e. g. Skr. bam-bhara-8 'bee', Gr. ntju-ypTjtiwv a kind 
of wasp, cp. the author Curtius 1 Stud. VII 329. 357 f. 

B. LIQUIDS AS SONANTS.') 

§ 283. The question, how many different, and what liquids 
were spoken in the Indg. prim, period (§ 254), equally concerns 
both sonant and consonant liquids. As sonants we represent 
them by / and f, and as consonants by I and r. 

Sonantal liquids like syllabic nasals were spoken both long 
and short in the Indg. prim, period (§ 222), but mostly short, 
and from a morphological point of view they corresponded, 
when long, just as long sonantal nasals, to % and u, see § 312. 

1. Short sonant liquids. 

§ 284. Owing to the treatment in the developments of 
the individual languages we distinguish three cases. 

1. Before explosives, spirants, nasals, u and finally, 
e. g- *mf-to-s part. fr. root mer- 'die', Skr. mr-td-s; *oudhf nom. 
ace. neut. udder, Gr. ovSay. 

2. Before i, e. g. *mr~jt- pres. st. from root mer- c die\ Lat. 
mor-ior. 

3. Before sonants in which case r and I were spoken 
as glides, e. g. *gfr-ti-s 'heavy, Skr. guru-$. Cp. § 223, 4. 



1) Cp. the literature quoted in the foot note to p. 190. To the proofs 
that sonant liquids were spoken in the Indg. prim, period, we add § 285 
rem. a new, and as it seems to us, indisputable one. 



i 



i 284-285. 



Prim. Indg. f, J. 



227 



The following is a survey of the usual representation of f 
in the individual languages arranged from these three points 
of view. (The treatment of \ is analogous). 





8kr. 


Av. 


Arm. 


Greek. 


Ital. 


Kelt. 


Germ. 


Bait. 


Slav. 


1. 


f 


tr 


ar 


(initially 
and abso- 
lutely 
finally only 


or 


ri 


ru $ ur 


ir 


rl 


1 






«e) 












2. jur, tr 


er 


ar? 


OQ 


or 


? 


ur 


ir 


Xr 


a 


ur, ir 


ar 


ar 


ag 


or 


ar 


ur 


ir 


Ir 



Prim. Indg. period. 

§ 285. 1. Before explosives, spirants, nasals, u 
and finally. 

*mf4i-8 'dying, death* from rt. mer- : Lat. mors mortis, Lith. 
mrtl-s O.Bulg. SM-mrW, Skr. mjii-$; *mf-to- part, from the 
same root (neut. as abstract noun) : OHG. mord Ags. O.Icel. 
mrd n. 'murder', Skr. mftd-s 'dead' mjtd-m 'death*. *bhf-ti-s 
■a bearing, bringing* : Lat. fors forte, O.Ir. brith 'a bearing', 
Goth, ga-baiirps OHG. gi-burt 'birth', Skr. bhftl-$ 'a bearing, 
nursing, maintenance*. Tense stem *d?1c~e- from rt. derk- 'see' : 
Gr. sSpaxs dpaxiov, Skr. ddf&a-t df&d-nt-. *yft+t6- part, from 
root uert- 'turn, direct to' : Lat. vorsu-s, O.Bulg. vrtsta f. state, 
condition', Skr. vjttdrs part., V[ttd-m subst. state, situation'. 
*qetuf-to-s c fourth', to *qetuer~ 'four' : Gr. rsvpavo^ rhapro-g, Lith. 
hetvifta-s O.Bulg. (etvrttu. *p9-tf- *bhra-tf- anteconsonantal 
weak forms of the stems *pdt£r- 'father *bhrd-tor~ 'brother' : 
Gr. dat. plur. naigd-oi, Goth. dat. pi. fadru-m, Skr. loc. pi. 
pitf-$u\ Skr. bhrdty-putra- 'brother's son', Goth. brOpru-lubd 
'brotherly love' (the latter may also like the nom. pi. brdprjus 
be a new formation). 

*f$?0-« 'wolf from rt. uelq- 'drag, tear along*. Arm. gail, 
Goth, vulfs, Lith. v&ka-s O.Bulg. vluku, Skr. vfka-s. Weak 

15* 



228 Prim. Indg. f , J. § 285. 

present st. form *pi-pl- ^ rom **. P e ^ ^ : ^ r - sp-nfoka-fitv, Skr. 
pipf-rnds', part. *pfr-nos 'filled, full' from the same root : Goth. 
fulls (fr. prim. Germ. *fuLna-z, § 214 p. 181), Lith. pilna-s 
O.Bulg. plunu, A v. per'na-. 

Rem. In the same manner as suffix nasals forced their way into 
the interior of the root syllable, when this contained an * or u, e. g. */wwg- 
(Skr. yufijdte, Lat. jungQ, Lith. jhngiu) fr. *jug-n- (s. § 221), so also when 
the root contained r or I as sonant. E. g. Skr. kfntdmi 'I cut' kfnta-tra-m 
'chip, refuse', Lith. hrinlb 'I fall off* (of leaves, fruit etc.), rt. qert-. Lith. 
dr{8- in dr\8-H 'to become oourageons, venture* fr. dhfns- (cp. Skr. dhfmu-s 
'courageous'), rt. dhers-. O.Bulg. Jcret- in krftajq 'flecto* krenq 'deflecto 
(fr. *&r*/-f?<j, § 545) fr. *qf nt- (cp. Skr. krnat-ti 'twists thread, spins'), rt. 
qert-. Goth, rruggd f. 'snare' fr. *%yrn§h- from root qergh- (OHG. tturgen 
'to strangle' MHG. er-wergen 'to strangle', Lith. verzib 'I string together, 
straiten'). O.Ir. lingim 'I leap' (cp. perf. 3. sg. le-blaing for *fe-blaing 
after the initial sound of the pres. form) fr. *tf|»ag-, to Skr. vcdgami 'I leap' 
(§ 173), is uncertain. And in a similar manner, as e. g. in Lat. the nasal 
extended itself from the pres. jungo to other forms belonging to the same 
root (junctu-S) con-junx etc.), there was formed in Lith. after dris- a pres. 
dr£8& (cp. ntezti *I make water' for minzu in Bezzenberger's Beitr. zur 
Gesch. der lit. Spr. 41, after the ratio of renkb : rinkaU etc.) and a fern, 
subst. drqsft 'boldness'; in Slav, after kret- an adj. krqtu 'tortus* ; in Germ, 
after wung- a pres. *^ringO (Ags. wrin^an 'to turn, press' OHG. ringan 
MHG. ringen 'to move to and fro, wind with exertion') and an adj. *w a #9 tlmZ 
(O.Icel. rangr 'crooked, wrong' M.Eng. wrang Mod.Eng. wrong); in Ir. 
after *#lit9g- the perf. le-blaing (s. above), whereas Lith. krintti, placed 
on a line with limpd etc., gave the impetus for the formation of kritaU 
krlsiu etc. These nasalised forms of roots in liquid -f consonant in the 
European languages furnish the best proof of the existenoe of sonant 
liquids in prehistoric times. For the suffix nasal can only have been 
forced over by a root form like <ttf*-, not by one like dhers- and 
dhors-, since forms like dherns- or dhorns- are unheard of (just as beside 
jung- there appears no jeyng- or i<nfwg-). 

Pinal f, J. Skr. nom. ace. neut. stha-tf standing', beside 
which stha-t&r (Lanman Noun-inflection p. 422) as representative 
of original *$ta-tp' i. e. of a form originally only used before 
initial sonants, see § 287; sthatf : sthatur — dd&a 'ten : pddam 
'pedem* (§ 231 rem.). Gr. ov6-ag 'udder* fa-ap 'liver fr. *-j% 
beside which vti-wp 'water' probably fr. *-f. Lat. jec-ur fem-ur 
fr. *-or = *-f, beside which ub-er, whose -er can be explained 
from *-ar *-f. -f : f = -u : -u (in Skr. puri Gr. noXv : Skr. 
purti, Lat. corna). Armen. aXbeur (gen. akber) source, spring* 



§ 285-288. Prim. Indg. f, f. Indg. f, I in Aryan. 229 

fr. *albeu{a)r (§§ 263. 651), Gr. tppeap <a well> fr - V^«(>- 
Cp. § 306 and the accidence. 

Gr. particle dp indicating a natural sequence etc., Lith. if 
and, also' fr. *f . The form pd was probably developed before 
forms beginning with a consonant, apa and Cypr. tp(a) fr. gd 
by prothesis (§ 266)? Cp. the author Ber. d. sachs. Ges. d. 
Wissensch. 1883 p. 37 ff. 

§ 286. 2. Before i *fflf-#- pres. stem from rt. tner- 
'die* : Lat. mdr-ior, Av. mer*-y$mi. *sj%-ii- pres. fr. root sper- : 
Gr. analgia utinaiQw 'I struggle convulsively', Lith. spiriii 1 push 
with the foot'. *«}H^" P res - fr° m rt- *?^" : Gr. <**dXX(o 'I stir 
up, hoe', Lith. skilU 'I strike fire 1 . 

§ 287. 3. Before sonants with a following r, I as 
glide. *8fr-ti-s 'heavy' : Gr. pap-v-g y Goth, fcatir-w-s, Skr. gur-u-§. 
*{ffr-i- pres. st. from ger- 'devour' : O.Bulg. ztr-q, Skr. gir-dmi 
gSrdm, with change of accent glrdmi (Atharvaveda VI 135, 3). 
Nominal suffix -pro- beside -ro-, like -/jo beside -io- (§ 120) and 
•$no- beside -wo- (§ 227), e. g. *is-pr6-s : Gr. Corcyr. lago-g 
Boeot. etc. lapog (Horn. Att. fcpHg, formed after the analogy of 
&u-qo-$ fpofis-po-g etc.) 'active, fresh, strong, holy, Skr. i$-ird-s 
'hastily, active, fresh' beside Horn, ipo-g Lesb. Ipo-g fr. *la-po-g 
(cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 149 ff., Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 439); 
8b. rudh-ird-s 'red' beside Gr. tpvd-po-g ; Gr. IB-aoo-g 'clear, 
serene' beside Skr. fc/A-r-fyo- 'belonging to the clear sky'; Gr. 
vS-apo-g 'watery' beside dv-vd-po-g 'waterless'; mv-apo-g beside 
o*&-g6-g (for the -<J- see § 204 p. 170) 'injurious'; cp. also 
8b. mih-ird- cloud* beside Horn, o/zi/-^ O.Bulg. triig-la 'fog' 
(§ 279). Koot form $- beside tel- : Gr. vdl-ag enduring', 
O.Lat. tuld 1 endure, Goth. piddip 'endures', O.Bulg. tU-o 'bottom' 
(properly 'surface', cp. Skr. tcti-as surface, bottom'), Skr. tuLd~ 
'balance' tid-aya-ti 'he raises up'. 

Aryan. 

§ 288. 1. Indg. r (D = 8kr - f, Av. er (ehr before k 
and p, and e$ fr. *ert in chief accented syllables, in other cases 



230 Indg. r, I in Aryan. § 288. 

before consonants er*, see § 260), O.Pers. ar; the pronunciation 
of this O.Pers. ar must still have been different from that of 
ar = prim. Ar. ar (e. g. inf. cartanaiy 'to make*); it was 
perhaps % ( C P- Hiibschmann Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 108 ff.). 

Skr. pfchdmi Av. per's&mi *I ask', O.Pers. aparsam 1 
asked 9 (= Skr. dpfcham) : Lat. posed fr. *por(c)-scd, Indg. 
*pfhsk6\ Skr. pfcha- 'question, inquiry* : OHG. forsca 'investi- 
gation, question', Indg. *pr&-sfca- f., from rt. prefer. Skr. kf-tar 
Av. ker*-ta- O.Pers. kar-ta- 'made', part, from rt. qer-. Skr. (%$- 
n6-mi Av. der*s-nao-mi 'I dare, venture', O.Pers. a-darS-nau-s 
'he dared'; Skr. dhf$-d-nt- part, 'courageous' : Goth, ga-daursan 
'to dare, venture', Or. Qpanv-g Bapov-g 'courageous', from rt. 
dhers-. Skr. mf-td- 'dead' Av. mer'to-, Skr. a-mfta- 'immortal 1 
Av. a-me$a- : OHG. mord 'murder', Indg. *mf-t6-, from rt. met-. 
Skr. bfh-dtti- Av. ber*2-ant- great, high' from rt. bher§k-\ the 
same root-form bhf§h> in Gall. ftr*(/*- (in Brigiani, Are-brigium etc.) 
O.Ir. 6r» gen. breg 'mountain'. Skr. kfp- 'form, appearance', 
Av. kehrp- 'form, body' : Lat. corp-us. Skr. /A^o-s Av. er'ocsd 
'bear : Arm. ar], Gr. opxro-s, Lat. ursos fr. *orc$o-8. Dat. pi. 
Skr. pitf-bhyas Av. pter*-byd patribus' : cp. Gr. ncerpa-ai, Goth. 
fadru-m. 

Skr. pfthil-$ Av. per'Pu-s 'broad', Gr. 7i>Uct»-^ : O.Ir. Zeffom 
O.Cymr. Wan, probably also OS. folda O.Icel. fold 'earth' 
(cp. Skr. pfthvt pfthivt 'earth') ')• Skr. vfka-s 'wolf' Av. ©efcrifco 
'wolf : Goth, vulfs, Lith. vilka-s. 

For Skr. ty>-td- Av. 1ctr*p4a- 'put in order, fixed', there is 
no certain corresponding form in the other languages. 

On Skr. final f = Indg. -f , see § 285. 

Prom pre-Aryan gen. sg. *bhrd-tf-$ 'brother's' arose 4fi 
(§ 556, 1), Skr. 4jr before voiced sounds (cp. -ir -nr fr. -i£ 
-*& § 647, 6), hence by § 290 -fur, bkrdhtr. The same formation 
is shown by Av. net's from nor- 'man. See the accidence. 

Owing to the limited extent of the monuments, it is im- 
possible to arrive at anything definite regarding O.Pers. u 

1) Lith. }J<itd-3 'broad' does not belong here, it has the same vowel- 
grade as bntn<fiks 'dear*, bamyts dreadfoT etc 



§ 289-290. Indg. r, I in Aryan. 231 

(written U) = r in a-kU-nav-atn = Skr. d-kf-nav-am 'I made' 
etc. (beside kar-ta- = Skr. kf-td~ 'made'). Cp. Bartholomae Ar. 
Forsch. II 67 f. 

§ 289. 2. Indg. r before i seems to have been represented 
in Av. from the oldest period onwards, in the same manner 
as before other consonants: mer'yqiti like Lat. tnorior, Indg. 
*mj-$-ta\ 'dies'; ker'y$t$ 'is made, effected'. The Skr. forms 
mriydtB kriydte are, as we have seen § 120 p. 112, of a different 
nature. O.Pers. amariyata 'he died' may be amaryata (b. § 125 
p. 116), and would then correspond to Av. mer'yetii; but it may 
also, according to the O.Pers. mode of writing, be read amriyaUl y 
in which case it would be equal to Skr. dmriyata. 

ty does not seem to occur in initial syllables in Sanskrit. 
Optative (precative) forms as kriydt hriydsma from kar- 'make', 
as well as jdgriyat (Ait. BrShm.) opt. of jdgarmi 'I watch' are 
to be judged of in the same manner as mriydtB. Forms like 
j4ryati 'becomes feeble from rt. §er~, ttryati (ava-tiryati 
'descends 9 ) from rt. ter- go back to original fi (s. § 306) , and 
are on a level with mt-ya~t& 'disappears' from rt. rnei- 'lessen', 
irU-ychUS 'is heard' from rt. JUey- etc. As regular representatives 
of Indg. fi, there can only be taken into account on the one 
hand j&gry&t (beside jdgriyat) — how many such forms are ex- 
tant? — and on the other, forms like opt. kurydt from kar- 
make', turydt tuturyOt from tar- 'to press through', a-juryd-s 
not becoming old' from rt §er- (the author Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 
282 ff.). I am inclined to think that the latter category ex- 
hibits the regular development (except that ur took the place 
of ir, s. § 290) and that forms like jdgfyat were later new 
formations (after j&gfhi etc.). 

Rem. This view might be put forth with greater certainty, if the 
possibility did not exist that the ur of kurya- was taken oyer from the 
weak stem of the opt. *Jcuri- (3. sg. mid. *kuri-td) = Indg. *gp-i- (§ 290). 

§ 290. 3. 8kr. ur ir, Av. O.Pers. ar (concerning Av. or 
fr. ar see § 94). 

8kr. purU- Av. parao- pouru- O.Pers. paru- 'much', 
prim. f. */$&$• from rt. pel- 'fill\ Skr. girt-§ Av. gairi-S 'moun- 



232 Indg. r, } in Aryan and Armenian. § 290—291. 

tain* : cp. Lith. glria glre f. 'forest'. 8kr. guni,- 'heavy, vehement, 
hard', A v. gouru- 'contrary, peevish* : Gr. papv-s, Goth. Jcauru-s. 
Gen. abl. sg. Skr. gir-ds Av. gar-d 'of a song* (instr. pi. 
Skr. glrbhif fr. *gf-6A&, § 306). Skr. tirds Av. tard 'through, 
over', from root ter- 'press through, overstep*. Skr. girdnU 'I 
swallow* : O.Bulg. zfrq, from rt. ger- ; in like manner Skr. tirdmi 
'I press through', kir&mi 'I pour out', sphurdmi 'I push away* etc. ; 
tirdmi : tdrami = vandmi : vdndmi (§ 231) = huvdU : hdvatl 
'invokes*. It cannot be decided whether Av. spardmi 'I push, jerk* 
is the same as Skr. sphurdmi or a new formation after Skr. class I. 

Finally. Skr. -fir Av. -ar e , the ending of the 3. pi. pf. 
act., e. g. Skr. Os-tir Av. &nh-ar* from rt. es- 'be'. These forms 
are on a level with the nom. ace. neut. stha-tur § 285 p. 228. 

The change between ur and it in Skr. was very probably 
originally evoked by the varying timbre of the neighbouring 
sounds. Preceding or following labials developed the form ur; 
cp. sphurdti; Skr. urana-s 'ram' fr. *uur-an-a-8 (§ 157), *#rr-<M- 
(cp. Arm. garn, gen. garin y § 291) beside Gr. fap-v- fr. *ur-n- 
(§§ 164. 292); gur^A- (opposed to gir-l-) etc. The orig. phonetic 
state became obscured through a great number of new formations 
made by analogy. 

Rem. The present of kar- plays a principal part in the question 
as to how Skr. ur and ir are to be explained. It may be remarked that 
I trace the Ved. imperat kuru- baok to *qrr ■»- u ; -u was an appended par- 
ticle like -dhi in i-hl Gr. l-Hi 'go* (Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 180). 
After the relation of bhara : bharata, there was formed to kuru the 2. pi. 
kuruta, in the indie kurutha. For the rest see the accidenoe. 

The side by side existence of Skr. guru- Av. gouru- and 
Skr. d-gru- Av. a-yru- 'maidenish* (cp. Skr. gurvt gravida') ! ), 
of Skr. gir-a- -gil-a- Wallowing* and tuvi-grd- Wallowing much' 
etc., corresponds to that of ghan-d- and -ghn-d- 'killing' (§ 231). 

Armenian. 

§ 291. 1. barjr, gen. barju, 'high' fr. *bhfgh-u- : Skr. bfh- 
a'w*-, O.Ir. bri (§§ 288. 298). hare, gen. hard, question*, 

1) Here come probably also Lat gravis as gr-av-i-s, op. Gr. rar- 
</)-©-> beside rar-J- 'stretched* and Skr. prth-iv-i beside prth-u- (p. 230). 



§ 291—292. Indg. r, \ in Armen. and Greek. 233 

harcane-m 'I ask* with c fr. (%)slc : Skr. pfcha, OHG. forsca 
(§ 288). mard 'man* : 8kr. mfta-%. arj, gen. arjoy or arj«, 
a bear : Skr. fkga-s. ard-ar just, upright' : 8kr. f-td-s 'suitable, 
right*, arciv and arcui eagle (v fr. ^p, §§ 330. 483) : Skr. 
fjipyd- stretching oneself, taking up in flight* (of birds of prey), 
Av. er'zifya- 'stretching oneself; falcon, tiaf- 'four (Jtaf-a-sun 
'forty) fr. *(?)%•- (§ 360) = Gr. T?a- in TQu-nsta 'table 
(properly 'fourfeet*). 

Finally : aXieur 'source* fr. *aXbey,(a)r § 285. 

gail, gen. gaUoy, 'wolf, firstly by epenthesis fr. *galio-s = 
Skr. vflca-s etc? Cp. § 455. 

2. Examples for fi ; Ji are not to hand. 

3. c^aWi, gen. garin, 'lamb', Indg. st. *y/fr-enr : Skr. tir-an-a-s 
fr. *#wr- (§§ 263. 290). sar, gen. saroy, 'height, summit, decli- 
vity* : Skr. Mras- Av. sarah- n. 'head', rt. Jeer- (Lat. cerebru-m 
cernuo-8, O.Icel. hjarse 'crown of the head'). kaXin, gent kaknoy, 
'acorn* : Gr. 0aA-avo-s, Lith. jfiW (Lat. gldm seems to stand in 
a similar relation to these words as Gr. noXv-ggyv rich in sheep* 
fr. *~fQ-Tp> to Arm. gain Skr. uranra-s). 

Greek. 

§ 292. 1 . SgctTo-g daQTo-g 'skinned' : Av. der'ta- 'cut, mown', 
Lith. nu-dirta-s skinned* ; Sdpot-g excoriation* : Skr. dfti-§ 'leather- 
bag' (cp. Gr. dtgfia 'hide*), Goth, gartaurps 'a destroying*, from 
rt. der-. Horn. ra^nti/utOa tst(iqtiito from xsgnw 'I delight* : Skr. 
trpdmi (not found), tfpydmi, tfpiidmi 'I satiate myself, become 
satisfied', rt. terp-. Aor. snagdo-v to nspSu) 'pedo'; the same root 
form in OHG. furz 'crepitus ventris', Lith. pirdis m. 'crepitus 
ventris* pirda 'qui pedit' Russ. perdif 'pedere* (prim. Slav. *ptrd£ti). 
uaovafxou 'I fight* and Corcyr. ftagva/usvog fr. *ppava{i€vog (§ 204) : 
Skr. mf-nd-mi 'I bruise, beat in pieces'. Analogously papdijv • to 
jka&aOai yvvalxaq 'l4ftnQaxi(5Tai, fr. ^fipadijv : Skr. mfd-nd-ti 'presses 
vehemently* (cf. Lat. comprimere feminam). rtTpacpaiusy to rirgoipa 
(rgtmo 'I turn'), like Skr. dadfiimd to daddria (dari- 'see). 
Toaaid xagoid a drying-kiln to rig^ofiax 'I become dry* : Skr. 
tfiyfc- 'thirst* tfvydmi 'I am thirsty', rt. ters-. ngaxvov • fiiXava 



2 : *4 Indff. r, J in Greek. § 292-294. 

He8ych. : Skr. pf&-ni-§ 'spotted'; beside which, with other vowel- 
grade 7i€Qxvo-$. xoati-itj xagd-ia 'heart* : Lat. cor cord-is, OJr. 
cride, Lith. szirdb-8 O.Bui, srtcfcce. 

T*T\a-nev 1. pi. pf. from tel- 'bear', like yeyu-psv to y*v- 
'gignere' (§ 233). saraXrcu 3. sg. pf. mid. to are I- order', like « r«- 
rai to re v- 'stretch' (233). nXavv-g 'flat, broad' : 8kr. pfthu^$ (§ 288). 

It has not been definitely determined on what the varying 
position of the liquid depends ((xx Xa and ap «A). Form asso- 
ciation can only be assumed for certain cases, e. g. dagro-g: 
df()«> tiogd; ixXdnrjv : xXlnroj xt*Xo<pa. Cp. the author Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXIV 258, Osthoff Morph. Unt. II 144 f. 

a always came first initially, doxro-g 'bear* : Skr. fk$a-s. apaijv 
cLQQrjv 'masculine' : Skr. tfabhds 'bull' fr. *fsi&-bho-8. ag-w^im 'I 
attain, gain fuo6-aQvo-$ /uioS-dpvq-g 'hired servant' : Skr. f-nS-mi 
'I attain, gain'. 

Likewise -ap fr. -f finally, see § 285. 

In Aeol. go op from pa up, as Lesb. ovpovog ptjtopQcu, 
BoBot. orgoro-g. 

§ 293. 2. anaigo} aonaigw 'I struggle convulsively' fr. 
*onap~ifi) (§ 130) : Lith. spiriu 'I push with the foot', cpf. *8pr-j$, 
rt. sper-. cxdXXoj 'I stir up, hoe' fr. *<fx<xk-i<a (§ 130) : Lith. skilu 
'I strike fire', cpf. *sql-i6, from rt. sqel-. Analogously q>6atpw 
Dor. (Att. <p6*tQw) 'I destroy*, nvuipw 'I sneeze' from rt. psttr- 
(nropo-g 'a sneezing, Lat. ster-nu-d), pdXXw 'I throw' from rt. 
qel- etc. ixOaipio 'I hate' from *2xfy~k ( *> to *xQp°~G 'hated', like 
dyytlXw to dyysXo-g. On the i-epenthesis see § 639. 

§ 294. 3. papv'-c 'heavy' : Skr. guni-§. Corcyr. lago-g 'holy' : 
isird-s (§ 287). ndpog 'in front, before, sooner' : Skr. purds 
before, in front'. The preterites tnvapov 'I sneezed' epaXov 'I 
threw* go with Skr. girdmi, O.Bulg. ftrq, Lat. tuld (§ 287); 
s-fiuX-f : *~7iX-ty i-nX'B'To 'versabatur m Skr. d-huv-a-t : d-hv-a-t 
'he called to' (cp. §§ 153. 159). Here belong also passive aor. 
like iSdgtjv epdXrjv; 1-pdX-rj-v : t-pX-ij-v = i-tpv-tpr : O.Bul. b€ from 

*b»-e (§ 184). 

General Greek op, oX in %-nop-o-v noX-v-g etc, concerning 
which see § 306, 



§ 295. Indg. r, I in Italic. 235 

Italic. 

§ 296. 1. Lat. /xwca 'the ridge between two furrows', 
Umbr. Mars. pi. porculeta 'poreae' (Pliny) : O.Bret, rec 'sulco* 
Cymr. rhych 'furrow' (cp. Thurneysen Keltorom. p. 74 f.), 
OHG. furuh Ags. furh f. 'furrow'. Lat. vorsu-s, Umbr. Osc. 
wrsum ("quod Graeci nkeOpov appellant, Osci et Umbri vorsum', 
Frontinus de limit, p. 30, 9), Umbr. trah-vorfi 'transverse' : Skr. 
tft-td-, from rt. yert- 'turn (§ 285). Lat. fors forte, Osc. fortis 
'forte', Pelign. forte gen. 'fortunae' : Skr. bhf-tl^ (§ 285). Lat. 
or-tu-8 part., Umbr. ortom orto 'ortum' : Skr. f-td-s part, 'raised*. 
Lat. porlu-s porta : Av. pe$ti-s 'ford' hu-per'pw-i f. 'having a 
good ford' (§ § 260. 288), Gall, -ritum 'passage' in Augusto-ritum 
(with Latinised ending), OHG. furt m. 'ford', sporta sportula : 
Gr. ondy-TO'V 'rope, cable', cornu-s cornu-m : Gr. xpdvo-g xgdvo-v 
cornel-tree', porru-m fr. *porso-m (§571) : Gr. npdoo-v 'a leek'. 
forcti-s fortis : Skr. part, dfdhdrs 'fast, strong' (to dark-), prim. f. 
*dhf§h+t4>- } rt. dher§h-. tostu-s from *tors-to-s : Skr. ttf-fd-s 'rough, 
hoarse. tno-mord-imus : Skr. ma-mpi-imd 'we crushed, pounded', 
rt. merd~\ cp. also vort-imus : Skr. va-vft-itnd. ursu-s : Skr. fk§a- 
,bear' (§ 288). 

On the dropping of r in Lat. forms as tostu-s, posed (§ 288) 
see § 269. 

Lat. mulsu-s part., molta multa 'a fine, penalty', Umbr. 
motar gen. 'multae', Osc. moltam 'multam' fr. prim. Ital. *molk-ta- : 
Skr. mtftd- part., indie. mpSdmi 'I touch, feel'. Lat. mulctu-s : 
Lith. mUszta-s 'milked', O.Ir. mlicht blicht 'milk', from rt. mel§-. 
Analogously the Lat. participial forms oc~cultu-s from rt. Icel- 
'cover, conceal* : OHG. helan 'to hide (concerning the apparently 
contradictory oquoltdd of the S. C. de Bacch. 15 see Bersu Die 
Gutturalen und ihre Verbindung mit v im Lat. p. 41); pulsus 
to pellO : Gr. naXro-g 'brandished, hurled' etc., toUo fr. *#-wtf, 
from rt. td-. 

Bern, o before I + cons, (except It) uniformly became u in Latin, 
whereas the vowel fluctuated before r, cp. curtu-8 : Or. xaQTo-s *shorn, cut', 
fornu-9, later furnu-s : Skr. ghr-nds 'heat, glow'. A law for this irre- 
gularity has not been discovered. 



236 Indg. r, / in Italic and O.Irish. § 296-298. 

Finally, -ur fr. -f , jec-ur, see § 285. 

§ 296. 2. Lat. tnorior : Av. mer'y$Ui dies' (§ 289). horior 
O.Lat. = hortor, probably to Umbr. heriest volet' Osc. herest Volet' 
and identical with Gr. yaiQw 'I rejoice', to which it was the causat. 
form (I make pleasure, joy) ; hortor would accordingly be from 
a *horto- = ^opro'-s 'wished for*, orior oriuntur fr. *f -jo-, to 
orte-s : Skr. ftd-8 (§ 295). 

§ 297. 3. O.Lat. tuld, rt. td-. oc-culd either fr. *JS£W or 
*^.celd (= O.Ir. celtTn OHG. hilu) through the influence of the 
I. gtU- in gula guld rather from *g^- (cp. Skr. gira- -gila- 
'swallowing*, gilir§ f. gilana-m a swallowing', § 290) than from 
*geJ- prim. Ital. *#*£/-, since in the latter root form *vd- would 
be expected (cp. venidj veru § 432 6), hence gula : OHG. chela 
'throat' = Gr. Boeot. pava : Goth, qind 'wife ; guld was formed 
like Goth, skula debtor (§ 301). 

Old Irish. 

§ 298. 1. General Keltic ri (re), li (le). 

O.Ir. bri gen. breg (from *frrir *brigos) 'rising ground', 
Gall. £r**<7t- (in Brigiani an Alpine race, Are-brigiu-m etc.), 
Cymr. Bret, fere : Skr. tyh-dnt- (§ 288). O.Cymr. rti 'ford*, Gail. 
Augusto-ritu-m : Av. pe§u-$, Lat. portus, OHG. /tirj (§ 295). 
O.Ir. rfrecA 'face' fr. *dr/ca prim. f. *dfka : Skr. rf/i- look', 
Gr. etipaxov 'I saw', rt. derk-. O.Ir. brissim 'I break', ftrtsc 
Bret. 6mA; 'fragile, apt to break', according to Stokes' conjec- 
ture (Mem. de la soc. de lingu. V 420) from rt. bherdh- : Gr. 
nsgOw 'I lay waste, destroy' aor. ItngaBo-v; on brisc cp. §516. 
O.Ir. lethan O.Cymr. Man 'broad* : Skr. prthu-§ (§ 288). 

O.Ir. re-nim 'I give up, sell, grant* : Gr. negr^^u 'I sell, 
export', which represented an older *na.Q-va-(u (this form seems 
to be represented in Hesych. by nogvdfisv • nwfalv with o =a, 
§ 292 extr.), originally *pr-nd-mi from rt. per-, ara-chrinim 'diffi- 
ciscor' (perf. do-ro-char) : Skr. &r-nd-mi 'I separate, break in 
pieces'. Mid.Ir. do-breth 'datum est' : Skr. bhf-ta- 'carried' ; briih 
'a carrying' : Skr. bhf-tt-$ a carrying', from rt. bher-. sreth 'row* : 
Lat. sors sortis beside serO. Here belong further, from such 



$ 298— 299. Indg. r, I in O.Ir. and Germanic. 237 

roots as bher-, the part. perf. pass, in -te, brithe breihe 
'brought', and the part, necessitatis in -ti, brithi brethi 
'ferendus*. cride 'heart' : Gr. xpad-lt] (§ 292). 

bligitn 'I milk' from *mlighn (§ 212) : O.Bulg. mluzq, Indg. 
prim. f. *ml§-6 from rt. mel§-; to which mlicht blicht 'milk' : 
Lat. mulctu-s. clethi 'celandum' to celim 'celo' : Lat. oc-cultu-s. 
Inf. With to melim 'molo'. 

When such syllables with ri, li = Indg. f, ] became voice- 
less in composition in Irish, f, \ arose anew through vowel 
reduction when another syllable followed (samprasarana). From 
these a vowel was then again developed. Thus e. g. eperthe part, 
pass, 'oblatus' from *id-brithe through the intermediate stage 
*-b[the. See § 634 and Thurneysen Rev. Celt. VI 315. 

2. Examples for the representation of ft, H are unknown 
to me. 

3. As #n became aw, so also fr, # became ar, al. maraim 
1 remain : cp. Lat. mora, rt. (s)mer' (§ 589, 3); mora may 
just as well represent *(s)mfra as *(s)mor&. scaraim 1 
separate, divide' Cymr. ysgar 'separatio', to O.Ir. scorim scuirim 
'I unharness' scor an enclosure for unyoked animals' Cymr. 
ff&gor f. 'rampart, bulwark' : cp. Lith. skiriii 'I separate, divide'. 
-al- perhaps in samail 'likeness, picture' fr. *s»pw-|ft- (cp. § 243, 
4). Cymr. malu 'I grind, grind to powder' is more certain : cp. 
OJr. melim ! ). 

Germanic. 

§ 299. 1. Prim. Germ, ur, ru. 

Goth. patirs-u-s OHG. durri O.Icel. purr 'dry, withered' : 
8kr. tf§-&-§ 'covetous, gaping from dryness'; Goth, paurstei f. 
OHG. durst m. Ags. Syrst m. 'thirst' : Skr. ty$~fd- 'hoarse, rough' : 
Goth, paursjan 'to thirst' (originally a strong verb like vaurkjan 
a. below) : Skr. tf§-y&mi 'I am thirsty'; Goth. part, ga-patirsans : 
Skr. Ved. part, tfaand-s and ta4r$-0nd-s, from rt. ters-. Inf. 
Goth, ga-daursan OHG. turran Ags. durran 'to dare, venture': 



1) My attention was drawn to these examples for the representation 
of rr r 11 in Keltic by Thurneysen. 



238 Indg. f, I in Germanic. 



Skr. dhr$-&-nt- part, 'bold'; 1. pi. Goth, ga-daurs-utn 'we dare': 
Skr. dadhf§-imd (cp. also vaurpum Ve became* : Skr. vatftimd, 
Lat. vortirrius); opt. Goth, ga-daurs-jdu : Skr. dadhf$-ytim\ 0H6. 
ca-turst f. 'boldness* : Skr. dhf^i-4 f. 'boldness', from rt. dfors-. 
Goth, vafokjan OHG. wurchen 'to work, effect* : Av. ver'zyetti 
effects', Gr. qsIm 'I do* for regular *<ia£ai from *fgay-^o (s after 
the analogy of sq^w, sq$m etc.), Indg. *ty§-i6, from rt ger^-. 
Goth, patir-nu-s OHG. dorw 'thorn' : O.Bulg. trtnu 'thorn, Skr. 
tfna-m 'grassblade*. OHG. zoraht OS. Jora/tf torht 'bright, 
clear (for the anaptyctic vowel s. § 277) : Skr. dtf-pi- 'seen, 
appearing, revealing', Indg. *dflc-t6-s, from rt. derkr. Goth. 
haum OHG. horn 'horn* : Gr. xdpvog 'horned cattle (Hesych.) 
and Lat cornu, in case the latter had not Indg. o. 

Goth, brdpru-m dat. pi. of brdpar 'brother : cp. Skr. loc. 
pi. bhr&tf-§u. Part. OHG. rohhan revenged, avenged' (beside 
inf. Goth, vrikan OHG. rehhari) : Skr. part, vavfjdnd- pres. 
vdrjati 'turns off', pari-vargd-s 'a laying aside*. So also part. 
Goth, pruskans OHG. droskan 'thrashed*, beside inf. priskan 
dreskan, Goth, brukans OHG. brohhan 'broken beside inf. 
brikan brehhan, OHG. sprohhan 'spoken* beside inf. sprehhan 
etc. Goth, trudan O.Icel. troda 'to tread', OHG. trotta f. a 
press' beside OHG. inf. tretan ; Goth, trudan : OHG. tretan = 
OHG. koman : Goth, qitnan (§ 247). 

Goth, vulfs, OHG. wo// wolf: Skr. vfka-s. Goth, /trffe 
OHG. fol (infl. /o#er) 'full' : Lith. pllna-s, Av. />er%w-. Goth. 
skidds part, 'obliged', OHG. sculda 'debt', to indie. Goth, skal 
OHG. sea/ 1 shall* (related to Lat. scelusl). Goth. pf. pi. 
fra-giddum part, -gtddans to inf. fra-gildan 'to repay . Goth, 
part. *hlufans to hlifan 'to steal' (cp. Gr. xXenrw, ixkdnTjv) 
like frrwArans to brikan? Goth, lustu-s 'desire', probably to Lat. 
lascSvo-s, Skr. la-las-a-s 'desirous, eager for Idsami 'I desire fr. 
*la-ls-0-mi (§ 259). 

The diversity of the position of the liquid (ur and n#) was 
in part undoubtedly due to other forms of the same form-system, 
cp. e. g. Goth, pruskans : priskan with paHrsans : pafrsan. 
The independent forms have not yet been satisfactorily settled ; 



§ 299-302. Indg. r, | in Germ, and Bait.- Slavonic. 239 

cp. the author Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 258 ff., Osthoff Morph. 
Unt. II 49. 145. It however seems to me probable (cp. Eluge 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 90) that these forms are ur, vl. 

On the change of u to au (before r) in Goth, and « too 
in West Germ, and Norse see § 51. 

§ 800. 2. Goth. opt. shuljdu to shal 'I shall', as munjdu to 
man I think* (§ 245). OHG. hulla MHG. hulle f. Veil, cover' 
fr. prim. Germ. *yjidjp, to OHG. hdan 'to conceal', rt. JceU. 

§ 301. 3. Part. pret. pass. Goth, baur-ans (bairan 'to 
teaO, ga-taur-ans (ga-tairan 'to tear in pieces'), stulans (stilan 
'to steal'), OHG. boran, zoran, stolan : cp. O.Bulg. part. pret. 
pass. ttr-enu to ttrq 'I rub' fr. rt. ter- (§ 305) and Skr. ti-stir- 
&n&-$ part. pf. mid. from rt. ster- 'strew'. Goth, skulan OHG. 
scolan 'to be obliged', part. Goth, skulands obliged', probably also 
Goth, vulands 'seething' (to OHG. waltn 'heat') : cp. pres. Skr. 
girdmi O.Bulg. Sirq from rt. qer- 'swallow' (§ 287). Goth, skula 
OHG. scolo 'debtor', like Ags. cuma advena' OHG. willi-como 
welcome' from rt. gem- (cp. § 247). OHG. hoi OJcel. holr 
'hollow', Goth, hulundi f. a hollow' (cp. § 244), to OHG. Man 
c to conceal' : cp. Gr. xaX-la 'hut , barn*. On Goth, au, West 
Germ. Norse o see § 51. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 302. Indg. f, I uniformly became ir, il in the prim. 
Baltic-Slav, period. Though it cannot be strictly proved, it is 
nevertheless probable, that the i in these combinations differed 
from Indg. i in the same manner as the i in in = Indg. #. 
See § 248. We accordingly put the prim. Baltic -Slav, forms 
down as tr, d. 

Thence in Lith. ir, il. 

In prim. Slav. ?r, tf. r and / retained this position in 
OJJulg. before i and sonants, in other cases they were trans- 
posed (r¥, K). The labial timbre of the / caused the neighbouring 
I to pass into u. But the orthography is very inconsistent, and 
it would be difficult to decide how far the regular state has 



240 Indg. r, I in Bait.- Slavonic § 302-303. 

been disturbed in the living language by form-association. Cp. 
§ 305 rem. 

Bern. 1. That Ir, not ri or f was also spoken in prim. Slay, before 
consonants in such cases as crinu *black* (= Pruss. kirsna-, Skr. kfmd- 
*black\ Indg. *qx 8n0 ~) * 8 proved on the one hand by the transition of a 
preceding k to c (§ 461), in which all Slav, dialects took part (Serv. c), 
and on the other by the dropping of the s in crinu, which is only 
conceivable on the assumption of an older form *cfrsww (s. §§ 585, 2. 
588, 6). 

Rem. 2. The treatment of prim. Slav. fr, tl varied greatly in the 
different Slav, dialects. Suffice it here to remark that Serv. 81ov. and 
Czech went back again to Indg. liquida sonans, e. g. O.Bulg. crinu = Serv. 
cm, Slov. crn f O.Czech crny (the latter the def. form of the adj. = O.Bulg. 
criny-jt). 

§ 303. 1. Lith. islrni-s m. 'pea', O.Bulg. zrXno corn 1 : 
Goth, ka&rn 'corn . Lith. szirszu, gen. szirszefts, O.Bulg. srt- 
§en~t 'hornet, gad-fly* : OHG. horna% 'hornet' fr. prim. Germ. 
*xnrzn-ata-z J cpf. *%s-en- *£fs-w- (cp. Lat. crdbrd § 306). Lith. 
kirmi-8 m. 'worm', O.Bulg. 6rXmXnu red* (crf-vi 'worm' with a 
diff. suffix) : Skr. kfmi-$ 'worm'. Lith. kirsta-s 'hewn', O.Bulg. 
6rUq 1 cut* : Skr. kfttd-s 'cut off, from rt. qert-. Lith. viriys 
'cord' virSeti 'to bind with cord', O.Bulg. vrlzq 'I bind, close* : 
OS. wurgil 'a strangling cord' OHG. wurgan 'to strangle', from 
rt. uer§h-. Lith. tirp-ti 'to grow stiff, to become feelingless', 
Rus8. terpnut 'to grow stiff (prim. Slav. ^fftrpnqJLi) : Lat torped 
(Lat. torp- = Indg. *txp- or torp-?). 

O.Bulg. 2. sg. opt. (imper.) r$ci 'say' orig. f. *rqoi m $i 1- *S- 
pres. rekq, cp. the accidence. 

Lith. tfclna 'a single hair of wool', O.Bulg. vluna 'wool': 
Goth, vulla 'wool' fr. *vulna (§ 214 p. 181). Lith. vilkih 'I am 
clad in, with', Lith. vilkqs O.Bulg. vluku part. pret. act. to velku 
vlflcq, 'I drag' : Gr. avka£ 'furrow' (*/Aax-) beside ?Axa>, rt. ydq-. 
Lith. vttgau 'I moisten', O.Bulg. vluguku 'moist' : OHG. trolchan 
n. wolcha f. 'cloud', from rt. uelq~. O.Bulg. dlugu 'duty' : 0.1r. 
dliged 'lex, officium' O.Ir. dligim 'I deserve, am entitled to', 
Goth, dulgs 'debt', rt. form dfyqh-. O.Bulg. zluva 'husband's 
sister' : Gr. yaXowg yaXtog. 



j 



§ 304-306. Indg. long f, J. 241 

§ 304. 2. Lith. spiriU : Gr. (maigw, skUU : Gr. oxdlXco, 
a. § 293. Analogously dinw 1 skin* (Szyrwid's dirru is probably 
to be read thus) rt. der-, giriu 'I praise' rt. ger-. O.Bulg. i^r/^ 
'I boil up, seethe* 2. sg. ttfW& (inf. vfo&i) might be put here 
under the supposition that the original inflection of the present 
was *vfrjesi etc., like SXnjq Sinjesi (§ 250); cp. Czech vru (in 
O.Bulg. form *vtrq) like ttrq mXrq etc. (§ 305). Lith. pi. tlUs, 
gen. tUu, 'board in the bottom of a boat', O.Bulg. ttlja 'bottom' : 
cp. Skr. tultja- 'equal, straight', rt. tel-. 

§ 305. 3. Lith. mlrusi O.Bulg. nfiru&i part. pf. fem. 
mortua', O.Bulg. mtrq 'morior', rt. mer-. Analogously pres. Lith. 
pilu '1 cast, shed' from rt. pel- 'fill', O.Bulg. strq 'I swallow' = 
Skr. girdmi gil&mi, rt. qer-, ttrq 'tero' and others. 

Rem. ur occasionally occurs for Xr before non-palatal vowels in the 
Zographos gospel, e. g. dUrati for diratj € to split, tear in pieces', and vice 
versa, zile loc. beside zulu nom. 'bad' etc. Cp. § 36 rem. 

2. Long Sonant Liquids. 

§ 306. Regarding the representation of Indg. f, J in the 
individual languages there still remains much that is doubtful 
just as in the case of Indg. #, fl. We hold the following deve- 
lopments as certain : Skr. fr, ur (cp. ir, ur = Indg. p* or ty 
§ 290), Av. O.Pers. ar\ Gr. og ok and pw Aw, finally mq) Lat. 
«r (at) and ra la; Kelt, la; Germ, ar, al. 

Indg. f . 

*fdh%$0-s upright' : Skr. urdhvd-s, Gr. opOo-g, Lat. arduo-s 
from prim. Ital. *arpuo-s (§ 170 p. 150, § 370). 

* f-mo-8 arm, bow' : Skr. trmd-s Av. ar'ma-, Armen. ar- 
mukn, Lat. armies, Goth, arms, O.Bulg. ramq fr. *ortnq (§ 281). 

*f-ti-s : Lat. ars ar£/s, OHG. art 'manner'. Prom the same 
root Skr. f-tdr-m 'propriety, right manner*. 

stf- from rt. ster- spread' : part. perf. pass. Skr. sBr-nd-8 
Av. star*-ta- Gr. otpto-To-g Lat. stra-tu-s, Gr. atQw-fia Lat. 
8tr0rtnen 'straw', Gr. eavQio-rw axoo-vvfa and others. 

§f- from rt. ger- 'grind' : Skr. jir-nd- 'ground to pieces, 
wasted away', Lat. gra-nu-m 'grain'. 

B r u g ra a n n , Elements. 16 



242 Indg. long f\ I § 306. 

pf- (cp. Skr. purds Gr. ndpog § 294) : Skr. p&r-va-s 'the 
one in front', Gr. npiuro-g Dor. nparo-g 'the first* from *7T(jw-/-aros 
(cp. TQlr-avo-g 'the third*), Dor. npav 'formerly' fr. *npa)J : av, Att. 
nguqv lately' fr. *7iQiofidv (O.Bulg. prf-vy-fi 'the first* : Skr. 
pdr-va-s = plu-nu 'full' : pur-nd-s etc., 8. below). 

%**- : Skr. &r$-d~m 'head' Gr. xopa-f] 'head, temples. 

gf- from rt. qer- swallow* : Skr. glr-nd- part, pass., qtr-ya- 
gerund, g$r-ni-§ a swallowing, Gr. pippui-axuf I „ eat, devour*. 
ppw-Tijp 'eater, devourer pgai-iua food*. 

/3f- 'to share in' : Gr. ni-ngw-rat^ Lat. pars partis (beside 
portiO fr. *pjr-ti-). If pan'tf also belongs to this root, as is assumed 
by Curtius Grundz. :> 282, it must be traced back to *pf-io, cp. 
Skr. juryOmi from rt. Qer- 'fall away, become fragile. 

Skr. &ur-td- destroyed', Av. a-sar*-ta- unhurt', root form 

fr. 

Gr. 7r(Kci5 -koc a drop* : cp. npaxvd-v (§ 292 p. 233), nspxvo-g 
sprinkled', Skr. pf&ni~$ 'speckled, variegated'. 

Lat. radix fr. *urad- (§ 168) *u?d- : cp. Gr. gad-afivo-g 
'shoot, sprout' Goth. vaArts root* fr. *#fd-. 

Lat. crates pi. fr. *qft- : cp. Gr. xdpr-ako-g basket 1 Goth. 
hairds 'door OHG. hurt 'hurdle- work, hurdle' fr. *gj^-. 

Lat. crObrd 'hornet' fr. *crOs-rd (§ 570) *fc?s-; beside which 
Lith. szirszu etc. fr. *%»-, § 303. 

Lat quartus fr. *ctvarto-s y Indg. *qtyf-to- (beside Indg. 
VHT-to- § 285). 

Gr. vS-mq water from *«f ; perhaps corresponding to Lat. 
ub-er fr. *-ar, *-f . Cp. § 285 p. 228. 

Indg. I 

pf- from rt. pel- (pie-) 'fill' : Skr. pur-nd-s 'filled* imper. 
pur-dhi 'fill', Gr. noXXol 'many* fr. *nok~vo- (or 7ioA-*o'-P), O.Ir. 
ton O.Cymr. laun 'full'. 

**<£-** f. 'wool' : Skr. urna, Lat. lana (cp. §§ 151. 157. 
168), Gr. ovh>s 'fleecy' fr. *foXvo-g (§ 204). 

*nt$d}i- : Skr. murdh-dn- 'height, highest part, head', Gr. 
pkto6-p6-$ 'high-grown'. 



i 306. Indg. long f, J 243 



*d$gho- 'long' : Skr. dtrghd-s Av. dar'ya- O.Pers. darga-, 

Gr. doXi%6-<; (with enigmatical *)• 

*U$-mi-8 ebullition' : Skr. ur-mi-§ 'wave' (§ 1 57), Ags. urieltn 

wylm ebullition, wave* prim. Germ. *ualmi-z. To which OHG. 

OS. wdttan 'to be agitated, boil up* prim. Germ. *ualnana-n 

(§ 214), cp. wellan 'to roll, move'. 

Skr. stkAnd- 'post, stake* fr. *s//m/w#-, orig. *stp-n(l-. 

Gr. Lesb. poXXo-pai Att. (iovXo-fiai (beside Dor. S^Xo-fxm) 

1 will, wish, desire' fr. *g$-no-, rt. qel- (§ 204). 

Lat. latws 'carried' probably fr. *t$-to-s, rt. tel-. 

Lat. clad-es : to per-celld fr. *-celdd, part, -culsu-s from 

*fyi\to-, Gr. Horn. saXaaaa 'broke' xXnti-doat * otToai Hesych. 

Cp. § 369. 

O.Ir. blaith 'tender, soft' fr. *mld-ti-s prim. f. *m$-H-, to 

melim 1 pound'; Cymr. blawd 'meal' fr. **wf-£o-. On W- fr. ml- 

see § 212. 

The side by side existence of q«j and oq in Gr. and ra 

and ar in Lat. may be compared with that of Gr. get and «o, 

Germ, rw and wr fr. Indg. % (§§ 292. 299). Gr. oq, Lat. ar 

fr. *(U0, *#r were possibly shortened after the same principle 

as that which gave rise to Gr. part, asvr- 'blowing* (indie, arjpi) 

and Lat. vent-u-s fr. *ue-nt- (§§ 611. 612). vdwp especially 

speaks in favour of this theory ; for vJwq : Otoqvviu = arjv : 

tt*>r- and Atxw : Xvxoig (§§ 85. 611). 

8kr. yir 'praise' fr. *gir~§ *gf-s loc. pi. gir§u fr. *gf-su 

and p&r 'fixed place' fr. *pur-$ *pl-s loc. pi. pur$u fr. *pl-8u 

correspond to nouns like ja-s fr. *g$-s § 253 p. 207. But 

between the nom. sg. gir pftr and instr. sg. gird purd nom. 

pi. giras puras (gir- pur- fr. *gfr- *P$'i § 290) there exists 

precisely the same relation as between nom. sg. dhi$ ('thought') 

bhu§ ('earth') and instr. sg. dhiyd bhuvd nom. pi. dhiyas bMvas. 

This parallelism was inherited from the Indg. prim, period (p. 250). 

It is remarkable that in Greek antesonantal oq, oX and 

anteconsonantal q«> oq, ho oX frequently stand to each other in 

the same relation as Skr. ir ur and tr ur, since one would 

expect uo aX as the representative of Indg. antesonantal fr, 

16* 



244 Ablaut § 306—307. 

fi (§ 294). s-noQ-o-v gave, brought* : ni-nQw-rai. f-rop-o-v 'pierced* : 
Ti-tpw-oxu) "1 master, injure, wound* (cp. Skr. tur-d- advancing; 
injured, wound* : turydmi 1 overpower prd4Urti^ a mastering, 
combat*). s-6op-o-v 'leapt, sprang* : ftpdhoxa) 06p-vv/uat. s-poX-o-v 
'went, came* : (IXw-axco. poXopai 'I will, wish* : Lesb. pokXofiat. 
noX-v-$ 'much* (Skr. putH-§) : noXXoi 1 ). It may be inferred that 
the development of the vowel from short sonant liquid was 
influenced by the quality of the long vowel developed from f, J. 
Compare the transition of *0a-t6-g and *dwro^ to Os-tos and 
Jo-ro-5 through the influence of tt*j~ and Jeo- (§ 109 c). If this 
inference is right, there must once have stood beside noX-i-g 
city' (Skr. purl puri~$ y Lith. pUi-s) an anteconsonantal noX- or 
nXto- = Skr. pQr- (pQr-bM§ etc.). 

ABLAUT (VOWEL GRADATION) 2 ). 

§ 307. By ablaut or vowel gradation we understand such 
quantitative, qualitative and accentual differences of the sonantal 
element of a root- or suffix-syllable, as were not called forth 
by sound-laws which were in operation at the time of the in- 
dividual development of the Indg. languages, but had their 
origin either directly or indirectly in prim. Indg. differences. 
With them are further often also connected consonantal diffe- 
rences in the syllable containing the sonantal element. The 
following, e. g., stand in ablaut relation to one another: Lat. 
da-tus : dd-num; s-ie-s (O.Lat. for sis) : s-t-mus; Gr. ay-w : 
arpai-cry-oc (Ion. Att. OTpaT-yy-dg); Xein-siv : Xoin-oq : Ai7r-«r; 
ay-s-rs : ay-o-ntv; wrtQ-fg : ftq-tg-oc : ^jy-rpa-m; Goth, auhs-in : 
adhs-an-s : auhs-n-E (loc. sg., nom. pi., gen. pi. of auhsa ox') : 
Skr. pdc-ami 'I cook* : pak-tds 'cooked* (difference of accentuation). 

1) Horn. iovlv-<; is probably to be explained from a supposed stem 
form *nolF- = Skr. purr- (fem. instr. pi. purr-t-bhi§) Indg. *;>?*#"> which 
regularly gave rcovi- just as ovlo-c 'whole' from *o2.«b-oc (§ 166). novl- and 
rroiv- became contaminated to novlv-. 

2) The most important literature has been mentioned on p. 31— 32 foot- 
note 2. To this may further be added Leskien Der Ablaut der Wursel- 
ailben im Litauisohen, Leipzig 1884. 



§ 307-309. Ablaut. 245 

Rem. 1. Accordingly the difference, e. g. , between Gr. ?-yvto-v 
l-yrto-psy and t-yvo-v yvo-vre; has nothing to do with ablaut; since yrio- 
became yro- by a special Greek shortening, s. §611; nor the contrast 
between Goth, fagkja 'I think' and pahta 'I thought' (s. § 214 p. 181), nor 
that between OHG. ird-in •earthen* and erd-a 'earth' (s. § 67 p. 57) etc. 

Rem. 2. Indg. long vowels, which from etymological considerations 
are shown to be the product arising from the contraction of two vowels 
(§§111—115), are rightly not put under ablaut as separate members. Cp. 
e. g. abl. sg. *eh&}d (Lat. equd) fr. *eh^o-a x d nom. pi. *e%yAs (Skr. divas) 
fr. *cb*o-e8 (§ 115) beside nom. sg. *efoo-« (Lat. equos) too. sg. *ek^e 
(Lat eque) etc. Op. § 314. 

§ 308. i and # with a preceding or following vowel (a%, 
jfl) stand, so far as relations of ablaut are concerned, on a level 
with consonant nasals and liquids. The following root-syllables, 
e. g., correspond to each other: 

bhejdh-, bhoidh- (Gr. nei6-n, nt-notdt)\(bhendh-ibhondh'(Qoth.bind-ip,band) 
bhe#dh-,bhow1h- {Qoth. biud-iJ>,bdup))\derJc-i dorfc (Gr. <ty«-cTa<, Si-Sofx-i) 
Wp-fSitop- (O.Icol. svef ~n, Lith. sUp-na-s) : prefc-,jtro&-(L&t.preoor,proc'U8). 

The sonants i and u appear in the place of i and u in 
the ablaut-grade, which is deprived of the vowels e o, just as 
sonant nasals and liquids in the place of the consonant. 

bhidh- (Gr. S-niti-*) \ . ( bhydh- (Goth, bund-ans) 

bhudh- (Goth, bud-am) f ' \ df%- (Gr. e-S^ax-e) 

sup- (Gr. tm-w*-,-) : pffc- (Lat. posed fr. *pf(£)s£d, § 288). 

To the ablaut bhejdh- : bhoidh- : bhidh-, bhendh- : bhondh- : 
bhydh-, derk- : dork- : dfk- corresponds the ablaut pet- : pot- : pt- 
(Gr. nir-sTai : nor-arai : s~7it-sto). The only difference is that 
in the latter case the last grade does not form a syllable in 
itself. The last grade, in the case of roots like bhe#- §en~, 
whose ablaut is exhibited as bhey- : bhoy : bhu- bhu and §en- : 
§<m-:§q- §n~, may be both syllabic and non-syllabic; cp. Or. 
yv-6t$ beside vnspptaXog fr. ^nep-fpf-takog (§ 166 p. 147), yi-ya-psv 
beside yi-yp-sreu. 

§ 300. We distinguish six ablaut-series. They all have 
one grade in which the vowel of the syllable has entirely 
disappeared. Representing this by 0, we have the following 
vowel-series : 



246 Ablaut. Ablaut-series iu general. § 309. 

1. e-series: 0, e, o, 2, d. 

2. ^-series: 0, a, 3, o. 

3. 0-series: 0, a, fl, d. 

4. 0-series: 0, a, d. 

5. o-series: 0, a, (oP), a, 5. 

6. o-series: 0, o, 5. 

Many attempts have already been made (the most recert 
by Hubschmann Das idg. Vocalsystem, 1885) to systematise 
these series morphologically, i. e. to place together those phases 
of the different series, which belong to a definite morphological 
category, e. g. the root-syllable of participles formed with -fo- or 
of the present indie, formed with the so-called thematic vowel. A 
parallelism clearly exists in many cases. E. g. part. *d+to-s given* 
(Skr. devd-tta-s god-given) to *6-dd-m 1 gave' (Skr. d-da-m) 
from rt. dd-, as *i-t6-s gone* (Skr. itd~s) to *t-ej,-qi, contracted 
*ei-tp 7 went* (Skr. dy-am) from rt. ej-. Or *%w*-#W 3. pi. 
'they sever, break* (Skr. Sp-ti-dnti) to *fqr-nd~tni 1. sg. (Skr. if- 
nd-mi) with present suffix -wfl-, as *qi-nu-nti 3. pi. 'they pile 
up* (Skr. ci-nv-dnti) to *qi-n&yrmi 1. sg. (Skr. ci-n6-mi) with 
present suffix -neu~. On this principle, the three first series 
e. g. have been parallelised in the following manner: 

Weak grade Medium gr. Strong gr. 

e-series: 0(e), e , o 

^-series: 9 , £ , d 

O-series: a , a , d, 

from which the members £ and 6 of the e-series were excluded 
because parallels were not found to them (they appear e. g. in 
Gr. na-ryp and da-trap, Dor. ntog 'foot') in both the other series. 
The investigations instituted in this direction have not yet 
gone far enough to let us give a system of gradation -series 
completely worked out on this principle. And it is 
questionable whether we have a right to aim at the attainment 
of such a system at all, in the sense in which it is usual to do 
so. Several strata of formations, distinct in their time of origin, 
seem to overlie each other. In those which arose earlier, much 



§ 309—311. Ablaut-grades in general. The i-series. 247 

may have been obliterated by transference of forms before the 
new cause of gradation came into activity, and the later phonetic 
law which called new distinctions into being did not act in the 
same manner as the older law or laws. In this case it is from 
the outset impossible to expect that parallels can be found 
everywhere. 

§ 310. Clearness prevails most of all in the case of the 
weak grade, which is recognisable in each ablaut-series and 
assumes in most series a distinct twofold shape. It is due to 
a reduction of the vowel, which was caused through the chief 
accent lying on the following syllable. Gp. e. g. the participles, 
H\ti-8 from rt. dD- and *i-t6-s from rt. e%- } quoted in § 309. 
This connexion between accentuation and the phase of ablaut 
is best recognisable in Skr., since this language had most faith- 
fully preserved the prim. Indg. accentuation (§§ 669. 672). 

What wo denote as the 'weak* stem-form in the accidence, 
has weak grade vocalism. 

Rem. Many phenomena of younger phases are instructive for the 
relation of <7f£- to pt- etc (§ 308). E. g. by the West Germ, law of syncope 
OHO. *hdrita 'heard', *brannita 'burnt' appear as hOrta, branta, whereas 
*zimbrita 'built' (= Goth, timrida) became *zimbfta y whence historic «im- 
baria ; prim. Germ. *wdfaz 'wolf became OHG. wolf, whereas prim. Germ. 
*akraz became *akrzj whence OHG. acchar (§§ 623 rem. 1. 635). 

Opposed to the weak grade we call the other phases of 
each series the strong grades and distinguish strong grade 
1. 2. etc. It is not known whether the strong grades, having 
the same number in the various series, always came into existence 
under the same conditions of accentuation etc. 

What we denote as the 'strong' stem-form in the accidence, 
has strong grade vocalism. 



1. e-senes. 




§ 311. The scheme is: 




Weak grade 


Strong grade 


a. unaccented b. secondary accented 


12 3 4 


(e) 


i o e d 



248 Ablaut. The e-aeries. § 811. 

This series appears most completely carried through in the 
nominal suffixes -(t)er- (~[t]or-) y -en-, -men- and in the stein 
ped- 'foot': 



-(Or- \ 

■(t)r- 1 




<t)rr- 




-(t)ir- -(t)or- ~(t)er- -(t)or- 






-qn- 




-Sn- -onr -en- -on- 


pd- 




ped- 




ped- pod- ped- pdd- 


Wg. a. ■ 


•tr-: 


Gr. gen. 


eg. 


na-TQ-oq, Skr. instr. sg. pi-tr-d, 



Goth. gen. sg. fa-dr-s. -tr-: loc. pi. Gr. na-Tpd-m, Skr. pi-tf-m, 
Goth. dat. pi. fa-dru-m. — Wg. b. -trr- : perhaps Skr. nom. 
ace. stha-tur (§ 285). — Str.g. 1. -Ur- : ace. sg. Gr. na-ifQ-a, 
Skr. pi-tdr-am, Lith. duk-ter-\ O.Bulg. dUs-ter-e. — Str.g. 2. 
-tor- : ace. sg. Gr. qppa-rop-a, Skr. svds-dr-am, O.Ir. stair, Goth. 
brd-par svist-ar. — Str.g. 3. -ter-: nom. sg. Gr. 7ta-vijQ So-rtfa 
Skr. pi-td dO-t&, Lat. pa-ter (§ 655, 4), O.Icel. fader fadir, Lith. 
dtikte O.Bulg. dusti. — Str.g. 4. -tdr- : nom. sg. Gr. rppa-mp 
dal-nop, Skr. bhrd-ta dd-ta, Lat. da-tor (§ 655, 4), O.Ir. siur> 
Lith. ses-u. 

Wg. a. -n-: Gr. gen. sg. aQ-v-dg, adj. vtow-pv-o-s, Skr. gen. 
sg. wA$-n-(fs nd-mn-as, Lat. car-n-ts, Goth. gen. pi. atiAs-n-e 
na-mn-e. -#-: Gr. loc. pi. (ppa-oi (from <p()?jv), fem. nyo-ti pa-am 
(to 7tQo-(pQfov) , neut. ovo-fta-ra, Skr. loc. pi. u&£-a-stt wrf-fwa-stt, 
Lat. cDgnd-men-tu-m , OHG. hliu-mun-t. — Wg. b. -#w-: Skr. 
gen. sg. brdh-mait-as (§ 231). — Str.g. 1. -At-: ace. sg. Gr. 
av/-*v-a (pQ-sv-a not/tuv-a, Skr. wA^-an-am arya-mdn-am, Goth. 
loc. sg. auhs-in, Lith. ace. sg. p8-tnen-\. — Str.g. 2. -on-: 
ace. sg. Gr. xexz-ov-a qtQO-yQ-ov-a ax-/tiov-a, Skr. £aA$-#w-0m 
dS-mdn-am, Goth, ah-man. — Str.g. 3. -en- : nom. sg. Gr. ov/t/f 
q>Q-i]v not-jurjv, Skr. wfc$f-d ; arya-md O.Icel. ux-e. — Str.g. 4. 
-dn-: nom. sg. Armen. sun, Gr. tUt-mv ngo-fp-wv ax-pwv, Skr. 
tdk$-a dS-ma, Lith. ak-mu, O.Bulg. ka-my\ Gr. ace. sg. /((ww- 
cuv-a nom. pi. ovgavl-tov-sg, ace. sg. Lat. rati-On-em Goth, rapj-fa, 
O.Bulg. nom. pi. grazd-an-e (§ 219 p. 1B7). 

The change between i and o and between e and o seems 



§ 311-312. Ablaut. The series. 249 

here (cp. the material collected together by Collitz in Bezzen- 
berger's Beitr. X 34 ff.), as also frequently in other circum- 
stances, to have been so regulated that e and £ originally stood in 
chief-accented syllables, o and d in the next following syllable. 1 ) 

Wg. a. pd-: A v. fra-bd-a~ (-6d- fr. ^d- § 469, 2) 'the 
instep of the foot*. — Wg. b. ped-: Or. Lesb. Boeot. nsd-d (instr.) 
after, with' (cp. Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 574), nslo-g, gen. 
8g. Lat. ped-is Skr. pad-ds. — Str.g. 1. ped- (whether it 
occurs, is uncertain). — Str.g. 2. pod-: ace. sg. Gr. nod-a Skr. 
pdd-am, nom. pi. Arm. ot-R (§ 330 rem.), to which Lat. tri-pod- 
fire. — Str.g. 3. p$d-: Lat. nom. sg. pSs, perhaps also Lith. 
ped-a 'foot-print*. — Str. g. 4. pdd-: Gr. Dor. nwg, Goth, fdt-u-s. 
— TJmbr. du-purs-us 'bipedibus* either Str.g. 2 or 4, according 
as u is to be understood as ti or 0. Skr. nom. sg. pat either 
Str.g. 3 or 4. 

Hem. In the Indg. prim, language the simple form perhaps had in the 
nom. 8g. *pid- t ace. sg. *pid- (Lat. ped-em ?), whereas the compounds (op. 
Skr. affd'pat, Gr. oxtm-ttov; etc.), and also the simple form, when in accent it 
entered into a close connexion with preceding words, had *-p&d- and 
*-pod: Then levellings in various directions took place*). 

For further information regarding these declensions with 
gradation see the accidence. 

§ 312. The weak grade. 

In formative syllables ending in an explosive or a spirant, 
the weak grade has only two forms, while four appear in 
those ending in i, u, nasal, liquid, since the unaccented as well 
as the secondary accented phase assumes two forms according 
as a sonant or a consonant follows: 



1) Cp. G. Meyer in Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 248, Mahlow Die langen 
Voc 161, Fick Gott. gel. Anz. 1880 p. 421 If., Moller Paul-Braune's Beitr. VII 
492 ff. 

2) By this it is not implied that this change in the vowel quality 
is to be maintained for all monosyllabic gradating nouns. These nouns 
were not all created in the same period. 



I -^ 



25 





Ablaut. The e-series. § 312 -313. 






a. unaccented. b. secondary accented. 


rt. 


ped-i 


pd~ (Av. fra-bd-a-) ped- (Skr. gen. pad-ds) 


rt. 


ed-: 


d- (Or. &&-0-TO-V 'breakfast') ed- (8kr. 2. pL imper. at~td) 


rt. 


8neigk- 


: snigh- (Or. ri<pa) snigh- (Or. rt<p-€i) 


rt. 


lew-: 


lug- (Goth. Iukati8) lug- (Goth, lukan) 




before sonants before oons. before son. before cons. 


rt. 


bhex-1 


bhy- bhu- bhuy,- bhu- 


rt. 


gem-: 


gm- gg*- <£P m " 2fr m 


rt. 


ster- : 


str- stf- strr- stf-. 



Examples for the three last named roots are: 

Rt. bheu- 'become*. bh#- : Skr. d-bhv-a-, Gr. vntpyiaXo's fr. 

*vn6Q-<ff-ia\o-c (§ 166), O.Bulg. bffr. *b&t (§ 184). bhu: Gr. 

<pv-oi-S, Lat. furtUru-s. bhuu- : Skr. gen. sg. bhuv-ds, Gr. iywrjv. 

bhU-: Skr. bhu-ti- bhd-man~, Gr. <pv-/Lta. 

Rt. gem- 'go'. Qtn-i Av. 3. sg. act. ym-o-j5, O.Pers. 3. sg. 

mid. a-gm-a-td. g#i-: Skr. ga-td-s, Gr. pa-to-g, Lat. in-ven-lu-s. 

gipm-: Skr. gam-d-mi, OHG. kom-an. gffl-: Skr. d-ga-ta, Gr. 

Rt. ster- 'spread, strew*, str-: Lat. str-uere. stf-: Skr. sff- 
*a-s, Gr. arpa-To-g. stfr- : Skr. pf. mid. ti-stir-e li-stir-ands, O.Bulg. 
1. sg. pres. sttr-q. stf-: Skr. stir-nd-s, Gr. otqm-to-q oioQvtfi' 
(§ 611), Lat. stratus. 

The parallelism between -J- ; -#-, -#-, -f- etc. on the one 
hand and -ej, -u#-, -#n-, -jr- on the other is clearly seen e. g. 
in such forms as Skr. bh&-$ 'world' gen. bhuv-ds, bhrd-f gen. 
bhruv-ds Gr. 6 ypv-g gen. o^tJ(/)-o^ and Skr. p&r fr. *pur§ 
(Indg. */^s) gen. pur-ds (Indg. *pH-6s or */$-&), gd'§d-s 'oxen 
gaining' (Indg. *-«#-«) g en - gO^an-as (Indg. *-s#n-o's or *-s#w-&) 
etc. See §§ 253. 306. Gr. *(>w's also seems to be a noun of 
this kind, whose gen. xP°<>q in that case has taken the place 
of *xop-6g *x<*p-6g (s. §§ 294. 306), further (<afw-)ppjig ('swal- 
lowing raw') = Skr. (muhur-)gtr (swallowing suddenly'), Indg. 
*gf-s; -pQ(3r-og a new formation like ^(xor-o's. 

§ 313. That both phases of the weak grade — here as in 
all other ablaut-series — originated in the different degree of 
the stress-accent (§ 667, 3), is a probable result of Osthoff's 
investigation (Morph. Unt. IV). 



§ 313. Ablaut. The e- series. 251 

The sound-form to which we have given the name of weak 
grade b., shows a less degree of weakening and regularly 
appears wherever a secondary stress remained upon the syllable. 
The phase a. originated whenever through any circumstances, 
connected with position in the sentence, the syllable lost its 
secondary accent and became accentless. Such circumstances 
are priority of another member of a compound, the prefixing 
or suffixing of a formative syllable etc. 

That position of a syllable at the beginning of a sentence 
or member of a sentence occasioned secondary accent, may be 
concluded from the numerous double forms as Av. fra-bd-a- 
and Skr. pad-ds; Av. haurva-fs-u- 'the whole beast* (-/s* from 
*-p«-, § 473) and pasu- Skr. pa$-u- 'beast* (Indg. *peJc-ii-); Skr. 
a-bhv-a- 'contrary to all existence, monstrous* and gen. bhuv-ds; 
su-bhru-$ 'having a beautiful brow' and bhr&-§ brow'; gd- 
ghn-d'S 'cow killer and ghan-d-s 'destroyer'; d-gr-u-$ and gurti-$ 
(§ 290) ; Gr. nokv-tXa^ and rdXag. We may probably assume 
also that forms like *qnd- (Ved. gnd-, O.Ir. gen. sg. mnd), 
*ki46-s (Skr. frutdrs, Gr. xAuro-^ etc.), *stfto-s (Skr. stptd-s, Gr. 
tfToard-*,-) beside *q#nd~ (Ved. gand-, Boeot. (lava, O.Icel. kona), 
*tiot6-$ (OHG. hlitt),* stftd-s (Gr. tf r^uTo-^, Lat. stratus) originally 
had their position regularly in such combinations as *sd gnd 'this 
wife', *tdm Uutom 'this renowned man (== rov xXvrov). Naturally 
as soon as accentless and secondary accented forms were firmly 
established levelling took place, e. g. Skr. prd-pada-m point 
of the foot* dna$ta-£a&u*$ 'ho who loses nothing from his herd* 
a-gurii'$ not heavy' beside the more archaic Av. fra-bda- haurva- 
fsu- Skr. d~gru-§. 

It is worth noticing how double forms have been often called 
into use for euphonic reasons and through the striving after ety- 
mological clearness. In forms like *peqto~s cooked* *peqtl-s 
cooking' (Skr. paktd-s pdkti'§, Gr. nemos ^ttpt-g^ Lat. codu-s 
codiO from *quecto-s *quectid §§ 172. 431a), *8pekt6-s spied' 
(Skr. spa$td-8, Lat. spedu-s), a generalisation of the secondary 
accented form took place in the system of verbal forms belonging 
to one unity, since *pqto-s *8pkto-8 etc. had become obscure 



§ 313-314. 

perhaps still re- 
wel. Of the double 
es-) Skr. generalised 
etc., since *dhl from 
>gularly&Uf(§591); 
. z-dl. If a eombi- 
lables ending in j, u, 

accented form was 
beside *bhr&- 'brow', 
tot *srtf- beside *sru- 
Idijr, not *1djr beside 
-xA/-ara«). Compare 
\ak-nuv-dnti Gr. ay- 

and with Skr. ct- 
rim. f. *uert-tn%w-os 
f. *uert-m^su) and 
153. 159. 

ises of the weak grade 

ng grade, has received 

dement. We may refer 

p. 181 ff. and Bremer 

umstance that we may 
er a secondary accented 

e-series, e. g. pi- 'fill' 
. pU-tu-s, 8kr. prd-td's) 

the optative suffix -i- 
loe. cit 

g to add here to the 

in so far as in the 
separate languages 
,ed their long vowel 
[ had broken up, or 
le rest of the ablaut 
d in § 311. Others 
jc. dyOtif 'sky'; Lai 



§ 314. Ablaut. The f-series. 253 

vdx voice* Skr. vdk 'speech'; Gr. dvg-psvqg evil disposed* Skr. 
dur-man&s 'downcast'; part. perf. act. Gr. sid-dg from *d6-fwQ 
A v. (GaJ).) vui-vd. Also old inherited forms or at any rate 
modelled on old inherited types were Gr. (pwg xXalyj oy.io\p, Lat. 
fur; with these go as denominatives the Gr. verbs xkwndopai 
TQomda niozdottcu etc. 

Rem. Observe that the e of forms of the weak perf. stem as Lat. 
vidimus Goth, set urn from rt. sed- 'sit' have nothing te do with the B of 
the strong grade. I arose here from £ by lengthening, 8ed~ from *se-zd- 
= orig. *6e-a(e)d-. See §§ 590. 591. 594 and the accidence. The same 
reduplicated root-form was apparently at the basis of many non-perfect 
rerbal forms and noun formations which for the most part were formed 
later from the perfect. Thus Lith. sgdmi sBdziu O.Bulg. sezdq *I sit* 
Lat sid-is sBd-dre to perf. Lat. sid-imus; Armen. mit 'sense' Gr. /uijAofiai 
*1 devise' OHG. m&$a 'a measure* to perf. Goth, mit-um O.Ir. ro mid-ar 
jadicavi* from rt med- (Gr. ptfca Goth, mita Lat. modus etc.) ; Lat. tigula 
Lith. sttgiu *I thatch a roof, rt. steQ-\ Goth, anda-nfrns 'pleasant*, rt. 
nrm-; etc. How far the assumption of such origin for the e should 
extend, is certainly still doubtful. Cp. the author, Morph. Unt. IV 414, 
Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Pert 82 f. 110 f. 

We have further to distinguish according to § 307 rem. 2 the I and 
which have arisen by contraction. Especially to be mentioned here is the e 
in the forms of roots beginning with a vowel, as ed~ 'eat' es 'be' etc. In 
the perf. stem id- (Lat. ed-imus Skr. Od-imd etc.) t arose by contraction of 
the t of the root with the e of the reduplication, in the imperf. stem Id- (Skr. 
ad-am by contraction of the e of the root with the augment e (§ 114). From 
this now originated to some extent a new root-form &?-, from which came 
Lat is-t te-u-8, Lith. td-mi $d-is, Goth. uz-Bta etc., and which called into 
being Gr. M-wS-r, after the analogy of the ablaut g-series. Cp. author 
loc cit, Osthoff loc. cit. 122 ff. 148 ff. 

On the other hand it must remain quite undecided if many other e 
and o forms were proper ablaut vowels of the 3-series i. e. whether 
directly inherited or introduced by analogy. Besides sporadic forms as 
Or. {hoq Av. yakar' (beside L&t.jecur Skr. yokfi) 'liver* the Skr. Vi;ddhi- 
vowels come especially into consideration. It is quite conceivable that 
e. g. the s-aoriate d-bhaut-sam (rt. bheyLdh-) d'dr&k-ijam from *a-d&rk-$am 
§ 259 (rt. deri-) d-jdi-$am (rt. Qe%-) d-bhdr-$am (rt. bher-) represent an 
Indg. aorist formation with long root-vowel; cp. Lat. rexi text, O.Bulg. 
nesu rechu basu and observe that in Gr. tytvaa $rtQ\f>a tmna tnt^m the f 
of the root syllable may have been shortened from e (§ 611). Cp. the 
accidence. 



§ 315. 



Strong grade 



scented 1. 2. 

dhe dhd-. 

rids, O.Bulg. 1. sg. dtzdq 
sti i. e. *de-d+ti (§§544. 
li-ta-s hi-td-s, 3. sg. aor. 
i/-s from *crfda-tn-s § 109d 
ieved*). — Str.g. 1. dhe- : 
dhd-man- neut. seat, place, 
rt. gi-tan, inf. Lith. rfe-// 
5. aor. dt-chu. — Str.g. 2. 
udgment', OHG. too/ 'does 

;. a. .<?- : Skr. s-tri 'woman? 
b. sa- : Lat sa-tu-s, Gr. 
r- : Qr. i-jj-^i 37-iia, Lat. 
-/>s 'mankind, world* OHG. 
$a<?M (§ 142), pres. Lith. 
.Bulg. s£-me 'seed, sowing. 
>-xa ar-l-io-oHat Goth saiso. 

f- : Lat. lassu-s, Goth, fate 
to/- : Goth, letan let*. - 

E-ro's etc. had taken the 

relation to dhi-svd (imper., 
loes to pas-u- Skr pa£-u- 
1 weak grade phase in da- 
Sxing of the reduplicated 
formation for *rt-8-fitv. 



§ 315-317. Ablaut. The d-series and 0*seriefl. 255 

Other examples of this ablaut-series in Hubschmann loc. 
cit 71 ff. 

3. ^-series. 

§ 316. The scheme is: 

Weak grade Strong grade 

a. unaccented b. secondary accented 1. 2. 

9 a o. 

Prom rt. bha- speak* : — Wg. b. Gr. (pa-ph, Lat. fa-teor. 

— 8tr.g. 1. Gr. q>a-/ui, Lat. fa-ma fa-bula (Armen. ba-n 'koyog 
here or to wg. b. ?). — Str.g. 2. Or. (pw-vij. 

From rt. sta- stand* : — Wg. a. st- : Skr. weak stem of 
the part. perf. act. ta-sth-ti§- (e. g. fem. tasih&fi), savyt-fyhar- 
'(the warrior) who stands on the left (of the charioteer)' Av. 
rapat-§tar- standing on the war-chariot, warrior* from *-s£A+tar-. 

— Wg. b. 8t9- : Skr. 3. sg. aor. d-sthi-ta, part, sthi-td-s, sthi4i-§ 
a standing*, Gr. axa-rh-^ dxd-<ii-<; oxa-xiJQi Lat. $ta-tu-8 sta-tid, 
Qoth. stops stead, place', Lith. sta-tau 'I place*, pi. std-kles 
loom', O.Bulg. sto-jq 1 stand*. — Str. g. 1. st&- : Skr. aor. dstha-m, 
sthfanan- standing-place, strength', Gr. "-oxy-jut f-orq-v orrj-fuov, 
Lat. $ta~men Sta-tor, O.Ir. -tau am' from *8ta-i&, Goth. stO-ma 
'basis, substance* stols 'stool, seat', Lith. pa-sto-ju 1 become 
something' sto-mi, stature', O.Bulg. sta-jq 'I stand*. — Str.g. 2. 
stfh cannot be established with certainty, it may be represented 
by Skr. perf. 3. sg. ta-sthdu. 

Skr. sanyi-fthar- : Gr. ota-xtjp = Av. haurva-f$-u- : Skr. 
pa&-A- (§ 313 p. 251). 

Other examples of this ablaut-series in Hubschmann loc. 
cit. 91 ff. 

4. d-series. 
§ 317. The scheme is: 

Weak grade Strong grade 

a. unaccented b. secondary accented 

9 o. 



•series. § 317-318. 

;r. devd44a- 'god-given' 
r 1. pi. pres. da-d-rnds 
f = Skr. da-d-e, 2. pi. 
te from *da-d+te 3. pi. 
sion 3. 8g. aor. d-di-ta, 
; do-di-g do'Trig f-tfo-ro, 
f. act. dd-vrs. — Str.g. 
ten. e-tu 'I gave* tu-r 
Lat. dd-nu-m dos, inf. 

■ gift'- 
Gr. no-ro-v no-oi-g no- 

>r, (IT. THO-jHa 7rt-7T(0-X«, 

c. had taken the place 
M-vog. See § 109 c. 
o Qr. cJo-to-£ Lat. rffl- 
to Skr. pa£-u- (§ 313 

es in Hubschmann loc. 



Strong grade 

ated 1. 2. 

a a. 

a. £- : Skr. pdri-j-man- 
also Gr. o-y-/to-c 'pnth' 
252)? — Wg. b. «£-: 
aj-irds quick' = Lat. 
ision), Skr. pass, aj-yd- 
- : Skr. djami, Armen. 
w, O.Icel. inf. oi-fl. — 
7/<J-c. Lat. amb-ag-es. 

Wg. a, 6A3- : skr - l* 1 * 
. (see the accidence) of 



§ 318. Ablaut. The a-aeries. 257 

original *bhe-bhg~. — Wg. b. bhag- : Skr. bhak-td-m portion, 
food', Gr. (pay-sTv 'to eat*. — Str.g. 1. bhag- : Skr. bhdj-ami 'I 
allot, enjoy' (in case this had not taken the place of *bhajdmi, 
if so, it had wg. b.) bhdga-s 'distributer, giver of blessings', Av. 
baya- 'god', O.Bulg. bogu god'. — Str.g. 2. bhag- : Skr. perf. 
ba-bhdj-a, bhdg-d-s 'share, lot'. 

From rt. ja§- 'honour : — Wg. a. i§- : Skr. part. i$-fd~s, 
flv-ij- sacrificing at the regular time'. — Str.g. 1. %a§- : Skr. ydj- 
fliwi, Gr. aZoucu ayog; here doubtless also, notwithstanding the 
raffixal accentuation, Skr. yaj-fld-s Gr. dy-vo-g (since we should 
rather expect Ig- as wg. b.). — Str.g. 2. y&g- : Skr. ati-yCLjd-s 
'honouring exceedingly' causat. ydjdydmi. 

From rt. da#- 'burn' : — Wg. a. du- (d#-) : Skr. du-n6-ti 
Trams, puts to grief. — Wg. b. du- duy,- : Skr. dU-nd-8 'burnt, 
tortured', Gr. dv(f)-y woe, pain' — Str.g. 1. dau- : Skr. dav-a-s 
'fire-brand', Gr. Saico (from *daf-j@)) 'I light up' ddog 'fire-brand, 
torch'. — Str.g. 2. day- : Skr. dav-&-8 'fire-brand', Gr. perf. di- 
ir t -t 9 daf-to-v dtjio-v (nvg). 

From rt. a{dh- 'burn' : — Wg. a. idh- : Skr. part, iddhd-8 'kind- 
led, pure' idh-md-s 'fire-wood', Gr. lO-apo-g 'serene, pure'. — 
Wg. b. Idh- : Skr. tdh-r-iya- 'belonging to the serene sky', Lat. 
pi. id-us soil. noct8s 'the clear nights', OHG. it-al pure, clear'. 
— Str.g. 1. ajdh- : Skr. tdhas- 'fire wood', Gr. aiOut l I kindle', 
Lat. aestm aestas, O.Ir. aed 'fire', OHG. eit 'rogus, ignis'. 

Skr. instr. sg. fem. nas-d nom. du. fem. nds-a Ags. nces- 
iyrlu fnostrils') OHG. nasa Lat. nar-$s Lith. no*-*-* etc., proves 
the existence of an Indg. noun nom. sg. *nds(-s) ace. sg. *nds-qi 
(str.g. 2), gen. sg. *nct8-6s -es (wg. b.) 'nose'. 

Other examples in Hiibschmann loc. cit. 114 ff. 

An unmistakable parallelism exists with the e-series. Observe 
especially also the forms of the nominal suffixes -fl- : -a- = 
-o- : -«-, e. g. ace. sg. *eh^O-m (Skr. dfaam, Lat. equam) : voc. 
*ek#a (Skr. dmbd, Gr. vvfufa, O.Bulg. zeno) = ace. sg. *e&uo-m 
(Skr. d&va-mi Lat. equo-m) : voc. *e1cue (Lat.eywe, Gr. Inns). 

It still of course remains questionable, how the o is to be 
explained which frequently occurs in this ablaut-series, e. g. 

Brugmann, Element*. 17 




^nv 



: gy 4S0 'ere. 



jc -r^c **-. ( jr. o-jsi 



— ~~__ - n:r- *Mun>- "..tf. rVjifid. 

--l_l_ zl •■» . t ~jl . a Toich. alao Gr. 

>-- »— .-\:il. ^ t^ t? n. miiiimi Jat i had 

■-*? »^-^ - - «* #* ••.**— — "rr^ -L >kua<k)-: Lat 
i # . '•• -- t. I- -?«t> \ «5r/„ aaata Taring. 

-"* ■:..: ti^c x -r. rr-^«/c -i^n >pfwaiie„ straight 
-i *•* >r=i rrr-^x^r. £ :m± m^vt^ j& really related 
♦ » 7 ;i9in a*:x. -«c^ jiu. ^Ja Jtter jeitings to the 

-"•..* :f LL.rr\i_ ~~J3L 1^ ^5T \ \±^h 
*\+T-.r *% a --^la-if uc. -il -^ i ami in Hibech- 



T/»* 4*wv*»>fi fd.g-^iiasoiiaixis are in reality glides, 
r»4 A/prV^i7^, Ta<» oranaxcion docs not take place 
y **»ft<fiftg ^foment** bat between a sound and a 



§ 320—321. Explosives. Place of articulation. 259 

moment of absence of sound ; it is of secondary importance that 
the mediae are mostly pronounced Voiced'. If we regard 
language as a genetic product, the moment of the absence of 
sound is the material part in explosives which corresponds 
to the nucleus of the other elements of language. But it can 
of course only be heard by observing the implosive and explosive 
glides, and these are of paramount importance for the com- 
prehension of language as an acoustic phenomenon. At all 
events the names stop-sound and explosive-sound only imper- 
fectly indicate the nature of these elements of language. Cp. 
Plod8tr5m Bezzenberger's Beitr. VIII 1 ff. 1 ). 

§ 321. We consider the history of the Indg. explosives 
from two points of view, in as much as we ask ourselves the 
questions: what has been their fate as regards their place of 
articulation and what as regards their form of articulation? 

According to the place of articulation we have to 
distinguish four classes of Indg. explosives: 

1. Labial s, more accurately bilabial or labio-labial (p- 
sounds): stop between the upper and lower lip; 

2. Den tab (/-sounds): stop through articulation of the 
fore part of the tongue against the inner wall of the upper teeth 
or against their sockets; 

3. Palatals (^-sounds): stop through articulation of the 
middle part of the back of the tongue against the back part of 
the hard palate, cp. say the k in English kid; 

4. Velars (g-sounds): stop through articulation of the hind 
part of the back of the tongue against the soft palate (velum 
palatinum), cp. say the k in Mod.HG. kunst. 

Rem. 1. Some use the term gutturals instead of velars. We avoid 
this name because it is apt to give rise to a confusion of this class of 
consonants with the palatals (3), since these are likewise often called 
gutturals. Many call classes 2 and 3 'the two guttural series' of the 
Indg. primitive language. 

Rem. 2. In writing the Indg. prim, forms we employ fc, kh, g, gh 
only when we leave it undecided whether the explosive had a palatal or 
velar articulation, e. g. rt. kneigh- § 423. 



1) See now also Sievera Phonet. * 33 ff. 

17* 



260 Explosives. Form of articulation. §321-322. 

These prim. Indg. sounds often left their old place of ar- 
ticulation in the development of the separate languages. The 
sphere of articulation, into which the sound was transferred, was 
either one which had already from of old been taken up with 
the production of explosives, e. g. Lat. quTnque O.Ir. cdic 'five* 
fr. Indg. *pewqe (transition of p- to a velar, see §§ 336. 339), 
or was a new one. To these new places of articulation belong: 

the labio-dental position: articulation of the lower lip 
against the upper teeth, e. g. OHG. labio-dental / from bilabial 
/ from Indg. p (§ 342); 

the interdental: the edge of the tongue stops up the 
fissure between the two rows of teeth, e. g. Gr. spirant 6 (p) 
from Indg. dh (§§ 365. 495); 

the cerebral or cacuminal: the tip of the tongue is 
turned up and drawn back and articulates against the highest 
part of the dome of the palate, e. g. Skr. f d dh from Indg. t 
d dh (§§ 352. 355. 358). 

Rem. 3. Some finer distinctions, e. g. between postdental and supra- 
dental sounds (Sievers Phonet. 9 54 ff.), need not be considered here. 

§ 322. According to the form of articulation we must 
likewise distinguish four classes. 

First of all comes into consideration the difference which 
calls for the division into tenues and mediae. Its characteristic 
feature is the greater or less tension to which the parts of the 
mouth are put in the formation of explosives, e. g. a more 
energetic closing and opening of the lips takes place with p 
than with ft. Hence the names fortis and lenis are also used 
instead of tenuis and media. 

The mediae may be produced with or without voice (§ 16). 
In the prim. Indg. period they were probably voiced throughout 
and remained so almost everywhere, where they did not pass 
into fortes. 

The Indg. tenues and mediae were pronounced both with 
and without aspiration. The aspiration is indicated by placing 
an A after the respective sound: th, bh etc. 



§ 322. Explosives. Form of articulation. 

In the Indg. primitive period there accorc 

1. uiiaspirated tenues, e. g. t\ 

2. unaspirated voiced mediae, e. g. 

3. aspirated tenues, e. g. ih\ 

4. aspirated voiced mediae, e. g. dh. 
In the developments of the separate Ian 

of articulation suffered numerous changes, to 
sound-shifting has been given. These changes 
in such a manner that the result of the cl 
another of the forms of articulation belong] 
which had been handed down from the Indg. 
e. g. Indg. dh became d in Iranian, Keltic and 
and th in Greek (§§ 481. 495. 524. 542. 5 
various stages of the separate developments 
with other kinds of sounds in the place of 
sives, viz.: 

affricatae i. e. explosives with a folio 
spirant, e. g. Arm. c from Indg. g (§§ 409. 
(i. e. ts), ch (i. e. k%) from Indg. b, d, g g (j 

spirants (fricatives), e. g. Germanic 
(§ 527 ff.); 

h i. e. voiceless vowel (§ 16), e. g. HO 
*, q (§ 529); 

consonantal vowels, e. g. Armen. -< 
(§§ 360. 483), M.Cymr. seith = Ir. secht c sept< 

long vowels as representatives of origins 
explosive, e. g. O.Ir. 8n 'bird' from (O.Bret.) e 

nasals e. g. Lat. tnn from Indg. pn (§ 5 

liquids, e. g. Lat. I from d (§ 369). 

The Indg. sound also often entirely disapj 
Keltic (§ 339). 

Lastly it may be pointed out that the ei 
had become a sound of another kind, not rare 
an explosive later, e. g. Indg. *rudhr6- rec 
became Lat. rubro-, the combination -dAr- havin 
the stages -thr-, -pr-, -fr-, -ir- (§ 509). I 



262 



Prim. Indg. labial explosives. 



§ 322—324. 



sometimes that the prim. Indg. form and place of articulation 
were reached again, e. g. in OHG. fater 'father , whose t re- 
presents Indg. t (Skr. pitd Gr. narfJQ etc.), which had become t 
after having passed through the various stages p, <?, d (§ 528 ff.). 

he system of the Indg. explosives was accordingly 





Places of articulation 




labial 


linguo-palatala 






dental 


palatal 


velar 




P 


t 


£ 


Q 




b 


d 


§ 


8 




ph 


th 


Kh 


qh 


ip. 


bh 


dh 


§h 


S* 



consider the history of these explosive sounds 
ag first of all with their places of articulation, 
treat the tenues aspiratae until section 2. (B., 

These sounds seem to have been comparatively 
rim. Indg. period and present no special pecul- 
sir place of articulation as compared with the 

8. 



jOSIVES according to their place of 

ARTICULATION. 
1. Labial explosives. 

Indg. primitive period. 

enuis p. *pd-Ur~ 'father* : Skr. pitdr- Armen. hair 
. pater O.Ir. athir Goth, fadar. *pro 'fore, be- 
Gf- Gr. npo Lat. prod prd O.Ir. ro Lith. pra- 
Rt. suep- 'sleep' : Skr. svdpiti sleeps' svdpna-s 
Armen. Bun (gen. Bnoy) 'sleep' (£- from $?«-, see 



§ 324—326. Prim. Indg. labial exploi 

§ 162), Gr. vnvo-s 'sleep', Lat. sopor son 
(§ 339 rem.), Ags. swefan 'to sleep' 0.1 
sapna-s 'dream' O.Bulg. supati 'to sleep' 
creep, crawl' : Skr. sdrpdmi Qr. Synco Lat 
Skr. 8pd&- spy, watchman', Lat. cdn-spici 
'to spy'. 

Suffixal elements with p seem not 
prim. Indg. period, if we must not 
cases where it is usually regarded as re 
sthdp-dyami 'I cause to stand, erect' 01 
stab 'staff*, from the root 8tO~. 

§ 826. Media b. This sound occi 
Indg. prim, period than any of the othc 
perhaps *bib- 'drink' : Skr. pibami O.Ir. e 
§ 339) Lat. bibd 'I drink', possibly a 
relation to the root pd~ with the same : 
clear (for an uncertain conjecture see ( 
43). Rt. toft-: Skr. rdmbatS lambatt Tia 
down', Lat. Wntur. Rt. bar- bal- (cp. § 
balbato-kardmi 'I stammer, Gr. pdgpapo- 
*-M-, unaccented weak grade form to } 
2) : Skr. upa-bd-d- a stamping, trampling 1 
the festival' (cp. nedd 'on foot, next afterwai 
behind, after, with'). Root-form dheyb- : ( 
fu-dumnu) Cymr. dwfn 'deep' (prim. Ke 
diups 'deep' MHG. tumpfel pool', Lith 
dumburys 'a hole in the ground filled w 
defile' O.Bulg. dubrl 'dale, ravine'; besic 
dj/fan 'to dive' OHG. tobal 'a hollow in 
'hollow' (§ 221 p. 188 f. § 469, 7). Cp. 
340. 343. 346. 

b seems not to exist in suffixal ele: 

§ 826. Media asp. bh. Hhird 'I 
ami Armen. berem Gr. <p£g<a Lat. ferd ( 
O.Bulg. berq. *bhrU- *bhru#- 'eye bro^ 
Gr. b<pQv-q Mid.Ir. gen. du. bfHad OH( 



264 Indg. labial explosives in Aryan. § 326—328. 

O.Bulg. bruv-V. *n6bhos n. cloud, atmosphere' : Skr. ndbhas Gr. 

veyoq Lith. debes-l-s (with unexplained d- for n-) O.Bulg. nebo, 

cp. also Gr. veyeXti Lat. neJw/a O.Ir. *teZ (fr. *nd>lo-) OHG. 

weiw/ cloud, fog'. *§ombho-s : Skr. jdmbha-8 'tooth', Gr. yonyo; 

'tooth', OHG. c/wwwfc 'comb', Lith. sawia 'mouth' O.Bulg. sqifi 

'tooth'. 

Buffix of noun stems -bho- : Skr. t>r§a-bhd-8 f$a- 
la-<po-g 'stag' €Qi-<po-g 'buck', -bk- in case suffixes: 
bhi§ etc., Armen. instr. sg. -6 instr. pi. -bR, Gr. 
, ti-bs nd-b$s, O.Ir. dat. pi. -b, O.Bulg. te-bt W. 

Aryan. 

dg. p. Skr. pfchdmi Av. per'sdmi 'I ask' O.Pers. 
wsfl : Lat. posed from *por(c)-8rf (§ 269), OHG. 
, rt. prek- (yf£-). Skr. ndpett Av. wa/>4 O.Pers. 
t, grandchild* : Gr. pi. vinodsg 'children (with S 
3r the analogy of nodsq through the resemblance 

*vtmog to nalg 'foot'), Lat. nepos, Mid-Ir. ni(B 
ter's son', OHG. nefo 'nephew, relation. Skr. 

'spy' : Lat. ati-spex. 

\ of organ remains unclear in Skr. sflilv- §thyflr 

vdmi part. gphyfUd-) : Gr. nrvco from *(o)niv-iw 

Lat. spud, Goth, speiva, Lith. spidu-ju. 
p became / before consonants, and was probably 

labio-dental, e. g. Av. O.Pers. fra- — Skr. pra- 
73, 1. 

dg. b. Skr. buk-kara-s the roaring of a lion : 
ling', Lat. bucina 'a crooked horn or 'trumpet', 
to bellow'. Skr. sabar- 'nectar : OHG. saf Ags. 
tab- was perhaps a secondary form of sap- in 
59, 7). Skr. upa-bd-d- 'a stamping, trampling', 
oof, see § 325. Upon *ab-bh$as y dat. abl. pL 
, rests Av. aitcyd-, on Skr. adbhyds adbhi§ see 
325. 

m. Ar. b in the combination bdh = bh+t, as Skr. drbdhd- 
v» der'icda- m. '• twist, plait' (for w from b see § 478), 



§ 328—331. Indg. labial explosives in Aryan and Armenia 

from rt. derbh-. It has not been determined how this co 
pronounced in the Indg. prim, period, see § 552. 

Rem. 2. The d in Ved. adbhis, instr. pi. from aj>- 
sq-sfdbhis, instr. pi. from sasfp-, appellation of ten divi 
offerings dedicated to them, cannot phonetically have taken 
It was probably caused by the analogy of nddbhif from *n 
napt- 'descendant*). See Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Ferf. 600 f 

§ 329. Indg. bh. Skr. bhdv-ati A v. bavaiti 
O.Pers. 3. sg. conj. bav&tiy, Skr. bhA-mi- A v. frfi 
bu-mi-, earth' : Gr. (pv-m-q 'nature', Lat. fuam futuru 
existence , OHG. buan € to dwell, build', Lith. bu-ti < 
'to be', rt. bheu-. Skr. bhrdta Av. brata O.Pers. bn 
Arm. eXbair (§§ 263. 360) Gr. (p(jdno ( ) Lat. frater 
Goth, brdpar Lith. broter-eli-s (demin.) O.Bulg. bn 
Skr. abhi Av. aim (Gap. aibt) O.Pers. abiy *hith< 
bi OHG. bT *by'. 3. pi. perf. Skr. babhr-ur Av. ba\ 
*6Ae4Ar-, from rt. bher- 'bear, carry*. 

Armenian. 

§ 330. Indg. p. Initially mostly A- before ^ 
'five : Skr. pdfica Gr. ntwt Lith. penkl. heri '£ 
pdra-s more distant, on the other side', Gr. nsgav 
side", O.Ir. ire ulterior', Goth, fairra 'distant'. 

Rem. For this h we sometimes find //, e. g. yauray 
step-father', to Gr. nar^o; 'uncle'; yisun 'fifty' beside hing 
mann Ztschr. d. deutsch. morg. Ges. XXXV 656, Arm. S 
The phonetic relation is not dear. With loss of ft-, otn 
Or. 7i6S-*;. 

ev and, also' : Skr. dpi also', Gr. em on, to'. 
Skr. sapid Gr. inxa Lat. septem O.Ir. secht w- ] 
'seven*. 

ep'etn 'I cook' probably to Greek tyja>. poit 
onovdff, to onov&rj (Hiibschmann Ztschr. d. d. m. Ges. 3 

§ 331. Indg. b. Here belongs perhaps bu an< 
Gr. (tia~g fivfr (/?v£a P) 'horn-owl', Lat. bubd; probablj 
poetic formation ; in this case b would not have be 
a tenuis like the other Indg. mediae (§ 484). 



/o r»/>o\ 



266 Indg. labial explosives in Greek. § 332-335. 

§ 882. Indg. bh. ba-n (gen. bant) 'koyo-g : Gr. (py-pi 'I 
say' qxo-vt} Voice', Lat. fa-teor fa-ma. aXbeur 'source, spring* 
/ "~. cpgsag 'well, fountain, arbi 'I drank' arb a drinking- 
o^eo) 'I sip', Lat. sorbed, Lith. srefou 'I sip', rt. srd>h-\ 
u and Lat. sorb- from Indg. sy&A- (§§ 291. 295). 
pure' : Skr. $ubh-rd-s 'bright, smart', cpf. *£uM-r(5-s 

-a-vor e. g. lus-a-vor 'clear' : Gr. Xsvxo-cpopo-g. Instr. 
? pi. mardo-vR (from iward 'man*) beside dster-b 
>m dustr 'daughter'), cp. § 326. 

Greek. 

Indg. p. ntx-o-pcu 'I fly' aor. i-nx-o-pqv : Skr. 
1 aor. dpapta-m, Lat.peWi O.Bret, etn O.Ir. Sn (§518) 
. fedara 'feather'. nM(f)-io 'I swim' : Skr. pldrnte 
aen. luana-m *I wash', Lat. pluit, O.Ir. luath 'quick', 
n flouwen 'to rinse, wash', Lith. plduju 'I rinse' 
p<! 1 sail*. t'7rfio v7rfo 'over' : Skr. updri above, Lat 
h. ufar 'over*, xspn-w 1 refresh, delight' : Skr. 
I satiate, satisfy', Lith. tarpb a thriving' Pruss. 
is of use'. 

►me it in Thessalian and Cretan, e. g. Thess. Atxxi- 
. Asnxivt$\ axxdg from an xdg; cp. Thess. \4x6omxoq 
vg, Cret. eygaxrca = Att. yiyganxoL, to ygdyxo 'I write'. 

Indg. 6. pafidZ<o 'I chatter (ianpcupu) 'I stammer 
'I chatter with the teeth* : Lat. babulu-s 'chatterer , 
tibbeln pappeln. Steo 'I break wind* represents 
weak grade form to pezd~ : Sloven, pezd&i 'to break 
. peisda 'buttock', Lat pedd from *pezdd (§ 594), 
: grade form toped- § 328. Cp. §§ 325. 328. 331. 

Indg. bh. <f<ty** 'to eat' : Skr. bhdjdnU 1 allot, 
ti-m 'portion, ibod' bkdga-3 'sharer out* Av. baya- 
;. bogik 'god', rt, Mag-. ipifaX6-s navel' : Skr. ndbki-4 
la-m 'private parts', Lat umbd umbiticus, O.Ir. imm- 
!um > (§ 525), OHG. naba 'wheel-nave' nabolo navel 1 1 



§335-337. 



Indg. labial explosives in Italic. 



267 



Pruss. nobis navel, wheel-nave' Lett, naba navel', opyavd-g 
orphan' : Armen. orb orphan', Lat. orbu-s, O.Ir. orbe 'here- 
ditas', Goth, arbi 'inheritance'. 

The /, which arose from prim. Greek ph (<p) (§ 495), was 
first of all bilabial. Since the letter q> was employed to re- 
present the / which had arisen from p (0) in Boeot. and Epirot., 
f = ph seems here also to have been labio-dental (see loc. cit.)* 




Italic. 

§ 336. Indg. p. Lat. pax pangd, Umbr. pose pace', Osc. 
Paakul 'Paculus' : Skr. pdia-8 'string, cord', Gr. nijyvvttt 'I 
fasten', MHG. vuoge joint' Goth, fahan € to seize', rt. pdh- p&§-. 
Lai opuSj Umbr. osatu 'operato, facito', Osc. upsannam 'ope- 
randam, faciundam' : Skr. dpas- dpas- n. work, religious deed', 
OHG. uoba 'bolyday' uobo cultivator of the land'. Lat. op- in 
op-tined ostendo from *ops-tendd, ob, Umbr. ostendu ostendito, 
adhibeto', Osc. 6p eistid 'apud id' : Gr. sm, Skr. dpi, Indg. ab- 
laut e : o. Lat. caper capra, Umbr. cabriner gen. caprini' : 
Gr. ndnpo-Q 'boar', O.Icel. hafr 'buck*. 

Lat qulnque, Umbr. pumperias Osc. pumperias c *quinti- 
liae', Osc. riofinrug 'Quinctius', prim. Ital. *kwenk\&e, which arose 
from *penkye (Skr. pdfica etc.) by assimilation. Lat. coqud from 
*quequd (§ 172, 3. 431 a), poplna is probably borrowed from Osc. 
(pure Lat. form coqulna), prim. It. *kuek#d from *pek#d (Skr. 
pdcamij Gr. niaow). On the Umbr.-Samn. p from k# cp. § 431 a. 
The similar assimilation of initial p exists also in Keltic in the 
same two words (§ 339), Germanic has it perhaps also in the 
numeral Jive (§ 444 a). This change is possibly older than the 
separate history of these languages. 

Prim. Ital. pt became ft in Umbr.-Samn., as Jet became x* 
(§ 502); Umbr. ht from ft. Osc. scriftas pi. 'scriptae' Umbr. 
screihtor pi. 'scripti* screhto scriptum*. Cp. Osthoff Zur Gesch. 
d. Perf. 183. 

§ 337. Indg. b. Lat. Wbricu-8 : Goth, sliupan 'to slip'. 
Lat. lambO : OHG. laffan 'to lick' pret. luof; rt. lab- would 
be a secondary form to lap- (§ 469, 7), if we may assume 



268 



Indg. labial explosives in Italic and O.Irish. 



§ 337-339, 



old p for Or. Xante* Armen. lapem 'I lick*. Lat. labium procably to 
Ags. lippa m. OHG. lefs m. 'lip' ; Kluge explains the difference 
in the root-vowel by assuming that labium arose for *lebium 
through association with lambd. Cp. §§ 325. 328. 331. 334. 346, 

§ 338. Indg. bh. Lat. ferd, Umbr. ferar 'feratur', Marruc, 
feret 'feret* : Skr. bhdrami 'I bear*. Lat. fids, Sabin. Flusart 
abl. 'Florali*, Osc. Pluusai dat. 'Florae : O.Ir. blath 'bloom 
Goth, bldma m. 'flower'. Lat. ti-bl si-bt, Umbr. te-fe 'tibi* 
Osc. t(i)-fei 'tibi* si-fef 'sibi* : cp. Skr. tu-bhy-am 'tibi', O.Bulg 
te-b& 'tibi'. Lat. albu-s, Umbr. alfu 'alba', Osc. Alafaternun 
'Alfaternorum* : Gr. afafo-g 'white leprosy*. Lat. amb-itus, Osc 
amfr-et 'ambiunt' (for Umbr. ambr- see § 209) : Gr. apy 
Gall, ambi- circuna. 

Rem. How is Lat. barba, for which we should expect *farba (OHO 
bart O.Bulg. brada\ to be explained? All the attempted explanations knowi 
to us, are unsatisfactory. 

According to Seelmann (Ausspr. d. Lat. 294 f.) Lat. ; 
was, up to the middle of the imperial period, "a hybrid sound 
which might equally well be described as an interdental dorsa 
spirant with bilabial increase of narrowing, as a bilabial spirant 
with dorso-bidental increase of narrowing", then / became labio- 
dental. It seems to follow from the m in amfr- that / wai 
bilabial in Oscan. 

Old Irish. 

§ 839. Indg. p. Apparently nowhere retained as p ii 
Keltic. 

It was dropped initially in the prim. Kelt, period. O.Ir 
Sn O.Bret, etn 'bird', rt. pet- 'fly', see § 333. O.Ir. il 'much 
manifold', compar. lia Mid.Cymr. Uei : Skr. puru-§ compar. neut 
prdya8 f Gr. noXv-g nXst'wv, Lat. plus, Goth, filu 'multum' compar 
O.Ioel. fleire fleiri. O.Ir. far O.Cymr. laur Corn, lor leur pave 
meat* : Ags. flQr 'house floor* MHG. vlaor 'cornfield, ground 1 
uthir 'father* : Gr. nary p. O.Ir. ore 'pig* : Gr. nogxo-g Lat. porcur 
OHG. farh farah Lith. parsza-s 'pig*. O.Cymr. rit 'ford 1 
(Jail, in Augusto-ritum : Av. pe$u-$ 'ford', Lat. portu-s, OHG 
f»rt (§§ 295. 298). 



| 339-341. Indg. labial explosives in O.Irish. 269 

Intervocalic p disappeared at the same period. Mid.Ir. 
nice (gen. niath) sister's son, Mid.Cymr. ney nei (pi. neyeynt 
nyeint) 'brother's or sister's son : Skr. ndpat Lat. nepds (§ 327). 
O.Ir. ts (pi. tat) 'hot' from *te(p)ent- (cp. § 212) : Skr. tdpati 
warms, burns', Lat. teped, O.Bulg. topiti 'to warm'. 

-pt- probably became jt — cht already in prim. Kelt. (cp. 
Low German nicht, lucht = OHG. nift, luff) and thus fell to- 
gether with Indg. U and qt (§§ 436. 517) : O.Ir. -cW-, Britann. 
■#-. O.Ir. secht Mid.Cymr. seith Corn, seyth Bret, seiz 'seven : 
Skr. saptd, Lat. septetn etc. O.Ir. necht O.Corn. noit 'neptis* : 
Skr. Ved. napti-§ 'daughter, granddaughter, Gr. avs\pi6~g 'first 
cousin* (from *avsnno-g, § 489), Lat. nepti-s, OHG. nift neptis, 
privigna', O.Bulg. netifi 'nephew, cousin* from *nepVtfi (§ 545). 

Rem. How was -pn- treated? O.Ir. man Cymr. hun 'sleep', which 
undoubtedly belong to Skr. svdpna-8 etc. (see § 324), point to *8dno-, 
this latter may have arisen from *sopno- through the intermediate stages 
*8ofno- *8ohno- (op. § 518), but *sopno- may represent Indg. *8ttpno- (cp. 
O.Ir. bond bonn 'solea* Cymr. bon 'stem, base' from *bundo-8, Lat. fundus y 
§ 50). The historical forms however might also have arisen from *sopno- 
tbrough the intermediate stages *8<hhio- *80%no. 

Prim. Kelt. *kuet9kue 'five* = Indg. *pet9qe, *k%ek#- cook' = 
Indg. *peq-. O.Ir. ctic (§ 212) O.Cymr. pimp Corn, pymp Bret. 
pemp 'five*. Mid. Cymr. popuryes pistrix', O.Corn. peber pistor' 
popei pistrinum'. See § 336. 

§ 340. Indg. b = prim. Kelt. b. O.Ir. ebaim 'bibo', Corn. 
evaf 'bibam' from *ebam : Skr. pibami (§ 325). -wn- from -ftn- 
in O.Ir. fu-dotnain 'deep', see §§ 325. 520. 

§ 341. Indg. bh = prim. Kelt. b. O.Ir. bri gen. breg 
mountain', Gall, brigi- (in Brigiani, Are-brigium etc.) : Skr. 
ty-ft-dnf- 'great, high', Armen. barjr 'high', root form bhjrffh- 
(§§ 288. 291). O.Ir. biu 'sum', M.Cymr. bydaf ero', like Lat. 
f® fls etc. from Indg. *bh%-ifa rt. bhey- (§§ 170. 175). O.Ir. 
com-boing confringit' : Skr. pra-bhawgd-s 'breaker, bruiser'. O.Ir. 
braigim pedo' Gaelic braigh- 'to give a crackling sound, to burst, 
explode' : Lat. frag or frango, Goth, brikan 'to break'. Corn. 
befer 'beaver', Gall. Bibr-ax : Skr. babhrii-§ adj. 'brown, subst. 
a kind of great ichneumon, Lat. fiber OHG. bibar Lith. bebru-s 
(and bebru-s) O.Bulg. bebru 'beaver', Indg. *bhe-bhru-s. 



labial explosives in Germanic. § 341—343. 

iround, about', Gall, ambi- : Or. a/nyi Lat. 
338). Cp. § 525. 

: cp. instr. Skr. tri-bhi§ dat. abl. tri-bhy&s, 
TLTQS-po va/uavmxa-po 'matribus Nemausicis'. 

Germanic. 

p. Goth, speivan OHG. sptwan 'to spit': 

\o)nij)-yo (§ 131), Lat. spud, Lith. spidu-ju 

prim. Slav. *(s)piu-iq § 147) 'I spit'. OHG. 

py, watchman', Lat. cdn-spicid, rt. spek-. 

\. fihu cattle* : Skr. pdku Lat. pecu 'cattle, 

b. fraihnan (pret. frah) OHG. frdgen 'to 

questioning', Lat. preces pi., proms, Lith. 

s#i 'to demand, request', rt. prek-. Goth. 

^-s 'thief : Gr. xXon?j 'theft' xAt/my-c 'thief, 

OHG. nefo Ags. ne/a 'nephew' : Skr. 

Goth, af (ai-w, with interrogative particle 

off : Skr. dpa Gr. ano 'away off. Goth. 

m Ags. be-lffe 'I remain : Skr. ri/tftf- 

npdmi 'I smear, fasten to', Gr. A«ro£ d. 

ersist in', Lat. lippu-s 'blear-eyed', Lith. 

O.Bulg. pri-Kpljq (inf. -tipfti) 'I remain 

bial. So, too, was OHG. / in the period 
ents. In the course of the OHG. period 
ibio-dental, as is shown by nf from older 
1. Keron. Glossar 58 f.). 
Joth. fimf OHG. fimf finf 'five' is perhaps 
itly back to Indg. p (Indg. *penqe), but to 
§§ 336. 444 rem. 1. 

6. Goth, OSpan OHG. slafan 'to sleep* 
HG. slaf Low G. slap 'slack' : O.Bulg. slab* 
. Goth, rdupjan OHG. roufeti 'to pluck', 
ry form of re#p- in Ags. redfan OJcel. 
', Skr. rup- lup- 'tear, shatter, Lat. rumpd 
125. 328. 334. 337. 346. 



§ 344-374. Indg. lat 

§ 844. Indg. * 
bite' : Skr. bhtdami 1 
3otb. bdka f. 'letter* (( 
i kind of oak bearinj 
3oth. bU&an OHG. i 
)low' : Lat. flare. Go 
Jkr. lubhyami I feel 
jubu 'dear, rt. leybh-. 
)kr. gdrbha-s embryo 
U\(pa£ pig', rt. qelbh- 

Por the pronuncii 
5 539) cp. § 342. 



§ 346. Indg. p. 
[).Bulg. plavu 'whitish 
nko-g nofao^ gray', 01 
olaku 'I strike, scourf 
I strike* nXrjyij a blc 
tewail', rt. plOq- plag- 
become numb' (pret. tv 
numb' : Lat. torped. 

k in Lith. tikma- 
beside septma-s) or fn 

§ 846. Indg. b 
3.Bulg. skobtt 'radula* 
brm of sqap- in Gr. a: 
rough', Goth, skaba 'I 

Lith. ^ for 6 (rej 
ftwo 'ground' fr. Vfift 

§ 847. Indg. M 
to be in fear' baj-i 
afraid' : Skr. bhdy-a-te 
myBelf (of the sun), ( 
bave intercourse with', 



349-351. Indg. 

>nance\ (XBulg. 
kr. pdrdate Gi 
rzan 'to break 
Rarely in s 
ellow, neigh' f 
fretn-dd (§ 207J 
nash*. Suffixal 
uW, Lat. -dm 
63 ff., the antl 
uhn's Ztschr. 3 
ldg. prim. peri( 

§ 360. M< 
ho-ma 'law, ma 
vd-dy-fta 'that ^ 
ix facid, con-dt 
.ith. di-ti O.Bi 
udMrd-s Gr. i$ 
duda-) O.Bnlg. 
. binding', Gr. 
elation) , Lat. 
ind*. 

More rarely 
ihlo-: Gr. Si/u* 
ledge' Czech rt 
lough*. Ending 
l»-fli from rt. 
ee' from rt. ue\ 
ihve -dhvam, G 



§ 351. Inc 
g. in ace. Sk 
J-, Lat. tarn, G 
lis. Skr. dti . 
ill', Lat. et die 
i : Gr. ion, La 

BrugnioD, Elei 



;. dental explosives in Aryan. § 352—355 

le f after $ (= Indg. & or s) in Sanskrit 
jhtf : Gr. oxraJ etc., see § 360. u&d- 'burnl 
I* : Lat. ustu-s, Indg. *ws-*(5-s from rt. egs- 

ucca- 'high* from prim. Ar. *utca- (ut- = 

i- (-cA-). pacchds 'in the manner of pada 

l pat-&as {pat- = pad- 'foot'). 

manuscripts of the VSjasanGyi-sahitS -tkn-, -tkm 
n "t e * S- patent 'mistress', patktnan- n. 'flight*, 
mts the glide arising from the sudden raising c 
?honet. « 63. 160 f.). 

lian, t was partly changed into a spiran 

;ion of articulation. 

Av. S were interdental, as in Av. Jncat 

1 pvam) = Skr. tvdm 'thee, Av. ace pi 

r-as, see § 473, 2. 

as cipka- = Skr. dtka- 'dress', see § 473, 

ma§ya- {maifiya-) a mortal being, man = 
b. martiya-, see §§ 260. 288. 474. 

tc (Skr. cc) y as aniyas-ciy = Skr. atftytfr 
written sty, § 125 p. 116) from £y = prin 

A v. haipya- Skr. satyd- 'true*. 5 fr. jfrr = 
= Av. pri- Skr. tri- 'three . See §§ 261 

d. Skr. du-rd- Av. O.Pers. du-ra- € fai 
sv-o-pai 'I am at a loss for, rt. dej*-. Ski 
)-rifio-q 'felling timber', Goth, triu n. 'tree 
«#-*s- O.Pers. had-is- n. seat', weak pi 
hazd- prim. Ar. *sa-zd- (§ 591) : Gr. &J-c 
tfdT, O.Ir. swtefe 'seat', Goth, sitan 'to sit 
s£d#* 'to sit\ Skr. chind-dnti 'they cut of 
* 'he breaks' : Gr. GxirS-aXfio-g 'a splinter 

ae d after £ (= Indg. z) in Sanskrit; 
nldd-s 'nest' : Arm. nis/ seat, possession 



355-360. Indg. dental explosives in Aryan and ( 

iat. nidus, OHG. nest nest', Indg. *ni-zd- 
bode* from ni 'down' and rt. sed- 'sit*. See | 
-tf/- became -jj-. &jjiti-§ 'victory' from 
>gously ujjhitd- 'forsaken, given up* fr. *ud- 

§ 366. d partly became an interdental 
3 dadaiti = Skr. d&dd-ti gives' from rt. dd- 

Prim. Ar. d#- appears as (dv- and) 3b 
tis- (GaJ>. d'bis-) = Skr. dvi§- 'hate . bittm 
kr. dvitiya-m 'secundum'. See § 159 p. 143 

§ 367. Indg. dh. Skr. dhdr$-ami 'I di 
ehement' O.Pers. a-darS-nau-s 'he dared* : ( 
kpa-irTj-Q 'the insolent one', Goth, ga-dars 'I 
o dare' (§ 285 rem.), rt. dhers-. Skr. mac 
weetness, honey' : Gr. fiiBv 'wine', O.Ir. mid 
uead', Lith. medu-s O.Bulg. tnedu 'honey', 
. sg. imper. Skr. &ru-dhi 'hear', Av. i-di C 
fr. i-Qt go'. Skr. mddhya- Av. maidya- 'm< 
aedius', Lat. tnediu-s, O.Ir. medOn 'mediun 
oedius', O.Bulg. mezda 'boundary', Indg. *me 

§ 358. dh became dh after z (from old 
rit; i was then dropped. Udhi 'licks' from *U 
ki§h+ti. midfid- 'battle prize, combat' : A 
ay', Gr. fiuoQo-g Goth, mizdo O.Bulg. mteda *i 
nizdhd-. See §§ 396. 404. 591. 

§ 369. In Iranian, where the Indg. and 
jp. fell together with the mediae, the fornu 
line changes as the latter, e. g. Av. madu ( 
ee § 356. 

Armenian. 

§ 360. Indg. t. faiam-i-m farsam-i-m 
kr. tar§a-$ 'thirst', Gr. rtgoo/uai 'I become 
rtu-s, O.Ir. tart 'thirst', Goth, patirsu-s 
ense' : Av. superl. tancista- 'strongest', < 
irive' fr. prim. Germ. *penxana-n, MHG. t 
aently' O.Icel. pGttr 'close, tight' fr. prim. Gei 



276 Indg. dental explosives in Armen. § 360—362* 

rem. 2), Lith. tenku 'I have sufficient' tdnku-s close', uf eight* : 
Skr. Ved. affd (§ 352) Gr. oxrca Lat. odd O.Ir. ochi n- Goth. 
ahtdu Lith. aszt&nl eight'. 

t after $. astX (gen. astek) 'star , constellation' : Skr. star- 
Gr. aoTijg Lat. ifeKa Bret, sterenn Goth, stairnd. sast (gen. 
saslt) a reviling, reproach' : Skr. &Os-ti-§ a punishment, command' 
Sas-tdr chastiser, commander'. 

d after r, n. tnard 'homo' : Skr. tnftd-s (§ 291). -and in 
dr-and dr-andi 'door-post, threshold' : Skr. dta, Lat. pi. antae, 
see § 253 p. 207. 

K fr. i#. So 'tuus #02 'to thee' : Skr. tvdm 'thou', Gr. Cret. 
r/« Att. as 'thee (§ 166 p. 147), O.Bulg. tvoft 'thy*, tar- 
'four' (Rar-a-$un 'forty') fr. *(g , )%'- = Gr. r^«-, in rpd-ns^a 
'table' (orig. 'four-foot'). Cp. § 162. l 

Intervocalic £ became i and then disappeared. AewV (pi. 
har-B) father', matr (pi. mar-K) 'mother : Gr. nartjg, mijryg. hem 
adv. 'last year' : Gr. Dor. negwi, O.Ir. urid MHG. vert 'last year'. 

-atr- became -aur-. Gen. haur 'of a father', tnaur 'of a 
mother : Gr. Savp-og, juyrg-os. araur 'plough' : Gr. apovgo-v. 

-rh-, later -A-, from -rtj,- or -rtr-. mark mah (gen. marhu 
mahu) 'death', to Skr. mrty&-§ 'death' or to Goth, ma&rpr murder; 
concerning ar from Indg. r see § 291. 

§ 861. Indg. d. tiv 'day' : Skr. instr. div-& 'by day, Gr. 
gen. /ti(F)-6g, Lat. dies, Cymr. dyw c day', Lith. divas god'. 
ta-m 'I give' : Skr. ddrda-mi Gr. Si-to-pi Lat. dtf I give', Lith. 
ci&'-ti O.Bulg. da-rt 'to give*, het (gen. Aefoy) 'foot-print', het 
yet 'behind, after' (§ 330 rem.) : Skr. pad-d-m 'foot-step, foot- 
print', Gr. m tf-a 'after, with' gen. 7roJ-o'c 'of a foot', Lat. gen. 
ped-is, Goth. Jdt-u-s 'foot', Lith. ped-d, foot-print'. Mrtn 'sweat* 
(rt fr. tr y § 263) : Skr. svtda-s Gr. *<fyfcfe Lat. sudor Cymr. 
cAwys OS. swU OHG. stmj 'sweat', rt. s#eid-. 

§ 362. Indg. dA. diem 'I suck* : Skr. dhdydmi T suck, 
drink', Gr. 6tj-oaxo 'he sucked', Lat. fe-lare 'to suck', MidJr. 
df^A 'he sucked', Goth, daddja 'I suckle', O.Bulg. doja 'lacto'. 
dtts/r (gen. dster) 'daughter : Skr. duhitdr- (d- fr. dh-, § 480) 
Gr. (hyavqg Goth, dauhtar Lith. duk-ti O.Bulg. d«&t 'daughter*. 



3-365. Indg. 



§ 363. Indg. t. 
d\avTo-v a balance' : 
raffers, endures*, fen 
etu8-tu-s 'aged, old', 
i prick, mark' : Skr. i 
589, 3), Lat. in-stu 
tih a prick*. Participi 
Ikr. bhdra-nt-am 'fei 
Drem', Lith. veza-nt-i 

nn from T7T. Hoi 
lorn. Lesb. onncog 'h< 
f-indef. nwg; the sin 
nsued from the mod 
r. •cf/oJ+ti. 

§ 364. Indg. d. 
1 foq-fievfig 'ill dispofl 
inknowing', t-mardi 
eutsch. morg. Ges. 1 
)HG. stir-, Indg. *du 
leasant' : Skr. svad-u- 
'. exhibit something a| 
rater av-vipo-g water 
m\ Armen. get (gen, 
foth. vatd n. 'water, 
ote to p. 189). fiii 
aelt, grow liquid', rt. 

<J became <f in 
rhere) , which was 
. g. Cixcua, fsi^aig. 

XX fr. <ft in Lacon 
chneumon' (Curtius ( 

§ 365. Indg. ( 
rankincense' 6fh(x6-g 
'O-mu-8 'smoke', OH( 



278 Indg. dental explosives in Italic. § 365—367. 

mai O.Bulg. dy-mu 'smoke*, aid-to 1 burn* : Skr. $dh-a-$ 'fire- 
wood', Lat. aedSs orig. 'burning-place, hearth*, O.Ir. aed 'fire', 
OHG. eit 'funeral-pile*, avdog n. germ, blossom, flower* : Skr. 
dndhas n. 'vegetable*. 

In several dialects prim. Gr. 6 i. e. th became at an early 
period the interdental spirant p, which partly moved forwards 
to /. S. § 495. 

Italic. 

§ 366. Indg. t. Lat. termd termen, Umbr. termnom-e 
ad terminum*, Osc. t eremnat tens 'terminarunt* : Skr. tdrman-n. 
point of the sacrificial rod', Gr. rtQfuav 'boundary', xigua end, 
goal'. Lat. tovo-s tuo-s, Umbr. tover gen. 'tui' Osc. tuvai 
dat. 'tuae : Skr. tdva 'tui*, Gr. Te(f)6-g 'tuus', Lith. tarns-is 
'thine*. Lat. quatuor quattuor, Umbr. petur- 'quadra- Osc. 
petiro-pert 'quater' : Skr. catvdr-as Gr. Ion. vsoosp-eg O.Ir. 
cethir Goth, fidvdr 'four', Lith. ketveri 'by fours', O.Bulg. distrib. 
ietvero. Comparative suffix -fcro- -tro-, Lat. t*-ter, Umbr. po- 
druh-pei 'utroque' Osc. pu-turus-pid pi. 'utrique* : Skr. ka- 
tard-s Gr. no-rspo-g Goth, kva-par Lith. ka-tr&-s 'which of the 
two*, O.Bulg. ko-tory-jl which'. 

§ 867. In the prim. Ital. period it became W except, as 
it seems, initially and in the combination stl (cp. Umbr. gen. 
sg. Tlatie to Lat. latu-s fr. *ttato-s, Indg. *#-*o-$, Lat. stlis 
stlocu-s). Nominal suffix -Mo- fr. -tfo- (Gr. -rAo- e. g. av-rlo-s 
*bilge-water*) : Lat. sae-clu-m sae-culu-m, pfa-clu-m pia-culu-m 
(-culo- fr. -do-, § 269), Umbr. piha-klu 'piaculorum', Osc. 
sakara-kltim 'sacrum* pu-klo- 'son = Skr. pu-tr<i-s 'son'; 
for the change of this -Jfcfo- to 4sro- by dissimilation as in Lat 
lartl-cru-m, see § 269. 

This change, which was caused by the lateral articulation 
(instead of the coronal) of the t anticipating the /, repeated 
itself in the course of the individual dialects. Here belong e. g. 
Lat ex-anclare fr. Gr. i^-arrlsl* 'to draw out*, Vulgar Latin 
rectus (Italian rtcchio) from vft(u)lu-s. In the Lat. historic 
period it extended itself also to the combination stf, hence such 



1 367—369. Indg. dental explosives in Italic 279 

pellings as sclis sclataris beside stlis stlataris. In like manner 
Jmbr. pers-clu pes-clu 'supplicatione' beside Osc. pes-tlum 
jacellum, templum'. 

Bern. The same phenomenon in Lith., see § 377. Gp. also Mod.Gr. 
*Y*a£<» = O.Gr. fi-anUw, atZxlo 'beet* = O.Gr. aevrlo-v (Foy Lautsystem 
er gr. Vulg&rspr. 7); Gipsy lang. kockli 'scissors' = katlin Skr. karlri, 
ehuklo fr. schutlo 'sour' (Bngge Kuhn-Sohleioher's Beitr. I 154); Czeoh 
ial. klustej = tlwty O.Bulg. tlustyjl 'thick' klouci = tlouci O.Bulg. UMi 
beside tUsti) 'to strike' (Miklosioh Vergl. Gramm. I 2 506, Bnrda Enhn- 
kihleicher's Beitr. VI 245). 

-tr- seems to have become -cr- in Pelignian : sacaracirix 
tacrificans' = Lat. *sacrO-trt-x, cp. § 271. 

Lat. -cc- from -tc-. siccus (to situs) : O.Ir. sesc Cymr. 
\ysp 'dry, withered, barren, cpf. *sitqo-s (§§ 419. 516). peccd 
r. *petcd i. e. *ped-cd, to pSs impedid etc. floccu-s probably fr. 
floko-s i. e. *flod-cos, to Gr. <plutev 'to rend*. Analogously 
iccipidj acqutrd fr. *atc. y *atqu. i. e. ad\c, qu.\ quicquam fr. 
quitquam i. e. quid + quant (quidquam is the etymological spelling). 
Jp. further appelld fr. *(rip. i. e. ad\p., topper 'forthwith' fr. 
tatper i. e. *tod (cp. is4ud, Skr. fcto 'the' neut.) + per, cp. 
»»-/?cr parum-per. 

§ 368. Indg. d. Lat. died, Umbr. tfcito 'dicito' Osc. 
eikum 'dicere' : Skr. diidmi 'I show, point out', Gr. dttxvOfu 
show', Goth, ga-teiha 1 announce, proclaim'. Lat. divo-s 
eu-s (cp. § 172, 2), Umbr. deveia 'divina Osc. defvaf dat. 
livae' : Skr. d$od-s O.Ir. dia Lith. d&va-s 'god'. Lat. ed-6, 
tec. edum 'edere* : Skr. dd-mi Arm. wtf-em Gr. fJ-cu Goth, #-a 
eat', Lith. ed-w 'I eat' O.Bulg. jad* f. 'food'. Lat. iwod-es- 
t-s mod-u-s, Umbr. mef-s mers 'ius fr. *medos : Arm. mit 
fen. mf-i) 'thought', Gr. fiii-o-fjicu fiJjd-o-(*cu 'I consider, plan, 
Mr. midiur 'puto', Goth. m#a 'I measure'. Lat. p&itf fr. *pezdd 
\ 594) : Gr. ptico I break wind' etc., see § 334. 

§ 369. I appears for d (initially before vowels, medially 
etween vowels) in about twelve Lat. words. E. g. iSvir : 
kr. d$vdr- Arm. taigr Gr. Sajjg Lith. deverA-s 'husband's 
rother'; limpa : Osc. Diumpafs 'Nymphis' (§ 49 p. 42); la- 
ruma, older dacruma : Gr. ddxgv 0,Bret. dacr Goth, tagr a 



280 Indg. dental explosives in Italic § 369. 

tear'; old oleti beside odor : Gr. oJ/urj 'smell', Lith. udsiu 'I smell 
something'; soliu-m beside seded : Gr. td-og 'seat*; solum solea; 
Gr. oS6-g 'way* s&cupo-g 'bottom, ground', O.Bulg. chodUi 'to go' ; 
aifgd beside Udu-s Uvidu-s with suffixal d\ mdlu-s probably from 
*mazdo-s : OHG. mast 'mast* (§ 596). This change, due to the 
dorsal articulation of the d, was possibly not occasioned by any 
special phonetic conditions whereby d stood in the words in 
question opposed to other Lat. words containing d, but had its 
origin in some local dialect. 

Rem. 1. I decidedly hold the forms with r = d as ar = ad (ar- 
biter ar-vorsw), apor = apud for non -Latin, 8. Corssen Ausspr. I * 238 ff., 
Jordan Krit. Beitr. 92 ffi., Stolz Lat. Gramm. § 51. These words were 
imported from one of the Umbr.-Samn. dialects. Gp. this § lower down. 

d# became J, e. g. bi-s : Skr. dvl~§ 'twice'. See § 170 p. 150. 

dl became U. sella fr. *sed-la : Gr. Lacon. eXXa seat' § 364, 
Goth, sitls 'seat*. rattu-m ploughshare', to rddd : Skr. rddami 'I 
scratch'. Cp. also grattae stilts', to gradior, with d = Indg. 
dh : Goth, grips (st. gridi-) 'step, grade', O.Bulg. gr^dq 'I come 
(§§ 370. 511). 

Id became IL solid (salsu-s) : Goth, saltan 'to salt', per- 
ceUd, to cla<tes fr. *A#Z- (§ 306 p. 243) : Gr. Horn. xXdoocu 'to 
break', xXaSdoat * astacu Hesych. (per-cidsu-s = xXaaxo-q, cpf. 
*Kffto-s i. e. *A#d+ to-). The d in *saldd and *per-celdd did not 
belong to the root, mollis fr. *moldu-i-s : Skr. mfd-u-§ 'soft, 
tender, fem. mfd-v-f. 

Bern. 2. Observe the limited period of the operation of this sound- 
law, valdi fr. validi, caldus fr. ealidus did not suffer this assimilation. 

dg became gg : agger fr. *ad-ger. 

In Umbrian intervocalic and final d passed into a sound 
(f and rs), which we oonjecturally denoted in § 23 as a strongly 
spirant r. te-J a de-tsa Met* te-rust di-rsust 'dederit' : Lat. 
<fc-(ft, Skr. pres. dd-da-mi perf. Ved. da-d&, Gr. di-Sio-tu 
de-So-(tou, rt. dd- 'give . pef-i pers-i pede' du-purs-us *bipedibus' : 
Lat. ped-, Gr. noS- 'foot', asam-ar 'ad aram' ars-veitu ad- 
vehito' : Lat. ad O.Ir. ad- Goth. at. In a few instances simply 
r or s is written instead of rs, as ar- beside ars-, a-tropusatu 
beside aha-tripursatu '(abs)tripodato'. 



369—370. Indg. dental explosives in Italic. 281 

Bern. 3. The forms fere Medit* and funu 'donum* arose from asso- 
ation of the initial d to the medial f of the forms tera terust etc. 

A similar change of the d is shown in Yolsc. ar-patitu, 
ith ar = Lat. ad (how the verbal form itself is to be under- 
;ood is doubtful), and in Mars, apur finem 'apud finem'. The 
) in Pelign. VI DAD ('videt' or 'viderat') may denote a similar 
-sound. 

§ 370. Indg. dh became p in the prim. Ital. period, and 
; may be assumed that this spirant in the same period was 
aifted to / uniformly initially, medially before and after r, 
efore I and after u (#), perhaps also after m. Medial / then 
ecame b in Lat. Lat. f Blare ffliu-s, Umbr. feliuf filiu ace. 
actantee' : Skr. dhdyami etc., see § 362. Lat. foru-m Umbr. 
uro 'forum', prim. Ital. *p%oro-tn : Skr. dvdr- 'door* (for regular 
dhvar-, § 480), Lith. dvaras O.Bulg. dvoru yard*. Lat. forties 
LLat. forctirs : Skr. dfdhd-s 'firm, strong* fr. *dhfzdha-s i. e. 
ldg. *dhf§h+to- (§§ 482. 552). Lat. rubro-, Umbr. ruf ru rubros : 
t. igvOpo-s O.Bulg. rUdrU 'red', O.Icel. roSra f. 'blood', Indg. 
wdh-rd-s. Lat. cornbr-gtu-m a kind of rush : Lith. szveridrai 
I. a kind of sedge or reed, cpf. *Jc^endhro- (Lat. co- fr. *cue- 9 
172, 3). Italic suffix -fro- = Gr. -8po-, Lat. 6rTbru-m*), 
trie-bra, Osc. Vena-fru-m name of a town ('hunting place, 
anting ground* according to Corssen's probable conjecture). Lat. 
irba (on the initial b see § 338 rem.) : OHG. bart O.Bulg. brada 
eard\ Italic suffix -flo- = Gr. -8Xo-, Lat. sta-bulvrm (-ftw/o- 
. -Wo-, § 269), Umbr. sta-flarem 'stabularem', Pelign. pri-$ta- 
iacirix 'antistita* fr. *-sta-fla-crtx (§ 271) = Lat. *prae- 
abulatrix. Lat. rtibu-s, Umbr. rofu 'mhos', prim. Ital. m royfo- : 
Jr. ruad Goth, rdups (st. rduda-) 'red', cpf. *ro#dho-s; Lat. 
l/u-8 was a loan-word from an Umbrian-Samn. dialect. Lat. 
*r n. : Skr. tidAar, Gr. ovQag OHG. utar udder*. Lat. jubed 
,Lat. joubed beside* jussl jussus; ss proves the origin of the 



1) The suffix-form -dhrd- might be maintained for OHG. ri-ttara 
p, hrirdder 'sieve', but they also admit of being traced back to -tra-. 
>. Kluge Nominate Btammbildungslehre der altgerm. Dial. p. 46. 



282 Indg. dental explosives in Ital. and O.Irish. § 370—372. 

b from dh, see § 552. If Lat. lumbu-s belongs to OHG. lenti 
'loins' O.Bulg. Iqdvija 'loins, kidneys', it must be traced back 
to a *lomdho-s; the origin of p fr. dh would then be older 
than the change of m to n before dentals (§ 207). Cp. Osthoff 
Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 533 f. 

In other cases Lat. d and Osc. / stand opposite to each 
other medially. Lat. medius, Osc. mefiai loc. 'in media' : Skr. 
mddhya-s etc., see § 357. Lat. aedes aedlli-8, possibly Osc. gen. 
sg. Aiifineis (Osc. aidil was a Lat. loan-word): Skr. Sdha-s 
etc., see § 365. vidua : Skr. vidhdva O.Ir. fedb Goth, viduvd 
O.Bulg. vidova 'widow*, con-dd con-ditu-s beside /a-c-*0, from rt. 
dh8- place, lay, do' (§ 350). Lat. d points to p as the direct 
previous stage, and thus the Osc. / cannot be prim. Ital. /. 

That d y not i, appears after r in Lat. arduo-s fr. prim. 

Ital. *arpuos (: Skr. urdhvd-s Gr. o>0o'-e, § 170 p. 150, § 306), 

was due to the combination Pu. 

Rem. Concerning the / in Lat. i nferus lnfimu~8 which are gene- 
rally connected with Skr. adhamds 'undermost', Goth, undar 'under' (cp 
§ 244), op. the oonjeoture given in § 389 rem. 

Old Irish. 

§ 371. Indg. t = prim. Kelt. t. temen 'dark, gray' temd 
'darkness' : Skr. tdmas- n. 'darkness', Lat. tenebrae, OHG. demar 
'twilight', Lith. tarnsb 'darkness', tarathar 'borer : Gr. repsa 1 
bore, pierce' tsqsxqo'V 'borer, gimlet', Lat. terd terebra. odd *• 
'eight' : Gr. oxroi etc., see § 360. alt ^-preterite to atim 1 
foster, bring up', tiagaim 'I stride, go' with loss of initial $- 
(§ 575) : Gr. orslxc* 'I go', Goth, steiga 'I ascend', O.Bulg. stignq 
'I come', rt. steigh-. 

<£t (read effi) Cymr. cant 'hundred' : Skr. Satd-m Gr. J-xaro-r 
Lat. centu-m Goth, hund Lith. szimta-s. See §§ 212. 513. 

Spirantal th, d after vowels. mO-thir 'mother : Skr. mOtd 
Gr. firjtrjQ Lat. mater. Gen. be-thad dat. be-thid (nom. beo-thu 
'life'), suffix -t#- : Lat. 4M-. See § 514. 

§ 372. Indg. d = prim. Kelt. d. derc 'eye' air-dire 
'conspicuus, renowned 9 : Skr. daddrSa 'I saw*, Arm. tes-ane-m, 



_j 



372—374. Indg. dental explosives in O.Ir. and Germ. 



Br. tsQxouai 1 see, Goth, ga-tarhjan 'to mark out 
3kr. ddntr Gr. oSovg Lat. d$n& Goth, tunp-u-s '. 
tooth'. 

d was spirantal e. g. in cride 'heart* : Arm. s 
Br. xagSia xgaSirj Lat. cor (gen. cordis) Goth, 
sftnfl-s O.Bulg. sr*tffce 'heart*. See § 522. 

nn from «d e. g. in ro se-scaind redupl. \ 
3kr. skdnd-ami 'I jerk, leap*, Lat. scand-6. See 

Assimilation of the d in the prep, ad- = 
following # and J, when ad- had the chief acce: 
icaldam 'address, conversation' beside ad-glddu 
ip&ugud 'adulation* fr. *dd-b$lugud. cc, c is to t 
ind p as 56. See § 519. 

§ 373. Indg. dh = prim. Kelt. d. fu-o 
Cyrnr. dw/n 'deep', to which probably also domui 
Dubno-rJx Dumno-rix ('world-king') : Goth. diu\ 
»ee § 325. MidJr. dUh 'he sucked' : Skr. dhdy 
\ 362. ard 'high' (to which probably Arduennc 
irdhvd-s Gr. ogdo-g 'upright* Lat. arduo-s (§§ 306, 
wh acceptus, gratus' : OHG. milti OS. tnildi 'mild 

d was spirantal e. g. in riad 'a driving' : Gall. 
)HG. fttan 'to move on, drive, ride' O.Icel. ri 
ide, rt. re$dh-. See §§ 522. 526. 

Compare further iud- 'combat' in Brit, pro] 
).Cymr. Iud-nerth (nerth 'power, strength') Iud-i 
fer. yudh- 'fight, combat'. 

Germanic. 

§ 374. Indg. t. Goth. OHG. ist 'is : Skr. ds 
zihts OHG. reht 'right' : O.Pers. r&rfa- 'straigh 
Mxro-g 'stretched out', Lat. rectus, prim. f. *r<fic-tO' 

Goth, patirnu-8 OHG. dorn Ags. dft>m O.Icel. 
kr. tf-na-m 'blade of grass', O.Bulg. trtnu 'thorn'. 
HG. andar Ags. dder 'other' : Skr. an-tard-s 
flier. Goth, vairpan OHG. werdan Ags. toeorda 
kr. vdrt-a-tt etc., see § 348. 



284 Indg. dental explosives in Germ. § 374—375. 

Goth, hdid-u-s 'manner, OHG. heit Ags. had 'state, con- 
dition, property' : Skr. k&-ii-$ 'luminous phenomenon, appearance, 
picture, form*. Goth. OS. hund O.Icel. hund-rad OHG. hunt 
'hundred' : Skr. $atd-m etc., see § 371. 

With the exception of -£&-, which became -#&-, in all com- 
binations in which Indg. t underwent a shifting in prim. Germ., 
there arose first of all the interdental spirant p, which partly 
became & In Goth, p remained everywhere, & partly remained, 
and partly became d. In HG. P and d became explosives 
again. For details see § 527 ff. 

Prim. Germ, initial pi- from pre-Germ. tl- became fl- 
in West Germ, and Norse. OHG. fliohan Ags. fleon OJceL 
Hyja 'to flee* : Goth, pliuhan. OHG. jtehan 'to caress, flatter, 
ask urgently', Ags. fldh OJcel. flar 'deceitful, false' : Goth, ga- 
pidihan 'to caress, console, speak friendly to'. Etymological 
equivalents for these words are wanting in the other Indg. 
languages. 

In Middle German dialects tw- = prim. (Term. pu- passed 
into kw- (qu-). Mod.HG. quangen qudngeln (beside ewdngeri): 
MHG. twengen 'to put under constraint' (cp. the orthography 
tquang for twanc in Grimm's D. Gramm. I 2 355 rem. of the 
new reprint), O.Icel. pvinga 'to compel'. MHG. querch Mod.HG. 
quer (beside Mod.HG. zwerch) : MHG. twerch twer 'cross, ob- 
lique, Goth, pvairhs angry*. Cp. OHG. quifalOn § 375. 

§ 375. Indg. d. Goth, tiuhan OHG. ziohan Ags. Uo* 
'to draw' : Gr. douSvoaeoSou • U\xt6d<u Hesych., Lat. doucd dikd, 
rt. deuR-. Goth, triggva f. 'covenant' OHG. triuwa 'fidelity 
(§ 179 p. 157) : Pruss. druwi f. 'faith', Gr. dgoov • fojrvpor 
14gy€ioi (Hesych.). Goth, hairtd OHG. herza Ags. heorte O.IceL 
hjarta 'heart' : Gr. xapd-fe etc., see § 372. Goth. vUan OHG. 
wii%an 'to know', Indie, vdit wei% 'I know 1 : Skr. veda etc, see 
§ 349. 

OHG. z was the affricata ts, whereas 35 (the oldest Mae. 
have zz after both long and short vowels, finally z) was a voi- 
celess spirant, whose position of articulation seems to have been 



J 



$375-377. Indg. dental explosives in Germ, and Bait. 

somewhat different from that of s (Paul in Paul 

1 168 f.). 

Prim. Germ. tu- = Indg. d#- appears in 1 

ORQ. period as qu-, qulfaldn 'to doubt' beside 
tttifk 'doubt', to prim. Germ. *tyi- OHG. zwi- 
Wo', see § 349. Cp. the younger qu- = prin 
Middle German § 374. 

§ 376. Indg. dh. Goth, dags OHG. tag 1 

dagr 'day : Skr. ni-ddghd-s 'heat, hot time, summi 

dagh 'harvest' (properly hot time'), cpf. *dhogho-& 

'burn*. Goth, bindan Ags. bindan OHG. binta 

'to bind* : Skr. bdndhanam etc., rt. bhendh-, see 

Goth, ana-biudan 'to command, order Age 

tiotan OJcel. bjOda 'to offer : Skr. bSdhami '] 

perceive', Gr. nsvQopat nwOdvofiai € I inquire, as 

'to awake* O.Bulg. budtti 'to wake, watch over*, 

d arose first of all in every combination 
This returned to an explosive in West Germ, i 
wirtly in Goth. For details see § 537 ff. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 377. Indg. t. Lith. taszyti O.Bulg. t 
kr. tdk§ami 'I make, fashion', Gr. t'bxtwv 
zeO, O.Ir. UA 'carpenter's axe*. Lith. szvit-eti 
3 shine brightly' : Skr. foit-rd-s ivU-d-s 'brillii 
*eit-. Lith. kert-u 'I hew, strike' O.Bulg. dHi 
wt-dmi 'I cut, split', rt. qert-. Lith. at-m\ 
.Bulg. pa-m$-tl Remembrance : Skr. ma-ti-§ e 
s € a thinking of, meditating' (rt. men-). 

tl became kl (cp. gl fr. cU, § 378) in Litl 
Italic (§ 367). Suffix -kla- = Lat. -do- -c 
v—s Lett, -ir-kl-s 'oar', Lith. se-fda Lett, si 
it. sae-clu-m sae-ctdu-m), Lith. gany-kla 
tsture, cattle-range'. The previous stage tl w 
-ussian : eb-sentliuns 'having marked' opposed t 



286 Indg. dental explosives in Bait. Slay. § 377—380. 

'mark' (Burda Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. VI 245). Cp. also the 

i~ — — J t :j.u j. 7-?n.r - «j. j.i~ j » /* i_i^i_ ? mji- -\ 



§380. 



Indg. palatal explosives. 



287 



explosives are to be presupposed as the immediately previous 
stage; whereas in Ar., Armen., Baltic-Slav., and Albanian they 
usually appear as spirants (in Armen. at the same time as 
nffricatae) or their continuations. 

It is possible and not improbable, that this diversity reflects 
i prim. Indg. difference of articulation, that the original ex- 
plosives were spoken with a spirantal colouring (as affricatae?) 
in one portion of the Indg. parent language, whilst they re- 
mained pure in the other. This dialectical difference was then 
transmitted to the individual developments. Cp. § 417. 

We classify the individual languages in the following §§ in 
accordance with this difference and give below an abstract of 
the usual representation of the palatals in the various languages. 



1 1 

[dg.'Gr. ItaLO.Ir. 


Germ. 


Skr. j 


Av. 


Arm. 


Alb. Lith. 

• 


Slav. 


i | * 

i 


c 


e 


k, xWi 9 3 


I $ \ 


8,8 


s 


8 


8Z 


8 


I 1 i 

9 j r 1 9 ' 9 

1 i 


k 


j, 0?) 


*, z 


c 


s 


i 


Z 


gh x 


Kg 


9 


9 3 


h \ 

1 : 


z 


J\ * 


s 


z 


Z 



i Firenze 1870 (translated by Bazzigher and Schweizer-Sidler under the 
itle 'Vorlesungen fiber die yergleich. Lautlehre des Sanskrit etc.', Halle 
1872) p. 107 ff., Studj critici II (1877) p. 25 if.; Havet Revue critique 
!3. Nov. 1872, 7. Mar. 1874, Mem. de la soc. de lingu. II 261 ff.; Fick 
Me ehemalige Spracheinheit der Indogerm. Euro pa's 1873 p. Iff.; J. 
Jchmidt Jen. Lit.-Zeit. 1874 Art. 14. 1875 Art. 588. 1877 Art. 247, Rutin's 
:tachr. XXV 64 if.; H. M 511er Die Palatalreihe der idg. Grundspr. im 
term., Leipz. 1875, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 427 ff.; Windisch Kuhn- 
kshleicher's Beitr. VIII 25 ff; Hubschmann Rutin's Ztschr. XXIII 21 ff. 
84 ff.; Benfey Gott. Nachr. 1876 p. 297 ff; Leskien Declin. im Slav.- 
.it. und Germ. 1876 p. XXIV f.; G. Curtius Stud. VII 267ff; Bezzen- 
erger in his Beitr. II 151 ff. VI 236; K. Verner in Morph. Unt. 
116 ff.; F. Mailer Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Ak. 1878 p. 3 ff . ; Eluge 
-eitr. zur Gesoh. d. germ. Gonj. 1879 p. 42 ff.; Frodhe Bezzenb. Beitr. 
11 12 ff.; Collitz ibid. 177 ff; d'Arbois de Jubainville M6m. de 
i soc. de lingu. IV 422 ff; Osthoff Paul-Braune's Beitr. VIII 256 ff; 
le A nth. Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 306 f., Morph. Unt. IV 407 ff; Bersu 
ie Gutturalen und ihre Verbindung mit v im Lateinischen, Berlin 1885. 




288 Prim. Indg. palatal explosives. § 381—383. 

Indo- Germanic prim, period. 

§ 381. Tenuis £. *1crpt6-m 'hundred* : Gr. £-xaro'-v Lat. 
centu-m O.Ir. <M Goth, hund + Skr. £atd-m Lith. szirhta-s. 
*syt1curo- 'father-in-law', *suefctil- 'mother-in-law' : Gr. htvpo-s, 
exvpdy Lat. socer, socrus, O.Corn. hwigeren, hweger, Goth, svaihra 
m., OHG. swigar f. + Skr. Svdiura-8, &va&ril-s, Arm. skesur f. 
Lith. szeszura-s m. l ) ; on the initial Skr. &- Arm. sk- Lith. 
sz- see §§ 557, 4. 562. 587, 2. Rt. #e$- enter in : Gr. fdtxo^ 
olxo-g 'house', Lat. wcu-s, Goth, veihs (gen. veihsis) n. 'district' + 
Skr. viidmi 'I enter, come', Alb. vise pi. 'places', Lith. veszeti 
'to be a guest, tarry', O.Bulg. vfst 'village'. *o&tou *ofao 'eight* 
(cp. § 645 final 1) : Gr. oxrcJ Lat. odd O.Ir. ocht n-. Goth, ahtdu + 
Skr. aSfdu a$td Lith. asztunl O.Bulg. os-mi. 

Seldom in suffixal elements. *iuu#-Jc6-s or *juw)4c6-$ 'youth- 
ful' : Lat. juvencu-s O.Ir. dac dc (§§ 137. 174) Goth, juggs 
(jilggs?) + Skr. yuva&d-s. 

§ 382. Media §. §en- §nd- 'get to know, know' : Gr. 
yi-yvoi-oxiti 'I perceive', Lat. gnd-scd nd-scd, O.Ir. ad-g€n-sa perf. 
'cognovf, Goth, kann 'I know' + Skr. ja-nd-mi 1 perceive, 
know* (§ 253) Av. a-zainti- 'knowledge, explanation', Arm. can- 
eay aor. 'I knew', Lith. zin-6ti 'to know' O.Bulg. zna-ti 'to 
know'. Rt. mdg- 'strip off, milk' : Gr. d/uelya) Lat. mtdged 
O.Ir. bligim OHG. milchu 'I milk' + Skr. mfjdti 'wipes, rubs, 
cleans', part. pass, mfiftd- Av. mar'zaiti 'strips', Lith. miUu 
O.Bulg. mltizq 'I milk'. 

Prim. Indg. suffixes with § seem not to occur. 

§ 383. Media asp. §h. Gr. ^iwv 'snow' x H ^ y winter, 
Lat. hiems, O.Ir. gam O.Cymr. gaem O.Corn. goyf 'winter (cp. 
§ 392) + Skr. hirnd- 'frost, snow' Av. zima- 'winter', Arm. jiun 
'snow', Alb. dim§m 'winter, Lith. zemh O.Bulg. zima 'winter. 
Rt. ue§h- 'vehere' : Gr. oyo-g 'carriage', Lat. vehd , O.Ir. fin 
'carriage' (§ 526), Goth, ga-vigan 'to move' + Skr. vdhati Av. 



1) Kursohat writes szeszibras. The palatal pronunciation of the 
second sz is probably due to assimilation with the initial sz- which had been 
palatalised by the following e. 



363—385. Indg. palatal explosives in Greek. 289 

azaiti 'leads, goes', Alb. vUB 1 steal' (orig. 'I lead away), Lith. 
eft O.Bulg. vezq *veho\ 

Prim. Indg. suffixes with §h seem not to occur. 

a. The language-group with explosives. 

Greek. 

§ 384. Indg. h xagd-iG, Ion. xgaiit] 'heart' : Lat. cor O.Ir. 
ride Goth, hairtd 'heart' + Skr. Sraddhd- f. confidence* (§ 282), 
Lrm. sirt Lith. szirdl-s O.Bulg. srtdfce 'heart', xlv-ro-g 're- 
owned' : Lat. in-clutu-s O.Ir. cloth 'renowned', OHG. Hlot-hari 
iothar = */Uvro'-arparo-c -+- Skr. &ru4d-s 'heard, renowned', 
Lrm. lu 'audible' fr. *slu-? (s. Hubschmann, Armen. Stud. I 33), 
).Bulg. slov-o 'word', rt. Jtleu-. sixoot, Boeot. etc. fixari 'twenty' : 
At. vic&imu-s, O.Ir. fiche 'twenty' + Skr. viiati-§ 'the number 
wrenty', Arm. Rsan 'twenty' fr. *gsan *gisan (g- fr. u-, § 162). 
o(wo-^ 'pig' : Lat. porcu-s O.Ir. ore OHG. farh farah -f- Lith. 
arsza-s O.Bulg. pras% 'pig'. 

From fe arose nn } which was simplified to n initially, "nno-q 
lorse' : Skr. dha-s. ndw- 'all' : Skr. -hant-. See § 166 
. 147. 

£j became aa, rr. paoofDv 'longer : Av. masyi 'greater', 
ee § 489. 

Prim. Gr. xr = Indg. h and qt became rr in Cret. igyo- 
alrrd-g = Att. ipyo-dtuixry-g 'taskmaster, vvrtt loc. sg. = 
it. rvxxf (with qt, § 427 c). 

§ 385. Indg. §. ysvw 'I let taste* : Lat. gus-tu-s, O.Ir. 
*gu 'choice', Goth, kiusa 'I test, choose' + Skr. j6$-a- Av. 
io§-a- m. 'favour, kindness', rt. §e#s-. oQiyw 'I reach' : Lat. regd, 
Jr. imper. £-rig 'stand up', Goth, uf-rakja 'I reach up' + Skr. 
ij-i$tha- Av. raz-i§ta- 'straightest, most just', Lith. rfyzyti-s 'to 
eep on stretching oneself. s$yo-v 'work': Goth, vaurkja 'I 
ork, effect' + Av. t>er e zyeiti 'effects, completes', Arm. gore 'work', 

. &r§-. 

§i became C (#<>), <W. SlQoucu 'I stand in awe of, to ay-to-g, 
;. ia§-. See § 493. 

BragDinn, Elements. 19 



290 Indg. palatal explosireB in Italic. § 386-367. 

§ 886. Indg. §h = prim. Gr. kh. x*H><* 'on the ground': 
Lat. humus, homd (= 6 im/dowoQ), Goth, guma 'man" + 8kr. 
jm-ds (§§ 469, 8. 554 rem. 1) Av. z'm-d (§ 407) gen. of the 
earth', Alb. tie 'earth", Lith. zhni O.Bulg. zemlja earth*. %hq 
'hand': Arm. jefn 'hand' pi. jef-R. *#« 'I have, hold' fut. a* 17-010: 
Goth. sigis 'victory' + 8kr. sdhas- Av. hazah- n. 'strength, power, 
victory*, anigxfo 'I hurry on, drive' : + Skr. spjhayati 'eagerly 
longs for' Av. sper'zaite 'strives'. 

§h{ became aa, it. aooov 'nearer' to ayx*, rt. aft§h-. See 
§ 497. 

Italic. 

§ 887. Indg. Jc. Lat. c&iseO, Osc. censamur 'censetor : 
+ Skr. &qs-a-ti 'recites, praises'. Lat. ci-s ci-ter, Umbr. si-mu 
si-mo 'ad citima, retro' sive 'citra' : perhaps Gr. neut. nom. 
ace. MS) in ov-x/ vai-xt nolXd-iu (Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 241 f.), 
O.Ir. ce 'on this side', Goth, hi-tntna 'td this' + Arm. -s 'this' 
(suffixed pronoun), Alb. si~vitt 'in this year', Lith. szl-s O.Bulg. 
sf 'this'. Lat. clf-nd eti-tdlae, Umbr. kletram 'lecticam' : Gr. 
xUpcq 'I lean, bend', O.Ir. cloen 'slant, unjust, bad', Goth. Mains 
'hill* + Skr. brdy-a-ti leans against, lays on', Lith. szlaita-s 
'mountain-slope', rt. Uei-. Lat. decern, Umbr. desen-duf 'duo- 
decim' tekuries dequrier 'decuriis' Osc. dekmanniuis Mecn- 
manis' : Gr. Jtxa O.Ir. deich n- Goth, talhun + Skr. ddia Arm. tasn 
Lith. deszimt O.Bulg. desqft 'ten'. Lat. equo-s, Umbr. tra 
ekvine 'trans equinum' (cp. § 431a): Gr. Inno-s O.Ir. ech 
'horse', Goth, athva-tundi 'pdrog + Skr. d&va-s 'horse', Lith. aszva 
'mare', Indg. *eh#o-8 *elc#a. Lat. queror questu-s : + Skr. hds-i-mi 
'I breathe, snort, sigh', rt. Icues-. 

-cf- became -ff- in Lat. : efferd efficid; the c in ec- ex was 
probably k 

Prim. Ital. k (partly = Indg. q, § 430) became a sibilant 
in Umbrian before e- and t-vowels, which cannot be more 
closely defined: s, s s (§ 23). Besides simu etc. already named 
cp. further: tisit 'decet', to Lat. decet decus> Skr. da&as-yd-ti 
'does honour, is gracious'; curnabe 'cornice' beside curnaco *cor- 



387- 889. Indg. palatal explosives in Italic. 291 

deem'; fasia 'faciat' beside fakust *fecerit\ With this may be 
ompared the treatment of Lat. c before palatal vowels in the 
tomance developments, as Italian cento Fr. cent from centum. 
Rem. Lat. c had the pronunciation k also before e- and t-rowels 
own to the Middle Ages, thus kentum, kito. Gp. Seelmann Die Ausspr. d. 
-at. 332 ff. 

§ 388. Indg. §. Lat. gl-gn-d maU-grw-8 (§ 619) genus, 
)sc. Genetaf 'Genetrici' : Gr. yt-yv-o-fxou 'I become' ycv-o$ 'race', 
).Ir. ro g$nair natus est' gein 'birth', Goth, kuni race' + Skr. 
dn-as- n. 'race' Av. zl-zan-anti 'they beget, bring forth', Arm. 
m 'birth', rt. §en~. Lat. r2g*is gen. sg., Osc. regaturei 'rectori', 
larruc. regen[a dat. 'reginae' : O.Ir. rig gen. 'of a king' Gall. 
litu-rfges + Skr. raj- (nom. sg. rdf , § 401 rem. 2) rdj-an- 
cing' rdfyi 'shines forth, distinguishes himself. Lat. argentu~m, 
>8C. aragetud abl. 'argento' : Gr. dgyrjg 'bright, white', un-airkns 
mpure' OHG. erchan 'certus, egregius, right, pure' + Skr. 
rjuna-8 bright, white, silver-coloured' Av. ar'saA-n. 'the clear 
ay, day-light', Arm. arcaf 'silver'. Lat. glos: Gr. yaX6ux;-{- 
>.Bulg. zluva 'husband's sister'. 

§ 389. Indg. §h = prim. Ital. %- Lat. humus homO, 
fmbr. hondra 'infra' hondomu 'infimo' Osc. huntru 'infra' (s. 
207), Umbr. homonus 'hominibus' Osc. humans nom. 'homines': 
t. xaucti etc., see § 386. Lat. hor-tus co-hors, Osc. hurtiim 
ortum* : Gr. x°Q ro ~s 'grass, hay, fodder, feeding-place , court- 
ard', O.Ir. gort 'seges' lub-gort 'vegetable-garden' -f- Lith. $af-di~s 
i. 'pasture for horses, pasture-ground' Pruss. sardi-8 'a place 
lclosed by a hedge' 1 ). Lat. vehd, Osc. vehia 'plaustrum' (Paulus 
.) : Gr. oxo-s etc., see § 383. Lat. mihi and Skr. mdhyam 
lihi' probably contained Indg. §h, the same sound as in Skr. 
>m. ahdm. 

Concerning the dropping of Lat. h = §h see § 510. 

/ also occurs instead of Lat. initial h , e. g. folus beside 
ius helus : O.Ir. gel 'white', OHG. gelo 'yellow' + Skr. hdri-$ Av. 

1) It is uncertain whether Goth, gards 'yard, house, family* and OHO. 
rlo also belong here. Lith. gafda-s and O.Bulg. gradu seem to have 
en borrowed from Germ. See § 467, 2 and Kluge Etym. Wtb. der cL 
rache under Garten. 

19* 



292 Indg. palatal explosives in Ital. and O.Ir. § 389-390. 

zairi-& 'yellowish', Lith. ielu 1 grow green O.Bulg. zelije n. greens, 
vegetables'; fariolu-s beside hariolu-s haru-spex : Or. xoo&j a 
string of gut', O.Icel. garner garnir pi. entrails' + Lith. zarnh 
'gutf. Along with Osthoff (Morph. Unt. IV 99, cp. Danielsson 
in Pauli's Altital. Stud. Ill 144, Bersu Die Outturalen im Lat. 131) 
we do not hold these forms with / as also fosti-8 beside hosti-s 
(§ 430) for Lat., but for Sabine. 

Bern. I am in doubt about the/ in Lat fundo, to Goth giutan 
'to poor*, Or. /#<*> 'I pour* ^w-Tpa 'holy water', At. zao-pr&~ 'libation*. One 
might regard the / as having regularly arisen in in-fundO edn-fundd, and 
then carried oyer to the unoomponnded form, if the assumption had a 
firmer basis, infumus infimu-8 may have come from an older *in fumd 
= in humO (cp. Umbr. hon-dra above), which, being regarded as a super- 
lative, was foUowed by the forms inferu-8 inferior. The / in the Lat 
words cannot be regularly connected with the dental in Skr. adhds 'below' 
Ooth. undar 'under*. 

Lat. ng fr. prim. Ital. W£. angd: Gr. ayxio 'I press tight, 
strangle', O.Ir. cum-ung narrow', Ooth. aggvu-s narrow' (with p 
from the oblique cases) + Skr. qhos- Av. qzah- n. distress, 
need', Arm. anjuk (ancuk) narrow', O.Bulg. qza 'bond, fetter. 
mingd (beside mfy'd, probably fr. *meihd, § 510) : Gr. oplx** 
'I make water, Ags. mJ%an O.Icel. mlga 'to make water' + 
Skr. tnthati Av. tna?zaiti 'makes water', Arm. m&z (gen. mizi, 
mizoy) 'urine', Lith. m\zaXa% pi. 'urine'. 

OJrish. 

§ 880. Indg. £ = prim. Kelt. k. O.Ir. clu 'renown' cluas 
'ear', Mid.Cymr. clusteu pi. 'ears' : Gr. xAv-ro'-c etc., see § 384. 
O.Ir. itnm-chom-arc 'question, an asking', O.Cymr. di-erchim 'ad 
poscendum' (for the loss of the p- see § 339) : Lat. precis 
pi., Goth, fralhnan 'to ask* + Skr. praS-nd- Av. fras-na- 
(§ 398) 'question, an asking', Arm. harm (gen. harsin) 'bride', 
Lith. praszyti O.Bulg. prositi 'to beg, request'. O.Ir. derc 'eye', 
Mid. Bret, derch 'aspectus' : Gr. depxo/uw 'I see', Goth, ga-tarh- 
/an'to mark out' + Skr. daddria perf. 'I saw', Arm. te$ane-m 
I see. 

O.Ir. brSc (read br2g) 'lie, deceit' with loss of n before e: 
+ Skr. bhrq&a-s 'downfall, loss, a perishing'. See §§ 212. 513. 



§ 390—393. Indg. palatal explosives in O Ir. and Germanic 2 

O.Ir. fiche Mid.Cymr. ugeint 'twenty* : Or. fixaxi elxotii et 
§384. See § 514. 

O.Ir. ocht eight' probably with prim. Kelt, cht : Gr. on 
etc., § 381. See § 517. 

O.Ir. dess Cymr. deheu 'dexter, australis', as regards t 
suffix to Goth, taihsva 'dexter', further Gr. dsfyo-q Lat. dexter 
Skr. ddkfina- Av. dasina- 'dexter', Lith. destine Mextera' O.Bu 
destnu 'dexter, Indg. *deks-. See § 517. 

In Irish £ and q fell together in c. Whereas in the Bri 
branch and in Gall, they can still mostly be distinguished, sin 
in the latter q had become p (§§ 435. 436). p arose frc 
Indg. £$* in Cymr. ebol 'foal' = O.Cymr. *epatd, Gall. ej. 
(Epo-rBdia) 'horse' beside O.Ir. ech. 

§ 391. Indg. § = prim. Kelt. g. O.Ir. gein 'birth', Cyn 
geni nasci' : Gr. yevog etc., see § 388. O.Ir. gnath 'knovi 
accustomed, usual', Cymr. gnawt 'habitus' : Gr. yvw- etc., see § 38 

O.Ir. ato-m-aig 'me adigit' agat 'agant' : Gr. ayio 'I drn 
lead', Lat. agd, O.Icel. aha 'to drive' + Skr. djati Av. aza 
'drives', Arm. acern 'I bring, lead', rt. a£-. See § 522. 

§ 392. Indg. §h = prim. Kelt. g. O.Ir. gam (frc 
*giam~, older *gi(i)am-) 1 ) O.Cymr. gaetn = (fr. *geatn-, old 
*yj(i)aw-) 'winter : Gr. /iu>v xstfiuiv etc., see § 383. cum-u\ 
narrow' : Gr. ayx<*> ay%i etc., see § 389. 

O.Ir. Ugitn 'I lick' ligur 'tongue* : Gr. Xttx<a 'I lick', Li 
lingd, Goth. bi-ldigO 1 lick' + Skr. Wi-mi 'I lick* 3. sg. ti& 
Arm. for-u-m Lith. Uiih - I lick' O.Bulg. Ksotf to lick'. O. 
6r* gen. breg 'rising ground' Gall, brigi- in Brigiani Are-brigit 
etc. : Goth, bairgahei 'chain of mountains' + Skr. bfhdnt- A 
ber'zant- great, high', rt. 6Aer#A-. See § 526. 

Germanic. 

§ 393. Indg. £. Goth, skei-nan OHG. Ags. scXnan O.Ic 
sifwa 'to shine' OS. sci-mo MHG. scheme 'shadow' : Gr. a 

1) Thurneysen conjectures, that the form gam was formed throt 
Hie influence of sam Summer*. 



294 Indg. palatal explosives in Germanic. § 393—395. 

shadow' oxIqo-v parasol* + Skr. chayd- 'shadow, glimmer (cp. 
Mod.Pers. say ah). Suffix -s&>- -sfo- OHG. forsca 'inquiry, 
question prim. Germ. */ur(/)-sto- f. : Lat. posed fr. *por(cyscd 
4- Skr. pfchdmi Av. per'sami 'I ask', Skr. /ycta- question, in- 
quiry', rt. prek-, weak grade form pf £-. 

Goth, hund-s OHG. Aunt Ags. AumI Oicel. Awndr 'hound, 
dog' : Gr. xvu>v (gen. xvk-o$) O.Ir. cd (pi. coin) Cymr. ci (pL 
cum) + Skr. ^an- Sun- Av. spew- riift- Arm. Sun (gen. &ro) 
'dog*. Goth, ga-teihan 'to announce, tell, relate' OHG. zfhan 
'to accuse of : Gr. SsUvv^i 'I show' dixy 'order, law', Lat. /O-dic- 
dtcd + Skr. dtidyOmi At. dafsay&ni 'I show, teach', rt. cfet&. 
Goth. OHG. /o/k*n O.Icel. fa 'to seize' fr. prim. Germ. */a»- 
*ana-n (§ 214 p. 181) : Gr. ndooaXo-g fr. **ax*aAo-c (§ 489), 
Lat. pOx paciscor + Skr. pdia-s 'snare, cord', rt. pd£-. 

Goth, fagrs 'befitting' OHG. fagar 'beautiful' OHG. fuogen 
'to unite' fang 'capture* from the same rt. pak-. OHG. swigar 
Ags. swe^er 'mother-in-law' : Gr. ixvpa etc., see § 381. 

§ 304. Indg. §. Goth, kniu (gen. Jcnivis) OHG. cAnm 
intM Ags. cneo "knee* : Gr. yw-nexsiv 'to fall on the knees, to 
become helpless' yon; 'knee', Lat. genu + Skr. jftu-b&dh- 'bending 
the knees' jdnu 'knee' Av. fra-Snu 'knee bent forward' (§ 403) 
zanva pL 'knees', Arm. cunr 'knee*. Goth, uf-rdkjan 'to stretch 
on high' OHG. recchen MHG. recken 'to stretch' : Gr. opiyto 
etc., s. § 385. OHG. boch boc Ags. bucca OJcel. bokkr bukhr 
'buck' were from a weak stem-form *bhu§-n- (§ 534) : -f Av. 
bite-a- 'he-goat', Arm. buc 'lamb*. 

§ 385. Indg. §h. Goth. *gans goose' (hence Spanish 
ganso) y OHG. gans O.Icel. gOs goose* : Gr. xv* Lat. anser = 
hanser + Skr. hepd-s Lith. zasi-s goose' (on O.Bulg. gqsi s. 
§ 467, 2). Goth, gaggs 'street, way' OHG. OS. gang O.Icel. 
gangr 'way, passage' : + Skr. jdngha- Av. zawga- 'heel-bone', 
Lith. zengiu 'I stride', Indg. §het9gh-. 

Goth, deigan 'to form of clay, mould', OHG. teig O.Icel. 
cfei</ 'dough' : Gr. xstxoq a wall', Lat. y?n</0 -t- Skr. cfeW 'earth 
thrown out, rampart' san-dehds a cementing' Av. uz-da$za- 
'accumulation', Arm. efer 'heap 9 , rt. dheifjh-. 



§ 396-398. 



b. The Ian 



§ 306. In 

I, J, ih i. e. b; 
period. $ and 
and i (caused by 
and Lithuanian 1 

Prim. Ar. i 
U, sk and id id 
&§ 399. 404. 

The value c 
For the prim. Ar 

§ 387. Ind 
unchanged in S 
% there appears 
between vowels) 
to Bartholomae, 

Skr. Sqs-a-ti 
3.Pers. a-pah-a 
toro- Av. sura- 
JowerfuT : Gr. a 
Jkr. viS-am Av. 
ilb. vise etc., se< 
ice. sg. n. (at. i 
g. (at. vasa-) a 
wn on account 
nan- Av. O.Pei 
hunder-bolt'. S 
zvaitlnti 'to mi 
nrhite', rt. h&eit- 

§ 388. Prii 
on / from p see 

Prim. Ar. in 
arm etc., rt. pre 



296 Indg. palatal explosives in Aryan. § 398—401. 

beside the strong stem-form as-an- = Skr. d&-an- 'stone' : Ann. 
yes-an whetstone' -+- Gr. axov-q 'whetstone*. O.Pers. vaina- 'will, 
favour', to vasaiy etc., see § 397. 

Prim. Ar. pi. A v. haurva-JS-u- 'the whole cattle* beside 
pas-u- = Skr. pa$-ti~ : Lat. pecu, Goth, faihu 'cattle*, cp. § 313 
p. 251. 

§ 889. Prim. Ar. st = Indg. k (§ 396) remained in 
Iranian, but became # in Sanskrit (cp. §§ 404. 556). Skr. 
<?$«-£ 'indication, prescription*, Av. a-di§ti-& 'direction, instruction* 
beside Skr. deidydmi Av. daqsayfyni 1 show, teach* : Lat dictid, 
OHG. in-ziht 'accusation 9 , cp. also Gr. dsTti-g a showing', Indg. 
*di&4i-$ } rt. de$r, see § 393. 3. sg. Skr. vdfyi Av. vaiti he 
wishes, desires' beside 1. sg. Skr. vditni Av. vas'mi, from rt 
tfeJ-, see §§ 397. 398. Skr. prdfyu-tn inf. 'to interrogate*, O.Pers. 
ahi-jraSti- punishment by the sword 9 , beside Skr. praind- etc., 
see § 398. 

Prim. Ar. sk = Indg. fcq is found in Av. 3. pi. aor. 
act. a-Sk-ar' 'they run off, go away* beside 3. pi. pres. mid. 
sac-int$ from rt. Ar. iah- Sac-. Cp. Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. 

n 5i ff. 

§ 400. Indg. sk became in Skr. ch (cch), Av. O.Pers. s (or 
p, see § 397). Present suffix Skr. -cfca- Av. O.Pers. -so- = Gr. 
-0X0- Lat. -sco- : e. g. Skr. gd-cha-mi Av. j<*-s(l-mi fr. Indg. 
*ffj*-s&, Gr. /tox-oxoj, from rt. gem- 'go' (§ 228); Skr. pfchdmi 
Av. per'sdmi O.Pers. parsOmly fr. Indg. *pfhsk6^ Lat. posed 
(*por(c)-8cd), from rt. prek- 'demand, beg, ask' (§ 288) ; O.Pers. 
x&na*a-tiy = Lat gndsca-t (cp. § 403). Cp. § 557,2. 

Bern. Other examples in Bartholomae's Handb. d. altiran. Dial 
§ 146 and Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 366 ff., where («)£*, and not Indg. *£, 
is regarded as the original form. This theory seems to us not to haie 
sufficient foundation. Cp. §§ 475. 553. 

§ 401. Indg. 1cs became in Skr. &£, and in At. O.Pers. 
S. Skr. vdlcfi Av. va§i, 2. sg. to Skr. vdimi Av. vas'mi, s. 
§§ 397. 398. 399. Skr. ddk&na- Av. dasina- 'dexter : Lith. 
deszine etc, see § 390. Skr. d-dfk§-ata 3. pi. indie mid., Av. 
dar'§-a-J> 3. sg. conj. act. of the s-aorist from rt. derh- 'see*, cp. 



§ 401—402. Indg. palatal explosives in Aryan 

Or. (late) fut. dtpto/uat. O.Pers. niy-apiSam 
from rt. pej&- : Av. zaranyd-pls- adorned with go 
ornament, decoration, Skr. piSdmi 'I adorn 
pteati 'to write' + Gr. rcoix/Ao-s 'many-coloured' 

The prim. Ar. form might have been §s, 
[ndg. fo fell together with Indg. 88 (precc 
prim. Ar. ss, cp. Skr. 2. sg. dv$k$i (1. sg. 
Dp. § 556, 1. 

Rem. 1. Observe that Indg. fcs and qs fell tog 
Kit, whereas in Iranian (as in Bait. -Slav., § 414) the} 
is = Iran, i, qs = Iran. xi. Gp. § 556, 1. 

Rem. 2 Skr. final fo became A; by § 647,7, as n 
lirection' (st. dit~), rtv-ik 'saorificator' (st ftv-lj~, rt. # 
ig. spat 'spy' (st */>di-), vfy 'olan' (st. i?rf-), rdt 'king' i 
rere new formations after the analogy of the oases 
I 404 rem. 3. In Av. the regular continuation of Indj 
>y the law of finals: e. g. spaS = Skr. spat Lat. (to 
causing sins' to ver'z-yeiti 'works' rt. #er$-. 

Rem. 3. *t (not |) oocurs in a number of Gr. 
Ikr. ks' = Iran. 8 = Lai x, e. g. Skr. tdkfa 'carpenl 
his correspondence cp. § 554 eztr. 

No trace of the first £ in the Indg. coi 
wnained in Aryan, it became assimilated tc 
it an early period. Cp. Skr. pfchdmi Av. 
tyJc-skd with Skr. gdchami Av. jasdmi = Indg 

§ 402. Indg. §. Prim. Ar. z (§ 396) 
n Sanskrit, and z in Iranian, due. d is 
'• in O.Pers., cp. p beside 8 § 397. 

Skr. jdn-as n. race* jdn-ar8 'man, people 
hey beget, bring forth* O.Pers. parUv-zana- 'pop 
tc., s. § 388. Skr. v&jras 'thunder-bolt of 1 
lub' O.Pers. vazra-ka- great, powerful', Skr. t?i 
trength' : Gr. vyitjg 'healthy', Lat. veged y Goth, u 
p\ rt. ye§- 'be active, strong*. Skr. j6$a* A v. 
indness', Skr. jdfydr- loving* O.Pers. daustar- 
;c, see § 385. Skr. j ray -as- n. 'surface, exto 
O.Pers. drayah- draya- n. 'sea' : + Lat. gl 



298 Indg. palatal explosives in Aryan. § 403-404. 

§ 403, Prim. At. in became Sn in Iranian. Av. fra-snu- 
'knee bent forwards 1 beside zanva pi. 'knees' etc., s. § 394. Av. 
duz-varsnah- 'evil doer* beside ver'z-yfiti 'works, effects, carries 
out* etc., s. § 385. 

xSn appears for in in O.Pers. xsna-sd-tiy = Lat gnd-sca-4 
(s = Indg. d, § 400) from Indg. §n^ 'get to know* (s. § 382), 
as also in Av. a-xsnu- beside a-snu- fra-§nu- and others. Cp. 
Bartholomae Handb. § 100 rem. 3. 

Rem. yasna- 'offering* instead of *yaina- (Skr. yajnd- 'offering", rt 
{ag-) reoeived the dental sibilant from analogy with such forms as 3. sg. 
pres. yasaitg. 

Prim. Iran, zm = prim. Ar. km became sm in Av. rasman- 
'column of an army' besides rdzayeiti 'puts in order' : Gr. ogiyw 
etc, see § 385. 

The transition of Sn to §n and of zm to sm points to a 
voicelessness of the nasal. 

§ 404. Prim. Ar. zd 2dh, Sbh (§ 396) became id, zb 
in Iranian (§ 481); in Sanskrit they first became zd 
zdh, zbh (cp. §§ 399. 591), then £ was dropped before d dh 
with i compensation lengthening'), while before bh it passed 
into d. 

1. zd. Here will come Skr. mfda-ti 'is gracious, pardons, 
spares, mfdikd- n. grace, pardon, mercy* Av. mer'zdika- n. 
'grace, pardon, mercy', in case they belong to the rt. mer§- 'wipe 
off' (Skr. mfj-d-ti wipes off, cleanses from guilt', Av. tnaSz-Qiti 
'wipes, cleanses'); the original form would then be an old syn- 
tactical combination *mf§ dd- grant a purity from sins'. Skr. 
mf§-ya-te 'forgets* tnar?dyat$ 'bears patiently, excuses, pardons' 
Lith. mirsz-ti 'to forget' can equally well be regarded as being 
from an old *mfs dd- (by assimilation *m?z dd-) 'grant a for- 
getting, excuse* (§ 591). 

2. idh. Av. vazdri-i 'promoter, accomplished, to vazaiii = 
Skr. vdhati 'vehit', fr. *w§h+tri-. Av. (Gap.) ger'ida 3. sg. 
pret. mid. to ger'zaiti 'complains, implores 9 = Skr. mid. 
gdrhcUS 'complains, blames', fr. prim. Ar. *gfidha or *ghfidha 
h e. *gr§k-{ffir$h-)+to. Skr. Udhi 'licks' (1. sg. Uhmi) fr. 



i 404—405. Indg. palatal explosives in Aryan. 299 

rim. Ar. Hatfdhi i. e. *lei§h+ti, part. pass, ttdhdr 'licked* 
irom prim. Ar. Hizdhd- i. e. *U§hHo-. Skr. Udha- to vdhOmi 
reho*, fr. prim. Ar. *uzdha- i. e. *u§h+to-. Skr. dfdhd- to 
Ifhyam 'I fasten; stand firm', fr. prim. Ar. *dhr8dha- (§ 480) 
, e. *dhr§hMo~, cp. Lat. forcti-s forti-8. Skr. sOdhd- to sdhate 
nasters', fr. prim. Ar. *sdMha-. Skr. badhd- 'fast, firm, strong' 
►eside bqh-ifyha- 'firmest' At. bcpah- 'strength, greatness', fr. 
rim. Ar. *bha2dha- (§ 480) i. e. *bh$§hMo- (0 = #, § 253). 

Prim. Ar. a + i became Skr. 0. vSdhu-m inf. 'vectum' (from 
t. ye§h-) fr. prim. Ar. *va£dhu-tn i. e. *#00A-Mw-m. sidhu-m 
of. 'to master, overpower (from rt. se§h-} fr. prim. Ar. *$azdhu-m 
.e.*se{jh+tu-m. 3. sg. tfnSdhi 'he dashes to pieces' (pf. tatdrha) 
or regular *tfn6dhi (fr. *tfna£-dhi) arose from analogy to forms 
n -n&JAt fr. *-nazdhi (§ 476 rem.) 

Rem. 1. It has not been ascertained for certain what was the pro- 
lunciation of the etymologioally presupposable combination gh+t at the 
lose of the Indg. prim, period. See § 552. 

Rem. 2. Forms like Skr. 2. sg. imper. did'ujdhi for *dididhi (prim. f. 
di-dig-dhi), to dtd$&-mi *l show', were new formations. The £-sound 
*didizdhi) was re-introduced in *dididhi after the analogy of didisfa di- 
titu and others (# = &, § 399), then this — change of period, ohange 
f sound-laws — passed into d. Gp. § 591 rem. 1 on dviddhi and § 476 
Bm. 1 on daddhi for dihi. 

3. £M. Av. (Gap.) *tf%0 Skr. vidbhyds dat. abl. pi. to 
lv. cfa- Skr. t*3- 'clan, village community', rt. %&$-. Skr. padbhlf 
istr. pi. to paJ- 'a look', rt. spelc-. We assume that in such 
ases for £ goes back to the Indg. prim, period, see § 469, 2. 
kr. £6A probably became dbh in the same period in which the 
ewly formed *didizdhi (for *didtdhi) became dididdhi (rem. 2). 

Rem. 3. In Sanskrit the cerebral explosive was carried over to the 
>m. from the cases with 6A-suffixes, hence spdf vif rrff instead of the 
fgiilar *8pdk *vik *rdk fr. *spak8 etc., see § 401 rem. 2. 

§ 406. Indg. §h. Prim. Ar. zh (§ 396) became h in 
anskrit through the intermediate stage jh 9 in Iranian it fell 
gether with prim. Ar. z in z (O.Pers. d, see § 402). 

Skr. h&v-ana- Av. zav-ana- 'call, cry', Skr. hv-atar- Av. 
-tftor- 'caller, crier' : O.Bulg. zov-q 'I call' zv-atett 'caller, 
ier' -+■ OHG. gaundn 'to complain'. Skr. bahti-§ Av. bazu-s 



300 Indg. palatal explosives in Aryan and Armen. § 405—408. 

arm* : Gr. nfjxv-g 'fore-arm', OHG. buog O.Icel. bdgr 'bow', Indg. 
*bha(jh-u-8. Skr. d$h-i earth thrown out, rampart' Av. uz- 
doez-a- 'accumulation' O.Pers. dld-a 'rampart, fortification : Goth. 
deigan etc, see § 395. Skr. gdhati 'hides, conceals* Av. gaozaili 
'hides, keeps' O.Pers. gaudaya imper. 'hide' : Lith. *guiU&oJM 
protector' guszta 'brooding nest', rt. in weak grade form ghitijh-. 

§ 406, In Sanskrit jh, the previous stage of A, was 
retained in ujjhitd- 'forsaken, given up* fr. *ud-jhi4ar 9 to Skr. ha- 
Av. zdr 'leave, forsake, lose*. 

j appears where prim. Ar. ih came under the law of the 
dissimilation of aspirates (§ 480), e. g. pros, jdrha-ti = Av. 
za-za-iti, prim. Ar. *£ha-&ha-ti\ pf. ju~hdv-a Tie called to' from 
hu-. This law of dissimilation consequently came into operation 
before the time that jh became A. 

§ 407. Prim. Ar. zhn became in in Iranian (cp. § 403). 
Av. bar 4 $-nu-& 'height, summit' beside bar'z-d- 'height' bar'z-ista- 
'very high* Skr. bdrh-iiftha- 'very elevated' : O.Ir. bri (gen. breg) 
'rising ground' etc., see § 392. 

Prim. Ar. ihm became sm in Av. (cp. § 403). tnaes-man- 
'urine' beside gao-maeza- 'cow-urine' Skr. mBhch 'urine* : Lat 
tningd etc., see § 389. xraozdu-sma- 'hard, firm ground' beside 
nom. zd ace. zqm 'earth' : Gr. xw * etc -i 8ee § 386; gen. z'md 
instr. z'tna abl. z 4 tnaj> had z for s after the analogy o( z& zqm; 
in O.Pers. with zm uvdra-zml- 'Chorasmien'. 

Armenian. 

§ 408. Indg. £. sar (gen. saroy) 'height, summit, slope': 
Skr. &ira$- Av. sarah- n. 'head' + Gr. xupa 'head', Lat. certbruri* 
fr. *cere8-ro- (§ 570). surb (gen. srboy) 'pure' with -r6- from 
-6r- (§ 263): Skr. Subh-rd-s 'bright, ornamental*. srun-U pi. 
shin-bones, calves (of the leg)* : + Lat. crUs cruris, aseln (gen. 
aslan) needle* : Skr. a$-ri-§ 'the sharp side of a thing, corner, 
edge, border*, Alb. ust 'ear of corn* fr. *ust, Lith. asz-t-ru-s 
O.Bulg. os-t-rU 'sharp* O.Bulg. ostfttt Wglfiokog, genus spinae* + 
Gr. ax-pos 'at the end*, Lat. oc-m-s, O.Cymr. ocet 'raster* Goth. 




I 408—410. Indg. palatal explosives in Armenia 

r/is (gen. ahsis) 'ear of corn OHG. ahil 'chaf 
\arsn (gen. harsin) 'bride* from the root-forn 

The S = Jc in Sun (gen. San) 'dog* is 
ban- &un- etc., see § 393. 

c fr. Indg. 0c)sh hare (gen. hargi) ques 
ndg. *pfk-8k-, see §§ 393. 400. 401. 

c fr. Indg. (s)*£. atp 'investigation': OH< 
ndg. *a|*-«£-, cp. Skr. ichd- 'wish, desire* i. 
$-a-s 'a seeking out, wish'. 

c fr. h. t>eg 'six' : Lith. szeszi + Gr. /*'£ 
t Cyrar. chwech, cpf. *$#*£* (cp. § 589, 3). 

£ probably disappeared as s before fin u\ 
>tc., see § 381. Perhaps also before / in I 
tearing, tidings, news', since these words seer 
Jkr. iru- Gr. xAv- etc. (§ 384). See Hiibsch 
I 33. 

§ 409. Indg. §. cer (gen. ceroy) 'old 
rube, makes fragile* Av. zaurvfr f. 'age, a g 
'f(«w 'old man'. caXr (gen. caAu) 'laughter : 
lie (gen. aid) goat' : + Gr. aly- (gen. a?yo'$) g 
ar fr. f § 291, v fr. p § 330) : Skr. fjipyd- ' 
eizing on the wing' Av. er'zifya- 'stretching 

§ 410. Indg. §h. Initially and after n } 
I consecrate, sacrifice* : Skr. hdtar- Av. zaota 
f Gr. x* w 'I pour*, /win (gen. jlcan) 'fish' : ] 
read zukans, § 412) 'fishes' Lith. suk-mistt 
ishery* zhv-1-s 'fish*, /t (gen. /toy) 'horse* : S 
wjvk (ancuk) 'narrow* : Lat. angd etc., see 
fen. fnju (gncu), panther, leopard* : Skr. 8\hd 
uoroQxtg orj-i 'not castrated* : Av. er'zi- Al 
t-Gr. oqx i ~S 'testicle*, barjr (gen. barju) '1 
rtc., see § 392. barf (gen. barji) 'nQoqxeqtlXi 
l 'the offering-litter* Av. bar'zii- 'cover, mat*. 

z after vowels, liz-u-m 1 lick' : Skr. U 
&ni 'hedge-hog* : Lith. ezys O.Bulg. jez% i 
k 134) + Gr. ixtvo-g OHG. igU 'hedge-hog*. 




S02 Indg. palatal explosives in Alb. and Balt.-Slav. § 41 1— 412. 

Albanian. 

§ 411. According to G. Meyer (Bezzenberger's Beitr. Vlll 
186 f., Alban. Stud. II 15 ff.) Indg. %, §, §h are represented in 
Albanian in the following manner: 

Jt = s. si-vtit 'in this year : Lith. 8&-s 'this* Lat. ci-ter 
etc., see § 387. vise pi. places' : Skr. vi&-dmi Or. fclixo-% 
etc., see § 381. uSt ear of corn fr. *ust : Skr. a&-ri-$ Gr. 
ax-QO-g etc., see § 408. G. Meyer conjectures fr. 8 in djaQtf 
(diaQftf) 'to the right', the first part of which djaO- represents 
Indg. Heks- (3kr. ddkfrna- etc., see §§ 390. 401). 

g = i. jfffnp (with def. article $fmb-i) 'tooth* : Skr. jdtnbha-s 
'bite, tooth', Lith. Samba mouth', O.Bulg. zqbu 'tooth' + Gr. 
yojiiyos 'tooth', OHG. cliamb 'comb'. Si goat' : Skr. ajd-s 'buck', 
Lith. oiys 'he-goat' -+- O.Ir. ag allaid 'cervus' (wild buck), bard 
(with article barS-i) 'white' : Skr. bhrdjatS Av. brdzaiti 'beams, 
radiates. I'M 1 bind' (fttf-) : + Lat. ligdre. 

§h = i. The Indg. mediae and mediae aspiratae had 
fallen together in Alban. as in Iran. Kelt, and Balt.-Slav. dies 
'caco* : Skr. lidd-a-ti 'cacat' Av. zad-ah- 'nates', Arm. jet 'tail* 
4- Gr. x&o* 'caco* perf. xixoSa, x6$a>o~g 'nates', viid 'I steal* 
(viet-) : Skr. vdhdmi etc. s. § 383. herSe 'testicle' : Armen. mi- 
orj-i etc. s. § 410. 

d- for *- in dimfn 'winter (Gr. x^^ v e ^n 8 - § ^83) and 
in dii 'yesterday' (Skr. hyds 'yesterday' + Gr. x^k yesterday', 
Lat. herT hes-ternu-s, Goth, gistra-dagis 'to-morrow*). 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 412. Indg. %, §, §h were £-(*A-)sound8 in the Baltic- 
Slavonic parent language, whose place of articulation 
cannot be defined more precisely. They retained their character 
as 3-sounds in Lithuanan : R = sz, § §h = i. In Prussian and 
Lettic as well as in the Slavonic branch they passed into s- 
sounds: 1c = s, § §h — z. In Pruss. the letter s denotes both 
8 and #, in Lett, s is the voiceless, and / the voiced sound. 

The fact that the successor to Indg. H did not take part in 
the Slav, change of s to ch (§ 588) , shows that Indg. £ and 



$ 412-414. Indg. palatal explosives in Bait. -Slav. 303 

Indg. 8 were still distinguished not only in the Baltic parent 
language but also in the Slavonic. 

§ 413. Indg. L Lith. szdtta-s Lett, sa'lts Pruss. salta- 

cold', Lith. szaXnh O.Bulg. slam 'hoar frost* : Skr. M-Sira- 

Ay. sar'ta- Void, cooV. Lith. szirsz-u (gen. szirsz-efis) Lett. 

sirs-is Pruss. sirs-Ms O.Bulg. srU-en-X 'hornet', prim. Balt.- 

Slav. *§trs-en- : + OHG. horna% from prim. Germ. *hurz-nata-z, 

Lat. crabrd fr. *cras-r&, cp. § 303. 306. Lith. szveMas Lett. 

«r#s Pruss. swints O.Bulg. 8V(tU 'holy* : Av. spenta- 'holy* + 

Goth, hunsl 'offering* fr. prim. Germ. *xyunt-sla-n (§ 180). 

Litb. deszirhtas Lett, desmitd-is Pruss. dessimts (ss indicates 

that the e is short), O.Bulg. cfes^ii 'decimus* : Skr. ddia etc., 

see § 387. Lith. szaka O.Bulg. sqku 'branch, twig : Skr. &tt*a- 

'branch, twig* iatdki^ plug, bolt*. Lith. niszti Lett. ftes* 

O.Bulg. nesti f to carry' : 8kr. ndiami 'I attain, reach* + Gr. 

nod'rjvexfc 'reaching down to the feet*. Lith. szlaunl-s 'hip, 

upper part of the thigh', Lett, slauna 'hip' Pruss. slauni-s 

shaft, bar : Skr. 6r6ni-$ 'buttock, hip' + Lat. cluni-s, O.Icel. 

hlaun 'buttock*. 

§ 414. Indg. fcs = Lith. 8Z Lett. Pruss. #, Slav. s y cp. 
§ 544. Lith. aszUs Lett, ass Pruss. assi-s (ss as in dessimts, 
§ 413) O.Bulg. ost 'axle' : Skr. dk$as + Gr. a£w* Lat. axis 
OHG. ataa 'axle'. Lith. 5-fut. nteziu 1 shall carry' prim. f. 
*neksjp (neszii = O.Bulg. nesq 'I carry', § 413), mUsziu 1 shall 
milk' prim. f. *mffi-sjd (meliu = Gr. iftiXyiu, rt. we/0-, s. § 382), 
opposed to llksiu 'I shall leave' prim f. Hiq-sfi (lekit = Gr. 
A«7wo, rt. lejq-j s. § 427 a). O.Bulg. s-aorist 3. pi. n€sz 'carried' 
prim. f. *ntiks-qt (to nesq), as opposed to rise fr. *rM{ 'they said' 
prim. f. *req-s-yt (to re&q, rt. rej-, cp. § 462). Indg. Jcs accor- 
dingly remained apart from qs in Baltic-Slav., as in Iran. (§ 401). 
Rem. It is not quite clear what the regular treatment of the Indg. 
group si was in Bait- Slav. 

After the analogy of Iran. (§ 400) we should expect sz in Lith. and 
* in 8lav. Thus Lith. szduju *I shoot* O.Bulg. sujq 'I send forth, shoot' : 
OHO. 8cio$an 08. skeotan 'to shoot* (prim. Germ. *8ke%-t-, like Goth. 
giutan OHG. gioyin beside Gr. ^#(^)-«). Correspondingly Osthoff Zur 
Geach. d. Perf. 493. 630 (op. also J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 332) 
traces the sz in Lith. aUszia 'it dawns' pret. aUszo, auszrd 'dawn' (rt. <»#*-, 



804 Indg. palatal explosives in Balt.-Slar. § 414—416. 

Lat aur-dr-a Star. «£-) and that in Lith. gaisztb gaiszail gciUzti 'to linger, 
loiter* (rt. gha%8~, Lat. haer-e6) back to («)*£, according to which one might 
regard the sz in Lith. maiszyti and the 8 in O.Bulg. mesiti 'to mingle, 
mix' (to Star, mit-rds 'mixed^ as the representatives of Indg. (£>£ (cp. 
Lat miaceO = *mic~8ce5), just as Indg. sJe, 88%, isi had fallen together 
in 8 in Iranian. 

Bat on the other hand we have : Ross, iciryj Czech ciry Pol. szczery 
'pure, clean, upright' = O.Bulg. *&tiry-ji (op. § 147 p. 134 and Miklosich 
Vergl. Gramm. I 2 288): Goth, akeirs 'clear* Ags. 8dr 'pure, bright', Skr. 
chay-d- 'shade, glimmer' etc., see §§ 393. 400; Lith. jPszkdti O.Bulg. iskati 
'to seek', Lith. dial, pret su-jiszkau 'I began to seek* : OUG. eiscdn 'to 
seek, ask', Skr. ichdmi 'I seek' (perf. iy-if-a). Suffix -«&>-, see § 400. 

Moreover we must bear in mind firstly that a *ie^-j6 might be 
present in szduju sujq, as not unfrequently roots, which begin with s + 
tenuis, have old forms without 8- (§ 589, 3), secondly that jPszkdti iskati 
and *§tiryfi might be Germanic loan-words (cp. § 587 rem. 2). The balance 
as it seems to me, inclines in favour of sfc = Lith. sz y Slay. *. 

Slav, si = Indg. hi became 6, e. g. piSq from *pTs-iq. See 
§ 147 p. 134. 

§ 415. Indg. §. Lith. elrni-s Lett, firni-s 'pea' Pruss. 
syrne 'corn', O.Bulg. zrino corn' : Skr. jir-n&- 'fallen to pieces, 
pounded" + Lat. grO-nu-m, Goth, kaurn corn' (cp. §§ 303. 306), 
rt. §er- 'to grind 9 . Lith. iindti Lett, final Pruss. sinnat (nn 
like ss in dessimts, § 413) 'to know, recognise', O.Bulg. znati 
'to know* : -f- G r « y*-yw»-«ncai etc., s. § 382. Lith. b&ria-s Lett 
foV/*-* Pruss. ferse O.Bulg. fcr&a 'birch* : Skr. bhiirja-s a kind 
of birch + O.Icel. bjqrk OHQ. pircha 'birch*. Lith. ozy-s Lett. 
o/S-5 Pruss. uwee 'goat* : Alban. it etc., s. § 411. 

Slav, zi = Indg. §i became 2, e. g. iujq fr. *£ii?-iq. See 
§ 147 p. 134. 

§ 416. Indg. §h fell together with § in the prim. Bait-. 
Slav, period. Lith. i&ma Lett, firm Pruss. sewo O.Bulg. 
zima 'winter* : + Or. xsimlw etc., a. § 383. Lith. i3ta-s lofe-s 
Lett, fa'l-sch Pruss. ace. saliga-n (g =,/) green, Lith. £o# 
Lett, fdle Pruss. ace. sfl/t-n grass, herb*, O.Bulg. zelenU 'green' 
s^ft/^ greens, vegetables' : Skr. hdri-$ etc., s. § 389. Lith. vetu 
'I drive' vaH-s a small sledge' Pruss. vessi-s (ss as in dessinUs 
§ 413) 'a sledging', O.Bulg. vezq 'I drive' : Skr. vdhami etc., s. 



§ 416-417. 



Indg. velar explosives. 



305 



§ 383. Lith. Hdju O.Bulg. zijajq, 1 open my mouth wide* : 
+ Lat. hiare, OHG. glSn 'to gape. 

Slav. 2% = Indg. §hi became z, e. g. lizq from *lte-iq. 
See § 147. p. 134. 

4. The velar explosives. 

§ 417. With regard to the development of q, g, gh the 
Indg. languages arrange themselves into the same two groups, 
as they did in the history of the palatals. 

In the group, in which k, §, §h appear as explosives, q, g, 
qh frequently appear as Ar-sounds with following labialisation 
(#), as Lat. quis = Indg. *qi-s, or as sounds, which presuppose 
this articulation, as Umbr. Osc. pis 'quis'. These labialised 
sounds were originally everywhere, as it seems, simple sounds 
and in Greek and probably also in Italic had not fallen together 
vrith prim. Indg. palatal + u (as in *ek#o-s 'horse'). But the 
languages of this group do not all uniformly show this affec- 
tion in each of the words in question. In numerous cases this 
affection appeared in one language, but not in another. 

In the other group, At., Armen., Alban. and Balt.-Slav., 
ie ^-element is entirely wanting as an old inherited affection. 

Here, as in the case of the palatals (§ 380), possibly exists 
i dialectical difference within the Indg. parent language 1 ). 

In §§ 424 and 466 we shall have occasion to discuss the 
luestion of the historical relations between words with and words 
without labialisation in the ^-languages, and whether the group 
ffhich had no u was without this accessory element from the 
rery beginning or had lost it in prehistoric times. 



1) The maintenance of the existence of two dialects in the bosom 
( the Indg. prim, language on the basis of the differences of development 
f the palatal and velar explosives, does not imply that we ought to 
>xpect also the same boundary for other dialectical differences which we 
tight feel inclined to ascribe to the Indg. prim, language. The limit, 
rithin which one dialectical peculiarity is confined, cannot without any 
arther consideration be taken as typical for others. See Paul's Prin- 
ipien der Sprachgesohichte p. 237 f. 

Brugmann, Elements. 20 



306 



Indg. velar explosives. Prim. Indg. vel. expl. § 417—418. 



The following is the representation of the velar series in 
the separate Indo-Germanic languages: — 



a. Languages with labialisation. 



Indg. 


Greek 


Latin 


Irish 


Brit. 


Germanic 


f with L 


?r, r(n), * 


qu, c 


c 


P 


*V> tt x 3» / * 


(without 1. 


* 


c 


c 


c 


b* 3 9 


Jwith L 


fi. H0,Y 


*, 9*>9 


b, g 


b, g 


H,Kp 


S l 

(without 1. 


Y 


9 


9 


9 


k 


f with L 


9> 0> X 


f, b, 9«> * 


b % g 


*>,9 


*, 3, W 


8 n \ 

(without 1. 


X 


h, g 


9 


9 


Z9 



b. Languages without labialisation. 



Indg. 


At. 


Armen. 


Alban. 


Lith. 


81av. 


9 


k,c 


HIS), 6, g 


k 


h 


k,c,c 


a 


9, 1 


k 


9 


9 


g, d$\ dz 


fl* 


gh, jh 


9,5* 


9 


'9 


g, dz, dz 



Prim. indg. period. 

§ 418. a. Tenuis q without labialisation in the #- 
languages. Rt. qert- 'plait, knit* : Gr. xapraXo-q 'basket', Lat 
crOUs (§ 306), Goth, hailrds 'door' OHG. hurt plait-work, 
hurdle* + Skr. cftdmi 'I tie together fut. cartity&mi, kdia-s 
*hurdle-work, mat' (§ 259), Pruss. korto 'hedge, enclosure', ri 
qreyr ' Gr. xptag 'flesh', Lat. cruor^ O.Ir. cru 'blood', OJcel. 
hrdr OHG. rfl 'raw, uncooked* + Skr. kravl§- 'raw meat', Lith. 
brauja-s O.Bulg. Jcruv-i 'blood'. *qarq . . . 'crab' : Gr. xa(we/*os 
Lat. cancer gen. cancri fr. *carcro- (§ 269) -f- Skr. karkafas. 



418—419. . Prim. Indg. velar explosives. 307 

Porms with -qt- -qs- from rt. jetyg- 'to harness, yoke* : Gr. Zsvxto-g 
Bv^ig from *&vxn-g (§ 489) fsuxrife, sXev£a ov-$v%, Lat. jUnctu-8 
Undid, junofi con-jux + Skr. part, yuktd-s nom. agentis ydktdr- 
i. sg. pres. yutdkt&i 3. sg. fut. ydk$ydte nom. sg. sc^yuk from 
-yw&£ (§ 647, 7), Lith. part, j&nkta-s inf. junkti, fut. yunksiu. 

Suffix -90- see § 419. 

§ 419. b. Tenuis q with labialisation in the ^-lan- 
guages. Pronominal stem masc. neut. *qo- *qe- 'who, which* 
interrogative and indefinite), fem. *qa- : Gr. no-dev 'whence?' 
lom. tio 'whose P* ny nr[ 'in what direction P* (Dor. na no), 
jat. quo-d cotti-diZ fr. *quettf, qua-m, O.Ir. da (fr. *c2) Cymr. 
noy 'who, what?' prim. Kelt. *A^ej, Goth, hva-8 'whoP* hvB 'by 
rtiat?* fem. hvd + Skr. kd-s 'whoP' Av. dat. ca-hmdi 'to whomP*, 
Uban. Ice which*, Lith. kb-s whoP* O.Bulg. kfcto 'whoP*. 
'grfff^r- 'four* : Gr. Ion. riaasg-sg Lat. quattuor O.Ir. ce*A»r 
).Cymr.. petguar Goth, /tattfr + Skr. catvdr-as Arm. dbr-C 
Liith. ^uH O.Bulg. 6etyrije. Rt. *ej- : Gr. ftr-o-^oi 'I accompany, 
bUow', Lat. $*yw-or, O.Ir. sech-ern 'a following*, Goth, saihv-a 
I see (follow with my eyes) P + Skr. 8l-$ak-ti sdc-a-tZ 'conducts, 
«corts', Lith. sek-ti 1 follow*. *penqe 'five* : Gr. nine Lat. 
uinque O.Ir. cdk O.Cymr. pimp Goth, fitnf + Skr. ^ofica 
Lrm. king Lith. penld; *pet9qto-8 'the fifth* *pet9qti-8 'the number 
ive' : Gr. ni/nnro-g Lat. qufntu-s Qufnctiu-8 Osc. IlofiMTis-g 
2uinctius'Goth. < /im/*a- (in fimfta-taihunda 'the fifteenth') -|- Skr. 
aiokti-§ Alban. pe-*g fr. *p*(f0A:>tf- (in the Gegic dial, of Alban. 
£-«$ perhaps still has the nasal of the original form in the nasa- 
sed e) Lith. perUcta-s O.Bulg. ptfU ptft from *p$ktu *p$cft (§ 545). 

The suffix -qo- occurs, partly with, and partly without 
,bialisation. OHG. zuft zurtes beside zwig fr. prim. Germ. 
-If*-(j)^a- (§ 444c) : Skr. dvi-ka- 'consisting of two, a pair'. 
.Ioel. Iqskr 'soft, slack, loose* prim. Germ. *lask%a'Z 9 Indg. 
cU-qo-s, see § 527. Lat. tesquo-8 probably from *tera-jMO-, to 
rred rt. ters-, cp. Skr. H$-ka- &u4-kd- 'dry' from rt. says-. 
.Ir. sesc 'unfruitful' Cymr. hysp 'arid* prim. Kelt. *8i8-k#o-8, 
at. siccu-s, cpf. *sit~qo-8 (§§ 436. 516). Gr. Sij-xtj 'case, box* : 
ir. dha-kd-8 'receptacle*. Lat. mu8culu-8 (cp. § 431c), Skr. 

20* 



308 Prim. Indg. velar explosives. § 419—422. 

mu$-kd- 'testicle* mU$a-ka-8 mufi-ka 'rat, mouse', Armen. mnkn 
(gen. mkan) mouse, muscle', O.Bulg. mySi-ca arm'. Cp. also 
Skr. aja-ka- aji-ka- 'kid', Lith. osz-ka 'goat'; Armen. ju-k-n 
'fish', Pruss. ace. pi. su-cka-ns 'fishes' (§ 410). 

§ 420. a. Media g without labialisation in the u- 
languages. Gr. ysgavo-g Lat. grQ-8 Cymr. garan (Gall, tri- 
garanus, s. Curtius Grundz. 5 176) Ags. cran OHG. cranuh -f 
Armen. krunk Lith. gSrve O.Bulg. ieratX 'crane'. Rt. gar- : 
Gr. yijpvu) 1 speak, utter', Lat. garrid 'I chatter', O.Ir. gait 
'call' Cymr. gator clamor', OHG. cherran 'to scream, neigh, 
squeak' + Skr« gf-nd-mi 'I call , call to' gir- 'an invocation, 
speech, words'. Rt. steg- teg- 'cover' : Gr. otsyto 'I cover 6nyoq 
rsyoq 'roof, Lat. tegd, O.Ir. tech teg 'house' O.Bret, bou-tig 
'stabulum', OHO. dah O.Icel.^ofc 'roof + Skr. sthdgami 'I cover, 
hide*, Lith. stoga-s 'roof. *jug6-m 'yoke' (rt. jeug-) : Gr. Cvyo'-r 
Lat. jugu-m Goth, juk -+- Skr. yugd-rn Lith. junga-s (with » 
taken over from jungiu 'I yoke'), O.Bulg. *gro (§ 145). 

§ 421. b. Media g with labialisation in the ^-lan- 
guages. *g$uo-8 : Gr. (lio-g 'life', Lat. vivos O.Ir. Uu beo 
Cymr. 6yw> Goth. qiu~8 4- 8kr. yitoi-s 'alive', Armen. kea-m 
'I live', Lith. gyva-s O.Bulg. eivU 'alive'. Rt. gem- : Gr. pd-ow 
jWwo 'I go' (§§ 204. 233. 234), Lat. veniO (§§ 208. 239). 
Goth, qim-an OHG. quem-an 'to come' + Skr. gd-chdmi 
I go' (§ 228), Arm. e-kn 'he came', Lith. g^ro-i 'I am born' 
(§ 249). *rego8 n. : Gr. epepog Goth, riqiz-a- n. 'darkness' + 
Skr. rdjas 'duskiness', Armen. erek 'evening*. Root-form a*i9$- 
smear, anoint, smooth' : Gr. appo-s 'delicate, luxurious', Lat 
ungud, O.Ir. irrib mm (gen. imme, st. imben-) 'butter', OHG. 
ancho 'butter' (Goth. *agqa) + Skr. aft/H? 'salve, ornament, 
splendour' 2. pi. aiokthd 'ye anoint'. 

Indg. suffixes with g cannot be established with certainty. 

§ 422. a. Media asp. gh without labialisation in 
the ^-languages. Lat. hosti-s 'foreigner, enemy', Goth, gasto 
OHG. gast 'stranger, guest' + O.Bulg. gostX 'guest, companion, 
friend', cpf. *gho8-ti-s stranger'. Rt. steiqh- : Gr. avn/fo O.Ir. 
tiagaim 'I stride, go', Goth, steiga 'I mount' + Skr. sHgh-nu-ti 



! 422—424. Prim. Indg. velar explosives. 

leaps up, ascends' (not found), Alban. stek (definite fo 
entrance' Lith. staigyti-8 'to make haste* Lett, staig 
travel* O.Bulg. stignq 'I come*. 

§ 423. b. Media asp. gh with labialisation 
languages. Rt. qher- : Gr. Osg^o-g Lat. formu-s 01 
warm* from prim. Germ. *(jz)%$arma-z + Skr. gharmd- 
ire', Armen. jerm warm* Pruss. gorme 'heat', Indg. 
Gr. Armen. with e in the root syllable). Rt. sneiyh- 
Jr. vL<p-a ace. snow', Lat. ninguit, ace. niv-em, Go 
mow* + Av. snatzaiti 'it snows', Lith. snlgas O.Bi 
mow*. Gr. vs<pqo-<; 'kidney, testicle', Praenest. nefrdn- 
lebrundin-es Tridneys, testicles', OHG. nioro 'kidney 
Xlcel. nyra 'kidney' fr. prim. Germ. *«e(j)#r-#i-. Rt 
jat. cd-nJved (perf. cd-nlxT), Goth, hneivan OHG. 
to bow'. 

Indg. suffixes with qh cannot be established with 

a. The language-group with labialisation. 

§ 424. Many kindred words, which are found 
everal ^-languages, appear in one language with lal 
ti another without it or in the same language show la 
a one set of forms, but not in the others. 

Manifold difficulties stand in the way of our beii 
Drm a judgment of their history, especially in as mu 
o not know how old the labial affection of the velar 
i, or whether in the group of ^-languages it belonged 
eginning to all forms of a form -system irrespectr 
uality of the neighbouring sounds, or was connected 
efinite vicinity of sounds, and whether, later, bu 
rehistoric times, a new #-afterclap, caused by fresh sc 
id not here and there make its appearance quite in 
F the first ^-development. 

The chief question is, to what extent can the disa 
f the old inherited ^-affection be established or made 
ithin the circle of the ^-languages? It is seldon 



310 Prim. Indg. yelar explosives. § 424. 

disappearance is to any extent earned out before our eyes, as 
in Lat. secuntur from sequontur. We may conclude that it 
was probably dropped in the following cases: 

1. When other forms of the same kindred class of words 
have u and the sound-laws of the respective languages permit 
our assuming that the labialisation has been lost. We thus 
assume in regard to Goth, qiman OHG. queman 'to come' (§ 421) 
and prim. Germ. *$um-da- fr. *$jfwm-da- etc (§ 180 p. 158) 
that prim. Germ. *kutnana~z 'come' pp. (OHG. kotnan) arose 
from *ky,tm-ana-z (§ 4446). 

2. When closely related dialects (of the same language- 
branch) have u and the native sound-laws are not in the way. 
Thus the -pt- in Osc. fto/Linns; 'Quinctius' shows that the -d- 
in Lat. qu$n(c)tu-8 goes back to prim. Italic -k*t-. O.Cymr. 
petguar 'four' permits our assuming an older Jc#- for Ir. cethir. 

3. When other languages have u and the native sound- 
laws are not in the way. We thus conjecture prim. Germ. 
*kyuru- for Goth, ka&rus "heavy* and prim. Lat. (or prim. ItaL) 
*g*rayi-8 for Lat gravis (§ 432 d) on account of Gr. fiaqv^ 
Indg. *gfr-w- *gr-u-. 

Several proofs may often be united together. Thus we 
may appeal 1. to quinque, 2. to Osc. nofinrtes, 3. to nifmvo-s 
and Goth, fimfta- for Lat qtan(c)tus from *£*e»A;*fc)-$. 

Opposed to these oases there are many in which, by virtue 
of other forms of the same dialect or of the connected forms of a 
closely related dialect or of those of another u-language, one is 
inclined to maintain the loss of #, but is prevented from doing 
so by the sound-laws hitherto discovered. Thus Ion. x6-8sy xwg 
etc. beside Att. etc no-dsv Lat. quo-d Goth, koars as opposed 
to Ionic notvij fr. Indg. *qoi-na (§ 427 a); Gr. Xaxuv 'to scream, 
speak' beside Lat. loqut as opposed to Gr. krnsTv BneoSau etc. 
with n = Indg. q; Lat. gen. vdc-is voc&re beside Gr. o\p 'voice* 
snog 'word', as opposed to Lat. coquis etc. with qu = Indg. q. 
With our present state of knowledge we can, in such cases, only 
make uncertain conjectures, as e. g. that in forms connected with 



§ 424 — 425. Indg. yelar explosives in Greek. 311 

Lat. voc- the c for qu had been extended by analogy from the 
Dom. vdx, which can be regularly traced back to *%dk*s (§ 431 c). 
For words and groups of words, which do not appear in 
any language with labialised velar-sound, it must for the present 
be left undecided, as to whether they ever had the #-afterclap. 
In each language we give first the examples for this form- 
category apart from the other. 

Greek. 

1. Indg. q, g, gh without labialisation. 

§ 425. Indg. q. xagn-o-q 'fruit 9 xpuin-wv 'sickle' : Lat. 
carpd, OHG. herbist autumn' + Skr. typdna-s Word', Lith. 
kerpit "I shear . xo\wv-6-q 'hill' : Lat. ex-celld colli-s, Goth. haUu-8 
rock' O.Icel. haUr 'hill, declivity' OS. holm 'hill' + Lith. kiUti 
to raise' kdl-n-a-s 'a local elevation , mountain'. xXrjl-g 'key' : 
Lat cldvi-8 cldvo-s, O.Ir. cldi Mid. Cymr. cloeu pi. nails', OHG. 
iwxfln c to shut' (prim. Germ. *$leut- from *8kleut- f § 528 rem. 1) 
+■ O.Bulg. Idfu-6t 'hook, key', cp. § 589, 3. dytuiv 'bow' oyxo-g 
bow, hook, circuit' : Lat. ancu* uncus, O.Ir. tooth 'hamus', Goth. 
\ah-agga 'neck 1 OHG. angul angle' + Skr. ankd-s 'hook'. 

Indg. g. dyeigv) 'I collect' dyoga 'assembly' ydp-yapa 'heap* . 
Lat. gre-x gre-g-is, O.Ir. graig 'herd of horses' (the Lat. and 
She Kelt, word with 'refracted reduplication') + Skr. gramas 
crowd, army, village'. iptvyofiai 'I spit out' : ^rUgd, OHG. ita- 
ruchian 'to chew again' + Lith. rugiu 'I belch' O.Bulg. rygajq 
tq 1 belch, vomit'. 

Indg. gh. xavidvo) 'I lay hold of fut. x^ 00 !* * fr- *x Bvvao f JL(u '• 
Lat. pre-hendd praeda from *prae-heda, Goth, bi-giton 'find, 
jet' O.Icel. geta 'to get, divine, guess' + Alban. fcndem 'I am 
found', Pruss. sen-gydi 'he may receive, attain' O.Bulg. gadajq 
I guess, divine', rt. ghed- '). Xfz°£ 'bed' : O.Ir. lige 'bed', Goth. 
ligan 'to lie' + O.Bulg. l$gq 'I lie down' loze 'place of rest'. 

1) The nasalisation of this root in the present *ghend6 is explained 
n the same manner as the Skr. present formation limp&mi eto. (p. 189). 



312 Indg. velar explosives in Greek. § 425—427. 

*k Xh Yk = ?i Shh Si became 66 it, f(aJ) <W, as in the 
case of the corresponding palatal sounds + i, see §§ 384—386. 
489. 493. 497. 6qv66(o 'I dig' fr. *opwe-*co : Lat. runcdre + 8b. 
luftcdmi 1 pull out, pluck*, (pv^a bright* fr. *<pvy-ia, to ytvya 
1 flee* : Lat. fugid, Goth, biugan c to bend* + Skr. bhugnd-s 'bent', 
Lith. baugu-s 'fearful', rt. bheyq- bhe#g-. 

2. Indg. j, q, qh = prim. Gr. £*, g*, kh*. 

§ 426. The prim. Greek sounds partly became developed 
to n, ft g>, partly to r a, J £, 0, and partly to x, y, x* The con- 
ditions, under which these differences of the place of articulation 
were formed, were mostly the same for the three forms of 
articulation. 

That the # following the explosive sound in prim. Greek 
was not a full u, can be concluded from the contrast between 
mnog 'horse* (fr. Indg. *efeo-s, § 166 p. 147) and e. g. shnor 
'I left* (fr. Indg. **-«j-o-m). Cp. p. 305 f. 

§ 427. Prim. Greek £* became 

a) n before o-vowels, before sonant and consonant nasals 
and liquids, and. before t, th, s. Stem no- 'who* : Lat. quo-, Skr. 
ka- etc., see § 419. noiv?j expiation, atonement, fine* : Av. 
ka$na 'fine', O.Bulg. c$na 'price', Indg. *qoi-na from rt. qet, 
to which also Gr. ri-m-g 'atonement' : Skr. dpa-ci-ti- 'requital' 
(under b). Xsima 'I leave' : Lat. linqud, O.Ir. Ucim 'I leave'? 
Goth, leihva 'I lend' + Skr. rindk-ti 'leaves', Arm. aor. e-ft£ 'he 
left', Lith. Ukh 'I leave', rt. lejq-. qna-r- 'liver', orig. form 
*&qQ m t~ : Lat. gen. sg. jecin-or-is (§ 431 c) + Skr. gen. sg. 
yakn-ds, Lith. nom. pi. Jekn-os. nsfmag 'the number five' = 
Skr. paficdt (§ 448 rem.), cpf. *pewqyt-8; Gr. a Skr. a in the 
last syllable instead of the expected av an (s. §§ 230. 235) 
are explained by the original accentuation of the weak cases, 
gen. sg. *petdqQt-6s etc.; concerning the 8 of the stem 7wraJ- 
see footnote 1 pp. 199—200. owa eye' fr. prim. Gr. *07i-jua 
(§ 488): Lith. aIA-8 O.Bulg. oko 'eye'. In like manner also 
nippa any kind of dressed food' : Lat. coquo + Skr. pdcOmi 
O.Bulg. pekq 'I cook'. i-7Tpi-d t u?}v 'I bought' : O.Ir. cre-nim 1 
buy' crithid 'desirous of buying' O.Corn. prinid 'emptus' + Skr. 



j 427. Indg. yelar explosives in Greek. 313 

rf-ndrtni 'I buy, purchase'. e-nX-t-xo 'versatus est' (neQi-nX-6- 
isvo-g) noXo-g the axis on which something turns, land turned 
ip with the plough* : Lat. cold fr. *quel6 (§ 431 a), in-quifcnu-s 
f Skr. cdrdmi 'I move myself, wander', rt. qel-. ns/unto-g 'the 
ifth' : + Lith. pefikta-s etc., see § 419. nento-g 'cooked' : Lat. 
octu-s from *quecto-s + Skr. paktd-s; fut. nsxpu) aor. htstya :Lat. 
wr* from *quexi + Skr. fut. pak$yd-ti aor. Ved. pdk$a-t. vin-xgo-v 
rater for washing' fut. wi//o) 'I shall wash' nom. sg. x&q-vujj 
rater for the hands' + Skr. nikt&s 'washed off fut. nek§yd-ti 
lie will wash off, rt. ne%q- (ace. yjp-vip-a, Skr. ava-n$j-ana-tn 
wasbing-water ). ' 

nx became rr in Cret. nevxo-g from *nsvxxo-g = neftnxo-g 
juintus'. Cp. § 333. 

6) r before e- and (sonantal) i-vowels. r£ 'and' : Lat. -que, 
).Ir. -ch Cymr. -p + Skr. ca, Indg. *je, related to nb-Btv etc. 
lom. rfo 'whose', Cret. (Gortyn) fem. 6-xeia, as opposed to Att. 
-7fo«e 'qualis' from the stem *qe- (§ 419). xiXXtiv f to rise' to 
ro'Ao-s, rt. yrf- see above under a. nivxs 'five' : Lat. qulnque etc., 
ee § 419. xi what?' : Lat. quid + Skr. -cid Av. -tip (indef.), 
ndg. *qi-d. xi-<H-g atonement', rt. qei-, see above under a. 

That this r arose from prim. Gr. ft*, not ft (as § 425), and 
hat no direct historical connexion existed between the palatal 
articulation which is to be postulated as the previous stage for 

and the Aryan palatal c = Indg. q (§ 445) (as is maintained 
>y some scholars e. g. J. Schmidt), follows from the fact, that 

only occurs in such kindred classes of words as have n = 
rim. Gr. ft* beside x (xso beside no-Qsv) and, so far as they 
re at the same time represented in other ^-languages, have 

labialised sound opposite to the Gr. r (xtg = Lat. quis). If 
had had no u from the most ancient times, this sound would 
[so have to appear as representative of Indg. q in the words 
elonging to § 418, as e. g. xiXyg 'runner (Lat. celer, Skr. ca/-, 
;. qel-), where however it does not occur. The following palatal 
3wel, notwithstanding the #-afterclap, caused palatalisation of the 
•sound (£*' from ft*), just as in the change of prim. Slav. 



314 Indg. velar explosives in Greek. § 427—428. 

*k#%st% to O.Bulg, ctristi Cto blossom') u did not prevent the i 
from exercising its influence on the k (§ 462). 

Thess. xi$ probably stands to Att. rig in the same relation 
as Mod.HO. qu&ngen to MHG. tteengen (§ 374), that is, be- 
fore the disappearance of the u of the prim. Or. form *£*'« 
this caused the change of the explosive sound back again to k. 
Also Cypr. 6i-% = tt-g (cp. Arcad. (&£<», § 428 6.) supports 
the assumption that k* = Indg. q before palatal vowels and 
Indg. t had not yet fallen together in prim. Greek. 

Bern. 1. Through new formations n and r came to stand in sound- 
combinations, in which they had not regularly arisen/ E. g. Dor. loo. nti 
'where?' instead of *t«, Ion. Att. l*(n*i$ Mnn Xtinftt instead of *i«r«; etc, 
conversely ara-ToZy 'rising' instead of *-7tobi (to ara-rtU^ 8kr. ear-). 
Cp. §§ 428 rem. 429 rem. 1 and 448 rem. 

c) x, when v preceded or followed; in some cases this v 
seems first to have been called into existence by the u in &*, 
a point, which still requires closer investigation. Xvxo-$ 'wolf : 
Goth. tndfs + Skr. vfka-s 'wolf. Gen. wxrog noctis* P : + Skr. 
ndkti-$ Lith. naktl-8 night*. Nom. sg. clvo-q>Xv% 'drunk with 
wine' (gen. -<pXvy-o$) <pAvxrl-g 'bladder beside g>Xixp <pX&p-6$ 
'blood-vessel'. xvxXo-g circle* : Ags. hweol hweowol 'wheel' + 
Skr. cakrd-s circle, wheel'. Cp. §§ 428 c. 429 c. 

Rem. 2. Also «* in oxxo-v aoo. 'eye' in Hesych. (op. on- in onij 
'a peephole, hole' etc.) for &*+#? Gp. ntlexxato § 166 withr rem. Doubts 
remain on account of BoBot SxraUo-g 'eye', whose xr must be taken into 
consideration in connexion with the <pti in 6<pQa2p6-s and the k$ in Skr. 
akfan-. 

d) With following % there arose aa, rr. Hence prim. 
Gr. &*i thus fell together with ft = Indg. fa (§ 384). Since Indg. 
qi and Indg. t% remained apart in Greek, we may assume that 
£*| did not first become #- — as one might expect according to 

rig from *i*i-s , but that the 'zetacistic' influence of the * already 

began, when the explosive sound belonged to the sphere of the 
back articulation, niaam nivrw 1 oook' beside fut. nsrpu) etc., 
rt. peg-. Further under § 489. 

§ 428. Prim. Greek g* became 

a) /? before o-vowels and sonant and consonant nasals and 



f 428. Indg. velar explosives in Greek. 315 

liquids, pov-g ox' : Umbr. hue *bove', O.Ir. bd OHG. chuo 4 cow' + 
8kr. gdii-§ ox', Armen. kov (gen. kovu) 'cow' O.Bulg. gov-qdo 'ox*. 
floXfj a throw, cast' : OHG. quellan 'to spring* (of water) -f- Skr. 
g&lati 'trickles down', rt. grf-. Poq& 'food* : Lat. -t?ora-s vordre + 
8kr. girdmi gildmi 'I swallow up', Armen. ier (gen. keray) nourish- 
ment, food', Lith. geri& 'I drink* O.Bulg. 8%rq 'I swallow', rt. ger-. 
oip-oftcu *I feel awe, respect' (orig. start back before something*) : 
8kr. tydj-a-ti 'forsakes, forgoes' part, tyakta-, rt. tjeQ-. sQsp-og 
n. 'darkness' : Goth, riqiz-a- etc., see § 421. /fa'-axco pa-ro-g 
fld-oi-g = Skr. gd-chdmi ga-td-s gd-ti-g, paivco = Lat. venid y from 
rt. form fpp- go', see § 421. fivdo/uou 'I woo to wife' from *fiiv-&- 
from *fiv-a- wife (this denominativum was treated as a primitive 
verb, hence the a in fiivqoro-g) : O.Ir. mna gen. sg. of a wife 
out of *bnOs (§ 520) + Skr. gndr the wife of a god', Indg. 
•gn-d-; beside these Boeot. pava O.Icel. kona woman' + Armen. 
pi. kanai-U women', Indg. *g#n-fl-. oepvd-g fr. *o€pvo-g, part, 
to aifi-O'nai, see above, apvo-g 'lamb' fr. *&p-vo-g : Lat avitta 
agnu-s, O.Ir. uan lamb' + O.Bulg. jagn$ 'lamb', pagv-g 'heavy' : 
Goth, Jcauru-s + Skr. guru-§ 'heavy', Indg. *gfr-u-s. pt-pQul-oxto 
I devour pguhr^g 'devourer' : + Skr. g%r-ndr swallowed up', 
Indg. rt. form gf-, see § 306 p. 242. ftrf#» I gnash* ppfao 
1 bite' (cp. Osthoff zur Gesch. d. Perf. 313 f.) : + Lith. grduiiu 
1 gnaw, bite off O.Bulg. gryzq 'I bite', rt. gra x u§h-. ip-po-g 
'pretty* from orig. form *wg-ro-a : Lat. ungud etc., see § 421. 
pdXXia I throw' from orig. form *flH#, aor « P^X-bTv paX-vvat fr. 
*fi#-> aor. pX-rjvcu fr. *gJ-, beside poX-f], rt. grf-, see above. Aeolic 
pXfJQ beside Att. StXtug (i) 'bait' either to pdXXco (the author 
Morph. Unt. II 225) or to OHG. querdar 'bait' (J. Schmidt 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 153). 

p before « is remarkable, plo-g life' : Lat. vivos etc., see 
^ 421. pio-g 'bow* : + Skr. jyd- Av. jyO- 'bow-string', Lith. gijh 
pji § thread' (cp. § 120 p. Ill f.). pie force' pl-vsa 'I ravish* : + 
3kr. jyd- supreme power' ji-na-mi 'I overpower, subdue' jdy- 
imi C I overcome' perf. jUgdy-a. Cp. J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXV 159. 161, the author Morph. Unt. IV 410 f. 

b) d before ^-vowels. Arcad. deXXn, Delph. Gortyn 6dsX6-g, 



316 Indg. yelar explosives in Greek. § 428. 

to pok-fj ofioX-6-g pdXXwy rt. gd- y see a. Arcad. HqbQqo-v beside Att. 
(IdpaBpo-v gulf, cleft', to (loQ-a pt-ppai-axw, rt. ger- y see a. Locr. 
Delph. SnX&xai Dor. SrjXsxcu wills, wishes' from orig. form *gil- 
ne-tai, beside Lesb. poklsrcu Att. /WA*rai 'wills, wishes' fr. orig. 
form *$-ne-tai (§ 204 p. 170 f. § 306 p. 243), rt. gd- 1 )- 

In Arcad. this 6 must have been different from the 6 = 
Indg. d. For it was also represented by £ : f i Xlco, tsgiBgov^ 
cp. Cypr. aig = rig § 427 b. Hence Indg. ge- and de- had not 
yet fallen together in prim. Greek. 

Bern. Through new formations, fi and S oame to stand in soond- 
oombinations, in whioh they would not have regularly arisen. £. g. fiAo; 
'shot' instead of *3tios to /3aUa>; ofltlo-e beside oSeio-t and oflolo-;; Sol- 
<po-g • jJ fflTfta Hesyoh. , beside titltpv-s a-Sel<pt6-s Sflyi; : 8kr. gdrbha-8 
'womb'. Cp. § 427 rem. 1, § 429 rem. 1 and § 451 rem. 

Does Boeot. flffortj Thess. piXXtrtt beside Loor. dtfterai Lesb. floUrreu. 
also belong here? The idea is not entirely to be rejected, since prim. 
Gt. g* may regularly have become before e in AeoL Cp. fi be- 
fore « in fl(o; etc. 

c) y in the vicinity of v, corresponding to the x in § 427 c 
and to the x m § 429 c. Gen. olvo-<pkvy-os, see § 427 c. sy-yvy 
'consent, surety, betrothal' : Lat. voved from *guo#-ed 1 rt. g«#-. 
yoy-yv'-£<o 'grumble, am unwilling beside (toy 'call* from */?o/-dr : 
Skr. jd-guv-8 'I proclaim aloud'; the y in yoo-g 'plaint* was 
transferred from yv-. yvmj beside Boeot. pava and Horn, pvdo-fiuu 
see a. 

The side by side existence of npsopv-g and np£oyv-g is 
probably due to a double stem form nps a-yv- and npso-psf- (to 
Lith. &mo-gU-8 'man'?). It is not clear whether -/fo- was regular 
after a (cp. op-svvV/ui op-ijvai to Lat. sEgni-s^ rt. *eg-, § 432 d, beside 
&lv<t(xsv • optvwfiev in Hesych ), or whether p was borrowed 
from npso-pioro-g npsopi-g npiopog etc. It must be observed 
that g* before u lost its labialisation earlier than g* which 
led to p and J. The last two sounds stood for a time in a 
closer relation to each other as compared with gu. Association 



1) Concerning this root op. the author in de Saussure's Mem. but le 
syst. pr. 256, Fiok Bezzenberger's Beitr. VI 211 £., Blass Rhein. Mas. 
XXXVI 610. 



§ 428-429. Indg. yelar explosives in Greek. 317 

with the form of the superlative etc. would have taken place 
at that period. 

d) With following i, there arose f (<t<J), <W. Prim. Gr. g*% 
thus fell together with gi = Indg. §i (§ 385). g*i did not first 
become d% any more than k*i first became t\ (427 d) 1 ). frf 'lives' 
fr. *fg-G0*i, fut. ty-aonai : + Av. jyaiti-jyOtu- 'life*, w'£g> 1 wash 
off beside vlnrgo'V etc., see § 427 a. For the rest see § 493. 

§ 429. Prim. Greek iA* became 

a) tp before o- vowels and sonant and consonant nasals 
and liquids, yov-o-g 'murder part, tpa-td-g perf. ns-ya-xai pret. 
i-ns-rpv-o-v : -f Skr. hdn-ti 'strikes, slays' 3. pi. ghn-dnti, Armen. 
gan 'blows', O.Bulg. zfn-jq '1 cut down, reap', rt. ghen-. qXtp-o-v 
1 acquired' pres. dXq>-dvio from *-#«£ : + Skr. drhdmi 'I earn, 
deserve' arghd-s 'worth, price', Lith. algh 'pay, reward', rt. alqh-. 
oTSQfpog TiQffog n. 'leather, hide', esp. 'the hard hide on the back 
of animals' : Lat. tergus 'thick hide' esp. 'the hide on the back 
of animals', then 'back', vstpgo-g 'kidney' : OHG. nioro etc., see 
§ 423. iXacpgo-Q 'quick, dextrous, nimble' : OHG. lungar, cpf. 
*tegA-ro-s; to iAogv-g, see c. 

b) 8 before ^-vowels, dsfvw pres. to hnsyvov etc., see a. Osg/no-g 
warm' = Armen. jerrn 'warm', Bigog 'summer = Skr. hdras 
glowing heat', rt. qher-, see § 423. QtaoaoQat 'to obtain by 
entreaties' fr. *0*r-tf- : Av. jaidyfyni, O.Pers. jadiyamiy 'I beg, 
ask', rt. gjiedh-; to which probably also noOo-g 'desire, a longing 
for, from *q>oQo-g (§ 496), according to a. Orjp 'animal' : Lat. 
feru-s + O.Bulg. (d)zv&ri 'wild beast' from prim. Slav. *gu&r% 
(§ 464); it remains uncertain whether the u of the Slav, form 
was an old inherited u (J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 178). 

Rem. 1. Through new formations tp and 6 came to stand in sound- 
combinations, in which they would not have regularly arien. E. g. rf<p-n 
Y*6p-n 'it snows' after rTyo- (in vi<p6pevo<; and others) iUp-a etc., rt. sneigh-, see 
§ 423. r t hp-t after r\hp-ov etc. t-dur-e 'he died', 3. pi. perf. rt-ftr-aoi (for 
m Tf-4pr-am) after Brtvta (s. above), see Osthoff Zur Geseh. d. Perf. 366 f. 
Cp § 427 rem. 1. § 428 rem. and 454 rem. 

1) Henoe we have also no right to maintain, that £# proves, that 
/Sioi stands for regular *r?to-$. 



318 Indg. velar explosives in Italic. § 429—430. 

g> = 6 in Aeol. q>tjp (Theas. QiXo-ysipo-g) seems to be due 
to a change of p to /, cp. §§ 365. 495. 

Rem. 2. If fit = Indg. ge should have arisen regularly in Aeol. 
(§ 4286. rem.), we might similarly traoe wq directly baok to *kh*ir. 

c) x corresponding to the x in § 427 c and to the y in 
§ 428c. ow%- nail, claw* in the gen. ovv/'og etc. : Lat. unguis; 
it is here of course a question of prim. Gr. kh* = Indg. qh 
(§ 553). iXaxv-s 'small, little = Skr. ragh6-$ laghu-? quick, 
small' beside ika<pp6-q 'quick* see a; the in iXa6po-g (Hesych.) 
was perhaps transferred from the once existing forms ^iladsf- 
(beside iXaxv-) and *iXadioro-g. 

d) with following % there arose era, rr. iXicacov {Xarcwv 
•smaller, less' compar. to iXaxv'~g(c). Cp. §§ 427 d. 428 d. 497. 

Italic. 
1. Indg. q, g, qh without labialisation. 

§ 430. Indg. q. Lat. capid, capis -idis, Umbr. kapif-e 
•capide', Osc. xamditiofi, i. e. kapid-l-to-tn 'ollarium' : Qr. xanrj 
'manger' xuinij 'handle', O.Ir. cacht O.Corn. caid 'servus', Goth. 
hafja 'I raise' OHG. haft 'caught' -f- Armen. leap 'bond, fetter ? 
(Hubschmann Armen. St. I 12), Alban. hap 1 seize', Lett, kampu 
'I seize, take hold of. Lat. cand, Umbr. kanetu 'canito : Gr. 
xavd£<o 'I tune, sound', O.Ir. canaim 1 sing' O.Corn. cheniat 
'cantor', Goth, hana cock' + Skr. kan-kan-l 'an ornament with 
bells', Lith. kaft-klai and kan-kles pi. 'harp, guitar (or is the 
Lith. word to be connected with kinkyti 'to stretch'?). Lat. 
coxa : O.Ir. coss 'foot' Cymr. coes 'femur , OHG. hahsa 'knuckle 
of the hind leg' -r Skr. kdk$a-s 'arm-pit' Av. ka$a- m. 'shoulder*. 
Lat. cupa : Gr. xvnij a hole, hollow' xvn*XXo-v 'capacious drink- 
ing vessel, goblet' -r Skr. kdpa-s 'ditch, hole'. Lat. seed, Umbr. 
pru-sekatu -sektu 'prosecato' pro-sebetir 'prosectis' : OHG. 
sega saga O.Icel. sqg 'a saw' OJcel. sigdr 'sickle' + OJJulg. 
sikq 1 hew* stknq 'I cut'. Lat. auctu-s audio auctor, Umbr. 
uhtur auctor : + Prass. auckta- Lith. dukszta-s 'high' Lith. 
dukti 'to grow', rt. auq- } s. below under Indg. g. Lat. scando : 



430—431. Indg. velar explosiyes in Italic 319 

r. oxdvdako-v stumbling-block', O.Ir. ro se-scaind perf. he leapt' 
- Skr. skdndami 'I hasten, leap'. 

Concerning Umbr. x s from k before e- and i-vowels see 
\ 387. 502. 

Indg. g. Lat. gelu, Osc. yeXav 'pruinam' : Goth, holds cold' 
.Icel. kola 'to freeze* + O.Bulg. iUdica 'sleet'. Lat. auged 
ugmentu-m (cf. auctor Umbr. uhtur under Indg. q) : O.Ir. Og 
ninjured, whole', Goth, dukan 'to increase' + Skr. 6jas- A v. 
yah- n. 'power, might', Lith. dugu 1 grow'. Lat. tego (cp. 
ciu-s, Umbr. tehtefi-m 'tegmentum' with qt) : Gr. xiyoq etc., 

* § 420. 

Indg. qh. Lat. hostis: Goth, jroste etc., see § 422. pre- 
mdd : Gr. yavddvio etc., see § 425. gradior: O.Ir. in-grennim 
pursue', Goth, grips (st. gridi-) f. 'step, stride' + O.Bulg. ^eft* 
come'. Cp. also congiu-8 : Gr. xoyxo-g -f Skr. Sankhd-s muscle' 
ith Indg. qh, § 553. 

fostis beside Aostf* like /o/ws beside holm. See § 389. 

2. Indg. y, g, gA = prim. Ital. F, /, **. 

§ 481. Prim. Ital. &* became 

a) Lat. ju before all vowel qualities except w 1 ), corre- 
ionding to p in Umbr.-Samn. Lat. qui-s, Umbr. Osc. 

* quia' : Gr. rig etc., see § 4276. Lat. -que, Umbr. 

* Osc. -p : Gr. re etc., see § 427 6. Umbr. petur- quadru-' 
so. petiro-pert 'quater' : Gr. riocag-sq etc., see § 419. Lat. 
Jnque, Umbr. pumpefias Osc. pumperias ^quintiliae (cp. 

336) : Gr. nivrc etc., see § 419. Lat. quo-m quom-que, 
mbr. pon-ne Osc. pun quom' fr. *k*om-de (§ 207), Umbr. 
m-pe quomque' : Gr. no-Osv etc., see § 419. Lat. coquO fr. 
uequd, probably Osc. poplna 'coquina' (§ 336) : Gr. nsnwv 'ripe' 
navo-v 'sacrificial cake', Mid. Cymr. popuryes 'pistrix' (O.Ir. 
cann pistrinum' was a Lat. loan-word) + Skr. pdcdmi O.Bulg. 
kq I cook', rt. peq-. Lat. qua qua-m, Umbr. paf-e 'quas' Osc. 

1) There is no satisfactory foundation for Bersu's assumption (Die 
tturalen p. 134 ffi.) that the labial affection had disappeared before o 
prehistoric Latin and had been restored again in quod linquo etc. by 
m-aasociation. 



320 Indg. velar explosives in Italic. § 431. 

paa-m ace. 'quam' : Goth, hvd fern, 'quae', 8. § 419. Lat. 
quoquo-s cook', prim. Ital. *k*oti*o-s fr. *pok*o-s (s. above); 
the form coquo-s (cocu-s) had its co- through analogy to coqud. 

That k* •= Indg. q was still distinguished from Indg. ley 
in prim. Ital., follows from Umbr. ekvine loc. equini* (Skr. 
divas etc.), in case this word was not borrowed from Lat. The 
Ital. form epo- is of Gallic origin. Cp. § 426. 

Anteconsonantal que- became co- in Latin, coqud from 

*quequ&, s. above, cold fr. *quelo, incola fr. *-quel& beside in- 

qui-tinu-s : Gr. xiXkm noXo-g etc., see § 427 a. b. cotti-dit fr. 

*quetti- f s. § 419. This sound-change took place at the same 

time as *s#esdr etc. became soror, see § 172, 3. inquiUnu-s 

shows that this change is younger than the weakening of e to * 

in unaccented syllables (§ 65 p. 53), and thus also forms like 

linquis linquitis (cp. Gr. slmsg ttinert), in like manner probably 

also seqtiere fr. *sequiso (Gr. frrto), regularly came by their qu. 

Rem. 1. The \u in quercus remains unclear. See Windisch in 
Kuhn- Schleicher's Beitr. VIII 39, W. Meyer Literatarbl. f. germ. u. rom. 
Phil. 1885 p. 154. 

In the eighth century U. C. quo- became cu-. sequontur: 
secuntur, -loquos: -locus, aequos: aecus, quom: cum, quomque: 
cunque, *quinqu-onx : quinc-unx (cp. O.Lat. oncia) etc. See Bersu 
Die Gutturalen p. 53 ff. Correspondingly ecus fr. equos, see 
§ 172, 2. sequuntur, -loquus, equus etc. were later new formations 
after forms with qu+i, e etc. as sequitur, -loquT. 

qu passed into c, when it became final, ne-c from ne-que. 

ac fr. *at-c (cp. quicquam § 367) from atque. 

Bern. 2. It seems to me very doubtful whether the v in Lat. vet- 
mt-«, verrere^ vellere, in-vUus, vapor, is a regular continuation of qu- 
(&#-) (op. Bersu in the above named work 144 f. 151 f., Stolz Lat Gramm. 
§ 48). 

b) Lat. c before prim. Lat. u. Stem arcu- beside arqui- 
ten$n8: Goth, arhvazna f. 'arrow, dart', quincu-plex a new 
formation after quadru-plex. secUtu-s locutu-s, to sequor loquor, 
new formations after solutu-s, volutu-s. 

c) Lat. c before consonants, especially before t, s. coctu-s 
fr. *quecto-s (a) : Gr. nenro-g, in like manner cozt : msv/a. 



§ 431—432. Indg. velar explosives in Italic. 321 

in-sectlon-Ss 'narrationes' tfhseocit 'dixerit' beside In-seque (see 
Bersu p. 125) in-quam (fr. ^insqua-m) : Gr. evi-on-e-v 'I said* fut. 
m-anijaw, O.Ir. in-sce speech' O.Bret, hepp 'inquit' + Lith. sakyti 
to say* O.Bulg. soku 'informer, accuser, unctu-s unxt beside 
ungud, see § 421. qufn(c)tu-s : Gr. nifinto-g, Goth, fimfta-; the 
Osc. form TJo/unrug shows, as was already remarked in § 424, 
that the labialisation before t had not yet disappeared in prim, 
[tal. Lat. jecur jecin-oris, beside Gr. fj-nar-, seems to have 
ieveloped c regularly in the stem-form *jek*n- (Skr. yo&n-, Lith. 
iekn- y see § 427 a), after *jecn- then also jecin-. The c in socius. 
beside sequor (Gr. d'ooorjTrjg 'helper with 66 fr. k v i § 427 d, 
Skr. sdcya- 'meet to be assisted, valued 1 , rt. seq~) and in col-liciae 
beside liqued is easily understood from the older sound-com- 
bination £% see § 135, and likewise the c in coctdu-m beside 
coqud and in tor cuius beside torqued , is to be explained 
From older k*l (s. § 269) ; musculu-s may also have arisen from 
an older *mu$k*lo-s (§ 419). 

Rem. 3. The relation of Lat. u-ter u-bi n2-cubi etc. to Umbr. po- 
inih-pei 'utroque' pu-fe 'ubi' Osc. putiirus-pfd 'utrique' pu-f 'ubi', 
still remains for the present enigmatical, see Corssen Krit. Nachtr. 26 ff., 
Bersn p. 138. May we perhaps assume that the three stems «-, qu- (Skr. 
Iru-tra) and go- had become mixed? Gp. also § 604 rem. 2. 

Rem. 4. The view, that Indg. q occasionally appears as p in pure 
L.at words, is to be rejected. See Bersu p. 143, Stolz Lat Gramm. § 48. 

§ 432. Prim. Ital. gu became 

a) Lat gu, Umbr. b after w. Lat. ungud unguen, Umbr. 
lmen 'unguen fr. *umben (§ 506) : Skr. aflji-$ salve', see § 421. 
Lat. siingud : -f- Skr. tigmd-s 'sharp, violent* Av. tiy-ra- 'pointed'. 
Lat.inguen: OJcel. ekkr 'tumor' ekkvenn 'swollen'. 

Lat. stingunt fr. stinguont, like secuntur, see § 431 a p. 320. 

b) Lat. v, Umbr.-Samn. b initially before sonantal vowels 
except u). Lat. venid, Umbr. benust 'venerit' Osc. kiim-bened 
►erf. 'convenit' : Gr. paivw etc., rt. gem-, see § 421. Lat. vtvo-s, 
)sc. bivus pi. 'vivf : + Skr. ftva-s etc., see § 421. Lat. veru, 
Jmbr. berus 'verubus' : O.Ir. bir sting, spit, spear' Cymr. bet 
Jorn. ber 'veru'. Lat. -volu-s voldre : Gr. poltj palkw etc., rt. 

Br ogmann, Elements. 21 



322 Indg. velar explosives in Italic. § 432-433, 

grf-, see § 428. -varus vordre : Gr. poga etc., see § 428 a. Lat 

valfre : + Lith. gaUti 'to be able*. 

Bern. 1. Lat o- = g- is probably to be denied, b&s can be ex- 
plained as an Oscan loan-word, likewise baetere, in case it belonged to 
a root beginning with g- (some compare Oso. baftefs, to which they 
giro the meaning *baetis', and Umbr. e-bet-raf-e with the supposed meaning 
'in ezitas'). 

c) Lat. v between sonantal vowels, atritta beside &gnu-$: 
Gr. apvo-q etc., see § 428 a. nUdu-s fr. *no(g)#edo-s: Goth. 
naqap8 'naked* + Skr. nag-nd- Lith. nSga-s O.Bulg. nag& 
,naked*. 

That -rep- has become -rv- im Lat., does not seem to me 
to be proved with certainty. The bringing together of torvos 
with Gr. tolqPoq n. 'fright, terror' Skr. tdrj&tni 'I threaten, abuse, 
frighten', is not free from objection; the other conjectures 
hitherto made, are quite doubtful. 

d) Lat. g before consonants, agnu-s beside avtila, see c. 

sSgni-s: Gr. ap-ijvat 'to cease, become still, go out*, gr-avis: 

Skr. d-gr-u-§ 'young womanish* (s. § 290 p. 232). migrOre : Gr. 

d/i*tp(D 1 change, rt. meig-. glOns: Gr. pdXavo-g 'acorn + Armen. 

kahn (gen. kaknoy) Lith. gXU O.Bulg. zelqcK acorn', ablaut gl- 

8#" 3^-/ cp. § 291, 3. 

Rem. 2. If g in gula guld gurgulW gurges, which represent the rt. 
form gll- gf r- (§ 297), had arisen from g*- which however may be doubted 
on account of Qr. ya^ya^t^r yfyy^Qo-s and O.Ir. gelim 'I consume, deyour' 
(on the interchange r : / op. § 282), on its account and at the same time 
in consideration of gurdus 'stupid, silly* (: poadu-q 'slow, lazy') it must be 
assumed that orig. g*f- g*\- was differently treated from orig. g*or- g*ol- : 
in the former case the labialisation would have been dropped, before f, 
| became or, oL Then cultus beside cold fr. *quelo~ (cp. pulsus : pelUf) 
would probably also have to be traced back first of all to *klto-s y the 
latter to •&*#(>-*. 

§ 488. Prim. Italic x* became 

a) Lat gu after *?. ninguit: Gr. vuyei + Lith. sninga 'it 
snows', rt. sneigh-, s. § 423. angui-s anguiUa : O.Ir. esc-ung 'eel* 
(esc swamp') -f- 9kr. dhi-§ 'snake' Av. azi-s 'dragon , Lith. angi* 
'snake*. Beside these Umbr. ninctu ninguito', with which fiktu 
'figito' (O.Lat. fiver e beside ftgere) is parallel. 

b) Lat. *gu, further v between sonantal vowels. Ace. niv-em 



433—434. Indg. velar explosives in Ital. and 0. Irish. 323 

= Or. rlcp-a, beside ninguit (ninguem a new formation to nivem 
ie con-junx beside con-jux) and nom. nix (§§ 431 c. 552). In 
ke manner cd-t&ved beside cd-rilx$ mct&re: Goth, hneivan 'to 
ow', rt. kneigh-. g occurs in Umbr. in co-negos ku-nikaz 
onixus'. 

c) Lat. / both initially and medially before r; in the latter 
ise / passed into b (§ 509). 

formu-8 : Goth, varmjan 'to warm* + Skr. gharmd-s glowing 
eat'; fortius, later furnu-s: + Skr. ghr-nd-8 'glowing heat', rt. 
her-, see § 423. feru-s /era: Gr. B^q etc., see § 4296. frid: 
r. xqUo 'I rub over, fremd, frendO (§§ 207. 349): Gr. 
pqu/£a> 'I neigh* xgdfiio-g 'noise, a lowing, neighing* Goth. 
ramjan 'to make furious' OHG. gram 'fierce, angry* 4- O.Bulg. 
romu 'thunder*. In the case of the two last words the as- 
unption of labialised prim. Ital. x has, it is true, no support 
atside Italic. 

Praenest. nefrdn-es Lanuv. nebrundin-es : Gr. veygo-g etc., 
* § 423. 

Rem. That initial and medial x v passed into/ before r (whenoe 
medially), bat otherwise medially into g# y brings to mind the relation 
imu-8 : rubri : medius (§ 370). 

Old Irish. 
1. Indg. q, g ; gh without labialisation. 

§ 434. Indg. q. O.Ir. car a Cymr. car 'friend' : Lat. 
\ru-8y Goth. hdr$ 'fornicator + Lett, tcdrs 'covetous, lascivious' 
ir-dindt 'to lead into temptation'. O.Ir. canaim 1 sing', O.Corn. 
uniat 'cantor : Lat. canG etc., see § 430. O.Ir. cru Cymr. 
au Corn, crow 'blood* : Gr. xgsag etc., see § 418. 

icath (pronounce egap) 'hamus' : + Skr. awkd-s etc., see 
212. 513. 

O.Ir. cuach Cymr. cog 'cuckoo' : Gr. xo'xxv? Lat. cudUu-s 
BG. kuckuk + Skr. kdkild-s 'cuckoo', Lith. kuk&'ti 'to call 
ckoo' O.Bulg. kukavica cuckoo'. See § 514. 

O.Ir. fo uas 'above, over', Cymr. uch 'above', Gall. Uxello- 
nu-m 'Hightown' : Gr. av^w 'I increase', Lat. auxMu-m 'in- 
Mwe, reinforcement' -j- Lith. dukszta-s 'high*. See § 517. 

21* 



324 Indg. velar explosives in O.Irish. § 434 - 436. 

Indg. g. O.Ir. gdir 'call', Cymr. gawr clamor* : Gr. yjj^va 
etc., see § 420. 

O.Ir. tech teg 'house', O.Bret, bou-tig 'stabulum' : Gr. oriyot 
etc., see § 420. O.Ir. dg 'uninjured, whole' : Lat. auged etc., 
see 430. See § 522. 

Indg. gh = prim. Kelt. g. O.Ir. in-grennim 'I pursue : 
Lat. gradior etc., see § 430. 

O.Ir. lige 'bed' : Gr. Uxoq etc., see § 425. See § 526. 

2. Indg. q, g, gh with labialisation. 

§ 436. k# and g# (latter = g and gA), with full deve- 
loped #, may be put down as prim. Kelt. Since there is no 
trace of a difference between these and Indg. palatal sound -f 
u : cp. Gall, epo- prim. Brit. *e/>o- (Cymr. ebol 'foal', § 390 p. 293) 
O.Ir. ech 'horse' = Indg. *ek%O m - 

The treatment of the various forms of articulation was 
just as little uniform as in Italic. 

§ 436. Prim. Kelt. k# appears in Irish as c, in Brit 
and Gall, as p ] ). O.Ir. cethir 'four*, O.Brit. UexovaQta a town 
(Ptol.), O.Cymr. petguar Corn, peswar Bret, pevar 'four', Gall. 
petor-ritum a four-wheeled chariot* : Gr. reaaaQsg etc., see § 419. 
O.Ir. cOic O.Cymr. pimp Corn, pymp Bret, pemp 'five', Gall. 
nsjunt-tovXa 'nsvrdyvXhn? (Dioscor.) from prim. Kelt. *k%enkue 
(§ 339), Indg. *pe*9qe, see § 419. O.Ir. cruim Cymr. pryf 
'worm* (prim. Kelt. *kurimi-): + Skr. kfmi-$ Alban. krimb-i 
Lith. kirmele 'worm'. O.Ir. co-sc 'a setting right, punishment* 
Cymr. co-sp : Gr. evt-on-e-v 'I said', rt. seq-. O.Ir. sesc 'unfer- 
tile', Cymr. hysp 'dry, withered', prim. Kelt. *si8k#o-$ : Lat. 
siccus, cpf. *sit-qo-s (§§ 419. 516). 

O.Ir. cdic (pronounce clHg) 'five' fr. prim. Kelt. *kuei9k& 
(cp. above). See §§ 212. 513. 

O.Ir. ain-ech en-ech 'face' Cymr. Corn. Bret, en-ep : Or. 
iv-tonij 'countenance', Lat. oculu-8 + Lith. aW-s O.Bulg. cko 
(gen. oiese) 'eye*. See § 514. 



1) In Gall, probably dialectically also still fctf, in Sequona. 



§ 436—437. Indg. velar explosives in O.Irish. 325 

kyt probably became H in prim. Kelt., then further cht, 
so that this combination fell together with pt and let (§§ 515. 
517). In Prim. Kelt, kt from k#t stood beside k# y as in 
Lat. coctus lictus beside coqud linqud. OJr. nocht Cymr. 
noeth, Corn, noyth naked' : Goth, naqaps etc., see § 432 c. O.Ir. 
snechta 'snow' from rt. sneiqh- (cp. § 552). Perhaps also here 
O.Ir. in-nocht 'hac nocte', Cymr. peu-noeth 'quavis nocte', since 
the v in G. w'£ seems to point to labialised q (§ 427 c). 

Rem. From the form maqa- (gen. maqt) 'son' (Cymr. map\ found 
on the Ogam inscriptions (p. 9), it cannot be concluded with certainty 
that &# was still generally spoken in Irish for intervocalic c at the time 
these inscriptions were written. In the first place it is a question how 
the 'status durus' in O Ir. mac mace beside en-ech 'fades' and ech 'horse' 
is to be regareded (cp. § 514). A satisfactory explanation of the non- 
aspiration of the c in this word, as also in the forms mucc 'pig' (Cymr, 
mock : Gt. anouvnaco 'I blow my nose' fAvxrtje 'nose', Lat. mucus 'mucus of 
the nose' -f Skr. muftedti 'lets loose, lets out' also used of bodily secretions, 
Lett mukt 'to flee' Lith. maUkti 'to strip, let glide'), cacc 'excrement' (Skr. 
takan- 'stercus', Lith. szikb 'oaco 1 ), Uicim 'I leave', that is, *leifa'i8 (Or. 
ItiTiu etc., see § 427 a), has, so far as I know, not yet been given. 

§ 487. Prim. Kelt, gu = Indg. g became 

a) Ir. Brit, b initially. O.Ir. biu beo Cymr. byw alive* : Lat. 
iftvo-s etc., see § 421. O.Ir. bd Mid.Cymr. buch cow* : Gr. povg 
etc., see § 428 a. O.Ir. ben 'woman', O.Corn. benen 'sponsa' : 
Goth, qind -f Armen. kin Pruss. genna (i. e. gbia) O.Bulg. Sena 
woman'; O.Ir. gen. mnd fr. *bnO& : Gr. /uvdouai etc., see § 428a. 
OJr. at~baU 'pent' 3. pi. at-balat : OHG. quelan 'to have a 
violent pain Ags. cwelan 'to die* + Lith. gilii 'to feel great 
pain giltine the goddess of death, O.Bulg. zalt pain, grief fr. 
*g8t (§ 76), rt. gel-. O.Ir. broo brd (gen. broori) Cymr. breuan 
'mill-stone* : -\- Skr. gr&van- 'stone for pressing out the so ma- 
juice*. O.Ir. brdge (gen. brdgat) *neck' : Gr. pgoxQo$ ppoyxog 
'throat', MHG. krage 'neck, gullet' (rt. qer- 'swallow ?). 

b) Ir. g before u. O.Ir. guth 'voice, word' fr. *gu-tu-8 y to 
Gr. yu- beside lo(/W> see § 428 c. 

c) Ir. Brit, g medially before n. O.Ir. uan Cymr. oen 
lamb': Gr. apvo-q etc., see § 428a. On the transformation of 
-g»- cp. § 523. 



326 Indg. ?elar explosives in O.Ir. and Germanic. § 438—439. 

§ 488. From prim. Kelt, gu = Indg. qh we may a priori 
assume that it was treated like gu = Indg. g. 

a) Initially. Words with 6- are unknown to us. O.Ir. 
gonim 'I wound, kill* perf. 3. sg. geguin is remarkable, since 
this word seems to belong to Gr. <p6vo-g rt. qhen- (§ 429 a. i.). 

b) Medially. With b after a nasal O.Ir. imb imm (gen. 
imtne) 'butter, Cymr. ymen~yn, stem *imben- — Lat. unguen, 
OHG. ancho, see § 421. Beside these Mid.Ir. esc-ung 'eel' : Lai 
angui-s etc., see § 433 a. Cp. also Mid.Ir. twjra O.Cymr. eguin 
nail' : Lat. fin^ut-^ etc. with Indg. ?A (§§ 429 c. 553). On what 
this difference of treatment depends, I cannot say. 

O.Ir. snigid 'it drops : Gr. vUpa etc., see § 423. O.Ir. laigiu 
Mid.Cymr. ttei 'minor* : Gr. ihupgo-q iXaxv'-g etc., see § 429 a. c 

Germanic. 
1. Indg. y, g, gh without labialisation. 

§ 489. Indg. q. Goth, us-skava- 'cautious, sober, OHG. 
scouwdn 'to look', O.Icel. skyn 'insight' : Gr. Ovo-cxoo-g 'sacrificing 
priest* xo'hq '1 mark', Lat. caved + 8kr. hwt$ 'seer* OrkuvaU 
'intends*. 

Goth, hails 'healthy, wholesome', OHG. heil 'healthy, whole ? 
rescued*, Ags. heel O.Icel. heill n. 'good fortune, favourable 
token' : OJr. cU O.Cymr. coil 'augurium' + Pruss. kati-u$tiska-n 
ace. 'health' O.Bulg. c&& 'sound, whole'. Goth, hdidu-s manner', 
OHG. heit Ags. had state, condition, peculiarity' + Skr. k&&-$ 
'luminous phenomenon, picture, form*. OHG. hornoan O.Ioel. 
hqggva 'to hew' : Lat. cft-dd + Lith. kdu-ju O.Bulg. ku-jq 'I 
strike, forge'. Goth, hlifa 'I steal' : Gr. xkonevg 'thief', Lat. dtpd 
+ Pruss. aurUipts 'hidden' O.Bulg. po-klopu a covering'. Goth. 
veiha "I fight' : Lat. vincd + Lith. vikb 'power, strength' ap- 
veikiu 'I compel*, rt. yeiq-. 

Goth, hals-agga 'curve of the neck', OHG. angtd 'angle' : 
Gr. dyxciv etc., see § 425. 

OHG. tofgant 'warrior, OJceL xfig 'battle' veig strength', 
fr. the same rt. %ejq-) whence Goth, veiha s. above. Goth, 



§ 439—441. Indg. velar explosives in Germanic. 327 

hugs 0.8. hugi OJcel. hugr 'mind, heart, courage : -f" 8tr. 
kc- ardour, care, trouble', Armen. sug (gen. sgoy) 'grief. 

Indg. g. Goth, holds OHG. halt OJcel. haldr 'cold' : Lat. 
gelu etc., see § 430. Goth, duhan 'to add, augment', OHG. 
anhhdn ouhhdn OJcel. avka 'to increase' : Lat. auged etc., see 
§430. 

Indg. gh. Goth, fra-gildan 'to requite 1 , OHG. geltan 'to 
repay, compensate* : -}- O.Bulg. zl&dq 'I pay as a fine'. Goth. 
gaggan OHG. OS. gangan OJcel. ganga 'to go' : + Skr. 
jangha- 'heel-bone, Lith. length 'I stride', rt. ghewqh-. 

Goth, dags OHG. lag OJcel. dagr 'day' : + Skr. ni-daghd-s 
'hot season 1 , Alban. dieh (dieg-) 'I burn', Lith. daga 'harvest 
time', Pruss. daga-gaydis 'summer-wheat' O.Bulg. zegq C I burn' 
(§ 379 rem.), rt. dheqh-. Goth, steigan OHG. sUgan OJcel. 
s&ga 'to climb' : Gr. ar«//cu etc., see § 422. Goth, pragja 'I 
run' OHG. drigil servant' (runner) : Gr. tq*x<*> 1 run' fut. 0£«5o- 
^a# + Armen. durgn (gen. drgan) 'a potter's wheel' (cp. Gr. 
r ^°^°'-c)? rt. probably thregh- (§ 553). 

2. Indg. j, g, gA with labialisation. 
§ 440. Pre-Germanic q, q, gh became through the sound- 
shifting in prim. Germ, xu (?#)> %; 3#- The labialisation may 
be put down as a full #, since no trace of a difference 
exists beside the combination palatal sound + #. Cp. e. g. 
on the one hand Goth, leihva "I lend' — Gr. Xeln& rt. fojgr-, Goth. 
\va OHG. wa% 'what' = Lat. g^o-d st. *jo- and on the other 
hand Goth, aihva- 'horse* (in alhva-tundi 'pdrog) = Skr. dfaa- 
[ndg. Vfefo-, Goth. Atwte OHG. wfj 'white' fr. rt. h^d- 
[§ 397); further prim. Germ. *srfi(z)uipi 'it snows' = Indg. 
^sniigheti or *8ritqh6ti with the same dropping of the j as in 
Vfia(3)-gf-f (Goth, mar/) 'girl', fem. to Goth, mag-u-s 'boy' (see 
$ 443. 444 c). 

§ 441. Prim. Germ. *#, gy = Indg. q. 
Interrog. pronoun Goth. nom. m. hva~s fem. hvd n. hva, 
jen. m. n. hvi-s, OHG. nom. m. hver wer n. Awaj loaj, OJcel. 



328 Indg. velar explosives in Germanic. § 441—443. 

nora. n. hvat gen. m. n. hvess : Gr. no- re- etc., see § 419. 
Ags. hwdsta OHG. huosto (fr. *hwuosto) 'cough': + Skr. kas-a-ti 
'he coughs', Lith. k6s-iu 1 cough'. Goth, leihvan (pret. Idihv) 
OHG. ft/km (pret. tih) 'to lend' : Gr. foima etc. see § 427 a. 
Goth, salhvan OHG. seAan 'to see' : Gr. Sno^ou etc., see § 419. 
Goth, ahva OHG. aha 'water' : Lat. aqua. Goth. peihvQ f. 
'thunder' from prim. Germ. *penxu8n (§ 67, 1. § 214): + O.Bulg. 
tqfia fr. ^tonh-jfl 'thunder-shower'. Goth, arhvazna 'dart' : Lai 
arqui-tenSns, see § 4316. 

Goth, siwfts OS. mm O.Icel. sjdn 'a seeing, face*, prim. 
Germ. *«0(j)tf-nf-s, to Goth, salhvan. Other examples of this 
nature § 444 c. 

On the cases, in which / or ft appear for ;r#, j# and in 
which # has disappeared after *, j, see § 444. 

§ 442. Prim. Germ, fa* = Indg. g. Goth. jtus (at. ju?a-) 
OHG. quec O.Icel. Arct&r 'alive' : Gr. pio-g etc., see § 421. Goth, 
jtman (pret. qam) 'to come', OHG. queman (pret jttam) O.Icel 
pret team : Skr. gdm-a-ti etc., see § 421. Goth, gtntf OHO. 
quena 'wife* O.Icel gen. pi. kvenna (concerning the nom. sg. 
kona see § 444 ft) : O.Ir. ben ■+• Armen. Wn O.Bulg. iena, see 
§ 437 a. Goth, asilu-quairnu-s 'fivXo$ ovixog, 'mill-stone', OHG. 
chwirna 'mill-stone, mill', O.Icel. Jcvern 'mill' : + Lith. glrnos pi. 
'mill-stones, mill' O.Bulg. Mny 'mill'. Goth, riqis (st. riqisHh) 
'darkness' : Gr. egrfos etc., see § 421. Goth, naqdps 'naked': 
Lat. nudurs etc., see § 432 c. Goth, sigqan OHG. sinchan 
O.Icel. sekkva 'to sink' : Gr. slpio 1 let fall in drops, pour down' 
(for *«7/9(», cp. § 564), rt. seig-, a secondary form of sejq- (Skr. 
siHcdti pours forth', OHG. slhan 'to filter) ; the pret. Goth, sagq 
OHG. sanch O.Icel. sqkk arose through passing into the analogy 
of bindan : band (rt. bhendh-) etc. (cp. § 67 rem. 1). 

On p for k# and the cases in which # had disappeared 
after &, see § 444. 

§ 443. Prim. Germ, jff = Indg. gh. Goth, varmjan 'to 
warm', OHG. warm O.Icel. varmr 'warm' : Lat. formu* etc., 
see § 423. Goth, sndivs OHG. sn£o (gen. *f?dtie*) OJcel. sneer 



§ 443 — 444. Indg. velar explosives in Germanic 329 

(gen. sncevar) 'snow', prim. Germ. *snajfe)#-a-z } OHG. srifurit 
Ags. sniwed 'it snows', infin. MHG. snlwen 'to snow', part 
OJcel. snivenn covered with snow' : Gr. vlq>-a etc., see § 423. 
Goth, hneivan 'to bow' : Lat. cd-nXved, root kneiqh-, see § 433 ft. 
OHG. rooro m. OJcel. nyra n. 'kidney', prim. Germ. **w(j)#-r0n : 
Gr. vcypo-s etc., see §§ 423. 433 c. 

On prim. Germ, j fr. j# see § 444 ft. 

§ 444. The following changes, which concerned the labia- 
lised sounds, as such, took place in the period of the prim. 
Germ, community. 

a) jt>-sound8 for the &#-sounds. 

/ for xu = Indg. q. *uulfa-z wolf, Goth, vulfs OHG. 
wolf O.Icel. ulfr : Gr. Xvxo-g (§ 427 c) + Skr. vfka-s, Indg. 
*l4qo-s wolf. Goth. fidvGr OHG. fior Ags. fyder- OJcel. 
fjdrer 'four' : Gr. Teooap-tt;, Indg. *qetuer-, see § 419. *fimfi 
five', Goth, j?m/ OHG. fimf finf Ags. /r/ OJcel. fimtn : Gr. 
nfWf, Indg. *pet9qe, see § 419. Less certain is OHG. /orAa 
pine' vereh-eih Lango-Bard. fereha 'aesculus' : Lat. quercu-s 
querqueu-s, see § 431 rem. 1. 

ft for j# = Indg. q. By the side of *yMfa-z stood a fem. 
*W*M 'she-wolf, by § 530 fr. Indg. *yfai (Skr. vrkt), hence 
OHG. wtdpa MHG. wulpe, cp. § 532. Beside this O.Icel. ylgr 
'she- wolf , the g of which arose regularly in the cases with suffix- 
form -id-, e. g. gen. *wd-g#-i6$; u was here forced out. 

p for fa& = Indg. g. Goth, vairpan OHG. werfan O.Icel. 
verpa 'to throw': + Skr. vfn&Hi 'throws to the ground' perf. 
vatdrja, O.Bulg. vrtgq € I throw'. OHG. sweifan 'to set in 
reviving motion, swing, meander' Ags. stcdpan 'to swing' : + 
Litb. svaikstu 'I become dizzy' pret. svaigau, svaigulys 'dizziness 9 
waiginiju 'I stagger with dizziness'. 

This transition to ^-sounds seems to have been occasioned 

by an # in the preceding or following syllable (dissimilation). 

Rem. 1. So far as I can see, the only difficulty lies with fimf. It 
is possible that the orig. form was *kyet9k\ie as in ItaL and Kelt (§§ 336. 
339). Hence *kyempe like **tf«ip- fr. **|^jfcjf-, further *pempe through 
assimilation of the initial sound to the medial p or to the initial sound of 
the word for four ? Or did Indg. *pet?qe beoome *pempe in Germ, direct- 



330 Indg. relar explosives in Germanic. § 444. 

ly by assimilation? On these p-sounds for g-sounds, see now also Ktagein 
Paul-Braune's Beitr. XI 560 ff. 

b) Loss of the labialisation before u (cp. § 180). 

Z(U) = Indg. q (§ 530). 1. pi. pret. *stz(y)umi 'saw' (Goth. 
saihvan), *liz(%)umi 'lent' (Goth, leihvan) etc. : Ags. scroti O.Pris. 
sagen. Goth, sihvum OHG. sdhun Ags. sdwon (beside sce^m) 
were new formations. 

kfe) = Indg. g. Part. *&(#)wmawa- come' OHG. koman 
Ags. rwiran O.Icel. komenn; OHG. quoman Goth, qumans were 
new formations. *Ar(g)wrtt-3 'heavy Goth, iatirw-s : Gr. papl-g 
Skr. $rurfW, see § 428 a. *k(u)und wife* O.Icel. iowa : Bc&ot 
/Java, see § 428 a. *8uwk(%)umi 'we sunk* OHG. sunchun; Goth. 
sugqum was a new formation. 

j(ff) = Indg. gh. *z(y)ilnpi0 'battle* O.Low Germ, gndea 
OJcel. jrunwr = Skr. hatja- a killing' Lith. ginczih strife (cp. 
§ 249); to these Gr. <pa-r6-Q (pov-o-g etc., rt. ghen~, see § 429 a. 
§ 438 rem. *^wijfe)Mw* 'we bowed* : OHG. nigun Ags. Amjow 
OJcel. hnigum Goth, hnivum was a new formation. 

c) 3# became #, a change, which befell every j# that still 
remained over after the action of the sound-law, named under b. 

(?)# = Indg. q. *se(z)%-nl-8 'face' Goth. stun* etc, see 
§ 441. *#fe)#-tf f. 'arrangement* Goth, ma, to OHG. gi-zehOn 
'to arrange, regulate', Gr. dnnvo-v 'meal, meal-time' (fr. *3envifi-v, 
§ 639), rt. deg-. *a(j)#-i# 'marshy country, island* (adj. formation, 
properly 'the watery*, to Goth, ahva OHG. aha 'water*, § 441); 
OHG. autoa ouwa O.Icel. eg pi. eyjar. Part. *ft(j)#-anrf-s 'lent' 
(Skr. ri-Hc-an&-8, to Goth, leihvan) OHG. -liwan. Optative stem 
*$2fe)jf-3- (to Goth, saihvan 'to see*) OS. gi-sawi pi. -sfltwn. 

(j)# = Indg. gA. *(j)#ar-fna- 'warm' and other examples 
see § 443. 

Rem. 2. Therefore towards the close of the prim. Germ, period 
there stood side by side: pres. */intd~ (Goth, leihva) : pret. indie pi. *K- 
jtimt : pret. opt. *ft#i- part. *li^ana- ; **«nK? (Goth, hneiva) i *x*i$mi : 
*'/n*W' *xni^ana~. The paradigms of the separate Germanic dialects were 
brought about by manifold levellings. The prim. Germ, phonetic position 
was nowhere purely retained. 



f 444—446. Indg. velar explosives in Germ. 

Bern. 3. If Goth. augO OHG. ouga O.Ic 
Or. &n -am -a. Lith. aki-8 etc., the form most 
stem-ohange *<*3(#)-iw- (Indg. *oq-Qr) and *a(j 
*at«- became amalgamated to atfg- in prim. Ge 

d) ZU became gu after a nasal, 
(§§ 530. 538). Hence prim. Germ. *trit9gu 
This yerb however has not been etyn 
explained, the root was probably sewqh- 

e ) Xt& became ^. *sexti- sight, fi 
OHG. sOU OS. gi-siht. *lex>xta- *ti/M 
Goth, leihts OHG. llht O.Icel. lettr, tc 
etc., s. § 429 a. c. ; /* was here = Indg. 
a. § 552. Jim/to- = Indg. *penqto- ha 
trace of the labialisation once present, se 

The phonetic position, which was c 
these prim. Germ, changes, was on the 
from new shiftings in Goth. 

Rem. 4. The form ni-h 'neque' fr. *ni-h 
that the hv in Uihv 'he lent' (leihvan) sahv 'he 
about by levelling. 

Initial htc- became \c- in OHG. (hi 
lew, hw gw lost the w by § 180 (sine 
mgit sings'). 

b. The language-group without 

Aryan. 

§ 446. Indg. q, q, qh were first o 
in prim. Aryan. Then before original e 
fore Ar. i = Indg. a, they became th 
/, jh; after the completion of the pal 
into a, a (§§ 62. 70). All further soun< 
their appearance in regard to the place 
to the individual development of the Ai 

§ 446. Prim. Ar. k, c = Indg. q. 
unchanged in Sanskrit. In Iranian k be 



332 Indg. velar explosives in Aryan. § 446-448. 

fore consonants, and c became an 3-sound (Av. i O.Pers. $) 
before %. 

§ 447. Prim. Ar. k. Skr. kd-s 'who? 1 Av. kas-tij? 'whoever, 
each* O.Pers. ka$-ciy 'whoever* : Lith. kh-8 etc., see § 419. 
Skr. kah§a-s axilla*, Av. kaia- m. 'shoulder' : -+- Lat coxa 
etc., Indg. *qokso- *qoha- f see § 430. Skr. kr-td- (sqskfto- 
'prepared') Av. ker'ta- O.Pers. kar-ta- 'made' : + Qr. xpatvco 'I 
accomplish', Lat. ceru-s credre. Skr. kOs-a-tS 'he coughs' : Lith. 
kfo-iu etc., see § 441. Skr. pfk-a- A v. vehrk-a- 'wolf : Lith. 
vilkas etc., see § 427 c. § 444 a. Skr. &&§-ka- (fr. *su$-fca-, 
§ 557, 4) Av. hu$-ka- O.Pers. u§-ka- 'dry', suffix -qo-, see § 419. 

In like manner Skr. k also regularly before ir = Indg. fr 
and before Ir = Indg. f (§§ 2vS7. 290. 306), as kir-d-ti 'pours 
out' I^T'^dr 'covered over', to perf. ca-kdr-a. Cp. gir- jrfr- 
§ 450. 

Iranian x = prim. Ar. k (§ 446). Part. Skr. uktd- Av. uxto- 
'spoken' fut. Skr. vak$yati Av. vaxSyfiti 'he will speak' : Armen. 
go£-e-tn 'I scream, roar (P), Pruss. en-wack$ 'he calls* + Gr. snog 
'speech, word', Lat. vdx, O.Ir. iar-faigid 'inquisitio', OHG. gi- 
wahannen 'to mention' perf. gi-touog, rt. ueq~. Skr. Sukrd~ lu- 
minous, white', Av. suxra- 'red' O.Pers. puxra- (p- = «-, § 397) 
proper noun: to Skr. Sue- Goth, hugs etc., s. § 439. Skr. 
r£knas- 'kingdom', Av. ra?xnah-. Av. O.Pers. taxma- 'quick, 
strong', Av. taka- 'course', Skr. tdkti 'runs, hastens* : Alban. ndiek 
'I pursue, drive away, hunt', Lith. teku O.Bulg. tekq 1 run + 
O.Ir. techim 'I flee'. 

§ 448. Prim. Ar. c. Skr. Av. ca O.Pers. ca 'and' : + 
Gr. ti etc., see § 4276. Skr. catvdr-as Av. capwdr-d 'four*: 
Lith. fotfwri etc., see § 419. Skr. pdUca A v. panca : Lith. jwiM 
etc., see § 419. Skr. sdcatZ Av. hacaitf 'accompanies', Indg. 
*seqetai: Lith. sekU etc., see § 419. Gen. Skr. vdcas-as Av. 
vacanh-d 'of a word', Indg. st. *yeqes-, to Skr. ti&fa- etc., see 
§ 447. Skr. ci-d Av. ci-J> O.Pers. ciy 'any, some* (generalising 
particle) : + Gr. rl 'anything whatever' Lat. qui-d, Indg. *jW, so© 
§ 427 b. Skr. dpa-citi- 'atonement, punishment' : Gr. rt'-ai-?, see 



§ 448-450. Indg. velar explosives in Aryan. 333 

§ 427 a. Skr. &uc-i-§ 'luminous, bright', Av. saoci-S 'burning, 
splendour', to Sukrd- suxra- § 447. 

Av. iy OJPers. iy (written Siy, see § 125 p. 116) = prim. 
At. Skr. cy. Skr. cydv-a-te 'is active, stirs', Av. Syao-Jma- m. 
'deed, work' (cp. Skr. cydu-tnd-m 'preparation, undertaking') 
O.Pers. a-§iyav-am 'I went, walked' : Armen. (u 'a breaking up' 
+ Or. Horn. s-o6svs asvs 'he drove, hunted', see § 427 d. § 489. 
Av. compar. tqiyah- 'quicker beside superl. tancista-. 

Rem. Through new formations h and c came to stand in the Ar. 
diaJeofcs in sound-combinations, in which they would not have regularly 
arisen. Cp. § 451 rem. § 454 rem. and § 427 rem. 

c instead of k. Norn. ace. sg. Skr. vdcas Ay. vacd 'word' for *vakas 
= Indg. *%eqo8 (Or. fnos) after vdcas- ;= Indg. *yeqe8- (op. Ghr. 2ne-o;) in 
the other cases. Skr. 3. sg. perf. ci-c&y-a for ci-hdy-a 'disposed into 
strata' = Indg. *<]e-q6{-e, to pres. ci-nd-mi. Skr. vdemi 'I speak' for 
•faJbm, cp. Ved. regular vivakmi, Skr. pcriicat- 'the number fire' for 
*pankat- = Indg. *penqQt- (§ 427 a) after pdrlca. 

k instead of c. Gen. Skr. kd-sya At. Oaf), ka-hyd beside regular 
ca-hyd 'whose' (Indg. *qe-sip, Gr. t*o tow) after ha- = Indg. *qo- in kd-8 
etc. Skr. nd-ki-$ 'nobody' beside Ay. ci-s. Skr. npa-vtik-lya-8 beside upa~ 
rdc-iya-8 'he who is to be addressed', cp. upa-vakd-8 'address'. 

§ 4A9. Prim. Ar. g, j = Indg. g. The sounds remained 
unchanged in Sanskrit. In later Av. g became y initially before 
consonants except r and medially everywhere except after t9, z, 
e, the same sound was dropped before v, and medial j became 
i except after n and z. 

§ 450. Prim. Ar. g. Skr. ga-td~ Av. ga-ta- 'gone' Indg. 
*2W-t6-, Skr. gO-tu-$ 'step, gait, place, place of sojourn* Av. ga- 
tu-s O.Pers. ga-pU'S place, chair, throne' prim. f. *gfll-tu-8 : + 
Gr. pu-ro-c etc., rt. gem-, see § 421. Skr. gaii$ Av. gdu-s 'ox' : 
+ Gr. povg etc., see § 428 a. Skr. grivd- A v. ^rft?a- neck': 
O.Bulg. griva 'mane*. Skr. ugrd- Av. QaJ>. w^ra- 'strong, 
powerful' beside Skr. 6jas- A v. aojah- (§ 451) : -j- Lat. auged 
etc., see § 430. Skr. bhdga-s 'blessing, dispenser of blessings' 
lhdgd-8 'blessing, share, lot', Av. Gap. bdga- 'distribution, portion' 
O.Pers. baga- 'god' : O.Bulg. bogo- (nom. bogU) 'god' u-bogu 
not rich, poor* -f" Gr. -q>dyo-g 'enjoying, eating, rt. bhaq- 'to 
distribute*. Skr. yugd-m 'yoke* : O.Bulg. igo etc., see § 420. 



334 Indg. velar explosives in Aryan. § 450—451. 

Skr. angiili-f ardgufyha-8 'thumb, toe, Av. anguSta- m. W: 
Alban. fi$t 'finger*. At. mazga- 'marrow* beside Skr. majjdn- 
(§ 590. 591) : cp. O.Bulg. mozgU + OHG. marg n. O.Icel. 
mergt m. 'marrow'; the Skr. form points to g, the Germ, to 
qK (op. Bartholomae Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 352). 

In like manner Skr. g regularly also before ir = Indg. ft 
and before Ir = Indg. f (cp. § 447). giri-§ = Av. gairi-s 
'mountain', Indg. *grr-*-s. Gen. gir-ds = Av. gar-0 'hymnV, 
instr. pi. gfr-bhi§ (*flf-6A&). -gira- = Av. -gara- swallowing', 
Skr. girdii gildti 'swallows', part, glrnd- swallowed*. 

Late Av. y = Gap. O.Pers. Skr. g y as baya- = O.Pers. baga- 
'god', see § 478. 

Late Av. v = Gap. gv. hvova = Gap. hvogva- a proper 
family name, cp. Bartholomae Bezzenb. Beitr. VII 188. 

§ 461. Prim. Ar. j. Skr. jfvd- Av. jivya- alive', O.Pere. 
2. sg. imper. jfvd 'live' : + Gr. fllo-q etc., see § 421. Skr. jyA- 
Av. jy&- 'bow-string' : + Gr. pw-g etc., see § 428 a. Gen. Skr. 
Sjas-as Av. aojanh-d (i. e. aozawh-Oy see § 478 rem. 1.) 'of 
strength', orig. stem-form *a#ges-, beside Skr. ugrd- Av. Gap. 
ugra-y § 450. Skr. 3. sg. perf. ja-g&ma Indg. *ge-g6mej Av. 
pres. 3. sg. conj. jam-ait% imper. jan-tu orig. form *gem-e-ti 
*gem-tu : + Gr. paivw etc., rt. gem-, see § 450. 

Late Av. S. naf-nii-aiti intens. 'washes off, removes' be- 
side Skr. mid. rie-nik-tt 'washes off* : 4- Gr. tig-vip-a etc., see 
§§ 427 a. 428 d. Cp. § 478. 

Bern. Through new formations At. j for g and ytoe versa. Cp. 
§§ 448 rem. 454 rem. and 428 rem. 

j for g, Nom. aoo. Skr. 6jas Av. aojd 'strength* for Ar. *a^gas y 
Indg. *a#go8 (op. Lat. augus-tus) after the stem-form *ayja8- = Indg. 
*agg0*- in the other oases, see abore. Opt. Ay. jamyaji O.Pers. ja*mya\ 
indie. Av. jasaiti (beside regular Skr. gamy&t gdchati, op. §§ 228. 229. 
460; Gap. 2. sg. imper. gaidi = Skr. gahi was also regular) after the 
analogy of jamaiti etc. Skr. yundjmi 'I yoke* for *yunagmij op. the ooig. 
yunaj-a-t pass. yujydtB and yugd-m which are regular. 

g for j. Skr. indie, gam-a-ti imper. gdntu (beside regular Ar. jamais 
jantu) after gam-d-ti i. e. *gr^m'4'ti eto. Skr. perf. mid. ji-gy-4 for *ji m jy* 
after the act. ji~gdy-a from ji- 'conquer, win', rt. geg-. 



§ 452—454. Indg. velar explosives in Aryan. 335 

§ 462. Prim. Ar. gh, jh = Indg. gh. gh remained in 
Skr., jh partly became A, and partly ; (§ 480). In Iran, the 
two sounds fell entirely together with g, j = Indg. g (§ 449). 

§ 463. Prim. A r. gh. Skr. gharmd- Av. gar'ma- glowing 
heat* : + Lat. formu-s etc., see § 423. Skr. dfrghd- Av. Gap. 
da/ go- O.Pers. darga- 'long' : + Gr. &ok*x6-g 'long' (§ 306 
p. 243). Skr. drdgha-s a crafty damaging', O.Pers. drauga- 
untruth, lie : + O.Icel. draugr ghost' OHG. triogan OS. W- 
driogan 'to deceive, rt. dhre#Qh~. Skr. jawghd- Av. zanga- 
'instep' : Lith. pra-zanga 'transgression* + Goth, gagga- (nom. 
gaggs) path, way*. Skr. ghn-dnti 'they strike* ghan-d- striking 
(orig. f. *g%»-<$-, § 231) gha-ti-§ a blow* (orig. f. *gAfM**) : 
+ Gr. s-ns-(pv-o-v etc., see § 429 a. b. 

Late Av. y = Ga|>. O.Pers. g, as draoya- = O.Pers. drauga- 
'lie, untruth', see § 481. 

Late Av. v = Gap. gv. drvant- (read druvant-, see Bar- 
tholomae Handb. § 91 a) = GaJ>. drug-vanU 'deceitful, cunning, 
bad*, rt. dhre#gh-, cp. Bartholomae Bezzenb. Beitr. VII 187 f. 

§ 464. Prim. Ar. jh. Skr. hdn-ti A v. ;aWi 'strikes', 
conj. Skr. Wn-a-tf A v. jan-aiti, orig. f. *ghen-ti, *Qhen-e-ti, 
O.Pers. a-jan-am 'I struck' orig. f. *e-qhen-ipm (Skr. perf. /a- 
ghdn-a 'he struck' orig. f. *ghe~Qh(fn-e, § 480), rt. gAen-, see 
§ 453. Skr. rqjidyati Av. renjay^iti 'he hastens* orig. f. *lof9gh- 
Sieti : Gr. ihxtppo-g etc., see §§ 429 a. c. 444*. Skr. druh-as, 
Av. Gajx druj'd pi. 'fiends' orig. f. *dhruQh-es, part. Skr. drti/r- 
yant- Av. GaJ>. drujyanb- 'injuring craftily', O.Pers. indie. 
diirujiyamTy (read durujy&mi; on the orthog. cp. pp. 25. 116), 
orig. f. 3. sg. pres. *dhruqh-ie-ti. 

Late Av. z. ma?zaiti 'it snows' = Gr. vilyei, rt. sneiqh-, 
see § 423. Cp. §§ 478. 481. 

Rem. Through new formations Ar. jh for gh and rice versa. Cp. 
§§ 448 rem. 451 rem. and 429 rem 1. 

jh for gh. Skr. hata- Ay. O.PerB. jata- 'struck* for Skr. *ghatd- 
Iran. *gata- = Gt. paro-, Indg. *<j/i#-f<5-, likewise Skr. hanyail Av. jan- 
jff« 'is struck' for Skr. *ghanyate Av. *ganyet€, Indg. •gA^-je-toj, cp. 
O.Bulg. ifo/q (§ 229). Skr. nom. sg. drohas beside regular drdgha-s 



336 Indg. velar explosives in Armenian. § 454—457. 

'craft, malevolence', Indg. *dhroygho-8', Av. 3. pi. druzenti for regular 
*druyenti (orig. f. *dhrugh-o-nt{) after forms like druzaiti (orig. t *dkru- 

gh for jh. Skr. saperL drdghisfha- beside regular Ay. drajiko-, to 
positive Skr. dirghd-8 long*, see § 453. 

Armenian. 

§ 456. Indg. q. 

h, K. ahn (gen. akari) eye, hole, louver* : Lith. akls eye 1 
4- Gr. ofAfAa eye* onrj 'louver*, see § 427 a. ju-k-n 'fish* with 
suffix -go-, § 419. W-ane-m 'I leave* : Gr. Xi/unavro teinco etc., 
see § 427 a. 

g after a nasal or liquid, king (gen. hng-i-g) 'five* : Skr. 
paftca etc., see § 419. ar^e/ 'hindrance* argel-u-m 'I check, 
keep off : + Qr. a(>xj-Q) 'I ward off, Lat. arced, gail (gen. 
gailoy) 'wolf probably from *gal%<h and this from *galgo- = 
Skr. t^ia-s O.Bulg. vlUhu; g- = #- § 162, -aJ- = -]- § 291. 1. 

6 fr. & before original e- and t'-vowels (Hubschmann Ztschr. 
d. deutsch. morgenl. Ges. XXXV 172 f. Armen. St. I 66. 79). 
a6-K pi. (*-stem) 'eyes*, cp. Gr. oaas du. (§ 427 d. § 4S9), Lith. 
alA-8 'eye*. 6or-R (gen. (or-i-c) 'four fr. *qetylor- or *qet&r- (cp. 
§§ 483. 602) : Skr. catvdr-as etc., see § 419. du 'a breaking 
up* : Skr. cydv-a-te etc., see § 448. 

§ 456. Indg. g. kin (gen. &n-oj) 'woman : O.Bulg. Una 
etc., see § 437 a. for (gen. feroy) 'food, meat', aor. keri I ate* : 
Skr. girdmi etc., see § 428 a. Aror (gen. kovu) 'cow* : Skr. gdA-4 
etc., see § 428 a. Aor. e-fcn 'he came' orig. f. *e-gem4 : Skr. 
d-gan etc., see § 421. erefc 'evening* : Skr. rajas- etc., see § 621. 

§ 467. Indg. gh. gan (gen. #am) a beating, flogging, 
rt. ghen- 'to strike* (§ 429 a), probably to the rt. form gfc#»~, 
like Skr. ghan-d- 'killing* (§§ 232. 454). m&g (gen. mi^*) Tog : 
Skr. mtghd-s 'cloud', Alban. mttguty 'fog*, O.Bulg. migla 'fog'. 
durgn (gen. drgan) 'potter's wheel* : Gr. rpoxo-g etc., see § 439. 

/ initially and z medially from g before original e- and t'- 
vowels (Hubschmann Ztschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Ges. XXXY 
173, Armen. Stud. I 66. 71. 79). jertn 'warm* jer 'warmth, 



§457-462. Indg. velar explosives in Armen. and Bait.- Slav. 337 

good weather : Gr. Ospfto-g Ospog etc., see §§ 423. 429 b. iz (gen. 
Hi) Viper : Skr. dhi-§ Av. aii-s 'snake, dragon. 

Albanian. 

§ 458. Indg. q. krimb-i krfim 'worm* : Skr. kfmi-§ etc., 
see § 436. pi6k*l roast, bake* : Skr. pdcami etc., see §§ 427 a. 
431 a. gak 'blood* : Lith. sakai pi. resin* O.Bulg. soku juice*. 
pk 'I make bitter, salt* : Lith. plkta-s angry, bad', Pruss. po- 
paika 'he deceives* + Gr. mxpo-g 'sharp, keen, piercing, passionate, 
harsh* O.Ir. oech enemy*, Goth, fdih 'a wronging, deception' 
OHG. gi-fth hostile*. 

§ 469. Indg. g. gur 'rock, stone* : Skr. giri-§ 'mountain', 
Lith. glria glre 'forest* O.Bulg. gora 'mountain*, gist 'finger* : 
Skr. atdgu$tha-s, see § 450. Xig-u 'bad, lean' : Lith. Ugh illness' -+- 
Gr. okiyo-g 'little*. 

§ 460. Indg. gh. ggndem am found* : O.Bulg. gadajq 
etc., see § 425. steg-u entrance : Skr. stigh-nu-te etc., see 
§ 422. diek (dieg-) 'I burn' : Lith. degu 'I burn* etc., see § 439. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 461. Indg. y, g, gh were k and g (the latter = g and gfi) 
in the period of the Balt.-Slav. primitive community. 

These sounds remained in general unchanged in Lith. 

In prim. Slavonic k, g became i, dz before the prim. Indg. 
sonantal e- and i- vowels as well as before T+nas. and tf-f-liq 
as continuation of Indg. nas. and liqu. sonans (§§ 248. 302) 
and ki, gi likewise became 6, dz. After the completion of this 
process, but still in prim. Slavonic, o\ (— Indg. o%, a%) became 
^, and this new palatal vowel now changed preceding k, g 
into c, dz; contemporaneous with the latter change was the 
transition of the then newly arisen ki, gi iuto c, dz. Cp. § 84 
pp. 81 f., § 147 p. 133. Further ki became t/' and ks x (ch) in 
prim. Slav. 

§ 462. Prim. Balt.-Slav. k = Indg. q. 

Lith. kA-s 'who?' katrci-s 'which of two?', O.Bulg. ku-to 
'who?' ko-toryfi 'which* : Skr. kd-s etc., see § 419. Lith. kdrta-s 

Brogminn, Elements. 22 



338 Indg. velar explosives in Bait.- Slav. § 462* 

O.Bulg. kratU (fr. *kortu, see § 281) 'time* : Skr. sa-kft once" 
Lith. at-leka-s O.Bulg. otu-Mku remnant , rest* : + Gr. Awnos 
etc., see § 427 a. Lith. veflcu O.Bulg. vUkq I draw, drag : 
Gr. %hua 'I draw* (cp. § 164 rem.). Lith.' krauja-8 O.Bulg. 
kriiv-t 'blood* : Skr. kravi§- etc., see § 418. 

Prim. Slav. 6 = k (§ 461). O.Bulg. ieiyrije Lith. keturi 
four : Skr. catvdr-as etc., see § 419. Voc. sg. O.Bulg. vluce 
Lith. vttkl to nom. vlUku vilka-s wolf : Skr. vfka-s etc. , see 
§§ 427 c. 444 a. 455. O.Bulg. pecett cooks' (1. sg. pekq) = Skr. 
pdcati Lat. coquit, Indg. *peqeti. 6ara 'incantatio' fr. *k£r& 
(§ 76) : to Lith. kereti 'to enchant'. 6apu 'bee* fr. *Hpw (§ 76), 
probably to Gr. xrjfptjv a drone*. Gl-to what ?' : Skr. ci~d etc., 
see § 427 b. tirtnu Pruss. JUraio- 'black* : Skr. kf$n&- 'black', 
Indg. *qfsno- (cp. § 302 rem. 1). Prim. Slav. 6 = k%. pri-tuca 
likeness fr. *-tuk-jfl. Cp. § 147 p. 133. 

Prim. Slav, c = k (§ 461). c8na price, honour* (Lith. 
Aaiwa according to Mikuckij) : Av. kaena- etc., see § 427 a. Loc. 
pi. vluctehu (vluku 'wolf*) = Skr. vfkt§u, cpf. *ufaoi-su T cp. Gr 
Horn. Avxoi-a*. Prim. Slav, c = i|. ;««l^ young bullock* fr. 
*iuntt$. Cp. § 84 p. 81 f., § 147 p. 134. 

This same change of k to c was repeated in the combination 
k% before palatal vowels in the course of the individual dialects 
(cp. § 427 £). O.Bulg. indie, czfttq inf. cvisti 'to blossom, 
O.Croatian cvasti (== *cvisti, a new formation after the indie. 
cv&t&n), Little Russ. cvysty Great Russ. cv&sti (£ transferred 
from cvttu?) beside Low Sorabian kvU6 Czech kvisti O.Pol. 
kwisd 'to blossom', prim. Slav. *kul$tt. Cp. (cQ^gft? § 464. 

Prim. Slav. t% = kt through the intermediate stage 
x't. This sound-group thus fell together with Indg. t$ and had 
the same further development as the latter, %'t became U in 
the Bulgarian branch. O.Bulg. nostt : Lith. naktl-s night', Skr. 
ndkti~§. vl&sti 'to draw* sup. vWstu, to indie. vUkq 9 cp. Lith. inf. 
vitkti. testi 'to run , to indie, tekq. vristi 'to throw* to indie 
vrfgq. Cp. § 147 p. 132 f. 

Bern. That the stage %t lay between let and t/ t is confirmed by the 
inf. vresti 'to thresh' (indio. vrfch-q = *#£• s~a-m t rt. tfer*-, cp. O.Lat rorrQ 



j 462-463. Indg. velar explosives in Bait.- Slav. 339 

I draw through, sweep* = *tff s-0J, since it must be traced back to prim. 
Jlav. *#erx'ti ; it is uncertain whether %' had arisen regularly in this form 
>r whether it had been transferred from the indie. Serv. vrij&ci vrici be- 
ide O.Bulg. vresti shows the falling together with original kt and t{. Cp. 
i 588 rem. 1. 

Prim. Slav. % {cK) = ks (except before t, see 2. pi. teste 
\ 545) through the intermediate stage xx* We leave it undeei- 
ied whether the course was ks—ky—xx or ks — ys — yy. t&chu 
I ran, orig. f. *^-s-o-m, pres. tekq. b&chu 1 save, run away 
ffith' orig. f. Hheq-s-o-m, inf. bdgati, rt. bheg- (§ 463). On the 
ihange of the ch to 5 in the 3. pi. t(s% b$s$ cp. § 588, 1. 

ks remained in Baltic. Lith. fut. llhsiu, to leku 'I leave 
cp. Skr. rHc§y&mi, Gr. Xti'tyco), beksiu, to begu 'I run, flee'. 
Pruss. lauxnos pi. 'constellations' : Av. raoxsna- shining. Hence 
fodg. qs and fes did not fall together in Baltic-Slavonic, see 
5 414. 

§ 463. Prim. Balt.-Slav. jr = Indg. g. 

Lith. glria 'forest', O.Bulg. gora 'mountain' : Skr. giri-§ 
stc, see § 459. Lett, guws 'cow', O.Bulg. govrdo 'bullock' : Skr. 
]du-s etc., see § 428 a. Lith. begu 'I run, flee' boginh 'I save, 
•un away with something', O.Bulg. btgn 'flight' : -f- Gr. (ptpoftcu 
I flee' <popo-g 'flight, fear', rt. bheg-. 

Prim. Slav, dz = g (§ 461). Thence O.Bulg. 6. zeravt, 
Lith. girve 'crane* : Gr. yigavo-g etc. , see § 420. 3. sg. vr&ett 
beside 1. sg. vrigq 'I throw'), cp. Goth. 3. sg. vairpip 'throws', 
1. yerg- 9 § 444 a. Yoc. boze, to nom. bogu 'god' adj. bozisku 
iivine* : Skr. bhdga-s etc., see § 450. zaba 'frog' fr. *g&ba 
§ 76) Pruss. gabawo 'toad* : OMG. quappa Du. kwab 'eel-pout'. 
>o-zaru 'incendium' fr. *po-g£ru (§ 76) beside zera-tuku 'heap 
>f coals' goriti 'to burn' : Lith. gara-s 'vapour', Skr. gharmd-s 
flowing fire', zivu Lith. gyva-s 'alive' : Skr. jiva-s etc., see 
i 421. zriny 'mill' Lith. glrnos pi. 'mill-stones, milf (§ 303) : + 
loth, asilu-guairnu-s, see § 442. ztrq '1 swallow' : Skr. girdtni 
nl&mi, Indg. *gjr-o (§ 305). Prim. Slav, dz = g[. osteza 
shlamys fr. *o-steg-%a beside ostegu vestis' : Lith. stoga-s, Lat. 
ego toga etc., see § 420. Cp. § 147 p. 133. 

22* 



340 Indg. velar explosives in Bait.- Slav. § 463—465. 

Prim. Slav, dz = g (§ 461). Still dz in the oldest O.Bulg. 
monuments, in the later almost exclusively z (Miklosich Vergl. 
Gramm. I 2 251 ff.). Loc. pi. bo(d)zichu (bogU god*) = Skr. 
bhdg&u cpf. m bhaqoisu. Opt. 2. pi. vrf(d)zgte (vrfgq 'I throw*) 
orig. f. *UfQoUe, cp. Goth, vairpdip. Sure examples seem to 
be wanting for prim. Slav, dz = gi = Indg. g*. Cp. § 84 
p. 81 f., § 147. p. 133. 

§ 404. Prim. Balt.-Slav. g = Indg. gA. 

Lith. geniii 'I chop off (branches)' genii 1 drive (cattle)', 
ganau 'I tend (cattle)', O.Bulg. iz-gonu a driving away, chasing* : 
Skr. h&n-ti strikes etc., see § 429a. Lith. gruda-s 'corn 
grudziu 1 pound', O.Bulg. gruda clod' : -+- OHG. gruzzi O.Icel. 
grant grit' OHG. grio^ OS. griot 'sand, gravel', rt. qhreud-. 
O.Bulg. gostt guest, companion, friend' : + Lat. hosti-s Goth. 
gasts, see § 422. Lith. sn$ga-s O.Bulg. sntgu snow' : + Or. 
vitpa etc., see § 423. Lith. angi-s snake', O.Bulg. qgoristt 'eel' : 
Skr. dhi-$ etc., see § 433 a. O.Bulg. l^gq 'I lie down', adj. sq-logu 
'consors tori' -f- Gr. ks/og a-Xo/o-g etc., see § 425. 

Prim. Slav, di = g (§ 461). Thence O.Bulg. L Knjq 
1 cut (fruit), reap' inf. z*Jti, to Lith. geniii (s. above), cp. Skr. 
hanydte (§ 454 rem.), sn&zinu 'snowy', to swfytf, s. above. s^-fok 
voc. to sqlogU, s. above. Prim. Slav, dz = ^rj. /ui^T 'lying, false 1 
fr. *lug-tf, to /ttyatf 'to lie' : OHG. liogan 'to lie', rt. Icugh-. 
loie n. couch, bed' fr. Vog-ie^ to l?gq, s. above. Cp. § 147 p. 133. 

Prim. Slav, dz = g (§ 461), O.Bulg. <fe, later z (§ 463). 
(d)zilu Vehemens' : Lith. gailit-s passionate', OHG. geil extra- 
vagant, petulant, wanton'. sn$(d)zi pi. to sn&gu 'snow', orig. f. 
*snoighoi. lr(d)z#te 2. pi. opt. to legq. Prim. Slav, dz = gi 
sft{d)za 'way' fr. *stig-ia, to stignq I come from' : Skr. stighnuii 
etc., see § 422. Cp. § 84 p. 81 f., § 147 p. 133. 

The same change of g to tz was repeated in the combi- 
nation gu before palatal vowels in the course of the individual 
dialects. O.Bulg. (d)zvM 'animal, wild animal' fr. prim. Slav. 
*gutft: + Gr. drip Lat - /*™> see § 429i - C P- cvisti § 462. 

§466. Prim. Slav, sk, zg before palatal vowels and 
before %. In the period of prim. Slav., iu which k, g became 



§ 465—466. Indg. velar explosives. Retro 

tS (#, dz\ sk, zg correspondingly passed ii 
zii, further O.Bulg. it id. Cp. § 147 p. U 
to be contained in O.Bulg. -iste- fr. isk-ie 
of -isko-, e. g. ogniste n. 'hearth, fire-side* 
Pol. ognisko n.). mozdanu 'having marrow, 
(cp. Wati 'to flee' fr. *%#/, § 76) fr 
whether we have here Indg. zg or zgh, ia 

Retrospect of the history of the vel 

§ 466. Words containing Indg. velai 
with and partly without labialisation in G 
Germ. The tf-afterclap, brought along ft 
could disappear in the separate languages b 
laws. But we thought that such a disap 
be assumed in such forms, as had parallel 
logically related, and which actually occur 
either in the same language or in another 
e. g. in Goth, kailru-s 'heavy* (§ 4446). 
must be left undecided whether labialisati 
in those words, which certainly had an 
not appear in any of the ^-languages wit 
dropping of u can be assumed in some of 
the sound-laws of the separate languages 
thus e. g. in Gr. xiro-g Lat. cutis OHG 
Pruss. keuto 'skin', Lith. kiautat pi. corn-hi 
Fact that u disappeared before u in eacl 
(§§ 427 c. 428 c. 429 c. 4316. 4446). In o 
sound-laws of the separate languages do no 
rapport for the assumption of the disappear* 
laws may have operated in prehistoric ti 
ibout the loss of u (e. g. perhaps before ] 
utQxbog : Skr. karkafa-s, and if u or tf c 
relar, as in Gr. lvyo-v: Skr. yugd-m?) and 
nay have become so concealed by the lai 
t is no longer possible for us to fix them 

Of late years the question has sever 



342 Interchange of the palatal and velar explosives. § 466—467. 

(most recently by Bersu p. 4 ff.) as to whether the words, 
in which the velars appear in Greek etc. with labialisation, 
were also once spoken in Ar., Armen., Alban. and Baltic- 
Slavonic with labialised j, q, gA, or whether the labialisation 
was an innovation of the ^-languages — ultimately an innovation 
which took place in one portion of the prim. Indg. language- 
terrain. But nothing has hitherto been adduced which admits 
of a sure decision being formed either on the one side or the other. 
At all events u may equally well have disappeared from those 
languages in which labialisation does not occur, as it did e. g. 
in Irish (cethir beside O.Cymr. petguar 'four ) and in French 
(quatre pronounce katf from Lat quattuor). 

Interchange of the palatal and velar explosives. 

§ 467. In Aryan, Armenian and Baltic -Slavonic we oc- 
casionally find a guttural explosive or its regular successor, where 
we should expect the descendant of an Indg. palatal explosive, 
i. e. spirant or affricata, and conversely. Examples from the 
first and last named language-groups, have been collected by 
J. Schmidt in Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 114 ff. 125 ff. A final 
answer to the question, how this interchange is to be explained, 
must be left for the future. For the present the following seems 
to to me probable. 

1. In one portion of the cases the mixing of the two classes 
of consonants was caused by form-transference. 

This is seen clearest of all in Sanskrit, where certain sounds, 
which were originally different, regularly fell together : k§ = qs 
and Us, j = g and §, h = qh and §h. 

Thus bhi$dkti 'he heals' bhi$dktama- superl. from bhi$dj- 
'healing', with kt instead of $ on account of 2. sg. bhisdk$i nom. 
sg. bhi$dk (fr. *bhi§ak§, § 647, 7) loc. pi. bhi$dksu, cp. Av. 
ba$$az-a- = Skr. bh$§aj-d- 'medicine*. After the analogy of 
tydgd- abandonment, resignation' beside ty&jafe (rt. tjeg-) etc 
was formed y&ga- for older ydjdr an offering' beside ydjate (rt. 
ia§-)i correspondingly after ni-daghd-s 'heat* beside doA- (rt. 
dhegh-) etc., stp-dBghd-s for older sq-dehd-s *a cementing to- 



§ 467. Interchange of the palatal and vel 

gether (rt. dheigh-). With misplaced g i 
(cp. Av. brfeaiti 'beams, radiates'), nir-n 
(cp. indie. 3. sg. iwrfr^i), sargd- gutter' (ej 
part, digdhd- 'besmeared' for regular *rfl 

The converse transference occurred les 
for and beside drdgdhar- part. fut. fj 
dhreugh- J ). 

In Armenian the st in dustr 'daughte 
with the root-final velar of the other langu 
into existence through the influence of m 
unexplained), with which according to Hiil 
it is mostly used. 

2. Where k and g appear in Balti 
sibilants, they are due to a borrowing from 
with guttural explosives; this borrowing 
back to the period of the Indg. prim. c< 
we already arscribe to this the different 
permits the Indg. languages to be divide 
Thus O.Bulg. svekru 'socer, svekry 'socrus 1 
etc., which point to Indg. *sue1curo- *sw 
gasi beside Lith. icj&l-s etc., Lith. klausai 
sluchu 'hearing, obedient* Skr. £r6§amOr 
pecku Lith. p4ku-s 'cattle beside Skr. $ 
chin beside Skr. SmdSru- 'moustache' (to ^ 
Lith. garda-s 'hurdle' O.Bulg. gradu 'i: 
Lith. zardi-s 'pasture-ground' (cp. § 389] 

3. In one portion of the cases, whi 
under this category, we have different 
separate gnfl- *gend- 'wife' (Skr. gnO- e 
from rt. *§en- gignere'; Skr. dhi-§ \ 
(§ 433 a) from rt. aft§h- 'to lace, string 
from miha- Av. maeza- 'urine'. Such 



1) With these Skr. new formations op. § 

2) The h in Skr. duhitdr- is the regular 
jh = Indg. gh by § 445, as must be remarked be 
Ztschr. XXY 68. 116. 122. 



344 Prim. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. § 467—469. 

similar in sound and meaning, but nevertheless not related ety- 

mologically, occur indeed often enough elsewhere, as e. g. Skr. 

skatnbh- and stambh- 'fasten, support', uegh- and uedh- 'lead*. 

Rem. The manner in which J. Schmidt (in the article quoted abote) 
attempts to explain the interchange of the two classes of consonants, is 
in my opinion by no means convincing. 

B. THE EXPL08IVES AFTER THEIR FORM OF ARTI- 
CULATION. 

Primitive Indg. period. 

§ 468. The Indg. prim, language had, as we have seen 
in § 322, four forms of articulation: tenues, voiced mediae, 
aspirated tenues and aspirated voiced mediae, e. g. t, d, th, dh. 
Examples for the two first and for the last class have been 
given in §§ 324-326. 348—350. 381—383. 418—423. 

We have not yet given examples for the tenues aspiratae 
in section A. And, owing to their comparatively small number 
and the peculiar difficulties with which the question of their 
regular representation in the various languages is surrounded, if 
seems appropriate not to treat this form of articulation in this 
section either, in each of the separate language-groups, but to 
treat it collectively at the end (§ 553), in order that everything! 
which belongs here from the various languages, may be brought 
together under one head. Before then however we shall however 
have to discuss the history of the prim. Ar. tenues asp. in 
§ 475. 

§ 460. Several of the changes in the form of articulation, 
which are exhibited by the Indg. explosives and which in many 
cases are regarded as having taken place within each development, 
had in all probability already arisen in the period of the Indg. 
prim, community. Eight cases are to be taken into consideration. 

1. The change of mediae into tenues before voiceless ex- 
plosives and spirants. Indg. *jnqto- yoked* i. e. */wg+fo- from 
rt. jeuq- : Skr. yuktd- Qr. £* vxro-g Lat. junctu-8 Lith. juttkto-s. 
Indg. *petsii loc. pi. fr. *ped- 'foot* : Skr. patsii Gr. 71000* nooi 



§ 469. Prim. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. 345 

2. The change of tenues into mediae before voiced ex- 
plosives and spirants. Indg. -bd- weakest form of ped-i Skr. 
upa-bd-d- a pounding, trampling' Gr. ini-pS-ou 'day after the 
feast' (§ 325). We assume *dydbhis, *ui§bhis, *fqbhis as the 
Indg. prim, forms for the instr. pi. Skr. dadbhis (dat- dant- 'tooth'), 
vidbhi? (vis- clan, village community', cp. § 404, 3), fgkbi§ (fc- 
'hymn). This assimilation may also have extended itself to 
double consonants, as Skr. instr. pi. nddbhi? (napt- napdt- 'off- 
spring') fr. *nabdbhi$, Indg. *nebdbhi8. Cp. also Av. instr. pi. 
azd-bU fr. ast- 'bone' : Qr. botto-v and Indg. zd from sd in 
*z-dhi 'be' imper. fr. rt. es-, *se-zd- perf. st. from rt. sed- and 
similar forms, § 589, 1. 

3. The side by side existence of Qr. tpdofio-g and O.Bulg. 
sedmyjx 'septimus' (§ 547 rem. 2) permits our assuming that in 
Indg. there stood beside *septip the ordinal *sepdm6- or *seb- 
dmo-. In that case Gr. oydoo-s would be a special Greek trans- 
formation of oxr- after the analogy of I fid-. Similarly Osthoff 
Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 321. 

4. t before t th and d before d dh. Geminated explosives 
were probably not spoken here, but affricata 4" explosive. We 
write t*t{h) and d*d{K) but at the same time readily admit that 
it might perhaps have been more correct to have written tPt(h) 
and d*d(h). For the literature on this point see Osthoff Zur 
Gesch. d. Perf. 560 l ). E. g. *set 8 t6- (part. fr. rt. sed- 'sit'): 
8kr. sattd- Av. hasta- Lat. ob-sessu-s; *ded'dhi (that is, *de- 
d+rf/ri, 2. sg. imper. of the reduplicated pres. of d(h gi ve> ) : 
Skr. d€hi Av. dazdi. 

5. Aspirates probably lost their aspiration before aspirates. 
We regard e. g. *iudbhis as the Indg. prim, form of Skr. instr. 
pi. yudbhl? (yudh- 'fight, battle'). If Gr. xvo6o-q 'a hollow, 
pudenda muliebria', Lat. custds, Goth, huzd 'treasure', which 



1) The objection raised by Bartholomae in his recent work Ar. 
Forsch. II 79 against what we have stated above for the Indg. prim, lan- 
guage, is not valid. If Jcs became h before explosives, it by no means 
follows that the affricata ts (t 8 ) must under the same conditions have be- 
come U Jcx, pf, not &*, ps correspond to ts. 



346 Prim. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. § 469* 

belong to rt. keydh- in Gr. x*v$etv Ags. hydan 'to hide', were 
an extension of this rt. by means of the root-determinative' dh 
as we assume in §§ 494. 507. 536., then *kud?dh- (s. above 4) 
was probably spoken in prim. Indg. 

6. How was the combination — which must be presupposed 
etymologically — media asp. + t or 8 spoken at the time im- 
mediately preceding the disintegration of the Indg. prim, com- 
munity? What was e. g. the Indg. prim, form of A v. dug'dar- 
Lith. dukter- 'daughter', which, on etymological principles, would 
have to be put down as *dhuqhter- ? A positive answer has not 
yet been found. We leave out the question in our exposition 
of the history of the Indg. forms of articulation in the separate 
languages and discuss it at the end in § 552. In the section 
on Aryan § 482 we shall however previously treat the special 
history of media + media asp., which can be put down with 
certainty as the prim. Ar. order of articulation. 

7. Change .between tenuis and media at the end of roots, 
e. g. sqap- : sqab- in Gr. axandvrj 'spade', O.Lat. scaprEs : Lat. 
scabd, Lith. skabiis 'cutting (§ 345) ; pah : pa§- in Lat. p&x 
pads Skr. pdSa-s 'loop, cord' : Gr. nyyvvpi 'I fasten, Lat. 
pangd; {p)peh : (s)pe§- in Skr. pdSyami 'I see, Lat. -spUto, 
OHG. spehdn 'to spy' spahi prudent, wise' : O.Icel. spakr 'prudent, 
sensible', O.Bulg. paziti attendere', refl. with s$ 'cavere'. The 
tenuis is probably rightly considered as the older articulation. 
The circumstances, under which this sound-modification made 
its appearance, still remain undetermined. Cp. p. 188 f. 

Probably here also belong irregularities in the form of arti- 
culation, which occur in other positions than at the end of roots, 
e. g. Skr. daSat- : Gr. <texaJ- 'decade' (cp. § 238). 

8. Change between media asp. and media, stembh- : stemb- 
in Skr. stabhnSmi 'I fasten' prop', perf. tastdmbha, Gr. a-orsfiffjs 
'unpressed' oti^q>vXa-v 'a grape or olive already pressed' : Gr. 
oTSfiipu) 'I shake, tread on', OHG. stampfdn 'to stamp* stumpf 
'stump' (Lith. stambra-s 'trunk, stem', stimbra-s 'stump of the 
tail, stump' may belong to either root-form), bhudh- : bhud- 
(weak rt. forms) in Skr. budhnd- 'bottom', Gr. nvOfiqv 'bottom, 



§ 469—470. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. 347 

end of a root' : Gr. nvv8a% 'bottom* (with n- for qp-, like nlatig 
for *<pi6tiq etc., see § 496), Ags. botm O.Icel. botn 'bottom* 
(Lat. fundus and O.Ir. bond bonn 'solea are ambiguous), megh- : 
tne§- in Skr. tnah&n great* : Skr. majmdn- greatness', Or. fUyag 
Goth, mikils great'. Skr. ahdm : Gr. iyw, Lat. ego Goth, ik 
T. The media asp. is possibly the older sound. The circum- 
stances, under which the modification made its appearance, are 
also here undetermined. In most of the cases a nasal is in the 
vicinity. Cp. Arkiv for nordisk Filologi I 176 rem. 

Bern. J. von Fierlinger Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 478, following up 
J. Schmidt's theory, conjectures that in those cases where it is a question 
of gh : g y 'the sound was neither g l h \gh\ nor g l [g] in the parent language, 
but a voiced palatal spirant /. So long as a more speoial (urgently 
needed) investigation into the whole question of the change in the form 
of articulation in the Indg. prim, period is still wanting, it seems to me 
more prudent not to separate the ohange gh : g from the cases bh : b and 
dh : d. With these it is hardly possible to start from a spirant, whioh 
is homogeneous with the V* 

Aryan. 

§ 470. The difference between the Indg. forms of articu- 
lation was still preserved in the period of the Aryan prim, 
community. 

The palatals £, §, §h appeared as i-sounds: £, z, zh (§ 396). 

Indg. d'd(h) (§ 469, 4) probably then became zd{h\ e. g. 
*dazdhi = Indg. *ded'dhi give' imper., and thus fell entirely 
together with Indg. zd(h) (§§ 590. 591). See § 476. 

The order med. asp. + t, s — which is etymologically to be 
postulated — was represented by med. (or voiced spirant) -f- 
dh, zh (§§ 469, 6. 552) : bdh, d'dh, gdh, zdh and bzh, dzh, 
gzh, zzh. For the further history of these combinations in Aryan 
see § 482. 

The Sanskrit separate development left the Indg. forms of 
articulation separate. 

In Iranian the mediae asp. became mediae and zh became 
z. These sounds thus fell entirely together with the Indg. 
mediae. 



348 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. § 471—473. 

§ 471. Tenues. Prim. Ar. p, t, k c, i = Indg. p, 
t, q, k 

Skr. Av. O.Pers. pat- 'fall, fly', Indg. *pet; §§ 327. 351. 

8kr. Av. O.Pers. interrog. stem ka- y Indg. qo-. Skr. Ay. 
ca O.Pers. ca 'and', Indg. *je. §§ 445-448. 

Skr. aha- Av. O.Pers. aspa- 'horse', Indg. *e£jfo-. §§ 396 
- 401. 

k seems to have disappeared in the prim. Ar. period in 
Skr. turya- Av. tuirya- quartus fr. * ktur-, to Indg. *je*ffer- 
Skr. catvdr-as, cp. Av. O-xtuirya- every fourth time (cp. 
§ 646); so also t in *napt-su Av. wa/Sw loc. pi. from Ar. 
napOt- napt- offspring (s. Osthoff Zur Qesch. d. Perf. 600). 

§ 472. Further shiftings of the prim. Ar. form of arti- 
culation did not take place in Sanskrit. 

Rem. In forms like vagnu- 'tone, sound' {oak- vac-\ rgmin- 'praising' 
{ark- arc-), tagma- 'wealthy, benevolent' (fofc-), v&gmtn- v&gvin- 'eloquent' 
(vak- vOc-) g had not regularly arisen from k (-fcw-, -Arm-, -kv- remained, op. 
riknas- 'wealth, riches', ruktnd- 'shining', pakvd- 'ripe',) bat was borrowed 
partly from other forms of the same roots as instr. vagbhti, rgbhis, 2. sg. 
imper. tagdhi, partly from forms of roots with original g (g) as tigmd- 
'sharp' rt. (s)*ig- (Sagmd- to iaktd- like tigmd beside tiktd-). Similar 
occurrences in Gr. see §§ 486 rem. 495 rem. 

§ 473. In Iranian p, t, k 7 c were only retained before 
vowels and after s, s. Otherwise they became spirants before 
consonants. This change took place before i, tf, after these 
consonantal vowels had become spirantal (§§ 127. 161). 

1. Prim. Ar. p. Av. O.Pers. fra- 'before, fore' : Skr. pra- 
Gr. tiqo, Indg. *pro. Av. er 4 zifya- 'stretching itself, falcon : 
Skr. fjipydr 'stretching itself, seizing on the wing, Armen. 
arciv 'eagle (§§ 291, 1. 330). Av. dfanb- 'aquosus' from prim. 
Ar. *ap-uant- (§ 159 p. 143) to ap- (ace apem nom. afS) 'water' : 
Skr. ap- ap- 'water*. 

Av. -pt- beside -/(fr- fr. -ptr- (2.) and beside Pers. -ft- is 
strange, hapta seven* : Skr. saptd. ker'pta- 'put in order, 
made right* : k\pta-. Prim. Iran, -ft- probably became -pt-, 
cp. O.Icel. epter fr. efter 'after' etc. (Noreen Aisl. Gramm. 
§ 183). 



§ 473. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. 349 

2. Prim. Ar. t. A v. pwqm O.Pers. puvdm (puv- = pv-) 
'thee* : Skr. tvdm. Av. 'pyejah- n. 'need, danger* : Skr. tydjas-. 
Av. mipra- 'contract' : Skr. mitrd-. Av. iyaopna- 'deed, work* : 
Skr. cyautnd-. 

In O.Pers. pr, py passed into s, sy. si- 'three* : Av. pri- 
Skr. tri- (§ 261). hasiya- (-%- = -sy-) 'true : Av. haipya-, 
Skr. satyd-. 

In Av. pr, pw passed into dr, dw after / and x (voiceless 
spirants after the voiceless spirants f x became voiced). Ace. 
fdr-d 'patres' (cp. Qr. Ovya-rp-ug) beside dat. sg. pipre ace. 
ag. ptarem, cp. Skr. pitr- pitdr-. vazdra- 'word, speech' : vak-trd- 
'mouth'. vaxctwa- 'word' fr. prim. Ar. *uak-tua-. Cp. d fr. p = 
prim. Ar. th § 475. 

Prim. Ar. Skr. tk = Av. pk. apka- 'dress' : Skr. dtka-. 
ta-pk-us- weak st. of the part. perf. act. to tacaiti 'runs 1 . 

Prim. Ar. tc (Skr. cc) = Av. sc O.Pers. sc. Av. yas-ca 
'quod-que', also inexactly written yapca (according to the ety- 
mology : yoP+cd) : Skr. ydc-ca, prim. Ar. *%atca Indg. *iotqe y 
*jpd qe. O.Pers. aniyas-ciy 'anything else' : Skr. anydc-cid prim. 
Ar. *anyatcid. Cp. Kelt. Germ, sk fr. ft, §§ 516. 527. 

Prim. Ar. ts became $ in Av. (O.Pers) through the inter- 
mediate stage ss. Av. masya- 'fish' : Skr. mdtsya-. Av. GfiJ). 
loc pi. drug-msu fr. drug-vant- 'lying, false', cp. Skr. kUa-vatsu 
fr. kUa-vant- 'having a mane*. Av. nom. sg. a-mer'ta-tas 'im- 
mortality* fr. *-tat-s, cp. ace. sg. amer e tatat-em. Correspondingly 
Indg. t't(h) = prim. Ar. tst(h) (§ 469, 4) became st in A v. and 
O.Pers. Av. ava-pasti-s 'a falling down' : Skr. patti-$, prim. Ar. 
*pat8ti-§) Indg. *pet*ti-s, rt. petf-. Av. a§avastema- superl. fr. a£a- 
flawf- 'pious, holy' , cp. Skr. -vat-tama-. Av. ustema- 'utmost* : 
Skr. uttamd'. Av. Gap. 2. sg. perf. twisffl 'knowest' : Skr. 
vtttha Gr. olada, Indg. *%oit*tha, rt #e£d-. O.Pers. a-yastar- 
'possessor*, to Skr. Qryat- 'attain, reach'. 

Rem. 1. Observe that this Iran, st also appears after i and u and 
their diphthongs, as in vista- = Skr. vitta-, voista = Skr. vettha y Gaj>. 
raogta (3. sg. mid. from raod- 'grow up'), whereas Indg. 8t had become 
s/ after the same sounds. The transition of is, us into is, u$ was already 
completed and was closed, when tst became st in Iranian. See § 556, 1. 



350 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. § 473 —475. 

Bern. 2. Indg. st and Indg. ~t 8 t remained separate in At. also when 
final. The former appears as -s (after a- vowels), the latter as -st % e. g. 
3. sg. imperf. Os Vat* : 8kr. Ved. as prim. Ar. *dst Indg. Hst (Gr. Dor. 
Jc), 3. sg. imperf. hisast fr. rt. sed 'sit' fr. Indg. *8i'set 8 t, that is, *si-sed±t. 
Cp. Bartholomae Handb. §§ 139-141, Ar. Forseh. II 78 f. 

3. Prim. Ar. k. Av. yuxta- yoked* : Skr. yuktd-. A v. 
suxra- 'red' O.Pers. puxra- a proper name : Skr. &uk-rd- 'bright, 
white*. For further examples see § 447. 

4. Prim. Ar. c was regular before no consonant except t. 
Av. Sy O.Pers. sy. Av. £yao-pna- 'deed, work* O.Pers. a-siyat- 
am {-sty- = -sy-) 'I went, walked* : Skr. cydv-a-te stirs, moves. 
Cp. § 448. 

§ 474. Prim. Ar. prim. Iran, non-final t with preceding 
spirantal r became £ in Avestic, as ma$ya (ma$iya-) = O.Pers. 
martiya Skr. Ved. mdrtiya- mortal being. See §§ 260. 288. 353. 

§ 476. The prim. Ar. tenues aspiratae. ph y th, kht 
ch were not rare sounds in the period of the Ar. prim, 
community. It is by no means definitely settled that these 
sounds are to be traced back in every case to Indg. tenues 
asp. (§ 553). This form of articulation may partly have arisen 
in the prim. Ar. period from non-aspirate tenuis, e. g. Skr. 
path- 'path', stha- 'stand*. It is certainly not clear by what 
laws this aspiration arose. 

In the following §§ we shall discuss the history of the 
prim. Ar. ten. asp. without taking into consideration whether this 
form of articulation was old inherited or newly developed. From 
§ 553 it is obvious in what cases we hold the ten. asp. for prim. 
Indg. 

The only case in which the sounds underwent a change in 
Sanskrit, was when the following syllable began with an asp. or 
with s + asp. A tenuis then arose by dissimilation, kumbhd-s 
'pot, mug* fr. *khwnbha-s = Av. xumba-. Perf. cicMda 1 cut off* 
fr. *chi-cheda from prim. Ar. skhajd-. Cp. the dissimilation of 
the mediae asp. § 480. 

Rem. 1. Forms like instr. pi. khe~bhi§ from kha- 'opening in the 
body, mouth, ears etc.', pathi-bhi§ from pathi- 'path* were forms made by 
analogy after the eases, in which there was no reason for dissimilation. 
Cp. § 480 rem. 1. 



§475—476. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. 

In Iranian the tenues asp. became spirants except aft< 
s and nasals, where they passed into tenues. 

Av. safa- 'hoof : Skr. Saphd-. Av. pap- O.Pers. pajn- pa 
Skr. path- pathi-. Av. bara-pa ye bear : Skr. bJidra-tha. 
haza 'companion, friend* O.Pers. haxamani-s proper name : I 
sdkha. Av. st. form haii- 'companion, friend' (only in compoi 
as haSid-bis- 'friend tormenting') fr. prim. Ar. *sachi-] Skr. sa 
was formed after the analogy of sdkha etc. 

Av. sparOmi 'I push, jerk' : Skr. sphurdmi (cp. § 290). 
O.Pers. sta- 'stand' : Skr. stha-. Av. GaJ). vdista 'knowest' : ! 
t&iha. Av. pantan- 'path' : Skr. pdnthan-, beside pap- : pi 
Av. skarayant- 'leaping' (or 'letting leap') in the proper m 
skarayajt-rapa- : Skr. skhdlati 'stumbles, makes a false i 
sticks fast*. 

p became <f after x, f (cp. f e dr-6 etc. § 473, 2). tu 
spoken' : Skr. ukthd-m 'a saying', prcrfda- 'satisfied, content 
prim. Ar. Hpnp-tha-, cp. Skr. tftnpdmi 'I satisfy my appe 
become satisfied'. 

Rem. 2. Fierlinger Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 334 f. conjectures 
the tenues asp. lost their aspiration in prim. Aryan before m, it, r. 
however postulates the originality of the tenues asp. as proved, whi 
cannot hold as certain. 

§ 476. Mediae. Prim. Ar. i, d, g j\ J = Indg. i, d, ( 

Skr. upa-bd-d- 'a stamping, trampling' Av. upa-bd-a- 'f 

Indg. *£tf- weak st. form of ped-. §§ 325. 328. 

Skr. dii-rd- Av. O.Pers. du-ra- 'distant', rt. de%-. § \ 

Skr. bhdga-s 'giver of blessings' O.Pers. baga- 'god', Ii 

*bhago-s. Skv.jlvd- A v. jivya- 'alive', Indg. *gl&($-. §§449 — < 

Skr. j6$a- Av. zaosa- 'favour, kindness', O.Pers. dam 

friend 1 , rt. geys-. §§ 402—404. 

The transition of Indg. d'd(h) to zd(h) (§ 470) may 

regarded as prim. Ar.; it was in any case younger than 

change of prim. Ar. z to z (§ 591). z remained in Iran 

azd(h) became IdQi) in Skr., cp. odh from prim. Ar. azdh § 

2. Skr. dehi Av. dazdi 'give' imper., Indg. *de-d'-dhi, rt. 

give*. Skr. kiytdhd- extensive, capax,', prim. Ar. *kiiad\ 



352 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. § 476—478. 

i. e. *kiyat+dha-. Here belongs also zdh for Indg. dAf t (§ 552). 
Skr. m$dhas- Av. mazdah- 'wisdom', prim. Ar. *tnazdhas-, that 
is, Indg. *mydh+tos-, rt. inendh-. Av. ver'zda- grown up, power- 
ful' fr. prim. Ar. *wzdha- i. e. Indg. *yfdh\to- (Skr. vardh- 
'grow'). Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 261 f. conjectures, that Av. 
uz 'out, upwards' beside Skr. ud, is a generalisation of the 
form regularly developed before d-, as in uz-da$2a- ac- 
cumulation', and that us was developed from ud in compounds 
like us-tana- 'stretched out' = Skr. ut-Ulnd-, us-ca 'high up = 
Skr. uc-cd; cp. also Qr. vg-nkrfe beside vg-rgixsg and Cypr. 
Pamph. v as also Germ, uz- § 536 rem. 

Rem. This regular state was frequently altered through new for- 
mations in Sanskrit and Iranian. Skr. daddhi for dth( y addhi 'eat' imper. 
for *idhi y rupdddhi 'he checks' (rudh-) for *rttn8dhi {tfnidhi arose at the 
time when such pres. forms in -idhi were in existence, see § 404, 2). At. 
ma8ti- 'insight' for *mazdi- i. e. *m#M + ft- (after the analogy of cisti- etc.). 
See the author in Morph. Unt. Ill 144 ff., Bartholomae Kuhn's Ztaohr. 
XXVII 360 ff. 

§ 477. Prim. Ar. z (= Indg. §) became the explosive j 
(§ 402) in Sanskrit, and the z (== Indg. §) in zd zdh = 
prim. Ar. id, zdh was lost (§ 404, 1. 2), whereas in ith = 
Prim. Ar. zbh it became d (§ 404, 3). 

-d/i- became -nn- : bhinnd- split, divided', from bhid-. 

Rem. Analogously -tin- from -dn- : gen. pi. sunnam {saks- 'six'), a 
new formation after $adbhij etc.; on this dbh cp. § 591. 

No consistency exists in the treatment of -dm- and -</»i-. 
kakiintnant- beside kakAdmant- 'providing with a point', mpim&ya- 
consisting of earth, clay* fr. *mfd~maya-. v&tdtndya- Consisting 
of speech' fr. *vag-mdya- beside vagmln- (§ 472 rem.). Whence 
this fluctuation arises, is not clear to me. Are the forms with 
^dm- and -gtn- new formations as compared with the others? 

§ 478. In Iranian 6, d, g j apparently remained explosives 
throughout in O.Pers. and the Ga|)a dialect, whereas in later 
Av. they became the spirants w, $, y £ medially except after 
sibilants and nasals, g also initially before consonants except r. 

Late Av. va$da Gap. vaeda 'he knows 1 : Skr. veda. dadmahi 
Gaj). dad'mahi c we give' : Skr. dadmdsi. bayu- O.Pers. baga- 



§ 4?8— 4?9. Indg. tenttes, mediae and mediae 

'god' : Skr. bhdga-. uyra- Gfip. ugra- ' 
ugrd-. ja-ym-Usi fem. part. perf. act. f 
ja-gnh6$I. y'nO- GfiJ). g'na- 'wife : Skr. 
edge : Skr. tfy'as-, beside late Av. Uyra- 
sharp, vehement'. 

Rem. 1. j is often written for £, e. g. < 
(§ 451). See Hflbschmann Kuhn's Ztechr. XXI 
§ 129 rem. 

Rem. 2. der*w&a- 'plait* maj be held i 
Skr. (and prim. Ar.) dfbdhd- 'knitted, wound* fr 
not certain, that prim. Ar. b was a continua 
§§ 469, 6. 552. 

On the other hand the late Ay. exp 
g before consonants s. above) and afte 
Late Av. dadmahi: Gap. dad'tnahi. 
3. sg. opt. perf. from rt. sed- sit', Ind{ 
he loves' : Skr. vdndate 'he praises, gdu 
mazga- 'marrow 1 : cp. Skr. majjan- fr. j 
450. 590. 591). angusta- 'toe : Skr. aw 

Prim. Ar. tf# appears in Av. as dv } 

Late Av. nm from dm in nmdna- : 
to Skr. ddma-s Gr. dopo-g etc., similar i 
in dld/u7]-xa ev-d t ut)To-$. Cp. Skr. kakum 

Late Av. v fr. gv, see § 450. 

Prim. Ar. zn = Indg. §n became 
zm = Indg. §m became sm in Av. Se< 

§ 479. Mediae aspiratae. Prim. 
Indg. bh, dh, gh, §h. 

Skr. bhrdta Av. brOta O.Pers. 
*bhrdtd(r). § 329. 

Skr. dhdr$-0-mi 'I venture', Av. dai 
O.Pers. a-dars-nau-ii 'he ventured', rt. d 

Skr. gharmd- Av. gar'ma- 'heat', rt 
jainti 'strikes 1 , O.Pers. a; an- am 'I struck', 

Skr. h&v-ana- A v. zav-ana- 'call', 
§§ 405—407. 

BrogmiDD, Element*. 



354 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. § 480. 

§ 480. In Sanskrit ih became in the first instance jh, 
e. g. prim. Ar. *dha#- 'to call* became *jhay- % prim. Ar. *zha- 
'leave, forsake' became *jha- (cp. § 406). 

Then the law of the dissimilation of aspirates operated, 
by which the aspiration was dropped when the next syllable 
began with an aspirate, bidhati awakes, is heedful of fr. prim. 
Ar. *bh<tydh-a-ti, rt. bheydh- (Gr. ntvOoiacu 1 inquire', Goth, ana- 
biuda 1 bid, command'). drSgha-8 'malicious injury* fr. prim. Ar. 
*dhra%gh-a~s , rt. dhreugh- (O.Icel. draugr 'ghost'), dddh&ti 
places, lays' from prim. Ar. *dha-dka-ti, rt. dhe- (Gr. Oij-aw 'I 
shall put, place*), durbhif durbhyds durbhydm (from Indg. *dhur- 
'door, Armen. dufn, Gr. OvpG, Goth, daur) from *dhur-bhi§ etc.; 
then after these diir-as dvdr-as etc. instead of regular *dbbr-a& 
etc.; observe, that the word was current in the Yeda only in 
the pi. and du., fewer case forms than was otherwise usual 
therefore stood opposite to the &ft-cases. jaghdna perf. *he 
struck' fr. prim. Ar. *jha-ghan-a Indg. *ghe-Qhon-e, imper. jahi 
strike' fr. prim. Ar. *jha-dhi (a new formation for regular *gha- 
dhi, see § 454 rem.) Indg. *g/i#-dAi, rt. qhen- (Gr. yow-c 'murder). 
jd-ha-ti 'leaves, forsakes' fr. prim. Ar. *iha-zha-ti (Av. za-z&iii) 
through the intermediate stages *jhajhati *jajhati (s. below). 
janghd- 'the lower part of the leg' fr. prim. Ar. *zhatdgha- (Av. 
zawga- 'instep', Goth, gaggs 'way, street*). 

From the similar law affecting the tenues asp., which was 
undoubtedly specially Skr., I conclude that this law of dissimila- 
tion operated first in Skr., not already in prim. Aryan. See §475. 

Rem. 1. Forms like vftra-hd-bhif (vftra-han- Vritra killing") instead 
of *-ja-bhi( (ep. jahi above) are easily explained as new formations. 8o 
far as I know, dissimilation never appears, when the two aspirates be- 
longed to different members of a compound, ep. e. g. abhi-bhuii-8 'ascen- 
denoy', garbha-dhi-s 'the place for coition, nest', ahi-h&n- 'serpent-killer'; 
op. on the other hand Gr. fxs- x nQfa § 496. It must here be observed that 
such oompounds might have been formed anew, after the above law had 
oeased to operate, and that the simple form — which was felt as a factor 
in composition — might always have exercised an influence on the old 
inherited and actually reproductive forms. 

Rem. 2. In forms like 2. sg. dhatsi beside 1. sg. dadhi 1 place 
for myself, fut. bhdtsyate beside pres bodhatl people often speak, in an 



§ 480—481. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. 355 

unscientific fashion, of a 'leaping oyer of the aspiration' on to the media 
of a preceding syllable. dhats£ y bhdtsydtt had muoh rather retained the 
Indg. initial (Indg. dhl, bheydh-). -is- was here already in existence before 
the operation of the law of dissimilation, and when this came into ope- 
ration there was nothing to be dissimilated in these forms, henoe the 
initial remained intact. Cp. Gr. 0^ : tq^o; § 496. 

Rem. 3. In what manner did dissimilation regularly take place, 
when aspirates formed the initial sound in three or more syllables? e. g. 
Skr. bu-bSdha 3. sg. perf. = prim. Ar. *bhu-bha%dh-a. This question 
requires further investigation. 

jh (= Indg. gh and gh) became h after the conclusion of 
the aspirate-dissimilation, as hdnti fr. *jhanti, Indg. *ghen-ti 
(Av. jainti), jdhati fr. *jajhati, prim. Ar. *zhw£ha-ti (Av. 
zazaiti). 

h appears several times for dh and bh without the reason 
for the change being clear. Thus -hi beside older -dhi Gr. -0«, 
endiog of the 2. sg. imper. ; -mate Av. Gap. -maid$ Gr. -^fla, 
ending of the 1. pi. mid.; sa-hd beside older sa-dhd at the 
same time, with* Av. ha-da; grh-nd-mi beside older gfbh-nd~mi 
'I seize'. [Cp. von Bradke Ztschr. d. d. morg. Ges. XL, p. 65 sqq.] 

Rem. 4. This change of dh bh, which caused the meaning of Skr. 
A to be fourfold, (Indg. bh, dh t gh. gh), gave rise to several 'deviations' 
(Eotgleisungen). Thus desiderative jighfkjali 'he desires to seise' for 
*ji'9hfP8-a-li, to gfhndmu 

§ 481. In Iranian prim. Ar. bh, dh, gh jh, ih fell to- 
gether with prim. Ar. b, d, g j, £ (cp. Keltic § 524 and Baltic- 
Slav. §§ 542. 549). Hence all the mutations, mentioned in 
§ 485, took place here also. 

The spirants w, d, y z in later Av. aiwi Gap. aM above, 
thereto, hither : Skr. abhi. awra- n. cloud* : Skr. abhrd-. Pres. 
stem da-da- Gap. da-da- put, place : Skr. da-dha- prim. Ar. 
*dha-dh&-. dar'ya- Gap. dar'ga- 'long : Skr. dlrghd-. yn-$ 
1. sg. pres. mid. from jan- (Indg. ghen-) slay : Skr. ghn-t. 
snafjsaiti 'it snows', prim. Ar. *$naijhati : Gr. vcitfti Indg. *sneigh- 
-eti. dazaiti 'burns' : Skr. ddhati (cp. ni-daghd-s 'heat'), Indg. 
*dhegh'e-ti. 

Rem. j written for z e. g. in ar'iaiti 'deserves, is worth' : Skr. 
drhati, rt. argh- (§ 429 a). Cp. § 478 rem. 1. 

23* 



856 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Aryan. § 481-482. 

Explosives (b, d, g ;) in later Av. bardmi 'I bear* : Skr. 
bh&rOmi. skemba- pillar* : Skr. skambhd- 'supporting pillar'. dOma 
'creature* : Skr. dhdma, rt. dhe-. mJzda- "pay, reward* : Skr. 
mldhd- Gr. fittiSd-g. dazdi give' imper. : Skr. d£hi. bandayeiti 
'binds' : Skr. bandhdyati. gar'ma- 'glowing heat' : Skr. gharmd-. 
zanga- 'instep' : Skr. jaioghd-. jainti 'strikes, kills' : Skr. hdnti. 
retyayeiti 'he hastens' : Skr. rqhdyati. 

Late Av. n fr. dn : buna- 'ground, bottom' : Skr. budhnd-. 

Late Av. v fr. gv, see § 453. 

Prim. Ar. zhn, zhtn = Indg. §hn, §hm became Av. sn, 
m. See § 407. 

§ 482. The prim. Ar. combinations bdh, <Fdh (thence 
zdh already in prim. Ar.), gdh, idh = original bh, dh, qh, 
§h + t and bzh, (dzh, thence zh^) g£h, zzh = original bh, 
(dh,) a h, §h + 8. Cp. §§ 469, 6. 470. 

Skr. dfbdhd- 'knitted, tied, wound', A v. der'wda- plait' 
(§ 478 rem. 2), rt. derbh-. Skr. mtdhas- Av. mazdah- 'wisdom' 
a=s *m$dh + t08-, see § 476. Skr. drugdhd- n. 'offence, insult', 
rt. dhre%gh-. A v. Gap. 3. sg. imperf. mid. aog'da (aog- aoj- 
speak, name') = *eyQh+to, cp. Gr. svxoftat bvxto. Skr. inf. 
vtidhum 'vectum' = *ye§h+tu-m , Av. vazdri-s promoter = 
*W§K+tri- t rt. ye§h-, see § 404, 2. 

Rem. 1. Many exceptions to this law — especially in Iranian — 
arose through the analogy of other words of the same suffix-category, in 
which the suffix had t (e. g. Skr. yukta- Av. yuxta~ 'junctus*). Examples : 
At. dapta- deceived, cheated' for *dawda- = Skr. dabdhd-. At. O.Pers. 
fcosta- 'hound* for tbazda-, cp. Skr. baddhd-, rt bhendh-. At. druxta- 
O-Pers, dOrHxta- 'cheated, belied' for Av. *druy&a- (G*|>. *drwp*<*a-) CPers. 
+durugda- = 8kr. drugdhd-. At. aoxta beside GSp. aog*dd, see above. 
At. vaitar- 'beaBt of draught* for *vaidar- (op. vazdri-s above) = 8kr. 
•o^Uor-. 8kr. Yed. 2. do. dhaktam for *dagdham from dagh- 'reach to, 
attain*, 1. pL daghma . 3. sg. mid. dhatti Sife n»' probably in the first in- 
stance for *daddhe (see below). Cp. Lat part eom-totus for com-isuf, 
2. pL istis for *M8 etc., § 501 rem. 2, OHG. wista for wissa etc, § 527 
rem. S. 

The 8kr. forms with ddh, as baddhd-, buddhd^ arose by attraction 
to the other forms of the same root, thus also +daddhi probably as inter- 
mediate stage between +didhi and dhattt Cp. daddki for diki § 476 rem. 1, 
diditfhi for 'diduJMi § 404 rem. 2. 



§482—483. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae 

Skr. dipsati 'intends to injure', Av 
deceive', desiderat. formations to Skr 
2. sg. dhtkfr l thou miikest' (3. sg. di 
aoyia (3. sg. aog'da see above). Skr. 
s-aorist to Skr. vdhati Ay. vazaiti Veh 

Rem. 2. Examples for dh + 8 seem t 
Skr. bh&sydti (fat. fr. rt. bhe^dh-) cannot 1 
continuation of dzh, because after prim. Ar. ; 
U probable that d became assimilated to t 
prim. Ar. 

Armenian. 

§ 483. The tenues were very vai 
their form of articulation. 

p appears as p in the vicinity of < 
epem 'I cook* probably to Gr. ?i//a). As 
also', Or. em, evfh 'septem'. As h (y) 
king 'nivxs, hefi 'distant' Gr. nipsv . S 

Initial p disappeared before I. li (g 
Skr. prO-td- 'filled', Gr. nX^grjq 'full', Li 
I fill*, luana-m 'I wash* : Skr. plav-aydt 
wash', Gr. nXtvio 'I wash*. 

t appears as t after 8 : astl star' G 
before vowels and (under what conditio] 
1 become dry, wither Gr. xioooimi, ui 
tu: to of thee' Skr. tvdm. t appears 
'man, homo' Skr. tnftd-, dr-and 'door 
fr. k below. See § 360. 

Intervocalic t became i and then c 
Gr. naxrjQ, nom. pi. har-JZ first probabl] 
-atr- : haur 'father's Gr. narp-og. -rh 
mark mah 'death* Skr. mjty&-§ or Go 

t- had disappeared initially in ere- 
% r*H : Skr. trdyas. See § 263. 

q appears as k (£) and $ except i 
akn 'eye' Lith. ak-l-s; M-ane-m 'I lea^ 
(Kstem) 'eyes' Lith. aJA-8. As g after 



358 Indg. tonnes, mediae and mediae asp. in Armen § 483—485. 

'impediment' Gr. dpxeto ; king 'five' Skr. pdftca ; cp. d fr. t above. 
See § 455 *). 

Examples for the dropping of q are uncertain. See Hubsch- 
mann Arm. St. I 76. 

% generally appears as s : sar 'height' Skr. Siras-. c fr. 
sfc (fofc, ssJc) and Jcs: har$ question' Skr. pfchd^ veg 'six' Gr. 8;. 
See §§ 408. 561. 

Loss of Jc before t in uf 'eight' (Skr. afyd) , probably also 
before I in lu 'audible' (cp. Skr. $ru~). See § 408. 

§ 484. The mediae d, g became tenues, § became a 
voiceless affricata. Cp. the shifting of the mediae in Germanic, 
§ 533. 

d became t. tiv 'day' : Skr. diva instr. 'by day*. See § 361. 

8 became h. her 'food, meat' : Skr. girdmi, rt. ger-. See 
§ 456. 

§ became c. cer 'old man* : Av. zaurvO- 'age', rt. §er% 
See § 409. 

Examples for the shifting of b to p are unknown to me* 
Cp. § 331. 

§ 486. The mediae aspiratae bh, dh, gh became 6, d, 
g\ §h became the voiced affricata /, or the voiced spirant z. 

bh became b, which remained initially and after X, r, m, 
but became v after vowels, ba-n 'Xoyoq : Gr. 917/u. elbeur 'spring, 
source' : Gr. (ppsap. arbi 'I drank' : Lat. sorbeO. Instr. sg. akam-b 
pi. akam-bR from akan- 'eye' : Skr. -bhi$. lus-a-vor 'clear, bright': 
Gr. Xevxo-<poQo-$. See § 332. 

dh became d. diem 'I suck' : Skr. dhdydmi. See § 362. 

gh became g f which remained except before original e- and 
♦-vowels, before these it passed into j initially, and into i 
medially, gan 'strokes, blows' : Skr. ghan-d-. jerm 'warm* : Gr. 
BsQn6-q. %i 'viper* : Av, azi-L See § 457. 

§h became / initially and after n and r, and z after vowels, 
jaune-m 'I consecrate, sacrifice* : Av. zaotar-. anjuk 'narrow* : 



1) The j in arj "bear* : Skr. fk$as Gr. ifxro-s is probably parallel 
to this g and rf. Cp. § 561. 



§485-488. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. 359 

Ay. qzah-. barjr 'high* : Av. ber'zant-. lizu^tn 'I lick 1 : Lith. 
leziii. See § 410. 

Greek. 

§ 486. The tenues generally retained their form of 
articulation. 

p. nXi(f)to 1 swim* : Skr. pldv-S. See § 333. 

t. rdl-avro-v 'balance* : Skr. tuld-. See § 363. 

k xagS-la 'heart': Lat. cor. See § 384. 

q. xa()7i-6-$ 'fruit' : Skr. kfpayia-s. noivq atonement* : Av. 
hapta-. rt and' : Lat. que. See §§ 425. 426. 427. 

These sounds seem to have been spoken with aspiration for 

a time in some districts, especially in Attica. Owing however 

to the inexactness and inconsistency of the written language it 

is impossible to determine accurately how far this tendency 

extended. 

Rem. Many of the oases, where the aspiration was formerly regarded 
as being purely phonetic, are rather new formations made by analogy, 
e. g. ahbpM *I anoint with oil* (beside tin a, Skr. limpdmi), 3exop<u> '1 reoeive* 
(beside Ion. Dor. Lesb. Mxoiuu), perf. r/rpoipa Ttxqa<para\, (to i^nta 'I turn'). 
8ee Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 284 ff. In the same manner mediae also 
came into the place of tenues, as Kf*Ufi<*s (Messen.) to nhn- 'steal', ttQvyqr 
to op**-. See Osthoff in the above work. 

§ 487. Tenuis became ten. asp. before q i. e. voiceless r 
(cp. § 266). reBQinnn-v 'four-horse chariot* = TSTQinno-v fr. 
*T£TQ-lnno-v. <ppov$o~g gone away' = ngovdo-g fr. ^npo-oto-g. 
This affection corresponds exactly to syotiog approach 1 = snbiog. 

Tenuis became media before media, iy-dldtopi fr. fx\-SlSwf4 t 
(cp. Cret. iJit7jTcu with <W fr. y-J, cp. vvxxl § 384), iy-paXka, 
sy-yovo-g, vp-pdXXco. The etymological orthography was frequently 
used, ex-di&ojui etc., and probably it was also pronounced -x£- etc. 

vr = Indg. nt, wq (§ 4274) became (v)6 in Pamphyl. (for 
-(r)- cp. § 205). 3. pi. conj. ayo)(v)ii = Dor. ayonm. ni(v)it = 
Att. nivTs, Indg. *pet9qe. 

§ 488. nf4. mostly became jh/li, Lesb. nn. o^a eye* fr. 
*07if*a, Lesb. pi. onnava. xtxajujuau 'I am bent* from *xexafifi-jLicu 
*xtxatui'ficu, cp. 3. sg. xexufinrcu. 



360 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. § 488—489. 

When k in the combination rv^ suffered epen thesis (cp. 
xexxaivw etc. §§ 130. 639), x became assimilated to the v and 
disappeared, d&a-noiva 'mistress of the house' fr. *-7ror-«^a beside 
noma = *7ror-V4^a. Cp. gaivm fr. *QaSvifii § 492. 

§ 489. Hi, q% became a geminated spirant (pp?) in prim. 
Greek; this sound was represented by -it- medially in Boeot., 
Thess., Att., and in the other dialects by -era-, but initially uni- 
versally, as it seems, by tf-. On account of the vowel-length in 
iXccvTcov (§ 479) it must be assumed that rr, and oo arose first 
from a geminated spirant, since av would not have been 
subjected to the process of compensation lengthening before an 
explosive. Cp. § 427 d. fidoaiov 'longer (to juaxpo-g) : Av. inas-yi 
greater'. ndooaXo-g plug, nail', rt. pdfc- (Skr. pdia-s string, 
sling). 7i60<j(o n&xxw 'I cook', rt. peq-. ooos 'both eyes' : Lith. 
a&i-s. Horn, oevs (e-ooevi) 'he drove, hunted, scared' : Skr. cyav- 
cyu- 'put in motion. Megar. od 'xiva fr. *k*i-a beside a-ooa 
a-xxa (on a- s. § 654). In Att. xivfidofiat 1 pursue* and xsvvaia 
1 busy myself eagerly with something', in case they are from the 
same root as Horn, otvs, the initial r may have come from the 
augmented and reduplicated forms. 

ti became 88 in prim. Gr. Hence universally a after con- 
sonants* Fern. Cret. ndvoa Att. etc naoa Lesb. noSaa 'tota' 
(§ 205) fr. *navT-ka. $6%a 'doctrine, opinion fr. *tfox-r-*a. xafirpo-s 
'bent* (Hesych.) fr. ^xapn-x-itpg. Cp. the 0- of oiftsrcu = Skr. 
tydjatZ (cp. § 428 a), which probably arose from Indg. tj- (§§ 117. 
598). Otherwise medial 66, which was retained in Homer and 
elsewhere, seems to have become regularly partly 6 (Ion. Att), 
and partly rr (Boeot. Cret.). xoooo-g 'tantus' noooo-g 'quantus, 
xooog nooog (cp. fiiooo-q fiioo-g § 497), Boeot. Cret. o f -7ro'rro-$. 
With this xx cp. Boeot. xopixxd/usvog = Horn. xo/ui66d/uevog fr. 
*xo/LUToa/Lisyog, Cret. SdxxaSOcu = Horn. ddooaodai fr. *Sax6aodcu. 

Rem. 1. The regular representatives of ££, q% mostly appear forfj 
e. g. Att. iqirrta Qtfaaia) fr. iqtr- like g>qtrrta (jpqtaoia) from <p$l*-, K^t(rrttr 
(jKQttooiov) fr. xqer- like tjTTunr (jjootav) from f t x— These were probably new 
formations after the analogy of those with original $£, q\. Cp. the author's 
Orieoh. Chramm. p. 36 note 1, 



§ 489—490. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. 361 

The Indg. combination ti appears medially, in most dialects, 

generally as si after other sounds than 8 (cp. Ban, nioTi-g). 

Att. didw-ai gives' : Skr. dddd-ti; pd-ai-g step, stride* : Skr. gd-ti-$\ 

anij/to-g 'first cousin : O.Bulg. netijX opf. *nept-iio-8. 

Rem. 2. The combination -r* was frequently retained in Boeot., 
Pamphyl. and Dor., where the other dialeots had -at, as Dor. ScSam 
nlovrto-;. But also in those dialeots, whioh show -a, -r* occurs beside 

this, a8 Ion. Att. frt, aino-g (op. n\ovoio-g\ drrt, xegarii (pans (cp. ipdai-g). 

Form-transference may be assumed in many oases, e. g. xfjon after xt^arog 
etc.; axoTio-s after axdro-g\ tpdn-g pdgnri-g pdrrt-g after the oases with 
m tci". Cp. Horn. rfonnSaioy Aroad. Hoaoi'larog Lao. IToolSavog with a in- 
stead of r (Boeot. IIoTftSdwr UoroiSdi/oz) after IIomA- in Horn. JloaiS/fiog etc. 
Nevertheless this does not olear the matter up satisfactorily. It is question- 
able, whether -at did not already arise, to a certain extent, in prim. Greek. 
Such a great antiquity is especially to be conjectured for the -<n in nouns 
like jSdoi-, since these also ocour with a in Boeotian and the whole of Dorio. 

In Lac. and Cypr. 6 = ti, in Cypr. at the same time the 
o of -<fc = -ti passed into h : Lac. part. fem. tv-rjpuialg, Cypr. 
3. pi. conj. <pqovs(m. This 6 became q in Eretria: part. fem. 
ofiwovQaq, 3. pi. conj. napa-ftaivcopiv. 

Medial ty became 66 in Ion. etc., and xx in Boeot. and 
Att. Horn. xeooageg Herod. raaosgeg Lesb. niaavQsg Arcad. xsoos- 
Qaxowa + Boeot. nixrapsg Att. xexxagsg 'four : Skr. catvdr-as. 
Initially : Cret. xfi 'thee' (wrongly written xge in Hesych.) Dor. 
xi Boeot. xlv Lesb. Ion. Att. oV : Skr. tv&-. On the enclitio 
Ion. Att. etc. xoi see § 187. 

§ 490. ts became 66 in prim. Greek, thence 6 in later 
times. Horn. aor. ndooaoOai Indaavxo fr. *nux-o- : pres. naviofxou 
'I eat, consume*. Horn. aor. e(p-*oodpevo-g dv-eoavxsg fr. *!r-a- : 
&J-OS 'seat'. Horn, noool noal Att. nodi fr. *noxoi : nod-eg 'feet', 
cp. Skr. patsu. Correspondingly Indg. t°t(h) became st(h) in 
prim. Greek, d-natixo-g jejune* : nax-io(.icu. loxt 'ye know' olada 
'thou knowesf (Skr. vtttha) : tt-/*ev o?J-a. Cp. 66 fr. tfdh § 494. 

Ok from xtfx. JtJa'axw 1 teach' : J*-dax-r6-£, Lat. di-dic-f. 
Ifonto I make like' : Hoixa. Boeot. sg-xrj-fcxdx*] = &--x. Cp. also 
*$- fr. 6$- ex* in Arcad. igdoxrjgeg, Boeot. Gortyn eg xwv. 

xgd-nefa '(four-legged) table' fr. *nx(>a-, Indg. *qtu?~, cp, Skr. 
turya- § 471. 



362 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. § 491—492. 

§ 491. In most dialects, e. g. Ion.-Att., the mediae were 
voiced explosives in the oldest monuments. 

b. pdppaQo-g 'foreign : Skr. balbcUa-kardtni. See § 334. 

d. Jfxa 'ten' : Skr. ddSa. See § 364. 

§. ysvw 'I let taste : Av. zaoSa- 'favour, kindness*, rt. §e\ts-. 
See § 385. 

g. iptvyo/uai 'I spit out': Lith. nigiu, rt. re#g-. povg 'bullock*: 
Skr. gatir§ f Indg. *Qty-s. de\tpv-<; 'womb* : Skr. gdrbha-s, rt. 
Selbh-. See §§ 425. 426. 428. 

The voiced mediae became voiced spirants. We may con- 
clude that p had already become ft in Lac. and El. before the 
beginning of the Roman period, from the fact that # (/) was 
represented in these dialects by £. In the oldest El. monuments 
J appears as £ i. e. <f, e. g. £* , Uxcua, fefaog ; this affection, so 
far as we can see, did not take place in the other dialects until 
later. Forms like vytyeung, SaQamyrjov, xXa/ya, occurring in the 
second century B. C, exhibit the transition of y into the spirant 
j (in any combination whatever). The y, which here represents 
the consonantal i, is only conceivable on the supposition that 
it denoted elsewhere a spirantal sound; the loss of y after < in 
Boeot. Iwv = iywv, Tarent. and elsewhere oliog = ollyog etc., 
also points to this change. 

In Arcad. £ was also written for J = Indg. g, e. g. #iUa> 
beside dikXio 'I throw*. Hence a spirant was also spoken here. 
Cp. § 428 6. 

§ 492. pv, #u became /nv, fifi in prim. Greek, nvdouai 'I 
woo to wife' from *pva- 'wife', Indg. *gnfl-, see § 428 a. otpvo-$ 
adjectival part, to atpo t ucu 'I feel awe', rt. tjeg-, see § 428 a. 
TQi'/Lifta (TQipfia) 'that which is rubbed', perf. mid. Wroi^a*, to 
XQtpG) 1 rub'. 

In like manner gn, gin probably became ton, wtn 1 ) in the 
same period, yi-yv-o-nou 'am born* i. e. gmnomai. orvy-wo-g 



1) For the grounds on which this theorj is based see Ebel Kuhris 
Ztsohr. XTTT 264, Westphal Method. Gramm. I 1, 17, the author in 
Curtius' Stud. IY 103 f. 9 L. Havet Mem. de la soo. de lingu. IY 276. 



§492-495. Tndg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. 363 

'hated* i. e. *8ty&nos. inn became %n in Dor., Thess., Boeot. and 
later Att., as Dor. ytvoiicu yivwaxto (cp. § 618). dy-^o-c 'breakage' 
i. e. *at9tno8. wgm became wm (written y/u) through the inter- 
mediate stage tdtdm, just as tnpm became mm through mmm 
(§ 488): scpQtynat, iXtjXsyftui beside -y%ai -yxvw. 

Qcdv(t) 'I sprinkle' fr. *gad-vi i (o (Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 
457 ff.), like dsg-notva fr. *-noxv k a, see §§ 488. 639. 

Lac. slid 'seat' fr. *e3-Xa, see § 364. 

§ 493. di, §i, g{ became one sound, which was mostly 
written C. Z«/-c:Skr. dyCLu-§\ neQo-g 'on foot', to nstid nido-v 
ulojuou 'I stand in awe of, to ctyio-c, Av. yazait$, rt. iag-. tfj 
lives' fr. *???«, to Av. jyCLiti-, stem gi#-; vi£io 'I wash', to 
vt7tXQo-v, rt. neiq- (cp. § 428 d). 

08 was also written for 5 in Lesb., e. g. itxdaiu). -<W-, for 
which, initially, J-, appears in Lac, Gortyn, Boeot., and Megar., 
e. g. the verbal endings -o <Wiw -i Jdiw = -afft> -CQw, dsv'g = Zsvg, 
dwg = £<oog. Seldom r = £ in Cret., as Trjva = Zrjva, also 

Owing to the uncertainty which exists regarding the value 

of these different letters, it is impossible to determine accurately 

the course of development, which the prim. Gr. combinations d{, 

9h 9*i passed through. 

Rem. £ was probablj pronounced zd in Ion.-Att. ; cp. OBulg. zd 
fr. d% § 147 rem. 1. SS might possibly go baok first of all to zd — or zd — . 
See the author's Oriech. Ghramm. § 52 with addendum to p. 47, G. Mejer 
Gr. Gr.* 274 f. 

§ 494. lodi i. e. isthi arose fr. Indg. *uid'dhi 'know' iraper. 
(cp. Skr. viddhi, § 476). Whether the intermediate stage was 
*uizdhi or *uitsthi, remains doubtful. Gr. xvodo-g a hollow, 
pudenda muliebria' was probably a similar case (§ 469, 5). 

§ 495. The mediae aspiratae bh, dh, §h, gh became 
tenues aspiratae in prim. Greek. These then probably remained 
unchanged in most dialects, certainly e. g. in Ion.-Att., down to 
historic times. 

bh. h(pQv-q 'eye-brow* : Skr. bhr&-$. See § 335, 



S64 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Greek. §495-496. 

dh. dVpo-Q 'heart, courage, passion' : Skr. dhU-md-s. See 
§ 365. 

§h. €*-o> 1 have, hold* : Av. haz-ah-, rt. se§h~. See § 386. 

gh. Xf/og 'bed* : O.Bulg. l$gq, rt. leqh-. (povo-q 'murder and 
dsivcj 'I strike : Skr. 3. pi. ghn-dnti, rt. gfon-. See §§ 425. 
426. 429. 

The tenues aspiratae became voiceless spirants in most com- 
binations, through the intermediate stage of affricatae. We are 
not in a position to determine precisely the place and time of 
this shifting, since the written language offers too few sure 
holds. The affricata-stage seems to occur in such spellings as 
oxxog (jxv'nyoq and in measures like o<piv (Horn.) figbyw (Theognis) 
as trochees. Cp. Roscher Curtius' Stud. I 2, 63 ff. Blass Aus- 
spr. 2 84 ff. [G. Meyer Gr. Gramm. 2 207 ff.]. Spirantal value 
(p) can be established most extensively for 0. 6 remained 
an explosive in Cret. (Gortyn) before p p, as is seen by the 
writing tp tv, and was a spirant before vowels. 6 probably 
only remained an explosive after 6 in Boot., El., and Locr. 
(cp. Att. fan beside Mtitoot, § 489), hence the writing of or for 
a0. In Lac, where p can be established with the greatest cer- 
tainty, it passed (before palatal vowels?, see Baunack Die Inschr. 
von Gortyn p. 36) further into cr, as 2f(ov = Qitav. 6 as p 
became / in Boeot. and Epir., as is shown by the writing <p in 
<peog = Stog etc. This <p also shows that prim. Gr. ph ($>{$<*) 
had become / in these dialects. 

Rem. The often assumed change of prim. Gr. tenuis asp. to media 
neTer existed. In oases like art^ftta beside aortf«ptj$ % nMa} beside nvS^ 
it is a question of Indg. media (§ 469, 8), whereas in such as uara-tif- 
fit>o-f (beside inf. xara-ltxtieu, rt. X*x~)i &Q*yiua 'handful' (to S^a^utj Sfeooo- 
fjai, Skr. dark- 'fasten*) we have merely new formations, made after the 
analogy of similar forms from roots with media (Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. 
Pert 301 ff.). 

§ 496. The tenuis aspirata lost its aspiration in prim. Greek, 
when a tenuis aspirata followed at the beginning of the next 
syllable. r/Oq/ti 1 place' fr. +thi-thE-mi, aor. iviOtp fr. V*fc- 
thBn, rt. dh$~. invdsro 'he inquired for' fr. *e-phuth-e-toj rt 



§496—498. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Gr. and Italic. 365 

bheydh-. Gen. rgiy-og 'hairV fr.* *thrikh-os. ixt-xsi()l6 cessation 
of hostilities', Delph. Exf-qptfAo-s fr. *ekhe-kh., *ekhe-ph. 

Qq% : tqix*S an< * Bt66a6Bou : n60o-g (§ 429 b) = Skr. dhatst: 
dadhe, see § 480 rem. 2. Hence forms like nevoo^iai nvong, 
nsiaw moxig (rt. bheidh-) are shown to be new formations for 
*<psvaoficu etc.; cp. fut. av6m for regular avow § 564. 

The remark, made in § 480 rem. 1 on Skr. v[tra-hdbhi§ 
abhi-bhtiti-$, also holds good for the forms iyvOyv (z*°> I P our 
out*), dsOfio-g Locr. statute' beside rsd/uo-g Pind., diBtSdou Cret. 
Gort. = tiOhjOcu, ct/Li(pi'(paXo-g 'having a double comb', a/Lupi-yJu) 
'I pour around', nayy-xvuo-g with thick juices' etc. 

It is difficult to ascertain in what manner the law of the 
dissimilation of aspirates operated in cases where three or more 
aspirates followed one after the other (cp. nbnoiBe, prim. Gr. 
*phe-phoith-e, tbOtjti prim. Gr. *the-the-thi). Only so much is 
as yet clear, that the regular operation had been crossed in 
many ways by analogical formations. Cp. OsthofFs attempt in 
his Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 305. 

§ 497. Indg. dh% §h% ghi as thi y kh%, kh% kh*i fell together 
in prim. Gr. with t% k%, i| k*i and accordingly experienced the 
same treatment as these (§ 489). 

n'tooo-g ftsoo-g 'medius' (Skr. mddhya-s) like roooo-g tooo-g. 

aooov nearer' {uyxh root afi§h-) like ftdooav. 

tXaaawv eXavrwv Mess' (hkayv-g : Skr. laghu-$) like neaaw 
mtru). 

Italic. 

§ 498. The tenues remained unshifted on the whole. 

p. Lat. pax, Umbr. pase 'pace', Osc. Paakul 'Paculus: 
Skr. pdSa-. See § 336. 

t. Lat. tovo-s tuo-8, Umbr. tover 'tui', Osc. tuvai 'tuae': 
Skr. tdva. See § 366. 

£. Lat. clf-nd, Umbr. kle-tram 'lecticam* : Skr. $rdy-a-ti. 
See § 387. 

q. Lat. cand y Umbr. kanetu canito' : Skr. kat9-kan-f. Lat. 
2**-*, t Umbr. Osc. p** 'quis' : A v. c*-£. See §§ 430. 431, 



366 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic § 498—500. 

Where shifting of the tenues happened through sound-change, 
in combinations, it is frequently not evident — - owing to the 
scantiness of the Umbr.-Samn. monuments — whether this change 
is to be regarded as having taken place in prim. Italic or only 
in single dialects. 

§ 499. Lat. b from p before voiced explosives, ob-dikd, 
ab-dUcd, sub-dUcd: cp. op-erid 'I close', ap-erid 'I open* (cp. 8kr. 
ar- move something', apa\ar- 'remove, put aside, open), Osc. 
op eizois apud eos', Qr. ano, Lat. super Gr. vno. Hence pro- 
bably original p in optined, suppdnd etc.; ab- 06- sub-ed made 
by analogy; abs y obstrudd, obtrudd^ subter etc. phonetically 
wrongly spelt. 

Lat. Umbr. g from c in the combination -&£/-. Lat. angulu-s, 
Umbr. anglom-e 'in angulum' fr. *atdklo- (§ 269), to Lat. ancu*s 
uncus. Lat. singulu-s fr. *8em-klo- (§ 269). The cause of the 
same change is less clear in septin-genfi ndn-genft beside du- 
cent% (Gr. i nru-xoOtot) ; vlgintt beside fftcSsimus no doubt owed its 
g to form-transference. Cp. Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 
312 f. 

Media from tenuis after nasals and before r in Urabrian. 
tursiandu 'terreantur'. ander 'inter', an-dendu 'intendito' fr. 
*antenttu i. e. *antend-td. ivengar pi. 'iuvencae'. abrof apros'. 
subra 'supra', adrer 'atris. Cp. also Osc. embratur 'imperator. 

§ 500. Lat. mn fr. pn. somnu-s : sopor, Skr. svdp-na-s etc., 
see § 324. omni-s fr. *opni-8, to ops op&s. Cp. mn fr. bn § 506. 

Lat. ion (written gn) from en already in prehistoric times. 
dlgnu-s fr. *decno-s : decus; tfgnu-m fr. *tecno-m, to Gr. i>x- (cp. 
§ 65 p. 53). tiignu-s itigneu-s : flex -icis. Cigna spica' (Saliar 
hymn), to acus chaff', Goth, ahana, OHG. agana 'chaff' (other- 
wise Kluge Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVI 88, who postulates Indg. akh- 
because of Gr. ax^j chaff, foam'). nTxu-s, too, fr. *cnlxo-s (rt. 
kneigh-, § 433 b) had passed through the stage tenixo-s (cp. Gnixi 
dl). Analogously Umbr. co-negos ku-nikas 'conixus' l ). On 
nn fr. gn (with original media) cp. what is said in § 506. 

1) Cp. also Lat. cygnu-8 beside cycnu-8 fr. Gr. xv'xro$, Progne fr. 
IlQOXYq, OuOssus fr. Knooao;. 



500—501. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic. 



367 



Lat. mm fr. pm. summn-s : superior. So also Umbr. somo 
summum'. 

Lat. wm (written gm) fr. cm. s8gmentu-m : secure. Cp. tarn 
fr. gm with original y, § 506. 

§ 601. The change of ts to ss seems to have been prim. 
Italic. After a long syllable and finally ss became s in Lat. 

Lat. con-custf : con-cut-io. suasT fr. *su&tsf : sudd-ed. scOla 
fr. *scansla *scantsla : scando (§ 208 pp. 175 — 176). novi-tas fr. 
*~Utt-s. fertns fr. *ferent-s. con-cors fr. *-cort~8 (gen. -cord-is). 
That -ss = -te had not yet fallen together with Indg. -8 after 
nasals and liquids in Latin, follows from the contrast of ferEns 
with ped-Vs Indg. *-%s ($ 208 p. 175) and of con-cors ars etc. 
with par fur (§ 655, 9). Cp. also the contrast of penna O.Lat. 
pesna fr. *pet-snd with p€ni-s fr. *pe8-ni-s (Skr. pds~as Gr. niog 
•penis*), § 570. 

Umbr. zeref serse 'sedens', kutef cautus' (cautens', as it 
were), Volsc. asif mcendens, adolens flammis'. -/ first of all 
fr. -p, further fr. -ns = -nte, see § 209. 

Where ts (z) appears in Umbr.-Samn., it was of later origin : 
in Umbr. pihaz piatus' Osc. hurz 'tortus* etc.; in Osc. az 'ad', 
an extension of ad after the analogy of Ital. aps, ops, ehs\ in 
Umbr. -nfe- fr. -ws- (§ 209). 

The change of is to ss was repeated in Latin, possum fr. 
*pot-sum, which was either a new formation after potest (fr. 
pote est) or had arisen by syncope (§ 633) fr. *pote-sum. 

Rem. 1. Compounds like anxequor fr. *atsequor (ad sequor) were 
formed at Tarious periods of the language. It is difficult to say, in which 
examples 88 had arisen regularly, and in which by analogy. 

Indg. t't apparently became 88 everywhere except before r l ) 
in prim. Italic, thence s after long syllables. Lat. ob-sessu-s : 
Skr. sattd- Av. hasta-, Indg. *set*to-s i. e. *8ed+to-s, rt. sed- 
"«it\ fassu-s : fateor. fossu-s : fodid. vorsu-s, Umbr. trah-vorfi 
'transverse' (rf from rs, cp. § 209) : Skr. tqitd- 'versus', O.Bulg 
vrfsta f. 'state, situation', Indg. *Uft'to-s, rt. uert- vertere*. 



> fJl 



1) And except finally? C 4 ». Lat. est 'eats' from rt eJ-. 



368 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic. §501—502. 

morsu-s : morded. scdnsum : scandd, cp. Skr. gerund, skanttva. 
vXcEnsimiA-s fftcBsimus : Boeot. flxaovo-g, cpf. *wh&t 8 to-. tftrdsu-s 
fr. *uT$o*wpt*-tO'8, see § 238. Usu-s Usid fr. *oiso-s *oisid, Pelign. 
oisa abl. 'usa, consumpta' : oetor utor. Cp. also ftsus, with 
which Bftcheler connects Umbr. Fisiu abl. 'Fisio', from feido 
ffdDy rt. bheidk- (§ 552). 

Rem. 2. Lat. &U8 Istt (rt ed-) for *isis *ese after the forms of 
other Terbs in -tis -te. com-lstus for and beside com-tsu-s after forms 
like ges-tu-8i etc. 

cette, mattus, O.Lat. ad-gretu-s by syncope (§ 633) fr. *ced{j)te, 
*mad(i)to-8 t *ad-gred(i)to-s; cp. alitu-8 and alius, e-Ucitu-8 and al-lectu-t. 
Correspondingly Osc. ufttiuf Wo, nsus* fr. *oit(i)tiuf (cp. Lat. vomitid). 
This new tt remained unchanged like the tt in attuli fr. ad tuli. Cp. the 
author in Morph. Unt. Ill 133 f., Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 555 if. 

On the other hand t*tr became str. pedestri-s : pedit-e*. 
assestrfx, Estrix to sedr, ed-. Umbr.-Samn. examples are wanting. 

Re m. 3. That the course of deyelopment was not here ssi — 8r — str t 
as some maintain, but that the t e. g. in es-tri-x, was the same as that 
in vtC'tri'X, follows from the fact that sr did not beeome str but fr — br 
(§ 570). 

The Italic treatment of Indg. t't was precisely parallel to 
that of the Germanic. See § 527. 

On initial *- fr. ps- and x- see § 568, 2. 

Lat. ff from pf : offero, sufferD. 

Osc. meddiss ineddis 'meddix', cp. Lat. ju-4ex; nom. 
pi. meddiss beside n*d$si£ fr. *-difc-(e)s. Umbr. osatu 'ope- 
rator facito' oseto 'facta' beside Osc. lipeannam 'operandam, 
faciundam'. 

§ 602. Prim. Ital. kt passed into x t (**) in Umbr.-Samn., 
and prim. Ital. pt into ft (in Umbr. further into ht). Umbr. 
rehte recte', aan-fehtaf 'infectas', uhtur 'auctor'. Osc. saah- 
tiim 'sanctum', Uhtavis 'Octavius'. Umbr. screhto 'scriptnm, 
Osc. scriftos pi. Wiptae'. 

The combination kt arose anew in Umbr.-Samn. by vowel 
syncope (§ 633) and was now treated differently from prim. 
Italic kt. Osc factud 'facito', actud 'agito'. Umbr. feitu fetu 
feetu 'facito', aitu 'agito', to which ar-veitu ars-veitu 'advehito' 
(rt *€$A-) joined itself. 



> ^3 



§502—503. Indg. tonnes, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic. 



369 



Rem. Prim. Italic k* = Indg. q seems to have remained an ex- 
plosive both where it was followed by a t in prim. Italic, and where it 
later came together with t by syncope. Osc Hopnrit; 'Qoinctius', Indg. 
*penqto- 'quintals'. Umbr. ninctu 'ninguito' (cp. § 570), fiktu 'figito* 
(O.Lat. fiver e beside figere, fibula fr. *fi(g)#e-bla), nmtu 'unguito' in the 
first instance from *umptd. 

k became s i before e- and i- vowels in Umbrian, e. g. 
fasia 'faciat*. See § 387. How the form feia beside fasia 
is to be explained, I am unable to say. Gp. muieto 'muttitum', 
where i seems to express a voiced spirant (§ 508). 

Osc. 5 fr. t%. Bansae loc. 'Bantiae', cf. Bantins 'Bantinus*. 

§ 603. Loss of tenues in consonantal groups. 

Lat. posed fr. *porc-scd : prec-or (§§ 269. 288). misced fr. 
*micsced : Skr. mi&-rd- 'mixed*, illustri-s fr. *in-louc-S'tri-s : 
ltic-e5. discd from *ditcscd i. e. *di-dc-sc0 : di-dic-$, cp. Gr. 
A-Ja'(x)-fiK(» § 490. asportd fr. *aps-portd : abs i. e. aps. osfendd 
fr. *ops-tendd : ob. sternud fr. *pster- : Gr. nrdpvv^ai 1 sneeze* fr. 

Lat. luna, O.Lat. inscrip. losna fr. *louc-s-nd : Av. raoxSna- 
shining, luminous*. sBni fr. *sexnl. sBmBnstri-s fr. *sex~m8nstri-s 
sub-ttmen fr. *-texmm. Ola fr. *axla : axilla, OS. ahsla axilla*. 
e-nVntid 2-mergd 6-ligd 8-dd fr. *ex-nuntiD etc. (cf. dt-nutnerd 
dl-move0 dl-lud d%-ducd fr. *dis-numerd etc.). Cp. § 570. 

Lat multf, fulsl fr. *mwtef, *fulxf. ursu-s fr. *urxus : 
Skr. ik§a-8. torsT, sparsi fr. *torot$, *sparxT. ultu-s fr. *ulctu-s. 
tortus fr. Horctu-s, cp. forti-s O.Lat. forcti-s : Skr. dfdhd-8 
(§ 295). qulntu-s (beside inscrip. Quinctu-s), but jtinctu-s functus 
with c probably not without the influence of jungO junxf, fungor; 
defuntus, nantus, santo first on late inscriptions, urna fr. *urcna : 
urceu-s. pOstu~m from *pasctu-m, postulo fr. *po(r)8cttdD, formed 
from the presents pd-scd posed. 

I- from spl- stl- through the intermediate stage si-, lien : 
Gr. 6nXf}v. locus, lis fr. O.Lat. stlocu-s, sills. The stage sfes 
is found twice on inscriptions. On Hied cp. § 570. 

Umbr. ostendu ostendito* fr. *ops-t. Cp. also osatu operate, 
fadto', § 501. 



BrsgmftQD, Element*. 



24 



/ 



and mediae asp. in. Italic. § 504 — 506. 
i-raiae generally retained their form of arti- 

-*r. mb*m. See § 337. 

arbr. deitu 'dicito' Osc. defkum 'dicere : 
s .6$. 

Osc Genetaf 'Genetrici* : Skr. jan- Ay. 
■— , **» 

^ Hkl yskar pruinam' : O.Bulg. SUdica, Lat. 
.■■; :unm anguen fr. *umben : Skr. afiji-?. Lat. 
^mk L'mbr. font*** Venerit* : Qr. fiaivm, rt. gm-. 

- -auc branch other sounds — in Lat. especially 
•to. jtffK — fell together with the Indg. mediae. 
.« tuuige* of articulation, discussed in the following 
.^ ,4^^ concerned these other sounds. 
*^ ^ } (=: Indg. b, d#, bhj dA, gh) was spoken as b 
_ «- H*umi century onwards, seems to follow from such 
^ .^«4»t forms as quivus for quxbus and cibes for cites 
>•«. vumpr. I 8 131 ff., Seelmann Ausspr. 239 f.). 
^ .HAk A media became a tenuis, when it came to stand before 
.V..O* spirant or explosive. Lat. cette fr. *ce~dite etc, see 
^ua> i Osc. actud 'agito', Umbr. ai tu agito* fr. *aktdd, 
. j* .tiL *tf0**0rf, Umbr. fiktu 'figito* umtu unguito', see 
; • i. Op. also Lat. attuli, accumbd, appelld fr. ad tull etc. 
^ 30* Lat tnn fr. bn. scamnu-tn : scabellu-m. Cp. *wi 

. ~ * 300. 

^ (written gn) from gn already in prehistoric times. 

, •»•-«* tr. *legno-m : legd, see § 65 p. 53. benlgnu-s. *ad~gnftc6 
******* *ti</y*0sc#, further aiondscO, written agnosco. ngn became 
..* ;*toscti i. e. fnnDscd fr. *it9-gnd$c0; cdgndscd i. e. cthendsco 
- *> * t +~ijn$$cD. wn became n initially, probably at the same 
i.irt ** tbe *w which had arisen from en (§ 500); this change 
wi mac* about 150 B. C. : gnatu-s natus, gntiscier ndscd. So 
«$* Umbr. naratu 'declarato', to Lat. gndrus ndru-s. 

%*m> i. The n instead of gn in renum, propunatori etc, on in- 

t( ^ wiJ «nder the Empire, is also to be explained from the promm- 



•V?'""A 



§j 506 -507. Indg. tonnes, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic. 



371 



nm from gm. agmen L e. Otzmen from *agmen. From 
efflmen beside agmen, the former of which points to *&gmen 
with originally long a (cp. amb-dges, co-dgulwri) — *ex&gmen 
would have become *ex-egmen, see § 97 — we may conclude 
that the simplification of gm to m took place regularly only 
before orig. long vowels, or diphthongs. With this also agree 
c<m-tihnin-d : con-tdgiu-m and jumm-tu-m : Gr. levy/ua Lat. ju- 
ger*a. Cp. nm from cm § 500. 

m from dm. caementu-m : caedO. rdmentu-m : rado. fUlmen 
to Goth, bldtan 'to honour (the deity) with offerings' or to 
flagrdre? cacutnen fr. *cacudmen? : Skr. kdkudr 'top'. 

Rem. 2. I do not venture to express an opinion as to the treat- 
ment of dn in Latin, but merely refer to the conjectures by W. Meyer 
Rutin's Ztsohr. XXVIH 164 t 

nd (which had partly arisen from md) became nn y n in 
Umbr.-Samn. Umbr. ponne pone Osc. pin 'quoin fr. *pon-efe; 
Umbr. pane Osc. pan 'quam' = Lat. quan-de, see § 207. 
Umbr. an-penes 'impendes', pihaner 'piandi'. Osc tipsannam 
operandam'. This change was older than that of nt to nd in 
Umbr. under 'inter' (§ 499). 

Umbr. umen 'unguen' fr. *umben, § 432 a. 

Bern. 3. The I in the Umbr. fat ex. en-telust ^intenderit' and 
a-pelas *im pendens' a-pelnst 'impendent' is unexplained. That the / 
goes back to ndf (Bachelor), is incredible to me; the composition of a 
participial stem *entendlo- with fust (Beohtel Beazenb. Beitr. VII 7) is 
impossible. 

Lat. U fr. dl and Id. sella fr. *sedla. solid fr. *saldd. 
See § 369. 

Loss of d before i, #. Lat. Jov-is, Umbr. Iuv-e Osc. 
Iuy-ei 'Jovi'iSkr. dyflti-J Gr. Zsv-g. Concerning Osc. zicolo-tn 
'diem' see § 135 extr. Lat. sudvi-s fr. *si&ad-ty-i-s : Skr. fem. 
9vad-vi sua vis'. 

Lat. v fr. gu = Indg. g. vivos : Osc. bivus vivi', Skr. 
jlvd-s etc. See § 4326. 

§ 607. Prim. Indg. cfdh became in prim. Ital. zdh — sth 
— 8p (§ 509), hence Lat. st. Thus custOs : huzd *treasure\ see 
§ 469, 5, perhaps also hasta : Goth, gazds a prick 1 . 

24* 



372 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Italic. § 507—509. 

Bern. For Lat. crBdG, first of all from *crezd6 (cp. p&Zo" fr. *jM*cft, 
§ 594), it would hardly be right to assume a *hred*dhe- t eyen in Indg. 
since in Skr. the two members of the compound, *&red 'heart 1 and rt 
dhiy were not yet fused into an inseparable unity (cp. e. g. irdd asmdi 
dhatta 'belieye in him' \gy. U 12, 5). We must neTertheless start oat 
from a prim. ItaL *cre(d)zdh-, cp. § 521 on O.Ir. eretitn 'credo*. Itrnsy 
be assumed that in Italic, as in Sanskrit, the feeling for the connexion 
with the other forms of rt. dhg- was not yet extinct, and that d for regular 
P was thus introduced after con-dd ab-d6 etc. (op. W. Meyer Kuhn's Ztsohr. 
XXYHI 166), just as ndbis stood for regular *nospi8 (§ 594). 

§ 608. I from d in Lat. Uvir : Skr. d2vdr- and others. See 
§ 369. 

f, rs from d in Umbrian between vowels and finally, e. g. 
te-ra di-rsa Met' See § 369. 

In Umbr. tnuieto muttitum' beside mugatu imper. 'muttito* 
(Lat. mUgfnor 'I murmur') i probably represents a voiced spirant 
It may be conjectured that palatal vowels had a similar influence 
upon a preceding g as they had upon a preceding k (§ 502). 

§ 609. The mediae aspiratae became tenues asp. in 
prim. ItaL, then voiceless affricatae, and lastly voiceless spirants: 
/; P> X> X **• Probably in the same period p was further shifted 
to t after s and the non-labialised x to h except after and 
before nasals and before r and I. 

This state of the form of articulation generally remained 
in Umbr.-Samn., whereas medially the spirants were developed 
to mediae in Lat.: b fr. / = older / (§ 338) p (§ 370) / 
(§ 433c); d fr. p = older p (§ 370); g fr. x = older x (§§ 389. 
430) ; ngu (wgu) fr. is^* = older #** (§ 433 a)* ; gu (whence r) 
between vowels from £ = older x* (§ 4336). Further, initially, 
g from x before r (§ 430). 

1. Initially. 

Prim. ItaL / (Lat. Umbr.-Samn. f) = Indg. bh. Lat. fer fl, 
Umbr. ferar 'feratur* Mamie, feret 'feret' : Skr. bh&rOmi . See 
§ 338. 

Prim. It. / (Lat. Umbr.-Samn. /) = Indg. dh. Lat /Sflre, 
Umbr. feliuf Tactantes' : Skr. dhdyOmi. See § 370. 



§ 509. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in 

Prim. Italic h (Lat. U.-S. h) = Indg. §h 
r. Lat. humus, Umbr. hondra Osc. huntru ' 
Indg. §h-. Lat. hosti-s : O.Bulg. gostt, Indg. q) 
(Sabine) pronunciation of the h was represented I 
See §§ 389. 430. 

Prim. It. x* (Lat. gr) = Indg. ghr. La1 
gridi- O.Bulg. grqdq. See § 430. 

Prim. It. / (Lat. f) from ** = Indg. qh. L 
gharmdrs, Goth, varmjan. See § 433 c. 

2. Medially. 

Prim. It. / (Lat. 6, U.-S. /) = Indg. bh. 
te-fe Osc. t(i)-fei 'tibi* : Skr. tfi-bhyam. See 

Prim. It. p (Lat. d, Osc. f) = Indg. dA e 
after r (however in the combination rpu), before 
perhaps also after m. Lat. mediu-8, Osc. me 
Skr. mddhya-8. See § 370. 

Prim. It. / (Lat. b, U.-S. /) = Indg. dh 
r (except the combination rpu), before I and afi 
also after m. Lat. rt*6ro-, Umbr. rufru 'rubr 
See § 370. 

Prim. It. t (Lat. fr. p = Indg. dh aftei 
Goth, huzd, Indg. *kud'dh-. See §§ 469, 5. 5C 
st fr. *j> = Indg. sth in trtdistl § 553. 

Prim. It. A (Lat. U.-S. A) = Indg. 0A < 
before nasals and before I. Lat. wAfl, Osc. r 
Skr. vdhdmi. See § 389. This early weakeni 
this position, explains why the explosive g dot 
Latin. 

Prim. It. x (Lat. g) = Indg. §h ( S h) 
nasals and before /. Lat. UngO : Skr. ZdAmi, i 
beside mSjO (§ 510). magnu-s beside m^/or ( 
fr. *tragla beside Jrato. See § 389. 

Rem. 1. The g (instead of K) in magis and h 
transferred from magnu-s and lingd. Bnt whence 1 
prOd-igiu-m, to ajfl (§ 510)? 



"«aia» aad mediae asp. in Italic. § 509—510. 

k » j*) = Indg. gA after ». Lat. nmguit: 
- » ■, *J3 a. 

>u. *5rt« , whence v) = Indg. gA between 
" at. ni^em : Gr. vlq>-a. See § 4336. 

hi ;•>»* /<9i-t (8kr. laQh&-$, Gr. &**!;-* Goth. W*fc, 
. * f««*« (Gr. yfy*/v-c) still remain obscure. 

Lat 6, Praenest. /) fr. ** = Indg. gk. Lanuv. 
«*.. /rrwnwt. Jk/r0w-*s : Gr. w^o-^ OHG. mOro. See 

, ^ rhe fricative sound of h was reduced to a minimum 

i!*c languages. In certain positions the sound was 

.-^pped. 

-** vtitkness of articulation betrays itself in Latin through 

4cs which existed as to where h should be written, and 

... -htf, e. g. hatore for OiOre (§ 208 p. 176), anser for 

•** v^r- **»). 

! usappeared uniformly before \. major fr. *mdhjfir (be- 

,. .* *niy*i**^) : Skr. mdktyas- 'greater . ajd fr. *ahjfi or *ahjfi 

•x^ue ii-ror^ *to call to, nominare 9 ) : Skr. dha "he spoke'. Further, 

..yu between vowels, especially after i-vowels (accentual relations 

» >v formed a factor), lien: Skr. plih&n- 'spleen* Gr. anXdy/wv 

*u,nuta\ m%jd probably from *meihd:8kr. mthdmi 'I make 

***«**. bfmm-s fr. *bi-himu-s. n$mD fr. *ne-hemd. Further ntf 

hJuI> prtndO = prehendd, praebed = praehibed, cdrs -= 

■ #ws> probed = prdhibed etc., which stand on a level with 

,os«* -=z diesse, coepf = coSpf. 

Cp. also diribed = dis+habeo with the same r from 5 as 
!«r**»tf etc. (§ 569). 

The same fluctuation in the writing of h- exists in Umbr.- 
Hh inn. as in Lat. Umbr. eretu part. pass, to her i Vult', conver- 
sely A*- for e- ex* in he-bet-af-e beside e~bet-raf-e 'in exitus* 
^u> Lat. baetere, cp. § 432 rem. 1). Osc. Herukinaf 'Erycinae, 

It was dropped medially in Osc. mais 'magis' mamas gen. 
W\mW beside Mahii[s] llagius'. 



§511—514. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Irish. 375 

§ 611. In Lat. the ft, d, g, which arose from voiceless 
spirants, underwent the same treatment as the corresponding 
original mediae, grallae stilts' fr. *<jrad4ae y see § 369. amni-s 
fr. *abni-s, along with O.Ir. abann river' is probably to be 
connected with Skr. abhrd- 'thunder-cloud'; Samniu-m beside 
Sablnu-s Osc. Safinim 'Samnitium', see § 506. 

Old Irish. 

§ 512. The tenues except p were generally retained in 
prim. Kelt, p disappeared at that period in all positions except 
before consonants and before consonants it became a spirant. 

t, c appear in Irish as the successors of prim. Kelt, t, k ky 
(Indg. £, £ q) in absolute initdality and after spirants and r, I. 

temen 'dark-gray' : Skr. tdtnas-. tiagaim 'I stride, go' : Gr. 
0W//O), rt. steigh-. ocht eight' : Gr. oxroi. J-pret. aUt 'educavit'. 
8ee § 371. 

cride 'heart' : Lith. szirdl-s. cara 'friend' : Lett. k&rs. cethir 
'four : Gall, petor-riturn , Skr. catvdr-as. scdth 'shadow' : Goth. 
shadu-s. iasc 'fish' (a-stem) : Lat. pisci-s Qoth.fiska-. ro sescaind 
'he leapt' : Skr. caskdnda. scU 'narration, tidings' : Cymr. chwedl 
fr. prim. Kelt. *8ku-e-tlo-n (Cymr. chw- first fr. *«#-), rt. seq- 
say'. sesc 'barren' : Cymr. hysp 'dry, withered', Lat. siccus (cp. 
§ 516). ad-coti'darc 'I saw' : Skr. daddr&a, rt. derh-. ore pig': 
Lith. parsza-s, cpf. *porfo>-8._ See §§ 390. 434. 436. 

§ 513. t, c became voiced mediae after nasals, then 
the nasal disappeared (with compensation lengthening). The 
letters t, c were retained in the O.Ir. period. It was not until 
a later period that the orthography was set straight by the intro- 
duction of d, g. cU 'hundred' : Cymr. cant, Lat. centu-m. dac dc 
young': Cymr. ieuanc, Lat. juvencu-s. See § 212. 

§ 514. After vowels t c became p y %> which were written 
tt, ch. Hence #, j in unaccented syllables (except finally). 
These were written tf, g, like the voiced spirants which had 
arisen from original mediae (§ 522). tf, g however occur con- 
sistently only for the palatalised 3, j. 



376 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Irish. § 514—516. 

mathir mother : Lat. mater, cath 'fight* : Gall, catu- (in 
prop, names), OHG. hadu- 'fight', cloth 'renowned' : Gr. xAvro-c. 
2. pi. carthe, no charid, to carairn 1 love'; cp. the personal 
endings Gr. -re Lat. 'tis. 8. sg. pass, car-thir amatur' midi-dir 
'iudicatur' : cp. Lat. -tur. beothu 'life' gen. bethad dat. bethid, 
suffix *-ffit- : Lat. -Jttf-. 

fiche 'twenty' : O.Cymr. uceint, Skr. t)$ati-. sechur 'sequor* 
rt. seg-. marc-ach 'equester' : Cymr. march-awe, Gall. Ben- 
dcu-$; cumacht-ach potens', 1. sg. cumacht-aigim potior', cathr- 
ach gen., cathr-aig ace., to nom. cathir 'town*. 

On the like origin of voiceless spirants in conditional 
initiality, e. g. a thuath '0 folk', see § 658, 1. 

Rem. 1. On mac 'son', muee 'pig\ cacc 'dirt', Uicim 1 leave', whose 
'status durus' is remarkable, see § 436 rem. 

Bern. 2. The spirants of the prepositions aith- 'against' (Gall oft-) 
and frith' 'towards' became assimilated to the initial consonant of the 
following word, when the preposition had the chief accent, tht to tt: m 
friitdit 'non obsistunt*. the to cc (c) : teccomnocuir 'aocidit' fr. *to-aith~com- 
nocuir, freendaire 'present' fr. *frith-con-dairc. thg to gg (written e or <*, 
cp. § 519): frecre 'responsum' from *frith-gaire f bene 'oognitio, sapient)*' 
fr. *aUh-gne (cp. Thurneysen Revue Celt. VI 320), taccair tacair 'con- 
grans, deoens' fr. *to-ath-gair. thb to bb (written p, cp. §§ 519. 524): 
epert 'speech' fr. *aith-bert. 

§ 615. pt probably became cht even in prim. Kelt. O.Ir. 
secht Mid.Cymr. seith seven' : Lat. septem. See § 339. 

Indg. pn in O.Ir. suan Cymr. hun 'sleep* : Skr. svdpnas 
Gr. vnvo-g etc. It is highly probable that p was here also no 
longer an explosive in prim. Kelt., see § 339 rem. 

§ 616. tk became sk in Kelt. O.Ir. sesc 'barren Cymr. 
hysp 'dry', fr. *siskuo-s : Lat. siccus, orig. form *sitqo-s. OJr. 
mesc 'intoxicating, drank' : Skr. tndda- drunkenness'. Use 'piger' : 
Goth, lats 'lazy', uisce 'water' : Skr. uddn- udakd- water'. Here 
belongs also OJr. brisc Bret, bresk 'brittle', in case it comes 
from the rt. bherdh-, § 298. Cp. Av. J>k, sc from prim. Ar« 
tk, tc § 473, 2 and Germ, sk fr. ik § 527. From the Gallic 
belong perhaps also here Pruscia Pru&ca (d'Arbois de Jubain- 
ville Etudes grammatical sor les langues celtiques I p. 31* ff.). 



< 1 1 

- ^ 1 



§ 516—518. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Irish. 



377 



The B in the latter form denotes here, as also elsewhere, a 
Toiceless spirant. 

ss (whence further also s) from ts in the prim. Kelt, period. 
O.Ir. 1. pi. of the s-fut. messimir to midiur 'I judge*. Fut. 
ro-fessur 1 shall know', rt. #ejd-. Future stem s8s- fr. *$uents- 
i. e. *s%end + s- (suend- 'drive, hunt') 1. sg. cu-du-sti[s]-sa f fut. 
sec. 1. sg. du-stsainn (Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 148). 

88 from ft. inf. mess a judging', orig. form *met*tu- i. e. 
med+tu-. Inf. fiss a knowing* i. e. *uid+tu. It is uncertain 
whether this change be prim. Kelt., because of the Gallic spellings 
with B, as MEBBVLVS beside Messulus (to Oir. mess). 

O.Ir. -ss- fr. -st-. ro chloss 'was heard* fr. *Jtius-to- f duos 
'ear' fr. *Ueu8-ta- or *Uous~ta-, to door 'I hear, cp. Skr. &ru§-fi-$ 
'compliance', OHG. hlos-en 'to listen* OS. hlus-t 'a hearing', 
O.Bulg. sluchu a hearing*, ais aes (gen. aisso aisa) 'age' fr. 
*aiues-tu- : cp. Gr. alsg 'always', is 'is' : Gr. eon. tair-issiur 
I stand, stand still', sessam 'a standing' : Gr. lory pi 'I place', 
Lat. sisto. 

§ 617. ht became cht (zt) in prim. Kelt. O.Ir. ocht Cymr. 
wyth Corn, eath Bret, eiz 'eight* : Skr. a$fd, Gr. oxno. recht 
'law' as-r-Gracht 'surrexit' : Lat. rVctu-s, rt. re§-. ro iar-facht 
'he asked' (pres. iarmi-foig 'he asks') : Gr. snog, Lat. vox, rt. 
#ej-. in-nocht 'hac nocte' : Lith. waAtfi-s. 

Bern, c/ was often written instead of cht in O.Ir.: oci red eto. That 
cht (ft) was nevertheless spoken, is shown by Thurneysen Eeltoromanisohes 
p. 14 f., where the stage cht is also found for Gallic in the name Luxterios 
on coins (written Lucterius in Caesar). 

ks = O.Ir. ss, s, Brit. cA, prim. Kelt, probably chs (xs). 
O.Ir. sessed O.Cymr. chuechet 'sextos' : Gr. ?£, orig. f. *8yefc$. 
O.Ir. dess Cymr. ctefow 'dexter' : Goth, taihsva, Indg. *deJcs- 
O.Ir. 5s was Cymr. uch 'above' : Lith. dvksz-ta-s 'high', rt. a#Q-. 
no tes 'effugiam' s-fut. to techim 'fugio', Lith. tehii 'I run', rt. teq-. 
x ) xs, probably to be read as *s, appears in Gall. : Uxello- 
dmum 'Hightown', to O.Ir. Ds uas; Dexsiva, to O.Ir. dess. 

§ 518. t and c were dropped before liquids and nasals 
(with compensation lengthening' after short vowels, § 620). cend 
'race' : O.Cymr. cenetl, suffix -«o- (§ 110 p. 104). anal 'breath' : 



i 



378 Indg. tenaes, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Irish. § 518—520. 

Cymr. anadl, prim. Kelt. *anatt&. ddl a meeting together' : 
O.Cymr. datt 'forum*. 2n 'bird' : O.Bret, etn, rt. pet- 'fly*, (fer 
'tear* : O.Bret, dacr Gr. Axxpv. Reduplic. fut. 1. sg. cS, to 
ceUm 'I conceal'. Cp. also suan 'sleep' § 339 rem. 

ret (rchi) was simplified to rt : ro oH 'delevit', part, timm- 
orte 'oompressus', to orgun occisio' (rt. ergh-, cp. § 552). 

Correspondingly res to rs, whence rr (cp. § 574) : 3. sg. of 
the s-fut. orr, of the same verb. 

§ 619. The mediae generally preserved their form of 
articulation in prim. Kelt. In O.Ir. they remained mediae in 
absolute initiality likewise after r and I, g also after nasals. 
These medial mediae were also written (bb), dd, gg or (p), 
t, c after r and /, in order to indicate that they were not to 
be spoken as spirants (§ 522) ')• 

d. <fer 'tear' : O.Bret, dacr, Gr. $d*Qv. cerd cerdd cert 
'artist, smith' : Cymr. cerdd art' , Gr. xegd oq gain', Lat. cerdd 
workman*. See § 372. 

§9 S- 9* n 'birth' : Cymr. geni, Skr. jan- A v. zan-, rt. §en-. 
gair call* : Cymr. gator, Skr. gir-, rt. gar-, bin alive* : Cymr. 
byu>, Goth, qius Lith. gyva-s, Indg. *gl-uo-s. garg gargg 'rough, 
wild' : Gr. yopyd-g 'spirited, wild', serg sergg sere 'a passing 
away, decay, illness' : according to Windisch to OS. swercan 
'to become obscure, gloomy', ferg fere 'anger : Gr. opyrj 'impulse, 
feeling, disposition', bongaim 1 break, reap' : Skr. babhdfija 
'he broke'. See §§ 391. 434. 437. 

g remained also after d = Indg. z, see § 521. 

§ 620. The media d in the prep, ad- = Lat. ad was 
assimilated to a following voiceless consonant, e. g. -acciu 1 see' 
fr. ad+ciu. 

mb, nd became mm, nn. The O.Ir. monuments frequently 
preserve mb, nd beside mm, nn, probably contrary to 
the then living pronunciation, camm 'crooked' : Cymr. cam 
Vrooked' Bret. Tcamm 'crooked' Gall, cambo-, Gr. tfxcyi/So-s 



I) An example for b, bb, p = Indg. b is wanting. Bat op. orbe with 
ludtf ** § 524. 



§ 520—522. Indg. tonnes, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Irish. 



379 



'crooked*, ro se-scaind *he leapt' : Lat. scandd, Skr. skdnd-O-mi. 
cmn cend 'head, top, point' : Cymr. penn pen Cora, pen, prim. 
Kelt. *kuindo-, according to Windisch (Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. 
Vm 44) to Skr. &vi- 'to swell' and identical with Gr. UivSo^. 
mennani tnendat Mid.Ir. 'dwelling' : Skr. mandird-tn 'lodging, 
habitation'. Cp. § 525. 

It. tnn from bn (= Indg. bn, gn). fu-domain 'deep', 
compar. /u-dumnu : Cymr. dwfn 'deep', Goth, diups Lith. dubu-s 
'deep', rt. dheyh- (§ 325); with these is said to be related O.Ir. 
domun 'world', Gall. Dumno-rtx , older Dubno-rtx. mnd fr. 
*bnOs y gen. to ben 'woman', Indg. stem form *gpOr *gena-, see 
§§ 428 a. 437 a. 

§ 621. O.Ir. net nett Cymr. fiyfA'nest' fr. Indg. *nizdo- through 
the intermediate stage *neddo-. Cp. medg Cymr. tnaidd 'whey', 
fr. *ntedga, older *mezga, Gallo-Lat. mesga 'whey', according to 
Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 152 to Slav, mozgu etc., 
hence uncertain, whether Indg. zg or zgh (§ 450). See § 595. 

It seems to follow from Cymr. credu that Indg. *Jcred dte-, 
which is to be presupposed for cretim 'credo' and the Skr. and 
Lat. related forms (§ 507 rem.), had not passed through *kredzd- 
to *krezd- in prim. Kelt., but that the nearest older form *kredd- 
rather came direct from *kred d(h)-. 

Here may further be mentioned ro-fetar 'I have experienc- 
ed, know' fr. rt. ueid-, which Thurneysen Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXVII 174, XXVIII 151 regards as an $-aorist : *#ides-ar gave 
rise to *fedsar (§ 634), and this to fetar, since d remained an 
explosive before s, or h (§ 576). 

§ 522. b, d, g became spirants after vowels : b, <f, j. The 
letters b, d, g were generally retained for these (bh, dh, gh in 
the modern orthography), on the other hand a double media 
or tenuis was written in cases where the sound had remained 
explosive (§ 519). ph /, th, ch were more seldom used to 
express b, <f, j (Zeuss-Ebel Gr. C. p. 62 sq.). 

b. ebaim 'I drink' : Skr. pibdmi. See § 340. 

d. cride 'heart' : Gr. Ion. xpad-iy. adfiadaim *I announce' : 
Skr. vSddydmi. See § 372. 



asp. in O.IrialL §522-524. 

^ub : L*t agd, rt. a§~. Gen. tige 

_ . ^«T. See §§391. 434. 

, j -tbably became voiceless when foal, 

...*• ewde cammaib notwithstanding etc. 

miiadation of 6, d, </ in conditional 

with 'compensation lengthening' after 

.oiua and nasals. CLr 'battle, slaughter, 

- * r iyro-, to O.Ir. dg (gen. ago) *battle', 

■* jmas hostium' fr. *agmen or *fl$wtfi: 

...^ t. ■*<?- (cp. § 506). Perf. ro genar natUB 

*»-. turn 'lamb' : Cymr. oen, Lat Ity* tf-s 

_ .« mi been dropped before n in buain a 
., ^. aul to bongaim 'I break, reap* (§ 519). 

„*•*</ to following m with lengthening of the 

. ... uHtm 'a striding, step', to cingim 'I stride 

imp*?). Analogously grHmm 'progressos', to 

u:W fr. grend- with original dA, § 526. 

^ " ** mediae aspiratae fell together with the 
iii aL^Itie, as in Iranian (§ 481) and in Baltic- 
^ *;?. >49\ The laws, which obtain for the Indg. 
: «--o23)» thus operated here also. 
, ^hmts initially after r and /, g also after n (*?) : 
* ^* jx : Lat /to, rt. bhe%-. orbe orbbe orpe 'hereditas' : 
>r«cage\ Gr. o^ow-; 'left, orphan'. 8ee § 341. 
.i >tivllr. 'he sacked' : Skr. dhdyami. ard ardd art 
*joole\ to which probably also Arduenna silva : 
.*....«-^ mrid-ach mdU-ach 'acoeptus, gratos' : OS. mildi 
. «. ^mM»\ See § 373. 

^ iUMt 'winter : Lith. i$m&. in-grennim T pursue' : 
• • «4| I come', or gun org gun orcun 'a laying waste, 
^ tTiag* predatory excursion', Gall. Orgeto-rix : Skr 
***«&«» with passion, rages, raves', OHQ. arg 'that 
^ ^vc^iitws* vile, bad', cum-ung 'narrow' : Gr. ayxh *** 
^^** / W : Lat angui-s. See §§ 392. 434. 438. 



§ 525—527. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in O.Ir. and Germ. 381 

§ 626. Ir. mm, nn from mb, nd = Indg. tniA, ndh, cp. § 520. 
imm, imb about, around' : Gall, ambi-, Gr. a/ucpi. immlind urn- 
bilicum' : Gr. ourpakh-q Lat. umbilicus, in-grennim 'I pursue' : 
OJBulg. grejdq Goth, gridi-. It is doubtful whether bonn bond 
solea' belongs here or to § 520, since this word seems to have 
had in prim. Indg. partly dh (Skr. budhnd-s) and partly d 
(Gr. nvv&a£) (§ 469, 8). mm fr. mb = Indg. wqh in imm imb 
'butter', see § 438 6. 

A sure example for mn fr. bn — Indg. bhn (or ghn) is 
unknown to me. tamun stem* may belong to Skr. stambh-, 
with which it is generally connected, but the root had in prim. 
Indg. partly bh, and partly b (see § 469, 8), besides we probably 
ought to start out here from an original mb(h)n (cp. buain 
with *>gn § 523). 

To the form net nest' (§ 521) corresponds brot prick' fr. 
prim. Kelt. *brozdo-Si the d of which was Indg. dh, as is shown 
by Ags. brord O.Icel. broddr prick'. See § 595. 

§ 626. J, d, g as spirants, cp. § 522. 

bh. tri-b 'tabus* : Skr. -bhi$. See § 341. 

dh. Had a riding : OJcel. rtda. See § 373. 

§hj gh. ligur 'tongue* : Lith. Uiih, rt. lejflh-. lige 'bed' : 
O.Bulg. l$gq y rt. legh-. snigid 'it drops' : Gr. vtyei, rt. weigh-. 
See §§ 392. 434. 438. 

Dropping of b, g y as in § 523. Reduplic. fut. do-bSr (do- 
biur 'I_give\ rt. bher- 'carry, bear') fr. *bebr-. nU 'cloud' fr. 
*neblo- : OHG. nebtd O.Icel. w)?-, Gr. vecpilrj. fen 'waggon, 
cart' : O.Icel. vagn waggon', rt. ue§h-. 

grBimm fr. *grend-men has already been mentioned in § 528. 

Germanic. 

§ 627. History of the tenues. 

p, k (&#) before t and 8 became /, x (x*) in prim. Germ, 
similarly as in Iran. (§ 473), Umbr.-Samn. (§ 502) and Keltic 
(§§ 339. 515. 517 i). 



1) Cp. also Mod.Gr. e<prd x6<prao, o%TtJ rv%Ta, 



382 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 527. 

Goth, hliftu-8 'thief : Gr. xX*nrq-$. OHG. nift neptia, 
privigna' : Lat. nepti-s. OHG. wa/sa wasp* : Lith. vapsa 'horse- 
fly', O.Bulg. vosa wasp fr. *uopsa (§ 545). OHG. refsan € to 
scourge, punish, blame', O.Icel. re/sa, prim. Germ. *rafsiana-n : 
Skr. rdpas- n. 'bodily injury, violation. 

Goth, raihts OHG. reht 'right* : Gr. optxro-g 'stretched out', 
cpf. *rek6-s, rt. re§-. Goth, nahts OHG. naht 'night* : Lat. nox 
noctis etc., orig. f. *noqti- *noqt-. Goth, fimfta- 'quintus' : Gr. 
niftnto-g, see § 444 a. e. Goth. sa(A$ OHG. sefo six* : Gr. £, 
cpf. *suelcs. 

Rem. 1. Goth. nipji-8 'cousin, relation', O.Ioei. ni&r 'descendant' pi. 
nidjar, Ags. ni&das pi. 'homines' fr. prim. Germ. *nipia- and this from 
*ne(p)tip- in consequence of the combination of three consonants. Similarly 
Ved. dak abl. pi. nddbhyas from *nabd-bhyas i. e. *napt+bhyas. 

The shifting of is and tPt began simultaneously or even 
earlier; we put the latter for the prim. Germ, period in place 
of ft, see § 469, 4. 

ts became ss, s. OHG. OS. urissun O.Icel. visso vissu (Goth. 
vis&dun) 'they knew', probably to Horn, loav, cpf. *uitsnt I e. 
V<*+*+9* (Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 398. 561). OHG. zan 
'tooth* fr. prim. Germ. *tatiSj Indg. *dont-s, cp. Skr. dan fr. 
*dant$ (§ 647, 7), Gr. otiovg. Cp. also Goth, ana-busns 'com- 
mand* fr. *buteni-, to ana-biudan 'to bid, command', rt. bheydh- 
(§ 552). 

(ft became 38 except before r, whence s after a long syl- 
lable. Goth, ga-qissi- (nom. ga-qiss) 'agreement', to qipan. 
Goth, us-viss 'unbound', to vip<m. OHG. gi-%ti$ 'certain, sure' 
ady. gi-wisso : Gr. a-uxro-g 'unseen, unknown', cpf. *f§ift6s i. e. 
*l**d-M0-, rt *<*<*-. Ags. OJceL sess m. 'seat' : part. Skr. sattd- 
Ay. Aasto- Lat ob-sessus, Indg. *$$**&>-$, rt sed-. Goth, mtoa- 
in missa-dlps 'misdeed', OHG. missen O.IoeL missa 'to miss', to 
OHG. midan 'toayoid, intermit' : Lat mitto fir. *mW (§ 612), 
part missus. 

s from ss after long syllables. Goth, un-veis (gen. -reuif) 
'unknowing', OHG. iris O.Icel. piss 'wise' : Lat cftm-*, orig. 
form *K#*to-$, rt **i</-. OHG. ds n. 'carrion' : Lat esu-m, orig. 
f. *arto-, rt «rf- 'eat'. 



•**« 

: '^.f 1 
-^'.1 



527—528. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 



383 



The proper names Chattus (with Lat. ending) OHG. Hassi 
Hasso (to Skr. Sad- 'to distinguish oneself, Qr. Dor. xexa dftivoq P) 
and Lango-Bard. Tatto Tasso i. e. regulator, distributor' (Goth. 
ungatass 'disordered* Ags. toss 'acervus, congeries frugum', Gr. 
foriofuu) seem to show that tPt had become ss f s through the 
intermediate stage tp. 

st arose before r. Goth, bldstreis 'sacrificer' OHG. bluostar 

'sacrifice', to Goth, blotan 'to sacrifice'. Ags. fdstor O.Icel. fOstr 

'maintenance, support', to Goth. fOdjan 'to feed, nourish', Gr. 

national 'I eat'. The course of development seems to have been 

tPt, pt, st. 

Bern. 2. The Lat. development (op. § 501 rem. S) renders it im- 
probable that the course was ssr, *r, str (op. § 580), as is assumed by 
Kluge Paul-Braune's Beitr. IX 150. 157. 

Bern. 3. Where st occurs in other positions than before r, they 
are new formations, e. g. Goth, kdupasta pret. of kdupatjan 'to box one's 
ears', OHG. wista beside wissa 'I knew', wurst 'sausage* from rt. tf«W- 
Wn' (after virlust 'loss* etc.). Cp. § 501 rem. 2. 

tk became sk (cp. § 516). OHG. rase 'quick, active, strong* 
O.Icel. rqskr 'bold, brave' (Goth. *ra8qs) f prim. Germ. *rask#a-z 
fr. *ratk#a-z 9 to OHG. rad 'wheel'; O.Icel. Iqskr 'soft, slack, 
loose', prim. Germ. *latk%a-Zi to Goth, lots 'weary'; on the suffix 
-&#o- = Indg. -go- cp. § 419. OHG. Ags. horse quick, smart, 
prudent* O.Icel. horsier prudent, wise* Goth, and-hruskan c to in- 
vestigate, examine', probably to Goth, hard-u-s 'hard' Gr. xpar-v-s 
Wong', orig. form *kft~ko- y cp. also Mid.English harsh Dan. 
harsk 'rough, hard'. O.Icel. beiskr sharp', to Goth, bdtt-ra- 'biting, 
bitter'. Here probably also Ags. tusc or tti&c 'tusk, tooth' 
(see Kluge Paul-Braune's Beitr. VIII 537) = Goth. Hunska^, 
with which Skr. a-datka- 'toothless* may be compared, although 
this was a Skr. new formation. 

h had disappeared in OHG. before 3+ consonant, mist 
'dung' : Goth, maihstu-s. wast 'growth' : Goth, vahsts. Cp. Eogel 
Paul-Braun's Beitr. Vn 193 ff. 

§ 528. A general shifting of the still remaining tenues 
to voiceless spirants, e. g. Indg. *j>9tir- 'father to *fap6r~, 
and *pifcu 'cattle' to *f&x u > probably did not take place until after 



384 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 528—529. 

the tenues had modified their original manner of articulation 
in the position before t, s (p) and k (§ 527). 

The only exception to this law is that the tenues stood in 
combination with preceding spirants : sp, st (= Indg. st and = 
Indg. ft before r, see § 527), ft (= Indg. pt and qt, see § 527), 
yt (= Indg. U and qt, see § 527), sk (= Indg. sfi, sq and Indg. 
tq, see § 527). Cp.: 

Goth, speivan OHG. sptwan 'to vomit* : Lith. spiduju etc., 
see § 342. Goth. OHG. ist c is : Gr. €<m, Indg. *&-**. Goth. 
ga-kusts a trying, testing : Skr. ju§ti'§ } Indg. *§us-ti-s. Goth. 
blCstreis Wrificer* OHG. bluostar 'sacrifice, offering with #r 
= Indg. t'tr. Goth. Wi/te-s 'thief : Gr. xXsnrrj-g. Qoth. firnfto- 
'quintus* : Gr. ntfitnro-g, Indg. *pewqto-s. Goth, raihts OHG. 
r*W 'right' : Gr. o^cxro-^, cpf. *rebtO'S. Goth. waAte OHG. waW 
night* : Lith. nakti-s, Indg. *noqti-s. Goth, skeinan OHG. 
scfww 'to shine' : Gr. axia, weak rt. form sH-, see § 893. Goth. 
us-skava- 'considerate, sober, OHG. scouwdn 'to look, see' : Skr. 
hw-l-§ 'seer, teacher weak rt. form sqU-, see §§ 439. 589, 3. 
O.Icel. Iqskr soft, tender, slack', orig. f. *ht-qo-s, rt lid-, see 
§527. 

Bern. 1. The combination ski- probably lost its k already in the 
prim. Germ, period. OHG. slio^an 'to shut* 8. slutil 'key* : Gr. xhjl; 
etc., see § 425. 

Rem. 2. sd, fd y hd are also written for medial st, ft, hi in OHG. 
Franconian monuments. See Kogel ffb. d. Keron. Glossar p. 70 f., Za 
den Murbaoher Denkm. (Leipi. 1883) 13 ff. On the value of the spellings 
sg y sch beside *fc, ac see Kogel in the first named treatise p. 93, Branne 
Ahd. Gramm. p. 127. 

It is however quite possible that the tenues first underwent 
the same affection after spirants as in other cases and then 
after that became explosives again; that is Indg. *esti became 
*i$pi and then *isti (Goth. ist). Cp. 2. sg. last (lisan c to collect, 
gather) fir. *las~pa (§ 541, 7), OHG. cutnft fr. *kumfpi- (§§ 214. 
529) and Goth, huzd •treasure* fr. *huzda-n (§ 538). 

§ 629. The voiceless spirants in *faptr- 'father* etc, which 
had arisen according to § 528, remained voiceless spirants initially 
in prim. Germ., and also medially if the sonant next preceding 



^ m*";] 



§529. 



Indg. tennea, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 



385 



received the principal accent (according to the old Indg. aooen- 
taation, § 686). The fricative sound of x *** reduced initially 
before Towels, and perhaps also medially under certain circum- 
stances (not before consonants). 

Gothic. 

Initially, fadar 'father : Lat. pater, fdt-u-s 'foot* : Lat. 
pes. pat-a 'that' : Or. to. Paha 'I am silent* : Lat. tared, hund 
'hundred* : Skr. &atd-m. hairtd 'heart* : Lith. szirdls. hdidu-s 
way, manner : Skr. kttu-§. hlifa *I steal' : Pruss. au-ktipts. 
has who* : Skr. kd~8. 

Medially, uf under : Skr. upa> Indg. *4po. brVpar 
brother : Skr. bhrdtar-, Indg. *bhrdtor-. vairfa 1 become' : 
8kr. v&rtami, Indg. *u&rtd. falhu 'cattle* : Skr. pd&Uj Indg. 
*p&u. svaihra 'father-in-law' : Skr. &vd&ura-s y Indg. *sj^&*ro-s. 
wihva 'I see' : Skr. sdcate, Indg. 3. sg. mid. *8iqetai. vulfs 'wolf : 
Skr. vfka-s, Indg. *i4qos. See §§ 342. 374. 393. 439. 440. 
441. 444 a. 

German. 

/ remained. OHG. fater 'father'. OHG. nefo, cp. Ags. 
nefa O.Icel. nefe nefi 'relation, nephew* : Skr. ndpdt 'descendant', 
Indg. *nSpdt-. 

P became (f, this remained down to the time of the OHG. 
monuments, and was represented by th (more rarely dh). 
In the course of the OHG. period however it was developed to 
d in different parts at different times (first in Bavaria during 
the eighth century). OHG. thorn darn : Goth, paurnu-s, O.Bulg. 
Mwt*. OHG. bruother bruoder 'brother. 

The letter h appears for prim. Germ, x m HG., as in Goth. 
The sound was merely an aspirate in every case initially, and 
medially certainly at least between vowels. OHG. hunt 'hundred'. 
OHG. fahan 'to catch' : Goth. fahan y prim. Germ. *f<mxana-n 
(cp. § 214 p. 182). The h in initial hw, Ar,. hi, hn disappeared 
from the eighth century onwards, earliest in hw, e. g. hwa^ w?a; 
'what' : Goth, hva ; tdiumunt liumunt 'renown' : Goth, hliuma m. 

firngmtno, Elemooli. 25 



I 



( 



384 



mediae asp. in Germ. § 528—530. 



™ e ,- „ie Chlodoviahus (HJudtcTg) show 

111 ..a in the fifth and sixth centuries. 

i-i lengthening (gemination) through 
1 S. hebbian 'to raise* : Goth, hafjan, 

tH Ags. hliehhan 'to laugh* : Goth, 
o. 540 and the similar doubling of 
_ * * 

. .ecome mfp mft. OHG. cwm/fc 'a coming 

at t a taking', ramft edge', MHG. 6rtfn/f 

-d-deer {nf from in/). Cp. §§214. 528. 

toiler perhaps wj& became nsp, fist : OHG. kunst 

it>*leUge*. Doubts remain because of Goth, anpar: 

- in Goth, ansts etc. see Kluge Paul-Braune's Beitr. 

»*uu /', £, ^ fo*) became fe, <f, j (3*) in prim. 

te same time s became 2 (§581) — , when the 

^ ^.idut did not have the principal accent (§ 529) 

Allowed (§ 527). This phenomenon is called 

• xv Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIII 97 ff.). The Indg. 

*ere thus affected, fell together with Indg. bh ? 

z \^>) and underwent all further developments in 

. i these. 

; 5*) became b, d, g (gu) after nasals, very probably 
.al Germ, period, and j# became u after vowels 

s^- voiced spirants also became mediae after r, / in 

_ *.nle iu other cases they remained spirants, but were 

>,. ^uitshed from mediae in writing. 

v Wwt Germanic dialects changed every other remaining 

Iheu in Upper Germany and East Franconia rf be- 

*hich partly suffered further affections that need not 

% . %v .-a tuto consideration here), elsewhere it remained, ft and 

xv ,aw * and g in HG. (while they remained spirants in 

\ k \\e*t Germ, dialects), and these became p and k in Upper 

x .u**aj. but not universally. 

* x IVira. Germ. *ltb6 fr. *Uf6 'I adhere, remain* (rt Uip- f 
Skr. Umpdmi Lith. limpu) : Goth, bi-leiba (6), OHG. bilibu 



$ 530. Indg* tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 387 

Ags. be-life (f is to be read as ft). OHG. uoba 'festival' uobo 
colonus', to Skr. dpas- 'religious work* Lat. opus. 

t. Prim. Germ. *fadtr- fr. *fapir- 'father* (Skr. pitdr-, Gr. 
naifo-) : Gr. fadar {&), OHG. fater fader OS. fader Ags. 
fivder O.Icel. fader fadir. Goth, hdidu-s (<f) 'way, manner, 
OHO. heit heid : Skr. kttu-§. Goth, ga-tatni-da- (d) 'tamed', OHG. 
gi-zemit gi-zemid : cp. Skr. dami-td- Lat. domi-tu-s. Prim. 
Germ. */umda-m 'hundred* (whence *zuMda-m, further */wnda-tw) 
fr. */umpd-m (Skr. $atd-m, Indg. *%ifcf-w) : Goth, hunda-, 
OHG. Atm* Awrtrf OS. Ags. /nwd O.Icel. hund-rad. Goth. 
mun-da- 'believed* ga-mundi- 'memory* : Skr. fwa-f\<- wta-rt-. 
Goth, sandjan 'to send', OHG. sentan sendan OS. sendian, orig. 
form of the 1. sg. indie, pres. *sonttid, cp. Goth. s*7t/>s (st. 
sinpa-), O.Ir. s£f 'way', cpf. *s£nto-. Prim. Germ. *;rar(fti- fr. 
*%arpii- 'hard* (cp. Gr. xpan'-s with weak grade vowel in the 
root-syllable) : Goth, hardu-s, OHG. *Wf /wrrf OS. hard Ags. 
Aeard, O.Icel. hardr. Goth, fra-vardja 'I destroy, spoil* : Skr. 
vartdyami, Indg. *uort£tf>. 

Jc, q. On Prim. Germ. *5^jrii- fr. *s#3trei- (Skr. Sva&ril-, 
Gr. fxi^a) are founded OHG. swigar Ags. sweger 'mother-in- 
law', cp. Goth, svaihra § 529. Goth, tigu-s (3) 'decade*, OHG. 
-zig Ags. -fig, O.Icel. tegr (g is the sign for 3) are founded on 
Indg. *dektp with accented suffix (cp. Skr. instr. da&dbhi? 
da&abhi$), dat. pi. Goth, tigum fr. He^ty-mi (§ 244), cp. Goth. 
taihun orig. f. *dtkipt § 520. Goth, vigana- (3) ra. or n. 'fight', 
OHG. telyant OS. wigaml (g is the sign for 3) Ags. wigend 
warrior' fr. the prim. Germ, tense stem *#^r«- ; rt. uejq- (§ 439), 
cp. Goth, veiha 'I fight' orig. form *u£iqd. Prim. Germ. *iut9ga- 
fr. *iwn-&d- fr. *i»w^d- 'young' (Skr. yuva-ids) : Goth, juggs, 
OHG. OS. /mm#, O.Icel. Mw</r, cp. compar. Goth, juhiza O.Icel. 
tire younger' fr. prim. Germ. *iA(M)xizd (§ 214). Goth, hals-agga 
m. 'bend of the neck, nape' : Skr. aidkd-. 

Verner's law is of special importance for the proper under- 
standing of the 'grammatical change* in the verb. In this respect 
the West Germ, dialects show a variety of more archaic relations 

25* 



388 tndg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 530. 

than Gothic, since the regular differences had been levelled out 
in this language by form-transference. To Skr. vdrtdmi 1. sg. 
pros., vavdrto perf. indie. 3. sg., vavftimd 1. pi., vavfUln&- 
part. from rt. uert- 'turn* corresponded prim. Germ. *f$frjW, 
*%drpi, *uurduml, *#urdand-. Prom these regularly Ags. weorie, 
weard, wurdon, worden OHG. wirdu, ward (wirthu^ warty, 
wurtum, wortan. On the other hand Goth, vairfa, wrfr 
vaiirpum, vatirpans, regular d (cp. fra-vardjari) having been 
supplanted by p in the two last forms. OHG. regularly ziuhu, 
zOh, zugum, zogan (rt. deuk- 'draw'), but Goth, tiuha, t&A 
tauhum, tatihanB, the two last for *tugum, *tugam (3), etc. 

On prim. Germ. (j)# = Indg. q in Goth, siuns OS. sm 
'countenance', OHG. part. -Mwan 'lent' etc. see §§ 441. 444c. 

In prim. Germ. bn y dn, gn, before the principal accent of 
the word, passed into bb, dd, 33, further into bb, dd, gg, and 
these — still in the prim. Germ, period — became the tenues 
pp, ft, kk at the same time with the Indg. mediae (§§ 533. 534). 
Further shiftings took place in HG. viz. pp to pf (but Rhenbh- 
Pranconian^), ft to zz (MHG. tz), kk to cch, that is, kx (but Franc. 
kk). MHG. hopfen (Mod.HG. Rhenish-Franc, hoppe) Ags. hoppian 
O.Icel. hoppa 'to hop' = Goth. *huppdn, MHG. hupfen (Mod.HG. 
Rhenish-Fr. hippe) Mid.Engl. hyppen 'to hop* = Goth. *huppjan, 
prim. Germ. */upp- fr. **tt8-n-, orig. *qup-n- : O.Bulg. kyp&ti 'to 
hop, leap*. OHG. *8nizzen (to be inferred from snizzari 'carver) 
MHG. snitzen 'to cut', prim. Germ. *snitt- y fr. *snid~n- orig. *8ntt-n-, 
cp. Goth, meipa 'I cut' from original *sn6itd. OHG. zocchfm 
MHG. zocken 'to pull, tug* = Goth. *tukkdn, OHG. zticchen 
MHG. zucken 'to drag' = Goth. *tukkjan, prim. Germ. *tukk- 
fr. *dttj-w-, orig. *duA>n-, cp. Goth, tiuhan 'to draw', rt. deyjk-. 
The nasal in these intensives was the nasal of the present stem- 
suffix -nrf- (Gr. dati'vy-pi etc.). On the other hand e. g. OHO. 
nmoccho Ags. smocc O.Icel. smokkr 'underdress* (beside the inteira 
MHG. smucken 'to bevel, dress, adorn to MHG. smiegen 'to 
press tightly O.Icel. smjuga 'to creep through* : Lith. stnukti 'to 
slide, glide' O.Bulg. smykati s$ 'to creep') contained a nominal 
weak stem-form *smuq-n- (cp. Gr. ag-v- ram', Skr. wrf-n- 'water'), 



§ 530—532. Indg. tenues, mediae a 

which underwent various tram 
strong forms *smuq-6n- etc. ha 
Braune's Beitr. IX 169). Cp. 

§ 531. The voiced spiranl 
prim. Germ., passed into the c< 
Goth., when they came to si 
masc. tamips 'domitus* neut. tan 
(<f) 'domiti' etc. 3. sg. pres. 
bhdrati. af of beside ab-u w 
3. sg. pret. bi-ldif (bi-leiba \p] 
formation for prim. Germ. *ld% 
g was retained to express %, m 

6, d, g, which are to be r 
probably became tenues in the 
was not represented in writing, 
'saviour from prim. Germ. *-e 
•they rescue* prim. Germ. *-eiw< 
*aUR~s. Nom. masc. juggs i 
*-ih9gd-s *-M9gd-n. 

§ 532. Prim. Germ. 6, <?, 
before % in West Germanic, 
pp, ft, kk throughout the whol 
'ill-natured* prim. Germ. *wfr$a- 
which as original *upilo- go 
connected with OHG. vbir u 
Horn. Gr. vnsig. OHG. drittic 
dridda : Goth, pridja (S) O.Ice 
Germ. nom. masc. *pridi6(n) fr. 
tertius. OHG. ekka point, edg 
(3) OJcel. egg, gen. eggjar (g< 
prim. Germ. *a%i6- fr. *axi$-: 
wulpa MHG. iviilpe she-wolf 
after I, prim. Germ. *uuM (In 
bjfis (a new formation for *q,ul 
vtdfs prim. Germ. *%ulilfa-z (] 
§8 529. 535. 540. 



390 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 533. 

§ 683. History of the mediae. 

These became tenues in prim. Germanic, except d in the 
Indg. combination d'dh. 

Gothic like the other Germ. languages, except High German, 
retained these tenues. 

b. diups 'deep' : Lith. dubu-s, rt. dheub-. See § 343. 

d. tiuhan 'draw 1 : Lat. ducd. hairtO 'heart' : xapti-ie. asts 
'twig, branch* : Gr. ii£o-g, Indg. *ozdo-s. See § 375. 

§, g. kaurn 'corn* : O.Bulg. zrtno, cpf. *§f-no-m. uf-rak- 
jan 'to lift up* : Av. raz-ista- 'straightest, most just', rt. re§-. 
juk yoke* : Skr. yugd-m, Indg. *jug6-m. qima *I come* : 8kr. 
gdm-a-mi, rt. gem-, vairpa 'I throw' : O.Bulg. vrXgq, rt. uerq-. 
See §§ 394, 439. 440. 443, 444 a. 

The character of these sounds remained unchanged in West 
Germanic in the period of the prim, community. In HG. however 
they underwent further shiftings. 

In Upper and Middle German dialects p became pf (written 
pf and ph) initially and after consonants, but f (/) between 
vowels. This pf became / iff) initially in certain dialects and 
in mostof them medially after consonants. OHG. pflegan flegan 
(Renish-Franconian plegan) 'to care for' : OS. plegan 'to promise, 
pledge', perhaps to Gr. pkdyapo-v eyelid' (Kluge Et. Worterb.). 
OHG. werpfan werfan 'to throw' : OS. werpan, Goth, vatrpan 
with p fr. Indg. g, see above. OHG. slaf (gen. slaffes) 'slack, 
lax' : Du. slap] OHG. slaf an slaf an 'to sleep' : OS. slapan, 
Goth. sUpan, O.Bulg. slabU 'slack, weak', rt. sl&>-. OHG. scaffdn 
'do, make' : O.Icel. skapa (beside this OHG. scepfen 'to scoop : 
OS. skeppian, see § 535) ; this category has been ascribed to the 
rt. $qab- in Lith. skabiis cutting' etc. (§ 346), the intermediate 
meaning being regarded as 'to bring to pass by hollowing out'. 

t became z, that is ts, in HG. initially (except before r) 
and after consonants (except after s); after vowels it became 
the voiceless spirant 55 (;), see § 375. OHG. ziohan 'to draw; 
pull' : OS. tiohan, Goth, tiuhan. OHG. herza 'heart' : OS. herta, 
Goth, halrtd. OHG. smelzan 'to smelt, melt, become liquid' 
smalz n. grease* : Ags. smdt 'soft, quiet', Gr. fu Xdw 'I soften, 



§ 533 — 534. Indg. temies, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 391 

inelt'. OHG. uriifian 'to know* tcei^ 'I know' : OS. toitan wit, 
Goth, vitan vdit. 

Initially OHG. tr- = Goth, tr- : triuwa 'fidelity' : Goth. 
triggva, Pruss. druwi (§ 375); on the spelling dr- for tr- in 
Franc, sources, as driutra, see Kdgel Keron. Gloss. 70 f., Zu den 
Murbacher Denkm. (Leipz. 1883) 13 ff. 

OHG. ast 'branch* : Goth, asts, Indg. *ozdo-s. nest 'nest* : 
Ags. nest, Skr. ntdd-s 'lair of animals', Lai nftfu-s, Indg. *m- 
zd-o-s (§ 355). 

OHG. quTfalon beside zwlfaldn 'to doubt' : Goth, ttveifls. 
See § 375. 

k became k% (written cch, ch etc.) in Upper German initially 
and after consonants (except s), whilst it remained k in Middle 
Germ. It became %%, X (hh, h) universally between vowels. 
OHG. chorn korn 'corn' : Goth, kaurn. chniu kniu 'knee* : 
Goth. kniu. chtceman queman 'to come' : Goth, qiman. werch 
werk : OS. were, Gr. igyo-v. danch thank 'thought, thanks' : 
OS. thane, Goth, pagks, Lat. tonged 'I know', wahhln 'to wake' : 
OS. wakdn, Goth, vakan, Skr. vajdyati 'urges on, drives on*. 
dah, gen. dahhes f 'roof : O.Icel. pak, Lat. tegd. 

OHG. ma sea OS. mdaka 'mesh, stitch' : Ags. mcesce, O.Icel. 
mqskve mqskci, Lith. mezgu 'I knit* mdzgas 'knot', rt. mezq-. 

§ 534. bn, dn, gn became bb, dd, gg before the principal 
accent in prim. Germ., thence by § 533 pp, tt, kk, which were 
further treated just the same as the pp, tt, kk (§§ 530. 538) 
which had arisen from Indg. pn, tn, Un qn and from Indg. 
bhn, dhn, §hn qhn. OHG. topfo 'top MHG. topf 'pot' (Rhenish- 
Franc, topp), Ags. doppa mergus', to Goth, diups, rt dheub-. 
MHG. rupfen ropfen 'to pluck' (Rhenish-Franc, roppe), to OHG. 
roufen Goth, rdupjan 'to pluck, tear out', rt. reftb- (§ 343). 
MHG. sttitzen 'to push (with the horns), start back', to OHG. 
stfyan Goth, stdittan 'to push', Skr. tuddmi, Lat. tundo. MHG. 
slitzen 'to slit', to OHG. silvan OS. Ags. slltan 'slit, split', rt. 
slejd-. OHG. loc loch (pi. loccha) MHG. loc (pi. locke) 'lock, 
ringlet', Ags. locc O.Icel. lokkr = Lith. lugna-s pliable', to Gr. 
Xvyo-q 'pliant twig or rod' kvyoio 'I bend, tie'. OHG. sluccho 



392 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 534—537. 

slukko glutton MHG. slacken 'to gulp, have hiccup, to Gr. 
XvXco Xvyydvoficu 'I have the hiccup'. 

§ 536. The prim. Germ, tenues, which had arisen from Indg. 
mediae, became pp, tt, kk (gemination) in West German, not 
only before |, but also before r, / and w. pp became pf (Rhenish- 
Franc, pp) in HG. ; tt became zz before i, but remained before t\ 
kk became k% in Upper German, but remained in Middle Ger- 
man. OHG. seep fen 'to scoop* (Rhenish-Franc, scheppe), 08. 
skeppian, see § 533. OHG. lezzan MUG. letean 'hinder, hurt', 
OS. lettian Ags. lettan : Goth, latjan, rt. led- 'leave, let*. OHG. 
ottar otter* (on the anaptyctic a in this and the following forms 
see §§ 277. 628) : O.Icel. otr pi. otrar, Skr. udrds 'water animal', 
Gr. vtpo-g vdQCt 'water serpent'. OHG. 08. bittar 'bitter : Goth. 
bditrs (ablaut difference *bhidro- : *ftAa$dro-), to Goth. bUan 'to 
bite'. OHG. hlQttar 'clear, pure*, Ags. hltittor : Goth. hUUrs, 
Gr. xXvUo fr. *xXvS-i ( (o 'I wash out, clean*. OHG. tcecchen toecken 
to wake', OS. wekkian : Goth, vakjan, O.Icel vekja, to OHG. wok- 
hen etc., see § 533. OHG. acchar accar acre, field', OS. occur : 
Goth. akrSy Gr. dypo-i;. OHG. facchla facchala faccala 'torch', 
it is doubtful whether it was borrowed from Lat. f acuta. OHG. 
nacchot naccot 'naked' : Goth, naqaps, Lat. ntidu~s fr. *no(g)yedo-8 J 
Skr. nagnd-8 (§ 432 c). OHG. chueccher quekker infl. adj. form 
'alive, quick' : O.Icel. kykr ace. kykvan, prim. Germ. *jfcgtfc?*a-, 
beside Goth, qiu-s (st. qiva-). On the loss of the w after medial 
k in OHG. see § 180. Cp. §§ 529. 532. 540. 

§ 686. The d in dzdh became assimilated to the following 
z in prim. Germ. Goth, huzd 'treasure' OHG. hort, Indg. *kwfdho-. 
Perhaps also Goth, gazds sting, prick' OHG. gart 'rod, switch' 
O.Icel. gaddr 'sting* : Lat. hasta. See §§ 469, 5. 507. 538. 

Rem. Osthoff (Morph. IV 262 f.) attempts to adjust Goth, uz- OHG. 
ur- ar- (Mod.HG. ur- er- in ur-teil er-teilen) to 8kr. ud and Goth. itf 
OHG. u$ 'out' by assuming that the form arose regularly in compounds 
like Goth, us-dreiban (for *uz~dreiban) 'to drive out*. Cp. Av. uz § 476. 
OHG. ort 08. ord O.Icel. oddr *point, top\ fr. *ud+dhi € put up, lift up*? 
The z in Goth, uz- became assimilated to a following r, as ur-rtiso* 
'to rise up*. 

§ 537. History of the mediae aspiratae. 

In prim. Germ, they first became the voiced spirants b, <f, j (;*). 



§ 537—538. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 393 

1. Initially. In the course of the individual dialects they 
were shifted to mediae; in Gothic all three in prehistoric times ; 
in West Germanic b and d in all branches likewise in prehistoric 
times, whilst 3 remained as 3 in OS. and Ags. down to historic 
times; in the period of the oldest runic monuments all three 
were still spirants in Norse. In HG. b and g were further 
shifted to p and h in Upper Germany, d was shifted to t both 
there and in East Franconia. 

bh. Goth, beitan 'to bite', OHG. iF;;a» blym Upper 
Germ, piigan OS. Ags. bltan, O.Icel. blta (prim. Norse *bltan) : 
Skr. bhidami, rt. bheid-. See § 344. 

dh-. Goth, dags 'day', OHG. Rhenish-Franc, dag East Franc, 
and Upper Germ, tag OS. dag Ags. etej, OJcel. dagr runic. 
dagaR (read da^an) : Lith. ddga-8, rt. dhegh-. See § 376. 

§h qh. Goth. *gans goose* (from which Span, ganso 
was borrowed), OHG. gam Upper Germ, cans Ags. jtfs, O.Icel. 
gds : Lith. zqsH-s. Goth, gasts guest', OHG. gast Upper Germ. 
cast OS. gast ( 3) Ags. 3*es£, O.Icel. ^resfr runic, yasfo'* (3) : Lat. 
hosti-s O.Bulg. gostt. In 3#- (= Indg. gA- 3-) was dropped already 
in prim. Germ. : Goth, varmjan 'to warm', OHG. warm O.Icel. 
varmr 'warm' : Skr. gharmd-s. See §§ 395. 439. 443. 

§ 688. 2. Medially. The Indg. mediae aspiratae, through 
their being developed to voiced spirants, fell together with the 
Indg. tenues according to § 530, and thus the laws given in 
§§ 530—532 operated here also. 

The following forms, in the first place, are to be judged of 
by § 530. 

bh. Goth, liuba- (V) 'dear , OHG. liubo adv. 'with pleasure' 
Ags. ledfost 'dearest' (/ is 6), O.Icel. ljufr 'dear' (/ is 6) : Skr. 
lubhyati 'fosters a vehement longing', rt. leybh-. Goth, kalbd 
'female calf, OHG. chalba f. chalb n., Ags. cealf (6) n., O.Icel. 
kalfr (b) : Gr. dolyo-g titkifv-g 'womb' te Aya£ 'pig'. OHG. chamb 
(gen. chambes) 'toothed instrument, comb', Ags. comb : Skr. 
jdmbha-s 'tooth', Gr. yoficpo-g plug, peg, pin, nail', O.Bulg. zqf>u 
'tooth'. 

dh, Goth, ana-biudan (<?) 'bid, command', OHG. biotan 



394 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. § 538—539. 

biodan OS. biodan Ags. beddan, O.Icel. bj&da, prim. Germ. 
*be#dana-n : Skr. bSdhdmi, rt. bheudh-. Goth, bindan 'to bind', 
OHG. bintan bindan OS. Ags. bindan, O.Icel. binda, prim. Germ. 
*bindana-n : Skr. bdndhana-m, rt. bhendh-. Goth, hairda 'herd', 
OHG. forta forda Ags. heord, O.Icel. hJQrd, prim. Germ. 
*/erdS : Skr. Sdrdha-s 'herd, troop*. 

$A, gA. Goth, steigan (j) 'to ascend, climb', OHG. $%<*» 
OS. stlgan (j) Ags. #li£<!ft, O.Icel. stiga (3), prim. Germ. 
*sti%ana-n : Gr. arsi/jo, rt. steigh-. Goth, aggvu-s 'narrow', 
OHG. ene/i, O.Icel. Qttjrr : Gr. ay/M, rt. aftgh-. Goth, gaggan 
'to go', OHG. gangan, O.Icel. ganga : Skr. jatdgha- 'heel-bone, 
rt. ghewgh: Goth. Iduna-varga- 'unthankful man, OHG. warg 
'strangled MHG. er-wergen 'to strangle', O.Icel. t?arjrr (j) 'wolf, out- 
lawed evil-doer' : Lith. verziii 'I string, compress, straiten', rt. uer§h-. 

On prim. Germ. (j)# in Goth, sndivs fr. orig. *$noiqho-$ 
and similar forms see §§ 443. 444 b. In the cases there quoted 
prim. Germ. j# was the labialised form of Iudg. gh. The same 
loss of a suffixal -#- occurs in prim. Germ. *ma\ j)#-* 'girl' 
(Goth, mavi, gen. mdujds\ to masc. Goth, magus 'boy, child, 
servant' = O.Ir. mug 'slave, servant'; cp. Skr. sv&d-v-i fem. to 
sv<%d-ib-§ 'suavis'. 

Here is further to be added — in contrast to § 530 — 
the case when prim. Germ. d 9 3 followed z. Goth, mizdd pay, 
reward', in West Germ, with 'compensation lengthening' of the 
e = i OHG. mSta miata OS. meda O.Pris. mSde Ags. med beside 
tneord (r from z) : Gr. utoSo-g, Indg. *mizdho- *mizdhd- (§§ 596. 
621). Goth, huzd 'treasure', OHG. hort OS. hord (horth) Ags. 
hord, O.Icel. hodd : Indg. *kud'dho-, cp. §§ 469, 5. 507. 536. 
OHG. marg 'medulla' Ags. meargj O.Icel. mergr (3), Goth. 
mazga-y pre-Germ. *mozQho~, cp. §§ 450. 590. 596. 

Prim. Germ, pp, tt, kk from ft», #n, jw. Sure examples 
are known to me only for kk, as OHG. lecchOn Mid.HG. leckm 
to lick', OS. leccDn, prim. Germ. *likkdna-n (cp. Goth, bi-ldigdn): 
Gr. U X vo-$ 'lickerish', Lat. lingd, rt. lei§h-. Cp. §§ 214. 530. 534. 

§ 639. A change of 8, <f, 3 to /, £, x (9) m Gothic, 
cp. § 531. Masc. nom. liufs ace. liuf 'dear' beside gen. Uubis 



§539 — 541. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Germ. 



395 



(6). rdups rdup red' beside gen. rdudis (#), rt. reydh-. vigs 
rig Or) way beside vigis (j), rt. ueghr. 

Pret. svarb to svatrban 'to wipe from', rt. suerbh-] pret. 
band, to bindan, rt. bhendh-; gild n. tax', to fra-gildan 'to re- 
quite', rt. gheldh-; gaggs gagg 'way, street'; Iduna-vargs un- 
thankful man -varg are parallel to the forms like nasjands 
nasjand etc. in § 531. The forms gazds, huzd (st. gazda- f 
hmda-) were accordingly possibly pronounced with st. 

§ 540. West Germ. 66, drf, ^ (H. German pp, tt, kk) 
before i, see § 532. OHG. sippia sippa relationship', OS. sibbia 
sibbea Ags. sib (gen. sibbe) : Goth. s*/a (6) , O.Tcel. Sif (gen. 
Sifjar, f is fe) goddess of the family and wedlock, Skr. sabhd- 
assembly, society of kinsfolk*. OHG. mitti 'medius', OS. middi 
Ags. mid (gen. middes) : Goth, midjis (#), O.Icel. tnidr (ace. 
midjan), Skr. mddhya-s € medius\ OHG. bitten 'to request', OS. 
biddian Ags. biddan : Goth, bidjan (<f ), O.Icel. 6/<f/a, Gr. 7m'0w, 
rt. 6Ae#A- (§ 67 rem. 3). OHG. likken 'to lie down', OS. Uggian : 
O.Icel. liggja (ggj fr. ji by a special Norse process), prim. Germ. 
*liziana-n, Gr. Xi/^ 'bed', rt. legh~. Cp. §§ 529. 535. 

§ 641. Chronology of the prim. Germ, shiftings of 
the explosives. The following is probably the order in which 
the chief acts of the prim. Germ, shifting of the Indg. explosives 
took place ; we include at the same time the history of the Indg. 
tenues aspiratae, which will be more fully discussed in § 553. 

Act 1 (or 2). The aspirates become spirants, bh, 
dh, gh become 8, 3, g, e. g. *bhe#dhd becomes *beu<2d (Goth. 
biuda), see § 537. pA, th, kh become /, J5, *, e. g. 2. sg. perf. 
*le46s-tha (rt. les- 'gather together*) becomes *(le)-laspa (Goth. 
tost), *nokh-lo- 'nail' becomes *naxld- (OHG. nagal), see § 553. 

Act 2 (or 1). pi k become /, % before t and s, e. g. 
*rekto-s 'right' becomes *re/Ja-s (Goth, ralhts), see § 527. 

Falling together of the tenues asp. with a portion of the 
tenues. 

Act 3. The tenues become voiceless spirants 
elsewhere, p, t, k become /, p f %, e. g. *pdt$r, *bhrdtdr be- 
come *faper *br6pdr (Goth, fadar, brdpar), see § 528. 



1 i 



396 Indg. tonnes, med. and med. asp. in Germ, and Balt.-Slav. § 541—542. 

Falling together of a further portion of the tenues (even- 
tually of all tenues, see the end of § 528) with the tenues asp. 

Act 4. The voiceless spirants become voiced by 
Verner's law, /, p y x become 6, d y 3, e. g. *naxWr becomes 
*nazld-, *fap$r becomes *fad$r, see § 530. 

Falling together of tenues asp. and tenues with the 
mediae asp. 

Act 5. The 6, d, j, which had arisen from mediae asp. 
and tenues, assimilate a following n before the principal accent; 
*&> &d, ZZ> e. g. pres. stem *liz-n6- 'lick* (Indg. *U§h-n&-) 
becomes "Wjjtf- (OS. leccdn) , noun stem (weak) *$miz-n- 
'Areas (Indg. *$wwj-ts-) becomes *8tnu3Z- (OJcel. smokkr). Indg. 
ft, d y g with a following n simultaneously become ftft, dd, gg 
when the accent is in the same position, e. g. *lug-n&- lock, 
ringlet' (Indg. *Iuq-h6-) becomes Huggd- (OJcel. lokkr). Then 
fy fid ZZ become ftft, dd, gg: *l%zz6- *smuzz- become *liggt- 
*smugg-. See §§ 530. 534. 538. 

Falling together of mediae with tenues and tenues asp. 

Act 6. The mediae become tenues, 6, d, g become 
p, t, A, e. g. *deu%d C I draw* (rt. de#k~) becomes *te%xG (Goth. 
tiuha), *azda- 'branch* becomes *asta- (Goth. asts) y *liggd-, *smugg~> 
*lugga- (see 5.) become *likkd-, *smukk-, */iiJ*a-. See § 533. 

Act 7. $p, zd y roft, nd, wj become st y zd y mb, nd, wy, 
e. g. *(le-)lo8pa (1.) becomes *lasta (Goth, last), *tnizdd- 'pay, 
reward' becomes *mizdd- (Goth, mizddn-), *(be-)bande 'he bound* 
becomes *bande (Goth. band). See §§ 530. 538. 

Rem. That sp first became st at this period, is only dednoed from 
the change of z& to zd y which cannot have taken place earlier. Here be- 
longs eventually also the origin of the tenuis in Goth, speivan, ist etc, 
see § 528 (end) and 3 above. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 542. The Indg. tenues and mediae remained in the 
period of the Balt.-Slav. prim, community, while the mediae 
aspiratae, as in Iran. (§ 481) and Kelt. (524), became mediae 
and thus fell together with the Indg. mediae. 



§542—544. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. Bait 

Indg. Uj §j §h were s-sounds in this perioc 

§ 543. History of the tenues, prim. I 
and §. These sounds generally remained unshil 
p. Lith. pilna-8 O.Bulg. plunu 'full* : Av. 
See § 345. 

t. Lith. ta O.Bulg. tu 'the ace. : 8kr. td-n 
q. Lith. kh-8 O.Bulg. ku-to 'whoF.-Skr. k 
k Lith. szvit-Ui O.Bulg. svit-€ti 'to shine 
rt. heit-. See § 413. 

§ 644. The assimilation of Indg. ts to 88, 
st and of Indg. Rs to SS seems to have been 
period of the Bait-Slay. prim, community 

ts to 88. Lith. esiu 1 shall eat* : cp. Sk 
O.Bulg. 2. sg. jasi 'thou eatest' : cp. Skr. dtsi, ( 
'I ate' fr. *et-s-o-in, pi. fasti manger fr. *€t-8 
Lith. mksiu fut. to metii C I throw'. Lith. kifsiu 
hew sharply' : cp. Skr. kartsydmi 'I shall cut', 
krlsla-s crumb, scrap', to krintii (pret. kritau) 
disu s-aorist 1 counted' Oslo <Hsm$ number', t 
Lith. part, vezqs 'vehens' fr. *ue§hont-8 = Skr. 
responding forms of O.Bulg. probably also came fr 
as vezy vehens' sp$j{ 'hastening', cp. ace. pi. vto 
equos' from *-ons (§§ 84. 219). 

It may be concluded that this ss = ts had 
fallen together with Indg. 8 in prim. Slav., si 
not become ch as was the case with Indg. 5 (§ 
like 1. sg. jachu 1. pi. jachomu 3. pi. jaSq bes 
jas$ (s-aorist from rt. jad- eat') were later fo 
rem. 2). 

t't to st. Lith. vifsti 'to fall down, change 
state, condition' : Lat. part, wrsu-8, Skr. vfttd-m 
Indg. *uzi*t6-, rt. uert-. Lith. 1st O.Bulg. jasi 
m Skr. dtti. Lith. d&st O.Bulg. dastt gives' 
mid. datte, from the reduplic. root dd- 'give', 
'being on foot' first of all from *pt8lyx-s (§ 147 



398 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Bait-Slav. § 544. 

step'; on the East Lith. form peszczia-s see § 587, 3. O.Bulg. 
<%stt 'honour, to $IU\ 'I count, reckon, honour*. 

fo became §§. Lith. aszUs O.Bulg. osi axis' :Lat. axis. 
Lith. deszine 'right hand' O.Bulg. desfnii 'dexter : Skr. ddk$ina~ 
Av. dasina-. See § 414. 

With the reduction of ss to s and Ss to Lith. sz O.Bulg. 
8, compare that of prim. Bait. -Slav, ss = Indg. ss to Lith. 
O.Bulg. s, as Lith. l&siu fr. *fes-sw, fut. to lesu 'I pick up, peck 
at', O.Bulg. otu4r<$r fr. *-£f\s-s{, s-aorist to otu trqsq 'I shake 
off'. See § 585, 3. 

Further the loss of the dental in Lith. aszma-s Wavus', 
Pruss. asma-n ace., O.Bulg. osmyjt might also be prim. Bait- 
Slav. : cp. Skr. afyatnd- O.Ir. ochtmad. — 

Lithuanian. In forms like partic. pres. act. lipdamas 

(lipu 'I climb, mount'), vilkdama-s (retkii 'I trail, drag*) the 

pronunciation has apparently fluctuated for centuries between 

pd y led and bd, gd in some parts of Lithuania. Analogously 

misdatna-s and mtzdama-s^ to inetu 1 throw'. This phenomenon 

is easily explained from the fact that the constant striving after 

assimilation has been again and again counteracted by the 

feeling of relationship between kindred forms, e. g. Rpti llpsiu 

etc., vilkti citksiu etc., mesti etc. Cp. the fluctuation between 

pjsiu and plnsiu § 218 rem. 

Rem. 1. The change between dugti (inf.) dugsiu (fut) and dukti 
dvk'siu (pres. dug* 'I grow'), between dirbti dlrbsiu and dtrpii dlrpsiu 
(pres. dlrbu 'I work*) etc. in Lithuanian writings is merely of an ortho- 
graphical nature, only hi ks pt ps is spoken everywhere. Cp. the phone- 
tically inexact Mod.HG. spellings like sagte, raubte, flugs. 

The simplification of consonantal groups is rare, as deszims 

beside deszimts 'ten*. 

Rem. 2. It is not certain whether nal-rvju 'I pass the night with', 
HfiJ-ry*^ 'night quarters* belong here, since miktrtJN, naktrynf y existing side 
bj side of these and regarded ast he original forms, might hare got their t 
from naktt-s an older stem *m*qt*<- is by no means proved for certain 
through Lat nod* (see the author in Ber. <L sachs Oes. der Wiss. 1883 
p. 192). 

sztr from scr in asztrft-s 'sharp' beside aszru-s (Dowkont) : 

O.Bulg. ostrH 'sharp* from *osr& (§ 545), Skr. d£ri-$ 'corner', 



§544—545. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Bait. -Slav. 399 

Gr. axgo-g 'pointed'. It is however questionable whether the Lith. 
word has not acquired its t through the influence of the cor- 
responding Slav. word. 

§ 545. Slavonic. On prim. Slav. 6, c from k = Indg. 
}, prim. Slav, t/ (O.Bulg. st) from kt = Indg. qt, prim. Slav. 
/ (ch) from k$ = Indg. qs see § 462. 

Loss of tenues before following consonants (cp. § 281 
rem. 3): 

p disappeared before f, w, $ in the prim. Slav, period. 
O.Bulg. netift nephew, cousin* fr. *nepttj% (§ 36) = Gr. avs\jn6-$, 
cpf. *nept'iio-s. po-cr£ti 'lade, scoop' fr. *derti *cerpti, to 1. sg. 
pres. po-crtpq. Correspondingly greti 'to scrape, scratch' fr. *grepti, 
to 1. sg. grebq with b --- Indg. bh (§ 552). The forms po-crtsti 
-cristi -frtpsti and gresti grebsti, met with in later monuments, 
were new formations, which seem to have arisen from a dislike — 
also met with elsewhere — for infinitive forms with short stem- 
syllable ; the s was transferred from plesti nesti etc. sunu sleep' 
from *supnu = Gr. vnvo-q. pri-ttnq 'I stick to' from *-Kpnq, 
cp. pri-Hp&ti € to stick to'; pri-ttpnq, which occurs beside pri-ttnq 
in the literary monuments, had borrowed p anew from form- 
association, vosa 'wasp' fr. ^opsd = Lith. vapsa gad-fly', osina 
'aspen-tree' : Lett, apse Pruss. abse. Cp. also the s-aorist grteu, 
to grebq I scrape, scratch'. 

t disappeared before I, n. O.Bulg. part. pret. pleVu fr. *plet-lu y to 
pletq 'I twist*. This disappearance before /, like that of d before I 
(§ 548), seems to be old only in the southern and eastern dialects; 
in the western dialects prim. Slav, tl seems to have prevailed 
down to historical times, e. g. Upper Sorabian pletl = O.Bulg. 
plelu. Examples for the disappearance of t before n occur in all 
branches, as O.Bulg. o-svinqti 'to become light' fr. *sv$t-nqti (cp. 
stiUHi 'to shine'), Servian svanuti. Nevertheless I do not know 
whether this dropping of t is to be regarded as prim. Slav. Cp. 
dn § 548. 

k disappeared in the prim. Slav, period in p^p( 'five 
= Skr. patokti-s 'the number five* (cp. A v. paidtaidha- 'fifth 
part' beside panca 'five', Lat. qulntus beside quinque). Thia 



400 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Balt.-Slar. § 545—547. 

reduction of wkt to tot must be older than the change of 
kt to tx'. k disappeared also in the prim. Slay, period in -kst- 
(Indg. -qst-). 2. pi. of the s-aorist f&te, to 1. sg. techu 
= orig. *teq-s-o-m (§ 462). In like manner plesti c to twist' 
from *pleksti i. e. *plektH% (cp. Lat. plectd, OHG. flehtan), 
which gave the impulse to the new formations pres. pletq 
noun plotu 'twist, plait* etc., forms, in which t cannot be 
explained as having arisen phonetically from kt. 

Loss of tenues between s+conson. O.Bulg. slizena slezena 
'spleen : Gr. onkijv onkdyxyo-v. plesnqti 'to clap' fr. *plesk-nqti, 
to pleskati 'to clap*. 

Development of t as glide in sr = Indg. Icr in prim. 
Slavonic. O.Bulg. ostrU 'sharp' : Gr. axpo-g etc., see end of § 544. 
pfstrU variegated* fr. orig. *piJc-ro-8 : Skr. piSdmi 'I adorn, shape', 
Gr. noixt'Xo-g 'variegated'. The same development occurs also 
at a later period, e. g. O.Bulg. striiben-% beside srtsen-t 'hornet, 
gad-fly : Lat. crdbrO (§ 303). Cp. Slav, str = Indg. sr, 
§ 585, 2. 

§ 646. History of the mediae, prim. Baltic-Slav, b, d, 
g and z. 

b. Lith. dub&-8 'deep, hollow', O.Bulg. dtibri ravine, valley*: 
Goth, diups. See § 346. 

d. Lith. dtf-ti O.Bulg. da-ti 'to give' :Lat. dds ddtis. See 
§ 378. 

g. Lith. glria 'forest', O.Bulg. gora 'mountain' : Skr. girl-?. 
See § 463. 

§. Lith. Slrni-s 'pea', O.Bulg. zrino 'corn' : Goth, kaurn. 
See § 415. 

§ 647. The transition of d'd(h) to zdQ\) and of dm to m 
seems to belong to the period of the Baltic-Slav. prim, 
community. 

The 2. sg. imper. O.Bulg. vizdi 'see', vtzdt 'know', jaidi 
'eat' from *tfSzcR, *u$zdi, *fedl] the £ instead of z arose from 
a contamination with the optative forms which had -|e- and 
were used imperatively (see Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 387 and 
the accidence). *yezdf = O.Lith. veizd(i) see'. The cpf. was 



§547—548. Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Baltic-Slav. 

*yeizdi fr. *uejd?-dhi (with different, older root-vocalism Gr 
and Skr. niddM). 

Rem. 1. O.Lith. veizd{%) coming to be on a level with forms like I 
ved(i), the z forced its way into the remaining forms of the verbal s; 
also (first of all into the imper. pi.), hence viizdmi viizdziu instei 
*teidmi *veidziu, lastly into noon formations also, hence e. g. ap-vei 
'providence 1 beside vtida-8 'face, countenance 1 

It is doubtful whether O.Bulg. dazdi 'give' imper. also belougs 
since it might possibly stand for *dddi and along with O.Lith. dudi 
represent an orig. *dd-dhi. Cp. the accidence. 

dm (partly from Indg. dhm) became tn. Lith. emi O.I 
jam? 'I eat' fr. *ed-mi\ Lith. edmi is a new formation (cp. ren 
Lith. dumi O.Bulg. damt 'I give* fr. *ddd-mi. Lith. dfo 
place, put' fr. *ded-mi, O.Lith. demi fr. *ded-mi l rt. dhE-. O.I 
vemii 1 know' fr. *#ajd-m*, rt. ye%d-. O.Bulg. vym 'uddei 
*Ud-men : Skr. Hdhar. 

Rem. 2. The loss of the labial in O.Bulg. sedmyfi 'septimus' 
be younger than this dropping of d. It may however have been eff 
already in the Baltic-Slav. prim, language, since by § 469, 3 the t 
in Lith. sdkma-s (first of all from *sepma-8 or from *8etma-8? § 
and Prus8. septma-8 sepma-8 seem to be due to a new formation 
the analogy of the cardinal number. 

Rem. 3. The apparent dropping of d before the suffix of the 
in Lith. dufva O.Bulg. dati jave etc. has probably arisen from am 
with the 1. sg. and 1. pi. The regular form may be retained in 
bdva and this might have aided in the creation of tdmi tdtne. 

§ 548. No further changes, which need to be menti 
here, took place in Lithuanian. 

Slavonic. On prim. Slav, dz dz fr. g = Indg. g 
§ 463. 

Loss of the mediae b d before following consonants, 
also take into account here the mediae which had arisen 
Indg. mediae aspiratae. 

b disappeared before n in prim. Slavonic. O.Bulg. 
'ground, bottom* fr. *dubno, beside Lith. dugna-s (§ 346] 
dubri 'ravine, valley', rt. dheyb-, see § 325. O.Bulg. sU- 
'I fold' fr. *gub-nq, to su-gybati 'to fold', Lith. dvl-guba-s 
fold, double', gynq beside gyb-ajq, 1 sink, go to ruin ; b 
been restored in gybnq like the p in pri-tlpnq (§ 545). 

Brngmann, Element!. 26 



402 Indg. tenues, mediae and mediae asp. in Baltio-8lav. § 548—551. 

d disappeared before /, n. O.Bulg. part, palu fr. *pfld-ffi, 
to padq 'I fall', rt. ped-. Silo awl' fr. *&-d&>, raio plough* 
fr. *r<Udlo, fylo point, prick' fr. *i%-dlo with suffix -e#o- from 
Indg. -dhlo- (Gr. -0Ao-, Ital. -/to-), jda 'fir :Pruss. adde Lith. 
fyfc fr. *edle (§ 378). This loss of d before Z is old only in 
the southern and eastern dialects, it was retained in the 
western dialects, as Czech Sldlo Sorab. Sidlo Polish szydfo awl', 
Polish iqdlo edge* jodla 'fir*. Examples for the loss of d be- 
fore n occur in all branches, as O.Bulg. za-ganq 'coniectura 
assequor' fr. *gad-nq y to gad-ajq 'eonicio' O.Icel. geta 'to get, 
hit upon, guess', rt. ghed- (§ 425) ; vu?-bunq 1 awake', to budfti 
'to wake, be awake', Skr. budh^ rt. bheudh-; u-v^nq 'I become 
withered', to u-vqd-ajq 'I become withered*; the d in padnq 1 
fall* (beside padq padajq) etc. had been restored by form-as- 
sociation. It is however questionable whether the dropping of 
d before n took place so early as the prim. Slav, period. Cp. tn 
§ 545. 

§ 640. History of the mediae aspiratae. They fell 
together with the mediae in the period of the Balt.-Slav. prim, 
community, as was the case also in Iranian (§481) and Keltic 
(§ 524). The laws, which have been laid down for the Indg. 
mediae (§§ 546 — 548), therefore held good also here. 

bh. Lith. bijdti-8 O.Bulg. bojati s$ 'to be afraid' : Skr. 
bhdy-a-tt. See § 347. 

dh. Lith. dUi O.Bulg. d$-ti 'to lay, put' : Skr. dhd-ma. See 
§ 379. 

gh. Lith. snlga-s O.Bulg. snfyti 'snow* : Gr. vtya, rt. sntiqh-. 
See § 464. 

§h. Lith. ihnb, O.Bulg. zirna 'winter' : Gr. ^f#/iaiV. See 
§ 416. 

§ 660. Prim. Baltic-Slav, change, dm became m: O.Lith. 
demi, O.Bulg. vym$, see § 547. 

§ 661. On prim. Slav, di dz from g = Indg. gh see § 463. 
O.Bulg. ralo fr. *rO-dlo with suffix -dido-, vuz-bunq fr. rt 
bheudh- and similar forms see, § 548. 



§552. 



The combination media asp. -f t, s. 



403 



The combination media aspirata + t, 8. 

§ 662. It has already been remarked in § 469, 6 that a 
sore answer has not yet been found to the question how 
the combination media asp. + t or s was pronounced at the 
time just before the dissolution of the Indg. prim, community. 

In Aryan we must hold as the regular continuations of 
the Indg. prim, forms such forms as Skr. dfbdhdr Av. der'w&a-* 
8kr. dipsati Av. diwzaidydi, which yield for the Ar. prim, 
community bdh as the continuation of bh + t and bzh as that of 
bht 8 etc. The history of these Ar. groups is treated in § 482. 

All the European languages have for the original combi- 
nations the same representations as for Indg. pt ps, t't i8, kt 
£*, qt qs. Examples: 

Greek Qomo-g 'sipped, supped', to Qoyeaj, Lith. srebiu 'I 
sip', rt. srebh-. u-nvaxo-g not heard of (nivOo^at), 8kr. buddhd-s ; 
m vos xvu 'he will search , inquire : Skr. bhotsydte, rt. bhe#dh-. 
a*-fxr6-£ 'bearable* {wo) : Skr. sadhd-s fr. *s&zdha-s; fut. Sfw : 
Skr. 1. sg. aor. mid. dsak$i, rt. 8e§h-. sixzo, evZopui (*vxo,uat 
'I supplicate, pray') : Av. 5. sg. aog'da, 2. sg. aoy&d, rt. eyqh- 
(§ 482). eviys 'it snowed 9 {yiysi), rt. sneiqh-. 

Italic. Lat. nUptum nilpsT, to nUbO Gr. vifi<p7) (Fick Vergl. 
Worterb. I 3 648). ab-sorpsl, to absorbed (sfbh-), Gr. Qoyeio, 
see above, gressu-s, to gradior, Goth, gridi-. jussu-s, perf. 
jussf, to joubedy see § 370. dl-vlsu-s, perf. df-vlsi. to dl-vidd, Skr. 
vidhyami 'I pierce through', vectum vector, v&ci (vehd) : Skr. 
vSdhum Av. vaedri-s, Skr. vdk$at, rt. ueffh- (§ 482). forcti-8 
forti-8 : Skr. dfdhd-s 'fastened, fast', rt. dher§h-. anctu-s dnxiu-s, 
to angd angor, rt. afl§h-. lectus 'couch', to Gr. kixog, rt legh-. 
n%ctd cO-nlxi, to cd-nlved, rt. kneigh-. nix riinxit, to ninguit, rt. 
weigh-. 

Old Irish, tachtce (*to-acktce) angustus', rt. afl§h-. snechta 
'snow', rt. sneigh-. for-tiasum 1 . pi. of the s-fut. to for-tiagaim 
'I help', cp. Gr. oTeQofiev, rt. steigh-. 

Germanic. MHG. wift 'fine thread' OHG. tciften 'texere' 
O.Icel. veftr veptr weft', to OHG. weban O.Icel. vefa 'to 

26* 



i 



404 The combination media asp. -M, *. § 552. 

weave', Skr. ubhnali 'binds, fastens* part, ubdhdr, Gr. vq*o$ 'web', 
rt. #ebh-. OHG. musse f. 'spring, source* prim, form *mwdft+tf : 
cp. OHG. mutilOn 'to murmur, mutter, Gr. fivOo-g 'speech* 
(KSgel Paul-Braune's Beitr. VII 180 f.). Goth, gilstr 'tax, to 
gild 'tax*, rt. gheldh-. Goth, ana-busns 'commandment* prim. 
Germ. *-fafem-, to ana-biudan, rt. bheydh-. Goth, dauhtar 
OHG. tohter 'daughter* : Av. dug 9 da duyda, Indg. *dhuQh+ter-. 
Goth, mahts OHG. maht 'might, power*, to Goth, tnagan 'may, 
be able', O.Bulg. mogq 1 can, may. Goth, leihts OHG. Uht 
'light, easy', prim. Germ. *let9Xta-z : Skr. lagM- Gr. &a/t;-$, 
rt. fettgA-. 

Baltic-Slavonic. Lith. skrepti 'to dry' fut. skrepsiu, to 
pres. skrebiu, Gr. xdpyco 'I make dry or withered* (cp. § 589, 3). 
O.Bulg. ^retf, yr&w fr. *greptf y *gr#p$u, to </refc^ 'I scrape', Goth. 
jrroJo 1 dig' (§ 545). Lith. visti O.Bulg. vesti c to lead', Lith. 
fut. v&siu O.Bulg. aor. visU, to pres. Lith, vedU O.Bulg. rerfq, 
Skr. vadhil- 'bride, young woman (she who is to be led home, 
she who is led home). Lith. vbszti O.Bulg. vesti 'to drive, ride', 
Lith. fut. vteziu O.Bulg. aor. vfeu, to pres. Lith. vezu O.Bulg. 
vezq : Skr. vdhdmi, rt. ue§h~. Lith. dukte O.Bulg. dUSti 'daughter : 
Av. dug 9 da. Lith. dticti O.Bulg. Mti 'to burn', Lith. fut. diksiu 
O.Bulg. aor. MchU, to pres. degb, iegq, Skr. ni-ddghd-s 'heat*, 
rt. dhegh-; for the initial sound in Slav. cp. § 379 rem. 

Bern. 1. I do not know any examples from Armenian which belong 
to this class. By § 467, 1 the word dustr does not come under con- 
sideration. 

The question now remains, is this representation of the 
original sound-combinations in the European languages the 
regular continuation of the Indg. forms, or have new formations 
arisen of the nature of Av. dapta- for *dawda- = Skr. ddbdhd- 
etc. (§ 482 rem. 1)P 

Some scholars have come to the conclusion that the latter 
is the case at least as regards the combination media asp. 4- t, 
because they thought that they had also found in the Europ. 
languages an aspect differing from Indg. tenuis + i, which is 
to be regarded as the regular development. Nevertheless all 



I 552—553. The Indg. tenues aspiratae. 

the cases, which have been brought forwarc 
different descision regarding them. 

Bern. 2. Bartholomae (Kuhn's Ztschr. XX^V 
Bvyarw on the ground of a presupposed prim. Or. d< 
and *dhugdher-. But the form may also belong to tl 
(§ 469, 8). Or. xvoBo-c Ooth. huzd Lat. custfc need 
(ep. Bartholomae Ar. Forsoh. 1 176, Kluge in Paul-B 
but admit of being traced back to *JcMdh+dh-. so, 
'understanding 9 to *huq+dh-, whence *hugdh- (cp. 
538). 8till more uncertain is the material which 
Ztschr. XXVni 166 f. has brought forward from 

CU8t08. 

Therefore the possibility still remains, i 
Qfmxo-q etc. exhibit the regular continuation 
forms. 

Bern. 3. Osthoff Zur Oesch. <L Perf. p. 32( 
Toioed media b, as being the form which was in exis 
of the Indg. prim, language, from which was reguli 
one hand 8kr. bdh, and on the other hand Or. nr 
not very probable from a phonetic point of view. 

The Indg. tenues aspirat 

§ 553. It is less doubtful that the Inc 
possessed tenues aspiratae than, to what exte 
mode of articulation. Of late there has been a 
all or almost all of the Ar. tenues asp. (§ 
inherited, according to which e. g. *stha-'> 
not *8tOrno- would have to be put down as tl 
sthdna- Or. 3wjt7jvo-q Lith. stdna-s). But i 
have no right, with the present state of < 
put down the Indg. prim, forms with ten. 
where only Aryan points to tenuis asp., but i 
to tenuis. For the question would be ash 
e. g. in Greek does not an *£00^, but so 
stand beside such cases as tjoBa olaOa with 
below), and why do not *ndOo-q *n6vQo-Q, \ 
correspond to Skr. path- pdntha- path, way*. 

Therefore prim. Indg. tenuis asp. can, i 
down with any degree of probability in sue! 



406 The Indg. tenues aspiratae. § 553. 

languages outside the Aryan group exhibit an aspirate or a 
sound which can be traced back to an aspirate. Such forms 
are the following: 

1. Suffix of the 2. sg. perf. Indg. *-tha. Indg. *yto&iha 
Itnowest' fr. rt. wbd*, Skr. vetiha Av. Qgp. vdista Gr. oloQa. 
Gr. IjoBa BfjaSa Vast' (originally a perf. form, see the accidence), 
Skr. dsUha. Lat. d\x-U dtx-is-tf (for the vowel of the suffix 
see the accidence). Goth, last (lisa 'I gather together), sldht 
(slaha 'I strike'), hlaft (hlifa 'I steal); after such forms arose 
qast {qipa 1 say') haihdist (hdtta 'I name*) etc., in which -$* 
was the regular ending (cp. kdupasta for *kdupa88a etc., § 527 
rem. 3), then also bart (baira 'I bear*), for *barp, etc. *). 

2. Skr. skhdlami 1 stumble, stick fast, go wrong 9 At. 
skarayant- 'leaping, letting leap' (in the proper name skarayap- 
rapa-). Arm. sxalem 'I go wrong, stumble, err, sin', Gr. 6<pdXkoftcu 
'I stumble, fail, suffer a disaster' (also Lat. scelus crime, impious 
action' and OHG. sculd guilt' Goth, skulan € to owe, shall'?), 
rt. sqhel-. 

3. chindd-mi *I cut off, tear' Av. opt. perf. hi-sid-yap, Gr. 
<fxt£io 'I split' 0xtpti<*Xft6-$ 'a piece of cleft wood, splinter', Lat. 
scindO caedd, Goth, skdidan 'to divide, separate' OHG. scinton 'to 
flay rt. skhait- skhajd-. 

4. Skr. Sankhd-s muscle, shell* Gr. xo'x*o-$, Lat. congiu-s. 

5. Skr. nakhd-s Mod. Pers. ndxun Osset. nux 'nail', Armen. 
magil claw, talon (whence m- for n- P), Gr, owx-og gen. to on£ 
'nail, talon', Lat. unguis, Mid.Ir. inga O.Cymr. eguin Mod.Cymr. 
eurin nail, talon, Goth, nagljan 'to nail', Lith. ndga-s O.Bulg. 
nogtitt nail, talon . 

Without representation in Aryan are: 

6. Armen. dnrgn 'potter's wheel', Gr. rpoxo-g 'wheel, potter's 
wheel' tqsx * 'I run* fut Optional, Goth. Pragja 1 run' OHG. 



1) Cp. the ending of the 2. da. act. Goth. -/* — Skr. -thas or -tot. 
We must assume that original -*» stood regularly only in forms like perf. 
Vest*, *luMs, *sidht*. *Mffi* I transformed into tern/*, Units, stihuts, h&- 
fuin) and in the pre*. **-ta* or *$-tis (Skr. stMds *ye two are') and then 
wan transferred to the other rerba. See the accidence. 



§ 553—554. The spirants \ 

drigil 'servant' (runner), rt. thrt 
O.Ir. traig 'foot* Gall, ter-trago* n 
foot, swift runner P) belong here; 

7. Lat. habed, Goth, habdi 
*khabht-. 

The Indg. tenues asp. fell to 
asp. in Greek and Italic (see §§ 
tenues in Germanic (see §§ 52i 
spirants, which arose after s in L 
tenues (cp. §§ 507. 528 end. 541, 
Balt.-Slav., elsewhere the tenues as] 
asp. in this branch also, just 1 ) 
belongs to the rt. thregh- y it folk 
treated differently in Kelt, befo 
(ingd). 

THE SPU 

§ 664. Spirants are produce* 
narrowed at one part in such a 
current gives rise to a grating nois 
ed part. 

The following spirants are to 
language : 

1. A voiceless s-sound, whos 
be exactly defined (cp. the various 
p. 122 f.). 

2. The voiced sound z, corre 

Bern. 1. As a hypothesis which 
may mention here that Bartholomae (Aj 
aspirated 8 nnd z {sh and zh) also to 
he puts down qshei- as the rt. for £ 
§zhom-, §htn- (the latter with loss o 
k$dm- A v. aoc. zqm gen. z*m-Q Gt. %6t 
prim. Ar. and perhaps Indg. bzh fr 
552. 589, 4. 

1) According to this it would aim 
Slav, -ctfo- Gr. -Mo- ItaL -fto- back 



408 The spirants generally. Prim. Indg. «. § 554—555. 

3. The palatal spirant /, strictly to be distinguished from 
consonantal i (i). 

To these is probably to be added: 

4. The labial spirant t?, strictly to be distinguished from 
consonantal u fc«). v and u have fallen together in most langu- 
ages, and as was already mentioned in § 117 it is often difficult 
to decide whether the one sound or the other is to be assigned 
to the Indg. prim. form. The surest criterion for Indg. v is 
want of an old inherited weak grade form, in which v was 
fused with the neighbouring vowel to sonantal w, e. g. rt. ves- 
'clothe' (§ 555). 

Rem. 2. The question of the separation of Indg. v and # is so in- 
volred and still so little investigated that we most content ourselves here 
with having referred to it generally. 

It has been conjectured that the sound, from which Skr. k 
Or. Lat. g in cases like Skr. ahdtn Or. iyto Lat. ego T have arisen, 
was a spirant which closely resembled ;'. Attention has already 
been drawn to the uncertainty of this hypothesis in § 469 rent 

Lastly the question may still be raised whether a sibilant 
was not spoken after the ft-sound in words in which a Gr. xt 
stands opposite to a Skr. ££, as in tdk$an- Ttxviov 'carpenter 
fk$a- a^xros 'bear , and whether it differed from the Indg. s sound 
which is to be presupposed for cases like Skr. dk§a-s Gr. o|wf 
axle' Skr. ddk$ina-s Gr. fcfyo-g 'dexter', and was perhaps a p. 
For it has not hitherto been possible to discover a law by which 
the difference xt : J might have arisen specially in Greek. 

Indg. s. 

Prim. Indg. period. 

§ 566. *septtp 'seven* : Skr. saptd sdpta , Arm. evfn, Gr. 
ima, Lat. sept em, O.Ir. secht »-, Goth, sibun^ Lith. septynl O.Bulg. 
sedrrit. *seno- 'old* : Skr. sdna-s, Arm. Am, Gr. fem. £ny, Lat 
senex, O.Ir. sen, Goth, superl. sinista, Lith. sena-s. Reflexive 
pronoun *s#o- *s%e- : Skr. svd-s 'own* Gr. o-$ 'own* £ *se\ Goth. 
8v2s (gen. svSsis) O.Bulg. svofi 'own. Rt. weigh- 'to snow' : 
Av, mafzatii Gr. veiyti 'snows' ayu-vviif,o-$ 'much snowed upon*, 



§ 555. Prim. Indg «. 409 

Lat. ninguit, O.Ir. snechia Qoth. sndics Lith. snfya-8 O.Bulg. 
sntgu snow'. Rt. $re#- 'flow* : Skr. srdo-a-ti Gr. £**« 'flows', 
O.Ir. sruth OHG. stroum 'stream', Lith. srava a flowing, bleeding' 
O.Bulg. ostrovu 'island'. Rt. 8UL- st9- 'stand' : Skr. 8thi-ti-§ Gr. 
<Fra'-0f-g a standing', Lat. statio, O.Ir. -tau 'sum' from *stOrjfi, 
Goth. sfc#s 'stead', Lith. stdnas O.Bulg. stanu 'stand' (noun). 
Rt. ves- 'clothe' : Skr. vds-te 'puts on (perf. tra-cas-e), ra^ a«a-w 
vds-tratn cloak, dress' vds-man- 'cover', Arm. z-ges-t (gen. z-gcsti) 
dress' z-gwiu-m 'I dress myself (2- prefix), Gr. Horn. aor. 
ia-aavxo ?aavro 'they put on' io-ftqg 'clothing' alpa Lesb. fsftfia 
'dress', Lat. ves-Us, Goth, ga-vas-jan 'to dress' MHG. toesfor 
'baptismal robe'. Rt. dfors- 'dare' : Skr. dhdr§-ami 'I dare, 
Gr. edpa-og 'boldness' ©fpo-iriyc prop, name ('bold one'), Goth. 
ga-dars 'I dare', Lith. dr^-rt to dare (§ 285 rem.). *aJcs(i)- 
'axis' : Skr. dk$a-8, Gr. o?wv, Lat. axi-s, OHG. atoa, Lith. aszi-s 
O.Bulg. os*. 

s a frequent suffix al element. -«io- future and -«- aorist 
suffix : Skr. dha-syd-mi d-dha-s-am from rt. dh&- 'put, place', 
d$k-§yd-mi 6rdik~§-ata (3. pi. mid.) from rt. cfeiX- 'show', d-sahi-§- 
ata from rt. s«^A- 'subdue'; Gr. Ut/f-a, rfis-a (on the function 
of the latter cp. the accidence) ; Lat. cfcr-f, fax-i-s, zftder-%-8 ; 
O.Ir. aor. conj. (= fut.) 2. sg. for-t&s, 2. pi. for-Usid from 
*-#ssw, *-tB88it(e), prim. f. *stei£h+s-e-s, -te, to pres. for-tiagaim 
'I help (cp. Gr. artfifu); Lith. fut. de-siu from rt. d/i£-, vilk-siu 
from rt. f^/9- 'trail, drag', O.Bulg. part. fut. bysqste-je 'to t u*kh* 
(to Lith. ta sw 1 shall be'), aor. d€-chu y 2. pi. dt-s-te, from rt. 
dte-. Personal ending of the 2. sg. -s as in *bh6roi-s 'feras' 
*s-i£$ *S'ij$-s 'sis' : Skr. bhdrfr$ $yd-8, Gr. ycpoi-g sirj-Q, Lat. 
/erS-s st2-s s$-s, Goth, bairdi-8 OHG. sl-s, O.Bulg. ieri (from 
*6er£-s). Noun-stem suffix -es- (as *§6n-es- neut. 'genus') : gen. 
sg. Skr. jdn-as-aSy Gr. yev-s-og ytv-ovg, Lat. jren-er-is, O.Ir. 
tf^e of the house' = Gr. aviys-og vsys-oq, Goth, riq-iz-a- 
neut. 'darkness' (cp. Skr. rdj-as-), Lith. nom. cfei-es-i-s 'cloud', 
O.Bulg. gen. neb-es-e 'of the sky' = Skr. ndbhas-as. Sign of 
the nominative -8 (as in *i1c#o-8 'equus') : Skr. diva-s Gr. Inno-g 
Lat. ejtto-s, Gall, tarvo-s 'bull', Goth. ywZ/'-s Lith. vtfka-s 'wolf. 



410 Indg. s in Aryan. § 556. 

Aryan. 

§ 556. Indg. 8 experienced several changes in the period 
of the Aryan primitive community. 

1. s passed into § and 83 into §s after i % and u u, 3 and 
# (as second component of diphthongs), f f r, q, L By this 
means Indg. st and Jet, sq and 1cq and probably also ss and h 
fell together at that period, see §§ 396. 399. 401. 

This $ remained in Iranian, but in Sanskrit it was further 
changed to cerebral £, and §§ (■= Indg. ss and fa) became U 
(as 88 became ts, see § 557, 1). 

After 1- and w-vowels. 3. sg. pres. act. Skr. ti-gph-a-ti Av. 
hi-st-a-Uii O.Pers. 3. sg. imperf. mid. a-t-&-o-t£, from rt. st&- 
'stand* : Gr. l-orq-fii, Lat. si-std. Skr. ni-&d-a~ti 'he sits down', 
causat. ni'§adaydmi A v. ni-sddaytmi; O.Pers. niy-asadayatn with 
s carried over into the augmented form (like Skr. ny-a$ldam be- 
side regular ny-asfdam, pary-a§ahata beside regular pary-asahata 
imperf. to pari-§ahate 'he endures', savya-fyhdr- after savy&- 
fyhar- 'standing on the left*). Norn. Skr. pdti-? Av. paiti-s 
'master' : Gr. nooi-g. Loc. pi. dht-§u Av. aspa^su -&>-a O.Pers. 
aspai-suv-a (diva- a&pa- 'horse'), cp. Skr. sinO-su Av. ha$na-hu 
-hv-a O.Pers. hainfruv-a ($SnO- h<w%a- hainO- 'army') : O.Bulg. 
vl&c€-chtt (vluku 'wolf) beside rqjea-chu (rqka 'hand'). Part. 
Skr. ufyd- Av. u§ta- -= Lat. ustu-s, Indg. *u8-to-8y rt. eys- 'burn'. 
Skr. Su$-ka- (from *su$-*a-, § 557, 4) Av. hus-ka- O.Pers. 
us-Jca- 'dry', prim. f. *8us-qo-, rt. 8a#8-. Skr. /$f-a- Av. zaos-a- 
'favour', Skr. jd$t&r- 'loving* O.Pers. daustar- 'friend' : Gr. ynrf- 
jto-v 'meet to be tasted', Lat. gus-tu-s, Goth, kius-a 'I test, choose'. 
Skr. 2. sg. dvikfi 'thou hatest' from *dv<t$-$i, 1. sg. dve§-m. 
Skr. fut. Sdfyydmi 'I shall dry up' fr. *&d§-§ydmi, pres. &6§- 
y&mi (§ 557, 4), cp. Gr. fut. avow fr. *«w7-aco, rt. says- 1 ). 



1) Some assume that Skr. ? also regularly stands for * after i, «, 
e. g. pit-dnti 'they pound': Lat pinsd; then the forms pindf-mi etc. for 
*pina8-tni etc. would have been formed after the analogy of pjf- (op. At. 
cinah-mi 1 announoe' 3. sg. cinas-ti, from c««-). I consider not only 
pina$-mi but also gis-dnti as a new formation (after pip£$a y pifyd- etc). For 
in the period of the Ar. prim, community, when s beoame i, the preceding 



556. 



Indg. 9 in Aryan. 



411 



After r-sounds. 8kr. dhrs-nthmi dhdr$-&mi 1 dare 1 , Av. 
der's-nao-mi 'I dare' dars-i-s Vehement', O.Pers. a-dar$-nau-& 
'he dared' (-s taken over from the s-aorist). Skr. &r$-d-m 'head' : 
Or. xopot) 'head, temple', Indg. %*- (§ 306). 

Indg. qs = prim. Ar. ks : 8kr. k§ Av. x§. Future Skr. 
vak$ydmi Av. GSJ>. vaxsyd '1 shall speak', nom. Skr. ttffi from 
*v0l4 (§ 647, 7) Av. vazs = Lat. rfcr, rt. yeq-. 

Rem. 1. The Ay. combination xs became voiced in the dat. abl. pi. 
vdyif-byd which was formed anew from the nom. sg. Cp. awz-d&ta- 
§ 558, 2. 

Indg. h : Skr. k§ Av. O.Pers. s. 2. sg. Skr. vdk$i Av. va§i 
thou art willing', to 1. 8g. vdi-mi vas-'mi, rt. yefc-. Cp. § 401. 

2. sc (Indg. sq) became Sc or &r : Skr. Sc Av. sc O.Pers. 
sc. Skr. kdS-cid Av. kas-cifi O.Pers. ka§-ciy any one*. Av. sc : 
8kr. & ~ Av. nc : Skr. He (panca : pdftca), see § 200. 

3. Final s in prim. Ar. -as and -ds underwent a change 
which gave to these endings the form -o and -a in Skr., and 
-a (Gap. -a) in Av., e. g. nom. sg. Skr. divO Av. aspd = prim. 
Ar. *a&ua-s, nom. pi. Skr. oirfl Av. aspa (asp&) = prim. Ar. 
*a&Uds. This change cannot have taken place before voiceless 
dentals and palatals, as is shown by the combinations Skr. 
a&vas tad, afoai ca etc. and Av. aspas ca etc., also not in 
pausa, as clearly follows from the Skr. usual forms d&vah, divdh 
(Av. aspd, the more rare secondary form of aspa, seems to be 
most closely related to divdh). It may however belong to Skr. ~h 
from Indg. -s in as much as -dh -dh might both be regarded 
as the previous stages of Skr. -0, -a Av. -0, -a. It is not 
improbable that the -ah, -dh, which arose in pausa in prim. Ar., 
forced their way at that period into the place of -az, -dz before 
voiced explosives and spirants and of -as, -ds before vowels ; 
and whilst they were now retained in pausa down to the time of 



nasals cannot at that time have been so absorbed in the vowels, that 
only a nasal vowel was spoken, and the latter would in all appearance 
be the necessary presupposition for the influence of the i or u on the 
#-soun<L Cp. § 199 rem. 1. hjsanti 'they injure', nisatS 'they kiss', gen. 
pus-ds c of the man* show the regular development. 



412 Indg. 8 in Aryan. § 556-557. 

the Skr. separate development, where they settled also before 
k, p, and -dh became -d in Av., they regularly passed into -fl, 
•a before voiced sounds; and these two stages might have 
been reached already in the prim. Ar. period. When -d came 
to stand before other vowels than a in Skr., it became shortened 
to <*, e. g. aha upa\ whereas *ahd api became aSvO 9 pi. Cp. 
Bloomfield in the American Journal of Philology III 25 ft, 
Osthoff Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 36 ff., furthermore §§ 646. 647, 1 
and 6. 649, 7. 

Rem. On O.Pers. final -a = prim. Ar. -aa see § 558, 4. 

§ 667. The Indg. s, which had come over from prim. Ar., 
mostly remained unchanged in Sanskrit, e. g. saptd septem', 
dsti est', jdnas-as generis'. Changes took place in the follow- 
ing cases: 

1. Prim. Ar. -ss- became -ts-, just as prim. Ar. -s$- led to 
-**- (§§ 401. 556, 1) and probably prim. Ar. -si- to -*J- (2 below). 
vatsydmi from *vas-sy&m fut. from vas- clothe' (cp. Or. fat. 
frr-aco). vatsydmi fut., dvOtsam aor. from vas- stay, dwell' (cp. 
Or. aeoa). Loc. pi. vid-vdtsu from *vidrvas-su, to ace. sg. tnd- 
vfa-am instr. sg. vid-u$-a, part, to vtda 'I know', -dhvatsu loc. 
pi. to -dhvas- 'falling', the final member of compounds. The 4 
of the form tint ace. pi. masc. 'the', which appears before *-, 
had perhaps also arisen from s (cp. t%$ before t-, elsewhere 
generally t&n). Av. -s- corresponded to this -fe-. 

Rem. The 88 in the loo. vdcassu {vdcas- 'word', op. Or. tmomfrtfot), 
mdhiyas8u (mdhxyas- 'greater' op. Gr. ptftoai), mOaau (mds 'moon, month*) 
is due to analogy. In like manner also dssi 'thou sittest' (Or. fjoat) for *6t*i 
after dsti etc vidvdtsu in union with vidvddbhif and the other M-cam, 
in which dbh arose from zbh (§ 591), produced the form vidvdt. Cp. the 
aooidenoe. 

2. Indg. s£ appears as ch (cch) = Iran. s. gd-chd-mi 
(gdcchdmi) 1 go' : Av. jo-sO-tni, Gr. /fo'-<rxa>, Indg. m gq*s&6. See 
§ 400. si was probably spoken in the prim. Aryan period, si 
passed into ti in Skr. (cp. ts from ss above), and this into ek, 
as in pochds (pacchds) 'pada by pada' from *pat-Sas from pad- 
(§ 351). tdhchatrUn ace. 'these enemies' = t an(s) + iatrUn is 



i 557-558. Indg. * in Aryai 

perhaps also to be traced back to *i 
of si to t&. Cp. tant before *- above. 

3. 8 was dropped between t or j 
or spirant dchantta from *a~chant-8 
from chand- shine'; u#/ul- 'rise' from *u 
correspondingly *atfa- = Av. hasta- 
Indg. *8tft6-, part, from rt. sed- sit* 
*a-Ulp-s-ta 2. pL of the s-aorist to U 
analogous treatment of z at the end < 

4. 8 became 4, if & or § stood at 
syllable. 

b&kura- "father-in-law' from *sp< 
Or. fxr^o-s Goth, svulhra. im&iru- mc 
*maArd chin' (§ 467, 2), perhaps als 
'complete, whole, each' fr. *sa-&vant-, 

iu§k&- 'dry' &u$yati 'drys in' fut. 
§ 556, 1) : Av. huska- O.Pers. uska- *di 
of the initial 8 might have taken pla< 
the root-final s was already an s-sound, 
the cerebral articulation (£). 

The same assimilation as in Svdi 
direction, seems to exist in &a&d-s 'hai 
(r from z, § 581) Pruss. sasn-i-8 'har 

Cp. the analogous assimilation in 

§ 668. Prim. Ar. 8 was retainec 
t, k and after t. It became s after j 
either became an aspirate or disappea 

1. Retention of*. A v. snctfiaiti's 
rt. sneigh-. Av. sOs-na- a teaching' : 
A?, spas- 'spy' : Skr. spdi- Lat. au-spea 
V : Skr. «*-** Qr. acr-n. A v. shembo 
8 along with a preceding t became 
masych 'fish' = Skr. mateya-, see § 4 

2. i from * after / (cp. § 473), e 
in which case 8 remained (Bartholom 
Av. draf&a- 'drop* : Skr. drapsd- 'drop' 



414 Indg. * in Aryan. § 558. 

Skr. dp from *&ps (§ 647, 7). With 4/3 the new formation aid- 
data- 'resting in the water', where fi had become voiced, cp. 
vayP-byd § 556 rem. 1. 
3. Aspirates from 8. 

Initially. 

Av. O.Pere. A before prim. Ar. a a, i I, y. A v. O.Pere. 
harna- equal* : Skr. samd-. Av. hapta- O.Pere. hainO- army* : 
Skr. sSnO-. Av. hindu-S O.Pere. hidu~§ (§ 197 rem.) 'country 
of the Indus' : Skr. sindhil-§ "river, Indus 1 . Av. opt. hyC£ 'it 
may be' : Skr. sydt. O.Pere. hya qui' (relat.) : Skr. 8yd 'that 1 . 
In Av. also before u, ft, and in the G5J>5 dialect before v. hu~ 
'well, very, rich' : Skr. 8U-. Gap. hva- 'own' : Skr. *wf-. 

For Ay- Gaj>. also xy~. For Gfip. At>- Late Av. xw-. See 
its treatment medially. 

In O.Pere. A is wanting before u and u# = u- «*- 'well' : 
Av. hu- Skr. sw-. wra- 'own' : Av. Gfip. hva- Skr. $ra-. Cp. 
medially. 

Prim. Ar. sm- = Av. m- (intermediate stage *Am-) : maraiti 
'is mindful' : Skr. stndrati; mahi 'sumus':Skr. smdsi. Prim. Ar. 
*r- = O.Pere. r- : rauta neut. 'river' : Skr. srdtas neut. It 
cannot be decided whether 8 had also disappeared in O.Pere. 
before m and in Av. before r. 

Medially. 

Av. A after prim. Ar. a- vowels before i f, u U. 2. sg. 
bara-hi (GSJ). bara-hi) 'fere' : Skr. bhdra-si Goth, balri-8 O.Bulg. 
bere-§i. ahura- 'master' : Skr. dsura- 'alive, spiritual, spirit'. 
ydhu loc. pi. from stem yd- 'quae' : Skr. yd-su. 

Av. wA between a-vowels. Sg. instr. manawh-a dak 
manawh~$ gen. manatoh-O (manah- neut. 'sense, mind 1 , Gr. ftf**) 
= Skr. mdnas-O, -£, -5, prim. Ar. *mana8-a, -a*, -as; cp. loc. 
manah-i = Skr. mdnas-i. Conj. 3. sg. atoh-ajt from aA- 'be: 
Skr. d*a* Lat. m*. y&whqm gen. pi. from yd- : Skr. yd-sam, 
cp. Av. loc. yO-hu. 

O.Pere. A corresponded to this Av. A and teA except be- 
fore u. 2. sg. conj. bavd-hy 'sis' : Av. bava~hi Skr. bhdva-si. 



§558. 



Indg. 8 in Aryan. 



415 



itiha-m ace. nose* : Av. n&tdha- Skr. ndsa-. A is wanting be- 
fore «, as initially (see above), aura-mazdah- Ormazd : Av. 
ahura-. It is improbable that A was here also entirely un- 
pronounced, cp. below on uv = prim. Ar. ##. 

Rem. 1. h remained here and there unwritten in O.Pers. also be- 
fore other Towels than u, e. g. imperf. a-ihatd 'he placed himself, op. At. 
pres. hi&tati; f&tiy (probably to be read paatty) totfahatiy 'he announces* 
beside imperf. 3. sg. afaha. 

Av. » before r (also written t9, wg, wA). ha-zaiera- 
'thousand' : Skr. sa-hdsra- Qr. Lesb. x^^°h indg. *§heslo-. 

Av. Am O.Pers. m from sm. Av. ahmi O.Pers. army sum' : 
Skr. ds-mi. Av. ahmOkem O.Pers. amaxam gen. of us' : Skr. 
asmdkam. 

Av. nh Gap. hy, O.Pers. hy from prim. Ar. si. Av. vahhd 
Ga]>. raAyd "melius' : Skr. vds-yas. O.Pers. gen. sg. JcOra-hya 
(kdra- m. 'people, army') Gap. haoma-hyd (haoma- somadrink') : 
Skr. somasya. For this and the initial hy in Gap. also iy : 
afyd beside ahya 'hums' : Skr. asyd ; xy&p sit' : Skr. sydt. 

Prim. Ar. s# became Av. xw and wi/A. haraxwaiti- = Skr. 
s&rasvat-i- prop, name, cp. initial xw, as xwa- 'own = Gfip. Apo-. 
2. sg. imper. mid. bara-wuha = Skr. bhdra-sva, rt. iter- 'bear . 
The duality #tr : tduh was originally probably such that xw made 
its appearance under the conditions by which s without # passed 
into A, but tzuh, where « without # had become wA. Also for 
medial s# in Gfipfi At? : imper. gUsa-hva 'hear', cp. hva- 'own. 
Id O.Pers. uv from ##. 2. sg. imper. pati-paya-uva 'protect 
thyself : Skr. -sva, cp. uva- 'own*. The pronunciation of this 
uv is not clear, it follows however from Gr. Xiugaojnia = O.Pers. 
uvdrozmi-S and similar forms, that a spirantal element was not 
wanting. Cp. § 159 p. 143. 

4. Aryan final -8 was entirely lost in O.Pers. (but not so -£, 
cp. JcurU-s Cyrus). Nom. sg. aniya alius* (stem aniya-) : Av. 
anyas^-ca) anyO Skr. anyds any 6, Nom. ace. sg. neut. rauca 
'day (st. raucah-) : Av. raocas(-ca) raocd. 2. sg. impf. gaudaya 
'thou concealedst' : Av. -ayas(-ca) -ayd. It is not clear whether 
prim. Iran, -s was dropped here or whether we have to do 



416 Indg. 8 in Armenian. §558—560. 

with the offspring of an already prim. Ar. farther development 
of -as (see § 556, 3). 

Rem. 2. If it were certain that the nom. napd 'grand-child' had arisen 
from *nap&8 and were identical with Skr. ndpat from 'napdts, the form 
aniya would he supported as the regular continuation of prim. Per*. *anyas. 

Armenian. 

§ 559. 8 was retained before t, x, in combination with 5 
and after (dropped) n, m. astX (gen. astel) 'star' : Skr. stf- Or. 
uaxrfQ Lat. Stella Goth, stalrno star', sterj 'barren (of animals): 
Skr. starf-$ Gr. oruga Lat. sterili-s 'unfruitful', Goth, slairo 
'barren woman, z-gest 'dress' : Lat. ves-ti-s etc., see § 555. 
sxalem 'I go astray, err : Skr. skhdldmi 'I stumble', Gr. (upaXXopw 
'I stumble, fail', rt. sqhel-. 2. sg. es art' from *es-si : Gr. Horn. 
iaal. amis (gen. amsog) 'month' : Gr. Lesb. gen. sg. ftfjvr-og from 
*urjv6-og y Lat. m$n8-i-8, O.Ir. gen. mis, cpf. *m&ns-. Ace. pi. 
eris 'three' from *tri-ns : Goth, prions, us (gen. tisoy) 'shoulder': 
Skr. qsa-s 'shoulder, Umbr. onse loc. 'in umero', Goth, ams m. 
'shoulder', Indg. *6mso-. 

§ 560. Initial s disappeared before sonantal vowels and 
before nasals, ak 'salt' : Gr. ak-g Lat. sal O.Ir. salann Goth. 
salt O.Bulg. sott 'salt', evfn 'seven' : Skr. saptd etc., see § 555. 
amafn 'summer' OHG. O.Icel. sumar 'summer (§ 232). m-i 
(gen. m-ioj) 'one' from *sm- : Gr. /tila 'one' fem. from *o>/-i«, 
/ici7w£ 'with single uncloven hoof from *(F/i-ri#w|, Indg. *«i»- 
weak stem-form beside s«m- (Gr. ?y). nu (gen. *woy) 'daughter- 
in-law* Skr. snu$d- OHG. snwr O.Bulg. sniicha 'daughter-in- 
law*, neard (gen. nerdi) 'nerve, sinew' : Skr. sn&van- 'string, 
sinew' : Av. sn&var* 'sinew*, h- occurs however before vowels 
in two words at least without any apparent reason : hin 'old' : 
Skr. sdna-s etc., see § 555; A- from *hu- prefix, e. g. h-lu 
'obedient' : Skr. su- O.Ir. so- su- 'well, very*. 

p- probably from sp- in poif 'onovSrf. f- from spi- probably 
in MR 'spattle' e-fuH 'he spat' : Gr. -ntbio from *{p)ni$~iw Lat. 
spud Lith. spi&u-ju 'I spit' (cp. § 149). 

#- from sw- (cp. g(u) from #, § 162). Soir 'sister : Skr. 
svdsar- Lat. soror from *suesOr (§ 172, 3) Cymr. chwaer Goth. 



§ 560—561. Indg. * in Armenian. 417 

svistar Pruas. swestro 'sister , Indg. *suisor-. Rirtn (gen. Brian) 
'perspiration (-rtf- from ~tr-, § 263) : Skr. svidydmi 'I perspire', 
Gr. i dgcic Lat. sudor from *suoid-dr (§ 170 p. 150.) Cymr. cAuy* 
'perspiration OHG. swei^ perspiration', rt. syeid-. #ww (g© n - 
fwoy) sleep' : Skr. svdpnas Lat. somnu-s from *suepno-s (cp. 
soror) O.Icel. sce/w 'sleep*. 

Rem. If t>*£ 'six' in Annen. arose from *8%Leis, the duality JP- and 
r- = «t*- must probably be placed on a level with the duality g and v in 
loganam and Aror (§ 162). But it may also represent a pre- Armenian form 
Vfe, see § 589, 3. 

§ 561. Medially and Finally. 

epem 'I cook* to Qr. Ujno di//o-v with orig. ps? 

$ = Indg. Jcs and sk. vec 'six' : Gr. £% Lith. szeszA (cp. 
§ 560 rem.), hare 'quaestio' har^ane-m 'I ask' : Skr. prchdmi, 
Lat. />osc0, OHG. forsca, prim. f. *py(£)-s£-. See § 408. 

The s in jrtflter night' is not clear : Gr. I Onega Lat. vesper 
O.Ir. fescor Cymr. ucher Lith. vakara-s O.Bulg. vederu evening*. 

The / in arj 'bear' (Skr. fk$a-s Gr. cipxio-g Lat. wrsus) 
probably arose from I (p. 358 footnote 1), but on account of 
Gr. agxTo-g, it is questionable whether the Indg. prim, form con- 
tained s, cp. § 554. 

-y- from -si-. Gen. mardo-y {mard 'man , homo') : Skr. 
mrtd-sya, Gr. Horn. pgoroTo from *-o-fTxo. 

Intervocalic s disappeared. Roir lister', pi. Ror-R : Skr. 
svdsa svdsOr-as. nu 'daughter-in-law' : Skr. snu$d. 

s disappeared between a vowel and k (Indg. q), r, m, n. 
tnukn (gen. mkan) 'mouse, muscle' : Skr. mu§~kd- 'testicle' mQ$aka-8 
mu$ika- 'rat, mouse', Lat. mus-cidu-s, O.Bulg. my§(ca arm*, bok 
'bare footed' prim, form *bhos-qo-s : OHG. bar 'naked, only' prim. 
Germ. *bazd-s, O.Bulg. bosu 'bare footed'. Gen. Her 'sororis' : 
Goth, svistrs, prim. f. *suesr-os or -es. em 'I am' : Skr. dsmi, 
Indg. *Ss-mi. Pronominal dative ending -ww, e. g. im-um 'to 
my' or-um to which' : cp. Skr. ~a-smdi in td-smai 'to the', Pruss. 
-e-smu in ste-smu to this', z-ge-nu-m 'I dress' : Gr. Ion. Hyv/ui 
from *feo-vv-iii (§ 565), rt. i?es-, see § 555. 

s disappeared after r (probably only under certain conditions). 

Brof mann, Elements. 27 



418 Indg. * in Armen. and Greek. §561—563. 

i ver 'up, above, over , i veroy 'above* : Skr. vdr§fy<is- 'higher 
Lith. virsz-u-s 'the upper part, point' (Hubschmann Ztschr. 
d. deutsch. morg. Ges. XXXVI 121). faf-am-im 'I cause to 
fade, dry up* : Skr. tar§-a-s 'thirst*. Gr. xsgao^ai, 'I become dry', 
Lat. tarred, Goth, ga-pairsan 'to be arid, gape from dryness', 
rt. ters-. But beside this appears also tfor§am-irn, the relation 
of which to fafam-im is not clear to me. 

8 disappeared finally after vowels. Nom. sg. mard 'homo' : 
Skr. mftd-s. Gen. sg. haur 'of a father : Gr. naro-oq. But ace. 
pi. z mards Indg. *mft6-ns, cp. Goth. vulfa-n$. 

§ 562. Indg. s seems to have been assimilated to the £ 
at the beginning of the following syllable in skesur (gen. skesri) 
'mother-in-law' : Gr. hxvpd, Goth, swigar, Indg. *suehra-; sk- 
thus = far, see § 162. Cp. Skr. SvairH- § 557, 4 and Lith. 
szeszura-s § 587, 2. 

Greek. 

§ 563. s was preserved down to historical times in the 
following cases: 

1. In combination with voiceless explosives, onaipw 'I 
pant, gasp* : Skr. sphurdmi 'I push away with my foot, pant, 
tremble', Lat. spernd, OHG. sporo 'spur', Lith. spiriu 'I push 
with my foot', rt. sper-. aX&ixjm 'I shall anoint' : Skr. lepsydmi 
'I shall spread upon, besmear, Lith. llpsiu I shall remain sticking', 
rt. leip-. tjo-tcu 'sits* : Skr. ds-t$. tjo-Ocl 'thou wast' : cp. Skr. 
ds-i-tha (cp. § 553). Aorist Horn. ndotiadOcu 'to eat, consume' 
from *naT-0aottou J to pres. nnriofitu; with reduction of the oo 
to a Horn, Zndoavio (cp. § 490). (idaxw 'I go' : Skr. gdchdmi, 
Indg. *gip-$£o, rt. gem-, di-iov 'axis' : Skr. dk$-a-s etc., Indg. 
*aJcs-, see § 555. axdvduXo-r 'stumbling-block* : Skr. skdnddmi 
'I jerk, leap upon', Lat. srando, O.Ir. perf. ro se-scaind 'he leapt*, 
rt. sqand-. aydXiopai C I stumble, stagger, fail* : Armen. szaiem 
etc., rt. sqhel- (§ 653). Fut. 1«V« 'I shall leave : Skr. rftt- 
§ydmi 'I shall leave, give up to', Lith. Dksiu 1 shall leave', rt. &#-. 

Rem. 1. For the xr in rixrwr 'carpenter' dittos 'bear* rrfo-c *» 
founding' (Skr. tdksa fk§a-s ki$i-ti~$) etc. see § 554. 



563. Indg. 8 in Greek. 



2. In combination with s. Horn. aor. I 
seethe, bubble' : Skr. yds-dmi 1 bubble seethe, 
'to ferment, froth', rt. ;es-. Horn. loc. pi. ens 
cp. Star, vdcas-su, § 557 rem. This aa becai 
time with the oo = ts (above n. 1 and § 4 
th\ (§ 489). Horn, already ensot etc., Att. oj 

3. With preceding y (Indg. r, f, f). . 
QtQoiTtjg) Att. Sdpaog 'boldness', rt. dhers-, se 
Horn. ((pOegOa (pOtiyw 'I destroy') : cp. Skr. d 
'I bear), i'ptfiy 'dew' : Skr. var$~d- 'rain', c 
'masculine' : cp. Skr. f^a-bhd- 'masculine, bull' j 
-arson- 'man, male' or Skr. vf$an- 'masculi 
'head, temple' : Skr. &ir$-d-m 'head', Indg. %s- 
bably also with A. rsXa-o-v 'boundary', which 
the weakest stem-form of vsXog (rsXea-) with o < 
is more probable, belongs to Skr. kdr$-dmi 
(rt. qels-, § 427 b) and was only popularly coi 
Horn. aor. wtXaa, to pres. xi XXw 'I move, dir 

pp from na in later Attic: Odppog, ciuorjv 

Rem. 2. Horn, ixtiqa, Att. fytttiga Sartda beside 
txfina were new forms, made after the analogy of foi 
(from nasal stems), 

4. In the combination ws/, whence 6a. nxU 
1 bruise, pound' : Lat. pinsid pinso, Skr. 3. pi. p\ 
1. sg. pina$mi (cp. p. 410. footnote 1 ). viaaoucu 
'I go away, return home' beside vioitai fron 
tids-dmi 'I approach some one, I unite myself tc 
gi-nesan 'to recover, remain alive'. 

5. Finally, Inno-^ 'horse' : Skr. divas, I 
sweet' : Skr. svadu-§. iqieQS-^ 'thou di«lst bear' : £ 
pi. masc. Cret. ro-rg Att. tovq 'the' : Goth, pa 
'round-eyed', like Lat. vox Av. vdxs 'voice'. No 
Lat. novi-tas, Indg. *-tat-8. 

6. In the initial combination $m. ouf(. 
OHG. smerzo 'pain Mid. Engl, smerte 'sharp 
these also the assimilation of the o to /<, 



420 Indg. s in Greek. § 563—564. 

smile' <piko-fiifiisiSijg, to Skr. smdy-a-te 'he smiles' ; fita 'una* from 
*oy*-ta fem., to h> neut from *sem; which is to be explained 
from the different conditions of sandhi (cp. § 589, 3). 

§ 7. It is not quite certain that initial s# became <tcj, a. 
The following comparisons have been made iggo-s loo-g Cret # 
fiofo-g equal' with Skr. vi?u 'in both directions' vi§uva-m aequi- 
noctium' l ) and Arcad. ri/ui-Goo-g 'half with Av. pri~$pa- 'third 
part' (on tfntcv-Q see Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 187). 

Rem. 3. Imper. tpi^eo <pf>$ov not = Skr. bhdra-sva, but = At. bara- 
riha Indg. *bhire-80. io-$ 'arrow' to 8kr. iju-^ 'arrow', but it did not 
arise from *ioFb-s, but either o- and u-stem existed side by side from the 
beginning, or ?o-? had been carried oyer into the o-deolension from *iW 
op. rvo's : Lat. nuru-8, vu -s beside viv-g. 

If the above comparisons are right, it would then be possible 
to explain the initial a- — s%r instead of /- h- (§§ 166. 564) in 
certain words, e. g. in (rdXog groundsweil, fluctuation' : OHG. 
swellan 'to swell'; aivofxat 1 rob' : OHG. stelnan 'to disappear'; 
(flyfj silence' : OHG. surtgSn 'to keep silent' (rt. $#a x jk- suafig-). 
The a would have its regular position only medially (in the 
inner part of the sentence), cp. xovl-GGaXog y 6 adXoq y ix odXw, 
ioaXsvov, i&lvofiTjy. Cp. Osthoff Morph. Unt. IV 359. 

Rem. 4. We thus arrive at an explanation of ov-e beside v; 'pig'. Corre- 
sponding to otaXo-q 'fat hog* from *oF-uzlo-$ (cp. Goth, sv-ein c pig\ O.Bulg. 
8U-inH 'suillus') there existed once the form 'aF-og beside v-o'c (cp. Goth. 
sv-ein as opposed to Lat. su-inu-s, like Ved. dvd beside duvd 'two'), the 
a of whioh was retained in the inner part of the sentenoe and then was 
transferred to fa voq. Op. Osthoff loc. cit. 

§ 664. s became h in prim. Greek initially before sonants 
and between sonants, and then in the latter case disappeared 
altogether. 

6 'the* : Skr. sd Goth. sa. ifxag 'strap , rein' : Skr. sT-md*- 
parting, boundary', OS. st-tno cord, rope', O.Bulg. si-lo 'cord 



1) Bechtel (Philol. Anz. 1886 p. 15) puts *Fi&-of6-s down as the print 
form, which he connects with etdo/uat nw 'I resemble some one'. This would 
do very well as regards meaning, but the assumed suffix formation is not 
justifiable. 



§ 564. Indg. 8 in Greek. 



rope*. i$ 'pig* : Lat. su-s, OHG. su 'sow* (on ov-g see 

rem. 4). U^o-Btv 'from some place or other : Goth, sums a 

cpf. *$5*m-o-. 

Horn, rja (Att. i}) 'I was* : Skr. ds-am, Indg. *&-^i. 

yf'wws generis* : Skr. jdnas-os Lat. generis. 2. sg. mid. 

9*(W (9*P W I bear) : Skr. bhdra-sS. ij&s-a 1 knew' 

a't£<fr-£-ajfi. 

Rem. 1. Sometimes a seems to have remained unaffected 
rowels, as in riOt-aat beside <pt^(-ai y aor. Att. mofyaa beside EL e-no 
this point see the accidence. 

Initial h passed into the spiritus lenis in prim. Gr 
an aspirated tenuis or h = s stood in the next syllable 
next but one. s/io 'I hold, have' fr. *?^w (cp. ?§(», e-o; 
Skr. sdhB overpower', Indg. act. *si§hd; l-axro from * 
itiMo-v 'seat* beside Uog seat* : Skr. sodas- 'seat, a t 
a-Xoyo-g 'consors tori* beside a-not^ 'once', a- = Skr. sa- 
Indg. *stp~. av(o 'I dry, wither from *avh(o, older *avh 
fut. avow) : Lith. sous-a-s 'dry', OHG. sQrln 'to wither, d 
rt. sans-, f/w : ££ai and avio : avcJoj = rgixog : 6q%. 

Rem. 2. avta beside atJ» and Att. (inscript) ^oi beside ^ 
formed after avnto, eJ-u>. Conversely atiout for avow, ntvoopai for *< 
(§ 496). In like manner each of the two forms a- and a- 'wit! 
beyond its original sphere, e. g. a-6$oo-<; after a-7ra$ etc., converse) 
So-g after a-h>xo-s a-dthpo-s etc. Cp. rem. 3. 

Initial s#- became voiceless /-, and this became A-. , 
ol t 'sibi, se' : Skr. svd-. Cp. § 563, 7 on adXog etc. 

Initial sj- became A-. v-^'v 'thin skin, sinew' : Skr. sy 
Wing, strap. Medial si became 4, which disappearec 
Homer. Horn, roTo Att. rov 'of the' from *to-0jo : Skr. 
See § 131. 

Prim. Gr. A- (= Indg. s-, s#-, sj- and j-, §12$ 
lost in Lesbian according to the testimony of the old 
marians: 6 = 6 etc. (Meister Griech. Dial. I 100 fF.). A- 
to have been reduced in Ionic -Attic at an early peri< 
disappeared altogethc. in the christian era. 

Rem. 3. Besides the forms quoted in rem. 2 there are stil 
others with h- where the spiritus asper might be expected. In some 



422 Indg. s in Greek. § 564-565. 

seems to be merely a question of inexactness in the representation of the 
sound. In other cases it is more or less clear that they have been form- 
ed by analogy. Thus Att. ahtvtSr 'kingfisher' beside ahtvwr (Lat. akbio\ 
after Sl$ from *nalg (de Saussure's comparison of alxvav with OHGL stco- 
lawa, Mem. de la soo. de lingu. VI 75, does not convince me); Dor. fyi; 

(Skr. cmna-) after t^c t/utU from *iuofir (to Skr. ynfma-. § 129); 

' (Skr. dsti) after forms from M- 'sit* Indg. sed~\ Heracl. om 

it. odd) after htra 'septem'. Further ttnofUfv for *elnopipr (from 

rp) after hto/uijv tno/uai, and many others. 

36. Initial s before n became assimilated to this in 
eek, e. g. v/gp-a ace. snow* : Lith. snlgas etc., see § 555. 
ler initial was still preserved in ayd-wi<po-$ 'deeply 
with snow' hw n 'nebat' (O.Ir. sna-the 'filum', OHG. 
tread, string') (§ 654, 4). 

etween a sonant and following nasal or between a nasal 
>wing sonant, became assimilated to the nasal in prim. 
The stage of assimilation remained in Lesbian and North 
in, whilst in the other dialects a reduction of the nasal, 
ith compensation lengthening (cp. § 618), took place, 
o-tf 'shining', to <pdog : Lesb. (fdewo-g, Ion. (paeivo-g, Dor. 
**a-fu 'I am* (Skr. dsmt) : Lesb. f /#/<#, Att. si pi, Dor. 
/*« 'girdle' from *±io(j-fia : Lith. jus-mu girdle', rt. jds-. 
isvGu 'I remained' *ivffi-aa 'I allotted' : Lesb. s^wa 
kit. estiva evet/xa, Dor. ffttjva svrj^a. Gen. *fitpa-og 'of 
ith' (O.Ir. mis) : Lesb. ft^w-og (Thess. vart()0' t ueiw-ia), 
\ firjv-og. 

equently came to stand before ft and v again by form- 
>n. Thus were formed ia^dv 'sumus beside regular tifiir 
* ion, r}/ufpi-sGfiiai 'I am dressed' (rt. ves-) beside regular 
Br ij/iyi-f<rr«i etc. This «/* as well as that which arose 
(as in da/uevo-g 'rejoicing' from *ofaT-o-ftevo-g, to rjdopui, 
; oaf irj 'smell' = *otewfl, that is, *oo* +oy<d, beside o'J- ur}) 
ato zm\ which is shown by the spelling lp and Cret. 
= xoo^uo-^, the q of which in the first instance arose from 
sopdoTuo-g, § 593). On the other hand the new av be- 
Thus in Att. *hvvttt took the place of the regular (Ion.) 
dress' after the forms la-tttjvat etc., and this became 



§ 565—566. Ind£. 8 in Greek. 

hvvtAi probably at the same time when nsXon6vv7j* 
*[hXonogv7]ooG. In like manner Att. fyivvVfu from 
new formation for regular *t(o\>v(.u, cp. tdvrj 'belt* 
rt. j6s-, and others of the same kind. 

sr became voiceless q(j in prim. Greek, whi 
siraplication initially. Horn, Z-ogst gss 'flowed* : £ 
srdv-a-t. Cp. § 266. It is doubtful whether sue] 
where medially reduced to p with Compensation 

si became AA, initially A, at the same perio 
fina-XXfj^avra (II. 1 157), kfjyio 'I cease' : OHG. slat 
'slack, lazy', rt. stiq-. Lesb. ^fAAior, Ion. Att. ; 
%thoi, the % of which has not yet been satisfactor 
Dor. /^Aio* 'thousand', from *££<xA-io- : Skr. sa-hdsrc 
Indg. *§heslo- *§hesl-iio-. 

§ 566. Transposition of a seldom took plac< 
Lesb. oxupog 'sword', Syrac. \fti Ion. aye W. 

Assimilation of s to following explosives or spii 
the st, which had arisen from ft (§ 490), stood eqi 
$t. Lac. a-Tr&ot ' avd-arqQi Hesych., axxog = aaxog 
Cret. Gortyn ^irrsg 'up to* from *fiearsg, which ra 
ed as /nsGTs-g (cp. psxQ l ~$ <*vev-g etc.) or as fiuar' 
fiiaxa). Boeot. i'rr* = tare 'till', that is, ?s rs, In 
him know'. Cret. 66 from (T0, as 61606610 = <b<fo'cr 
ngoa6a, Boeot. rfl, as 6mr6orlXa 'cuttle fish*. The 
are probably both to be read pp; sp became pp. 
("i66avri ?) = Att. laraoi shows the development si 

Disappearance of a in combinations of thrc 
nxigva 'heel, foot* : Skr. pdr§ni-§ OHG. OS. fersna 
'I spit* from * (0)711^1^ (§ 131 p. 119), in case th 
the a does not come under § 589, 3 (cp. O.Bi 
spit*). nxdQWf4ui C I sneeze' from *nGvaQ-, rt. pster- l 
3. sg. of the <x-aorist ndXro (act. trnjXa 'I swung 
tXtia 'I read*) from *7TaX-G-ro, *A«c-(7-ro, formed 
'rejoicing* from *<rJ : aT-(T-fiuvo-g (§ 565); cp. the ac 
also txxaldtxa, sxfiyvo-g etc., with ?2f "six'. 



424 Indg. a in Italic. § 567-568. 

Italic. 

§ 667. Some of the changes, which 8 underwent within 
Italic itself, belong to the development of the separate dialects, 
as is shown either by Latin or the Umbr.-Samn. dialects, e. g. 
Lat. cOnu-s from prim. Lat. *a(j)es-no-s 9 cp. Umbr. ahesnes 
'aenis'. 

In other cases the agreement of the Ital. languages, as 
evinced by their monuments, justifies our ascribing the change 
to the period of the Ital. prim, community, e. g. z from s be- 
tween vowels may be regarded as prim. Italic. 

There are other affections where we are unable to say 
how old they are, because the material is too limited, e. g. 
Lat. -6r- from -sr-. 

§ 568. 8 was retained in all dialects: 

1. Initially before vowels (including #). Lat. s-unt, Umbr. 
8-ent 08c. s-et sunt' : Skr. s-dnti Goth, s-wd, rt. es- 'be'. Lat 
s&t 80VO-8 suo-s, Umbr. seso 'sibi* svesu suum' Osc. sifei sibi* 
suvad abl. 'sua' : Skr. svd- own*. Lat. sudvi-s : Skr. $vadu-§ 
Gr. rjtiv-g OHG. nwua$i Indg. *sydld-ur 'sweet, lovely*. Lat 
soror from *suesdr : Skr. svdsa etc., see § 560. 

2. In combination with explosives and s. Lat. spectd y Umbr. 
speture 'spectori : Skr. spdS- 'spy, watchman, rt. v"£-. Lat- 
std, Umbr. stahituto stanto', Osc. stahint stant' : Gr. <rra'<Rs 
etc., see § 555. Lat. est estdd, Umbr. est Osc. 1st estud : Gr. 
sou sokoj rt. es-'be*. Lat. pistu-m pistor, Umbr. pistu'pistuin : 
Skr. pifyd- 'rubbed, ground'. Lat. scabO : Goth, skaba 'I scrape\ 
Lith. skab&ti 'to cut', cp. § 346. Lat. gnd-scd nd-scd : Gr. 
yi-yrdhoxa* 'I get to know*. Lat. serpsf : Skr. d-sdrps-am 
and d-srdps-atn (pres. sdrpdmi 'I creep, crawl'), Gr. slgxpa (?p7rw 
'I creep, go*). Preposition prim. Ital. *ops : Lat. obs-trudd read 
opstrUdd, os-tendd, Umbr. os-tendu 'ostendito*. Initial ps- seems 
to have become s- : Lat. sabtdu-m according to Osthoff from 
*psaflo-m : Gr. yja/n/tto-g sand* from *v/aqp-/<o-$, to rpfj<po-g 'small 
stone' '). Lat. con-cussi from *-cwfef, to con-cutid, see § 501. 

1) It is not probable that ps- has beoome p- in palpare and others 
(Stolz Lat. Gr. § 63, 2). 



'■' •■ >' r > "' % - . , 

' ' ' ""hi,,,, f . " *'«'' t«:<. 

' "''' >><»»,,,' '"" '»* *r, 



§ 569—570. Indg. s in Italic 427 

veternu-8 veterritnu-a, to vetus -tris = Or. rro$ -«>c* through association 
with hibernu-s acerrimus etc. with old r. pubertate to pubis -em, after 
vbertas with old r. 

Rem. 3. After the conclusion of the process of rhotacism s often 
came to stand again between vowels and now remained unaffected, e g. 
quaesd from *quaes-8d~, hausi from *haus-si. The assumption is unsatis- 
factory that ndsu-8 (cp. nar-ls narium, nds-turHa-m, 8kr. was- OHG. nas 
'nose', Ags. nces-dyrla 'nostrils', Lith. ndsi-s 'nose') was formed anew froi 
a nom. sg. *nds (cp. aurdr-a etc.); the s in Slay, nosii is also Strang 
(§ 588, 2); did 8 arise in both languages from a form with -8-8- (stei 
*na8{e)8' t cp. Skr. rate-d-)? 

§ 570. s before nasals and liquids. 

sn. 8 disappeared in Lat., but was retained in Umhriai 
Lat. nflre, Umbr. snata 'umecta' : Skr. sn&~mi 'I bathe, was! 
water, O.Ir. mam 'a swimming*. Lat. ninguit nix : Lith. sn&ga- 
'snow'; if Umbr. ninctu is really related to ningttitd, we hav 
here a different treatment of initial sn- which may possibly depen 
on different conditions of sandhi. Lat. nuru-s : Skr. snu$d OHG 
snura 'daughter-in-law*. a$nu~s a$neu-$, Umbr. ahesnes 'aenis 
to aes aeris, Skr. at/as- neut. 'metal, iron'. Lat. p&ii-s froi 
*pes-ni-s : Skr. pas- as neut. Gr. -nioc neut. 'penis'. Lat. (te-gun 
beside d$-gu$-td> rt. geus-. di-numerd from *dis-n. In sati 
potin from satis-ne potis-ne, viden abin from vidte-ne alns-ne th 
long vowel was shortened after the dropping of the s and th 
final -e. 

xn, tsn. luna, O.Lat. inscript. losna, from *louc-snd : A\ 
raoxsnar 'shining', senl from *sex-ni. enuntid from *ex-t 
penna, O.Lat. pesna, from *pet~sna, rt. pet- 'fly'. 

sm. s disappeared in Lat., but was retained medially i 
Umbr.-Samn. Lat. merda 'dirt' : Lith. smirdSti 'to stink', tnt-ru- 
'wonderful* : Skr. smdy-a-te 'smiles', primus, Pelign. prismu 'prim< 
or 'primum'. Lat. di-moved from *dis-m. Umbr. pusme 'cui' 
Skr. kd-smdi 'to whom?'; do the Lat. adverbs quom cum an 
quam also belong here? Osc. posmo-m 'postremum', cp. Lat. pdt\ 
from *pos-ne. 

Rem. 1. It is uncertain whether Casmena = Camena and dusmd - 
dumd (dusmo in loco) in Paul. Feat, are examples of the retention in La 
tself of s in this combination sm. Corssen Krit. Beitr. 431 regarc 



428 Indg. a in Italic § 570. 

cosmittere = committere in the same source as containing — bat hardly 
rightly — a cons-, formed like abs o(6)*-, Oac. az etc. Cp. also Bachelor 
Rhein. Mus. XXXVI 241 f. 

xm. sub-t&nen from *-texmen. s$-tn€nstri~s from sex-m. 
Smergd from *ex-m. 

si. s was lost in Lat. langued : OHG. slack 'slack, lazy', 
rt. sl$g- (§ 565). lUbricu-s : Goth, sliupan 'to slip*, di-lud from 
*dis-l. pllu-m 'pestle' from *pins-lo-m, alu-m from *anslo-m, 
see § 208. 

xl, tsl. dla from *axla J to axilla, OHG. ahsla 'axle*. 
ve~lu-m from *vexlo-m, to vexillu-tn. eligo from *e#-J. scdtfa 
from *scant-sUl, to scandti. 

According to some scholars (see Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 328. 
XXVIII 270) s disappeared in Lat. before nasals and before 
/ without compensation lengthening (or with later shortening 
of the lengthened vowel), if the vowel was unaccented. The 
least doubtful examples are Catnena (rem. 1), o-tnittd from 
*o(p)s-mtttd, corpulintu-s from *corpos-l6nto-s, coltna cultna from 
*co(c)-sl-4na. It is here a question of later Lat. accentuation 
(§ 681), and on account of o-mittd it would have to be assumed 
that a short vowel had regularly arisen in dl-numerd G-m6rgd 
etc., quoted above, and that the long vowel was due to the 
analogy of forms with dt- $-. 

Initial s also disappeared in cases where it came to stand 
before I after the dropping of I, but not until a later period. 
8tl%s, sits, ft 8. stlocus, locus. Cp. also lien: Gr. cnrA^V spleen'. 
See § 503. L. Havet, M6m. de la soc. de lingu. V 229 £, 
derives Hied from *in slocd, like pflu-m from *pinslo-m § 208, 2. 

sr became pr, further /r, whence medially Lat. 6r. Examples 
only in Latin, frfgusi Gr. Qiyog 'frost', cpf. *srigos. fragu^m: 
Gr. Qafe-yog 'berry', sobrfnu-s from *suesr-$no-s, to soror: Skr. 
svasar- svasr^ Indg. *su4sor- *suesr~. cerebru-m from *ceres- 
ro-m, to Skr. Mras- 'head*, funebri-s from *funes-ri-s, to funus 
-eris, funes-tu-s. crdbrd from *cr&s-rd : Lith. szirsz-u etc., see 
§§ 303. 306. tnetnbru-m from *mims~ro- : O.Ir. nur 'a piece of flesh' 
(§ 574); *w#ns-ro- became in Ital. first of all *mensro- (§§ 207. 



f 5T0— 571. Indg. « in Italic 429 

612), hence *menpro- *memfro- membro-. tcncbrae: Skr. tdmisra- 

tamisra-m 'dark, dark night;. 

Rem. 2. The * for m in the last word is best explained b j assum- 
ing an orig. doable from *temsrd, whence *U*srd- (cp. OHG. dinstar 
'dark* from prim. Germ. *pims(t)ra- and Lith. tlmsra-s 'like a sorrel-horse'), 
and *lem98ra-. The n in the first form was transferred to the latter. 

Bern. 3. di-rttd was formed after d%4u6 di-movtd etc. or arose 
regularly through -sr- (-zr-) being treated differently at a later period than 
in the cases mentioned above. In the latter manner the difficult form cir 
vtri* (to Gt. taf Lith. vasard etc.) might also be explained by assuming, 
along with L. Havet (Mem de la soc. de lingu. Y 447), that a stem-form 
***/*- *1K^*- = Indg. **«*-r- was transformed to *lK* r " (*««*r-) after the 
analogy of the nom. ace y^eser (*#ezer) and that from this arose f£r-, whioh, 
being carried oyer from the oblique oases, gave rise to the nom. ace r£r. 
Or does «£r belong to O.Ioel. ear 'spring' f 

§ 571. rs, Is. In Lat. s became, if it was not protected 
by a following consonant (tostu-s from *tors-tu~s)) assimilated 
to the liquid, probably after it had first become z. rs was pre- 
served in Umbr. 

rs. Lat. terred, Umbr. tursitu 'terreto* : Skr. trdsOmi 1 
tremble at', Gr. tqs(o (aor. Horn, tqso-ocu) 'I tremble, flee* 
stsqosv' iyofaoev Hesych., O.Ir. tarr-ach 'timid* (P) ; the root form 
ters- instead of tres- seems to be a secondary formation after 
the analogy of the form t?s- (Umbr. turs-). Lat. fdr farris, 
farreu-m, Umbr. farsio 'farrea' ; stem far-s- to Germ. *6ar-i>- 
'barley' ^O.Icel. barr neut., Goth, bariz-eins). Lat. errd :Ooth. 
airzeis OHG. irri astray*, verrte: Lith. vefszis 'calf*, Skr. 
vf§a-s 'bull', rt. yers-. Lat. verrd O.Lat. vorrd : O.Bulg. vrlchq 
'I thresh', rt. yers-. Lat. ferre from *fer-se, cp. esse, torred 
beside tostu-s: Gr. xi^ao^iat 'I become dry'. 

Rem. Observe that rs — ri*l % rfs, rks remained in Lat. vorsu-s : 
Skr. vfttd-8, Indg. *tift*/<$-s. arsi to arded. ursu-8 : 8kr. fkfa-s (cp. 
however § 554). Cp. Umbr. trah-vorfi 'transverse* (§§ 209. 501). 

Is. Lat. cottu-m 'neck* : hals (stem halsa-) 'neck*, velle from 
*vel-se, cp. es-se. 

Lat. rn In from rsn Isn. cernuo-s from *cers-nuo-s, to 
cerebrum (§ 570). alnu-s from *afo-wo-s, probably to Lith. 
eUcs-ni-s m. 'alder* (with excrescent &), further OHG. elira Ags. 
alor (r from z) O.Bulg. jeUcha alder. 



430 Indg. 8 in O.Irish. § 572-574. 

§ 572. -ss- = Indg. '88- remained after short syllables, 
but, like 88 — ft ts (§ 501), became s after long syllables, e. g. 
haetf from *haes-& (haereti) beside ges-si (gerd). 

differd from *dt8-ferd. 

Old Irish. 

§ 573. Initial s was retained before sonantal vowels; as 
so, too, in Gallic, while in Britann. — first probably only after 
final vowels — it became h. sur so- 'bene', e. g. 8u-thain 'per- 
petuus* (tan 'time'), Gall. Su-caru-s (prop, name) Cymr. hy-gar 
Bret, he-gar 'comis, benignus, amicus* : Skr. su-. sU 'way, Cymr. 
hynt Bret, herd : Goth, sinps 'way , course , time*, samail 're- 
semblance', Cymr. hqfal 'similar* (§ 243, 4) : Skr. samd- even, 
equal', Gr. ojuov 'together a/u-a at once', Lat. simili-s, Goth. 
sama c the same', O.Bulg. sqr 'with' samu 'self. 

8u appears initially as s, as siur sister' : Cymr. chwaer, Skr. 
svdsar-, medially as / (6), as perf. 3. sg. do-sefainn 'I hunted, 
drove', rt. suend-. See § 175 p. 154. 

§ 574. sn- sm- sr- si- were retained initially, sn&irn 1 
swim' : Skr. md-mi. snechta snow' : Goth, sndivs, rt. sneigh-. 
stnir 'marrow' : Goth, smairpr 'fat, fatness' OHG. smero (gen. 
smerwes) 'fat, grease . smech 'chin' : Lith. smakrd chin' (§ 557). 
sruth 'stream' : Skr. srdv-a-ti 'flows' etc., see § 555. ro slecht 
'destructus est', cp. perf. ro se[s]larh 'I struck down : Goth, slaha 
'I strike' (§ 576 p. 431). 

Medial -sm- became -mm-. 1. pi. ammi 'sumus', cp. Gr. 
tipsy Skr. smds\ 1. sg. im am 'sum' : Skr. dsmi (cp. Zimmer 
Kelt. Stud. II, 133). 

mXr 'a piece of flesh', according to Thurneysen from 
prim. Kelt. *m$nsr-, to Lat. metnbru-m, Skr. mqsd- etc., see 
§§ 570. 585 rem. 3. 

s remained, except when originally final (§ 576), after 
nasals which themselves disappeared (§ 212). geis (gen. du. 
Mid. Ir. gEsi) 'swan' : Skr. hqsd-s OHG. gans 'goose'. Gen. sg. 
mU (nom. mi) 'of a month' : Lat. n&ns-is. 



§ 574-576. Indg. * in O.Irish. 431 

s became assimilated to a preceding r. err (gen. erre) 
'tail* : OHG. ars 'rump', Gr. oggo-g 'tail, rump*. Cp. also orr from 
*or(c)-s § 518. 

§ 575. 8 in combination with explosives and s. 

It disappeared initially before t. tiagaim 'I stride, go' : 
Skr. stighnute 'leaps upon, climbs up* (not found), Gr. <nefx<» 
1 stride, go', Goth, steiga 'I climb', Lith. staigyti-s 'to hasten'. 
-tau 'I am* : Lat. stD etc., see § 555. Cp. on the other hand 
O.Bret, strouis 'stravi' : Goth, strduja 'I strew, spread out*; Bret. 
sterenn stella* Corn, steyr 'stellae'. Skr. stf- star' etc., see 
§ 559. 

Medial st and ts became 88 (s). ro doss 'I was heard* fr. 
*lclus-to-. s-fut. ro fessur 'I shall know* fr. *##-$-, rt. yeid-. 
See § 516. 

sc. scaraim 'I separate, sever' : Lith. skiriU 'I separate, 
sever', ro se-scaind 'he leapt' : Skr. ca-skdnda. cum-masc a 
mixing, mixing oneself con-mescatar 'miscentur' : Lat. misced, 
OHG. misken 'to mix'. 

ks became 88 (prim. Kelt, probably %s). dess 'on the right 
hand* : Goth, taihsva Gr. &£io'-?. s-fut. 1. pi. for-tiasam shall 
help, to tiagaim, cp. Gr. axn^a). See § 517. 

ss. -accastar, that is, *dd~cess-a-thar 3. sg. of the pass, 
s-conjunctive of ad-ciu 'I see'; cp. ad-chess 'visum est', the ss 
of which arose from st. 

§ 676. s was dropped between sonantal vowels, the inter- 
mediate stage was h. This phenomenon occurs also in Britannic. 
siur sister', Cymr. chwaer, prim. f. *suesOr. O.Ir. *arn, O.Cymr. 
hearn (the h prefixed from the inner part of the word — *iharn 
*eharn - ?) 'iron, prim. Kelt. *isarno- in the place name Isarno- 
dori i. e. 'ferrei ostii' : Goth, eisarn 'iron* a Keltic loan-word. 
ro cloathar 'audiat', to ro closs, Skr. &ru§-tf-§ etc., see §§516. 
576. au 6 ear : Lat. auri-s Goth, duso neut. Lith. ausls O.Bulg. 
ucho 'ear . 2. sg. beri 'fere* fr. Indg. *bheresi, Skr. bhdrasi. 

8 was treated in the same manner after vowels before 
liquids and nasals. Perf. ro selaig 'he struck down' i. e. seslaig, 
see § 574. senaich 'stillavit* i. e. sesnaich, to snigid 'it drops'. 



432 Indg. 8 in O.Ir. and Germanic. § 576-578. 

Every final s was dropped, both orig. postvocalic s and 
the s which arose from -ks, 4s, -ns. This dropping of s was 
late, since the Ogam inscriptions still have final s, as this also 
is still found in Gall. O.Ir. Luigdech = Ogam inscript. Lugu- 
deccas, gen. sg. to nom. sg. Lugaid = *Lugudex (c-stem); 
O.Ir. tarb 'bullock' = Gall, tarvo-s. bo 'cow* : Skr. gad-§ Gr. 
pov-g 'bullock', rl (gen. rig) 'king' Gall. Dubno-Hx : Lat. rex. 
se 'six' = Lat. sex, beside sessed 'sextus'. oen-tu (dat oentid) 
'unitas' from *-tut-s : cp. Lat. servitus (gen. -tut-is). ml (gen. 
mis) 'month' from *m$ns : Gr. /itefg from Vw (§ 611). Ace. 
pi. firu 'viros' (nom. sg. fer) : Goth, valra-ns. This loss of 
final s was later than the change of initial explosives to spirants 
which was caused by a preceding vowel; for the latter change 
does not show itself in cases where s was final (§ 658, 1). 

Germanic. 

§ 677. s was generally still intact in prim. Germanic. 
The only changes, which it underwent in this period, are the 
change of it to z by Verner's law and the assimilation of sm 
to mm. 

§ 678. Initial s. 

s before sonantal vowels. Goth, sunu-s OHG. sunu sun 
OS. Ags. sunu OJcel. sunr 'son' : Skr. sunii-$ Gr. vtd-g 'son, 
O.Ir. su-th 'birth, fruit', Lith. sunu-s O.Bulg. synu 'son . Goth. 
saian OHG. sdan 'to sow' : Gr. fata a throw', Lat. sfrnen, O.Ir. 
stl 'seed', Lith. seju O.Bulg. sfy'q 'I sow', rt. se-. 

si, su. Goth, siujan OHG. siuwan 'to sew' : Skr. syu4d-s 
Lith. siti-tars sewn', Indg. *$j*w-, cp. § 143. Goth, svistar OHG. 
swester 'sister' : Skr. svdsa. OHG. swei% 'perspiration , sweat' : 
Skr. sveda-s 'sweat'. 

sn, sm, si, sr. Goth, sndivs OHG. sneo 'snow' : Lith. sn$ga-s 
'snow', cpf. *snoigho-s. Goth, sno-rjd 'wicker-work, basket' OHG. 
snuo-r 'string, cord':O.Ir. sna-the 'filum'. Goth, smair-pr 'faf 
OHG. smero 'fat, grease' : O.Ir. smir 'marrow'. MHG. smiegen 
'to ply, bend' OHG. smoccho 'underdress, shirt' : Lith. smukti 
(indie, smunku) 'to slide' O.Bulg. smykati s^ 'to creep, slip'. 



§ 578—580. Indg. s in Germanic 438 

Goth, stepan 'to sleep* OHO. daf alack' slafan 'to sleep' : O.Bulg. 
slabu slack'. OHO. slingan 'to wind to and fro' slango 'snake' : 
Lith. slenku 'I crawl' O.Bulg. slqku bent*, sr- became, as 
medially (§ 580), sir-. OHO. stroum O.Icel. straumr 'stream': 
8kr. srdv-a-ti 'flows'. 

sp, st, sk. Goth, spewan OHO. splwan 'to spit, vomit' : 
Lith. spidu-ju 1 spit*. OHO. s/num 'to succeed, have success' : 
8kr. sphdyami 1 swell, thrive', OJBulg. sptjq 'I succeed*. Goth. 
stiks 'point of time' OHO. stih 'point' : Or. <m'f w 1 prick', Lat. 
In-sfigdre. Goth. «$-sfciws provident, sober OHO. scouwon 'to 
look, view' : Or. Qvo-oxco-^ 'sacrificing priest*. Ooth. skei-nan 
OHG. stf-wan 'to shine' : Or. axw 'shadow'. 

§ 579. s in combination with Indg. voiceless explosives 
medially and finally. 

OHO. aspa 'aspen-tree' : Lett, apse Pruss. abse O.Bulg. osina 
(from *opsfnd, § 545) ; it is uncertain whether the original order 
was sp or ps. OHG. wafsa 'wasp* : Lith. vapsa 'gad- fly*. 
OHG. refsen 'to chastise, blame, punish' prim. Germ. 1. sg. 
pres. *rafsjp : Skr. rdpas- neut. 'bodily injury'. 

Goth. OHG. ist c is* : Gr. so-n. Goth. baUists OHG. bezfcist 
'best* : cp. Gr. ttty-toto-g. Prim. Germ, ss, s from ts. OHG. 
zan 'tooth' from prim. Germ. Hans Indg. *dont-s. See § 527 
p. 382. 

Goth, fisks OHG. fisc 'fish' : Lat. piscis O.Ir. tosc 'fish'. 
OH(i. forscOn 'to ask' : Lat. posed. Goth, ati/tsa OHG. oAso 'ox' : 
8kr. uk$d 'ox'. Goth, saihs OHG. s*As six : Gr. Ig Lat. sea:. 

So also 5 in combination with Indg. s probably remained 
unchanged iu prim. Germanic. 

Rem. I do not know anj Bore examples. Goth, is 'thou art* 
may represent either */**(•) (Gr. Horn, hoi Armen. ea) or *is(t) (Skr. a** 
Gr. a). Does the genitive -s of a-stems (Goth, culfis OHG. tedfes O.Icel. 
ulfs 'wolfs', Norse ran. godayas proper name) go back to -**-? 

§ 580. Medial sr, like initial sr (§ 578), probably became 
str before Verner's law came into operation (see § 581). Goth, 
stem-form spistr- O.Icel. systr- 'sister (gen. svistrs etc.) = Skr. 
svasr- Lat. sobr- (§ 570) O.Bulg. sestr- (§ 585, 2), Indg. *syesr-; 

HrogmaDD, Elements. 28 



434 Indg. 8 in Germanic. § 580 -581. 

from here t was carried oyer into the forms, in which 8 and r were 
not in direct combination , hence e. g. nom. 8g. Goth, svistar 
O.Icel. syster systir OHG. OS. swesiar. OHG. dinstar Mid. Du. 
deemster 'dark' : Skr. tamisra-tn 'darkness', Lat. tenebrae, see § 570. 

§ 581. In prim. Germ, s became z except in combination 
with voiceless explosives and spirants, if the sonant, directly 
preceding it, did not bear the principal accent of the word. 
This process of changing voiceless into voiced sounds concerned 
at the same time the spirants f, p, Xt see § 530. z remained 
in Goth, but in the other dialects mostly became r. 

Rem. Thus Indg. * partly fell together with Indg. z. See § 596. 

First the s which remained unchanged. Goth, kiusa OHO. 
chiusu 1 test' prim. Germ. *kiusd : Skr. j6§ami 1 taste, enjoy, 
Indg. *§6u86. OHG. tnOs, pi. tnUsi, 'mouse' : Skr. nt&§- pi. mt&as. 

z. Compar. in -iz-6, Qoth. juhiza O.Icel. ere OHG. jungiro 
'younger, prim. Germ. *i4(i9)x-iz-d (s. § 530 p. 387) : cp. Skr. 
-t$- Gr. -#a- in the superlative. Goth. 2. sg. indie, pres. pass. 
bairaza (bairan 'to bear') : cp. Skr. bhdrasE. Goth, rupz-a- (nom. 
ace. riqis) O.Icel. rekkr neut. 'darkness' : Skr. rajas, Gr. igsfa;. 
Goth, diz-a- OHG. Sr 'ore, metal' O.Icel. eir copper' prim. Germ. 
*a%z-a- from *a%-iz-a- (§ 635) : Skr. dyas- Lat. aes aeris. 

Gothic, by levelling out, mostly gave up again the grammatical 
change s : z(r) in the verb. To Skr. j6$ami 1. sg. pres., jujSfa 
pf. indie. 3. sg. juju§imd 1. pi., juju$dnd- partic. corresponded 
in prim. Germ. *kt%$6, *kdusi, *kuzumi, *kuzand-. Hence regularly 
OHG. chiusu, chds, churum, choran, O.Icel. kys, kaus, kerotn, 
kerenn. On the other hand Goth, kiusa kdus, kusum, kusans with 
5 in stead of z in the two last forms, an innovation, which at a 
later period also made its appearance in the other dialects. Cor 
respondingly Goth, nasjan 'to rescue' with s for z after nisan 
as opposed to OHG. Ags. nerian, prim. Germ. 1. sg. *nozti&. 

The contrast, between Goth. dusG 'ear MHG. oese 'ear 
and OHG. Ora 'ear', and between OHG. haso and Ags. hara 
'hare' etc., was also caused by an old difference of accentuation. 

Goth, z regularly passed into s, if it came to stand finally, 



$ 581—582. Indg. * in Germanic. 435 

cp. § 531. 2. 8g. bairis from *balriz(i) = Skr. bhdrasi, cp. 
OJcel. ber-r. Nom. riqis from *riqiz(-<i-n) beside gen. riqiz-is 
(the spelling rijts is inexact, just as Mod.HG. raub instead 
of raup, after raubes etc., Lat. urfts instead of urps, after wrWs 
etc.). Adv. diris 'earlier beside nom. sg. diriz-a. 

§ 582. The change of s, mentioned in § 581, can also be 
traced in the combinations rs, Is, si, sn, ms. The differences, 
which had regularly arisen in prim. Germ., wefe obliterated here 
also partly by levelling out and partly by processes of assi- 
milation. 

rs and rz (West Germ. rr). OHG. O.Icel ars buttock' prim. 

Germ. *drsa~z = Gr. Ait. oggo-g from *opoo-g. Goth, vairsiza 

Ags. uriersa wyrsa from *wiers-(r)a peior , prim. Germ. *\$lrs-iz~0. 

O.Icel. hjarse hjarsi m. 'giddiness' prim. Germ. *x£rs-$ from 

Indg. *1cirs-m- (cp. also Lat. cernuo-s from *cers-n~ y § 571) 

beside *iys-Ai- (see below), to a neuter *Jtires-, represented in 

Lat. cerebru-m (*ceres-ro-. § 570). Goth. ga-]>alrsa 'I am 

withered, gape from dryness' : Gr. rspaofiat (the accent of which 

does not come into consideration here). OHG. fersana OS. 

fersna 'heel' prim. Germ. *f6rsnd, Ags. fyrsn 'beef prim. Germ. 

*fSrsni-z : Skr. pdr§ni-§ 'heel' Gr. nr&gva 'heel, foot'; the z in 

Goth, fairzna is strange. Goth airzjan OS. irrian OHG. irren 

'to mislead' prim. Germ. 1. sg. *irzii6, Goth, airzeis OHG. irri 

'astray* prim. Germ. *irzijd- : Lat. errdre from *ers-Ore. Goth. 

marzjan 'to vex' OS. merrian OHG. merren 'to delay, hinder, 

disturb' originally 'to make one unmindful' seems to have been an 

old causat. verb, related to Skr. mf$-yami (perf. ma~m&r$-a) 'I 

forget, neglect* mf§a adv. 'in vain, fruitlessly, erroneously'. OHG. 

kirm neut. 'brain' from */irz-n-%id- 'belonging to the head' (cp. 

O.Icel. hjarse above). OHG. horna% 'hornet' prim. Germ. *%urz- 

n-dta-z from a *£fs-en- firs n- = Lith. szirsz-u -efts O.Bulg. 

*rt$-en-f 'hornet, gad-fly'; beside Mod.HG. horsel Dutch horzel : 

Lith. szirszly-s; cp. also Lat. crdbrd (§§ 303. 306. 570). 

Rem. 1. Goth. 1. pi. ga-daursum 'we dare' for *-daurzum (= OHG. 
gi-turrun, Skr. dadhffimd) after sg. ga-dars (Skr. dadhdr$a\ like kusum 
for *kuzum (§ 581). Goth, paursus 'parched, dry* for *paurzus after 

28* 



436 Indg. a in Germanic. § 582. 

ga-pairsan eta, op. O.Icel. £wrr O.Swed. pdrr OHO. dam* 'withered, dry*, 
8kr. tf(-&-$ 'greedy, gaping with thirst'. 

Is and Iz (West Germ. II). Goth, hals, gen. halsis, OHG. 
hols neck' prim. Germ. *hdlsa- : Lat. collu-m from *cotso-m. 
Goth, ga-talzjan 'to teach, instruct', to un^tala- (nom. untals) 
'disobedient'; £0/2- may represent a nominal -es-stem. OHO. 
bellan 'to bark' Ags. bellan 'to bark, scream, howl' Low German 
bulle 'bull' point to a prim. Germ. pres. *bilsd pret. pi. *l%sumi : 
Lith. balsas voice, sound', Skr. bhd§a*mi 'I bark' (cp. § 259), 
Indg. *bhils6; the U = Iz in bullun 'barked* etc. had crushed out 
the regular Is of the pres. and sg. pret. 

si and ^ (11). I do not know an example for si '). 2/ in 
MHG. Aro/, gen. krolles, curled, curled in locks' krolle curl, 
lock' Mid. English crullen 'to curl', prim. Germ. *kruz-la-, to 
MHG. krus 'crisp, curled' Mid. English crUs 'crisp, angry 1 . 
Cp. also O.Icel. hrolla to tremble, quake' beside hrjosa c to 
shudder 1 , to Gr. xyvoetg 'awful, causing shudder xgvo-Taivu) I 
make to freezer. 

m and zn (OHG. rn). Goth, asneis OHG. esni Ags. «n* 
'day-labourer prim. Germ. *ds~niia', as opposed to OHG. am 
(gen. arm) 'harvest' O.Icel. qnn season for working in the field' 
from prim. Germ, forms with unaccented root-syllable; cp. Goth. 
asans 'harvest, summer. Goth, razn O.Icel. rann Ags. cern 
(from *cerzn, and this from *rcezn) 'house' prim. Germ. *raZ'n&~, 
to OHG. ras-ta 'rest, repose, a certain distance' Goth. ras4a 
a certain distance'. OHG. UrnSn lernSn Ags. leornian 08. linfin 
(cp. OS. mlda § 596) 'to learn', would have been in Goth. 
Hiznan pret Hizndda, to Goth. Idis 'I know' OHG. tirtn 'to 
teach', rt. leis-. 

ms and mz. (Joth. ams (st. amsa-) m. shoulder : Skr. qsa- 
'shoulder'. Goth, mimza- 'flesh' : Skr. mqsd-m Pruss. mensa* 
menso O.Bulg. m$so 'flesh'. 

Rem. 2. Did the s in n* once become z? For ws I do not know 
anj other examples besides Ooth. ace. pi. hvanz-uh 'all' panz-ei 'which', 

1) The nominal suffix -sla- must be left out of the question, since this 
probably represents an Indg. -t+tlo-. See Kluge's Nominate Stammbildungs- 
lehre p. 64. 



§ 582—583. Indg. * in Germanic 437 

but nz cannot have been prim. Germ, in this case (§ 583.) In numerous 
cases n8 appears on all sides where nz or its further development might 
be expected, e. g. OHG. part, dunsan 'swollen' (dinsan Goth, pinsan 'to 
draw, pull' : Skr. tqsdyami 'I pull to and fro, shake*, Lith. t^siii 'I stretch 
bj pulling 1 , rt. tens-). I conjeoture that ns had been developed to nts (as 
in Umbr., in Lith. dialects and elsewhere) at the time when Yerner's law 
operated. * could not become voiced with this articulation. 

Owing to Goth, pamtna 'to the*, beside Skr. tdsmad tdsmai Pruss. 
stetmu etc. Umbr. pus me 'cui', and Goth, im O.Ioel. em 'I am*, beside 
Skr. droit, it may be assumed that sm became mm in prim. Germ., im 
first of all from *imm. Otherwise, but not convincing to me, Osthoff Zur 
Oeach. d. Perf. 428. 

§ 583. Final s (Indg. -5 and -z — see § 645 finals 3 — 
may at that time partly or entirely have been levelled out to 
-$) was also subject to Verner's law. This law thus gave rise 
e. g. in the nom pi. of Oerm. a- and d-stems to -dz beside -& 
(Skr. -as), and in the gen. sg. of t-stems to -aiz beside -di$ 
(8kr. -g£). Such doublets were then treated differently in the 
separate dialects. 

In Gothic, -z became $ (*uulftfz 'wolves' *ga-qumpdiz gen. 
of a meeting, synagogue' *bairdiz opt. 'feres' became vulfds ga- 
qumpdis bairdis) either at the same time with the z which 
became final at a later period (e. g. *bairiz(i) 'thou bearest', 
§ 581 p. 534 f.) and thus fell together again with the s which 
had remained unchanged (tnundds nom. existimatae' = Skr. 
tnatds, Indg. *m#tds). Or else, before the dropping of the final 
short vowels (§ 660, 1), a generalisation of the -je first took 
place, as in Norse, so that e. g. *munddz was also spoken instead 
of regular *tnundds, and then later -z everywhere became -s. 
I am in favour of the latter assumption. For thus can be best 
explained why z regularly appears for original final s, when 
a particle is attached to it (e. g. is he' : iz-ei; veis 'we' : veiz-uh; 
hvas who? : hvaz-uh; vileis 'velis' : vileiz-u), whilest s appears 
in vas-uh beside vas 'he was', where s had only become final 
at a later period (*uasi, prim, form *%&'y6s-e). 

-z, as absolute final, was dropped in West Germanic, 
whilst -s was retained, -z had frequently been extended beyond 
its original sphere and had supplanted -s. Nom. pi. OHG. geba 
OS. g&a Ags. i%fa 'gifts' = Goth, gibds. Nom. sg. OHG. OS. 



438 Indg. s in Bait- Slavonic. § 583—585. 

Ags. sunu 'son = Goth, sunti-s. In OHO. the 2^form was 
generalised in the nom. pi. of o-stems, taga, in OS. and Ags. 
the 5-form, OS. dagos Ags. da%as. Likewise the -s in the OS. 
gen. sg. burges nahtes hastes etc. is probably to be regarded 
as Indg. final -s. OHG. nom. sU 'sow' from *sQz for older 
*stf-s. Where r = z occurs in West Germ., as OHG. it er 
(Goth, is), wir (Goth, veis), zar~ zer- zir- (Goth. tuz-\ this mode 
of treating the z was occasioned by the close connexion with 
following words and by the different stress which the pronouns 
and particles had in the sentence and in compounds. Cp. Paul 
in Paul-Braune's Beitr. VI 550 ff. 

Prim. Germ, -z was generalised in Norse, whence -r, e. g. 
syr 'sow' (dat. ace. sU), tdfar 'wolves', gjafar 'gifts'. 

Nothing prevents our assuming that -z became generalised 
in the nom. sg. in the prim. Germ, period. 

Baltic-Slavonic. 

§ 584. Indg. s remained generally intact in the period 
of the Balt.-Slav. primitive community. 

The changes in this period were: 

Jes became &, whence Lith. sz, O.Bulg. s. Lith. asd-s 
O.Bulg. ost axle' : Lat. axis, cpf. *a&*-. See § 414. 544 p. 398. 

Primitive Balt.-Slav. Si = Indg. sfc is less certain, as Lith. 
maiszyti O.Bulg. tn&siti 'to mingle, mix. See § 414 rem. 

§ 585. s remained unchanged in Bait, and Slav, in the 
following positions: 

1. Initially before sonants $nd consonants (except si). Lith. 
septynl O.Bulg. sedtrit 'seven* : Skr. saptd. Lith. sunu-s O.Bulg. 
synu 'son : Skr. stinu-§. Pruss. swai-s 'his* O.Bulg. svatU 'rela- 
tion svoft own' : Skr. svd~. Lith. ses& O.Bulg. sestr-a 'sister : 
Skr. svdsar-. Lith. snlga-s O.Bulg. sntgu 'snow* : A v. snatzaiti 
'it snows', rt. sneiqh-. Lett, smii-ju I laugh' smai-da 'a smiling' 
O.Bulg. sm&-jq s$ 1 laugh' : Skr. stndy-a-te 'he smiles'. Lith. 
smukti 'to slide 1 O.Bulg. stnykati s$ 'to creep, slip' : MHG. smiegen 
'to wind, bend'. Lith. srav-d, 'a flowing, bleeding' O.Bulg. stru-ja 
a flowing (with excrescent t, cp. 2.) : Skr. sr&v-a-ti 'flows'. Lith. 



§ 585. Indg. s in Bait.- Slavonic. 439 

slenki 1 creep* O.Bulg. slq/cu crooked' : OHG. slingan 'to wind 
to and fro* slango 'snake'. Lith. spSju 'I have time, leisure' 
O.Bulg. sptjq 1 have success' : Skr. sphdydmi 'I swell, thrive'. 
Lith. staigyti-* 'to hasten' O.Bulg. stignqti 'to come somewhere' : 
Gr. otei'xio 1 stride, go\ Lith. skabiii 'to cut' O.Bulg. skobtt 
'radula' : Lat scabs. 

2. Medially in the combinations sjf, sm, sn, sr, s/, **. 

s#. Lith. &-0a O.Bulg. jes-v& 1. du. 'we two are' : cp. 
Skr. s-vds. 

sm. es-nA O.Bulg. jes-ntf 1 am' : Skr. ds-mi. Lith. j&s-mi 
I gird' j&s-ntu 'girdle' : cp. Gr. taJ^a from *£wG-iua (§ 565), rt. 
jd$-. Lith. ge$-me 'a low glimmering fire', to gisti (pret. $re*ad) 
'to expire, go out'. O.Bulg. kostnu 'hair beside kosa 'hair (cp. 
§ 588 rem. 4): OHG. hdr 'hair from prim. Germ. **£sa-P 

Rem. 1. The datives Lith. tdmui tarn and O.Bulg. tomU 'to the' 
beside Pruss. s-tesmu Skr. tdsm&i have not lost their a regularly, but are 
new formations after the analogy of other oases with m-suffixes without 8. 
See the aocidenoe. 

sn. Lith. prus-ni 'mouth' (praus-iu *I wash my face') 
O.Bulg. prys-nq 'spargo' : Skr. pru§-nu-te 'squirts, trickles, wets'. 
Lith. pa-klus-nU-s 'obedient* (cp. Pruss. po-klus-ma-n ace. obe- 
dient'), to klaus& 'obedience' : O.Bulg. sluchU 'a hearing, obedience', 
Indg. fcleys-; on the initial Lith. k cp. § 467, 2. Lett, saus- 
ni-s a dried up tree', to Lith. sausa-s 'dry', rt. says-. O.Bulg. 
ves-na 'spring' beside Lith. vasard, 'summer', Skr. vas-antd-s 
'spring'. O.Bulg. gasnq 1 expire beside Lith. gesau 'I ex- 
tinguish; to which Skr. ghas- 'consume' P O.Bulg. po-jas-nl 
girdle' : cp. Gr. foit^ 'girdle' from *$uo-va (§ 565), rt. /8a-. 

Rem. 2. Slav, -chn- in dUchnqti etc. has arisen by analogy. See 
§ 588 rem. 2. 

8r became str (cp. str from hr § 545) in Slavonic uni- 
versally, in Lithuanian only partially. O.Bulg. sestr-a sister 
from *sesr-a : Skr. svasr-. Lith. timsra-s 'sorrel' : Skr. tumisra-m 
darkness' etc., see §§ 570. 580. Lith. nas-rai nostra} pi. 'throat', 
to nosi-s 'nose'. Correspondingly srove and strove 'a flowing (cp. 
1.) etc. It is not clear in what parts of Lith. and to what extent 
the excrescent consonant made its appearance. 



440 Indg. s in Bait- Slavonic § 584. 

Rem. 3. O.Bulg. nozdri pL 'nostrils, nose' has been directly con- 
nected with Lith. nagrat, as if zdr had arisen from sr. It is probably 
better to divide the word into noz-dri and to regard the second part as 
a noun belonging to the root der-, cp. O.Bulg. dira dera 'slit', Skr. dare- 
'slit, hole*. Also mqzdra 'fine skin on a fresh wound, the fleshy part en a 
thing', which has been oonnected with Lat. membru-m membr&na (<-br- 
from -*r-, § 570) and O.Ir. mir 'piece of flesh' (§ 570), and regarded 
as a further formation of mfso 'flesh' (Skr. mfyd- Goth, mimza-) may be 
compounded of *mems+dra~ (from the same root der- ; with *mems~ cp. 
the Skr. stem rnQs- instr. sg. mqs-a oompound ntip-pdcana- 'serring for 
the oooking of the flesh 9 ) and have originally signified 'a skinning of the 
flesh'. 

5/. Lith. veistf 'brood' veislu-s 'fertile', to veisiu 'I propagate'. 
Lett, trmls trausls 'fragile', to trusu 'I become bristly', Lith. 
triusai pi. 'the long feathers in the tail of a cock'. O.Bulg. 
trqslu part. pret. to tr$sq 'I shake*. 

Rem. 4. Slav, -chl- in u-8&chl& etc has arisen by analogy. See 
§ 588 rem. 2. 

st. Lith. is4i O.Bulg. jes-tt 'is' : Skr. «s4i. Lith. j&s-ta-s 
girded' : Ay. y0&4a- Gr. Cow-ro'-s 'girded'. O.Bulg. 2. pi. of 
the s-aorist d€-s4e, to d€4i 'to put, place' : Skr. dha-s4a. 

3. In the medial combinations m#, ns } Is, ts, $s. 

ms. Pruss. mensd menso O.Bulg. nujso 'flesh' : Goth, mimza- 
Skr. m^sd- 'flesh'. Lith. fut. imsiu, to imU 1 take*, O.Bulg. 
aor. ji$u, to imq I take' : cp. Gr. svei/ua from *l-vsfi-oa (§ 565). 

ns. Lith. fut. pisiu, to pinii 'I plait, twist', O.Bulg. aor. 
pqsu, to pUnq 'I strain, hang'. Lith. £qpi-s 'goose' : OHG. gam. 
Lith. tqsiu 'I stretch' tqsu-s 'extensible' : Goth, at-pinsan 'to draw 
towards'. O.Bulg. tr?sq 'I shake' from tres- (Gr. Horn. rgia-Cm) 
with 'nasalinfiK or from *trem-s- (cp. Lat. tremG)? Old Czech 
loc. pi. Polos (proper name, see Miklosich Vergl. Gramm. Ill 
16), to nom. pi. O.Bulg. poljan~e 'field inhabitants', according 
to Leskien for prim. Slay. *poljq-su (?poljan-su) after the ana- 
logy of polja-mi -tnU (with regular loss of the n before m, 
§ 219); in other cases, after vowels, Slav. -ckU = Skr. -«*, 
§ 588, 2. 

Bern. 5. Forms like pech&, beside />£*#, were new formations. See 
§ 588 rem. 2. 



f 585—586. Indg. 9 in Bait- Slavonic. 441 

Is. Lith. balsas Voice, tone : OHG. bellan 'to bark', Skr. 
bhds&mi, see § o82 p. 436. Lith. skelsiu *I drive away, reach 
out'; delsiu 'I tarry, delay*. Lith. fut. ktlsiu, to JWw 1 raise*. 
O.Bulg. </&i$w 'tone, note, voice* from prim. Slav. *golstk, to 
O.Icel. kalla (U from tz? § 582) c to name, call*. 

to became 5 through the intermediate stage ss in both 
language divisions. Lith &w C I shall eat\ O.Bulg. jasi 'thou 
eatest* aor. jasu : cp. Skr. fut. atsydmi 2. sg. pres. ate*, rt. ed-. 
See § 544. 

Rem. 6. Forms like jachiL, beside jasO, were new formations. See 
§ 588 rem. 2. 

ss became 5 in both language divisions. Lith. fut. tesiu, to 
Urn 'I pick up', Goth, lisa 'I gather together*. Lith. fut jttsiu, 
to jus-mi 'I gird', cp. Gr. aor. ftoxra from *£-^ttKT-aa, rt jds-, 
O.Bulg. s-aorist otw-trrsn, to otu-tr<jq 1 shake off*. O.Bulg. 
jest 'thou art' : cp. Gr. Horn. foal, nasu (gen. loc. pi. to my 
W) from *nds-su, cp. the possessive pronoun na§i from *nd$-ji 
(§ 588. 2. 3). 

§ 586. Besides the cases mentioned in § 585 Indg. s also 
regularly remained in Lithuanian in the following cases: 

1. After vowels and diphthongs before sonantal vowels. 

lesu I pick up' : Goth. lisa. sausa-s 'dry' : Skr. &d$a-s 'drying 

up, parching' (§ 557, 4), rt. says-. Part. perf. act. fem. dug- 

u8-i, to dugu 'I grow' : cp. Skr. vid-^-% (indie. vtda T know"). 

Rem. 1. sz frequently appears where we should expect s. Con- 
cerning maiszyti etc. see § 414 remark, mdisza-s large sack, hay net', 
which has been regarded as a genuine Lith. word and brought together 
with Pruss. moasis 'bellows' O.Bulg. mechti 'hide, leather bag', might have 
been borrowed from German (OHG. meisa 'a frame for carrying on the 
back*, O.Icel. meiss 'food basket'), with the same substitution of sz for 
Germ. * as in cLszila-s beside dsila-s 'ass' from Germ. (Goth.) asilus. Cp. 
further § 587 rem. 2. 

2. In si. siuvii 'I sew' siiilas 'thread' : Skr. syU-tdrs 'sewn'. 
Put. dvt-siu 'I shall give' : Skr. dOrsydmy Indg. *d6-s%6. 

3. in qs. Fut. Rksiu 'I shall leave' : cp. Skr. r$k§ydmi. 

Rem. 2. Such futures with ks are not quite reliable examples, 
since 8 may have been introduced by analogy just as in gSrsiu (§ 587 
rem. 1). *Wcsziu can hardly be regarded as the regular form, even if 



442 Indg. s in Bait-Slavonic. § 586-588. 

aukszta-8 'high* is related to Or. atf£o> Lat. auxiliu-m O.Ir. 5s tro Cymr. 
uch (§ 434). 

4. Finally. Nom. sg. vilka-8 wolf : Skr. vfka-s. Nom. pi. 
dukter-s 'daughters' : Gr. fivyarep-sg. 

§ 587. Changes of s in Lithuanian. 

1. rs became rsz. tnarsza-s a forgetting' mirszau 1 forgot' : 
Skr. mar£a-s a patient enduring' mfsydmi 1 forget, bear patiently. 
verszi-a m. calf : Lat. verres from *vers$$ (§ 571), Skr. t#i-s 
'bullock', virszu-s 'top, point' : Skr. vdr^yas- 'higher*, perhaps 
also Lat. verrUca 'lump, wart'. 

Rem. 1. Fut. gSrsiu had been formed after the analogy of heUiu 
du'siu etc Leskien (Der Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Lit. 65) explains 
g af sa-8 'noise' as ooming from *gard+8(t-8, to gird&i 'to hear'. tar$h 
'flake' is a borrowed word, see Briiokner Litu-Slav. Stud. I 151. 

2. sz for s through assimilation to the sz of a neighbouring 
syllable, szeszura-8 'father-in-law 1 from *seszura-s : Gr. btvpo-g* 
Indg. *su6Jcura-s. szq-szlavyna-s beside sq-szl. 'heap of sweepings' : 
O.Bulg. sq~ Skr. sam- 'with'. Assimilation in the opposite 
direction probably in sz&sza-s 'scurf : O.Bulg. socha 'piece of 
wood' o-sosUi 'abscindere', Skr. idsdmi 1 cut, slaughter. Cp. 
the analogous assimilation in Skr. § 557, 4. 

3. scz(i) from sti became szcz(i) in East Lithuanian dialects. 
Opt. klduszcziau (klduszcze) from fdduscziau, to indie, kUtmu 
'I ask'. Cp. peszczia-s from p&sczia-s i. e. *p£d+*ia-s, § 544 p. 397 f. 
sz is pronounced softened (&e'), the course of development was 
stsz — St'sz — sz'tsz. 

4. klduzdatna-s beside tddusdamas (part, of kldusiu 1 ask'), 
just as m&zdama-s beside m&sdama-s. See § 544 p. 398. 

Rem. 2. Has sk become szk in pure Lith. words? jHzkfoi 'to seek* 
(O.Bulg. iskati 'to seek' OHO. eiscdn 'to seek') and the suffix -iszka-8 e. g. 
tivi8zka-8 'fatherly' (O.Bulg. ien-fefctt 'womanish', Ooth. bam-isks 'childish') 
have the suspicion of being borrowed from Germanic. Gp. § 414 rem. 

§ 588. Prim. Bait. Slay, s did not remain unchanged in 
Slavonic in any of the positions, in which it was preserved in 
Lith. (§ 586), nor in those in which it underwent a change in 
Lith. (§ 587), the case in § 587, 2 excepted. 

1. ch (x) from s after k (Indg. q) and r. 



§ 588. Indg. s in Bait-Slavonic. 443 

ks became chch, further ch. Aor. Mchti 'I ran prim. f. 
*ttq-$-o-m, to pres. tekq. See § 462. 

rch. vrachu \ threshing* from *uorchU, vrtchq 'I thresh* 
from *tfirchq : Lat. verrd vorrG, rt. uers-, vrtchU 'top : Lith. 
vir$2u-$ Skr. v&rfryas-, see § 587, 1. s-aorist trtehu, to ttrq 
1 rub\ 

This ch became s and s under the same conditions as those 

by which k passed into i and c, see §§ 461. 462. vrUefl 3. sg. 

to vrfchq. 8rf§-en-? 'hornet, horse-fly' from *8frch-en- : Lith. 

82ir&z-&) prim f. *Jqrs-en- (§ 582). vrtsi nom. pi. to vrfchU 'top' 

(stem rrlcAo-). 0r&3te 2. pi. opt. to wfcfo*. 

Rem. 1. The inf. vre&ti 'to thresh' must be explained from *#erctoi, 
more precisely *\*er/ti, see § 462 rem. Gp. with it however trUte from 
Hirste 2. pi. to frfcAtt. Which of the two forms represents the regular 
treatment of rst? 

2. Further ch (3, $) for Indg. $ between vowels; numerous 
sure examples for ch especially after w- and i-vowels. snucha 
'daughter-in-law 1 snu&inu 'like a daughter-in-law* : Skr. snu$d, 
Indg. *snusd-. muchu 'moss' : Lith. pi. tnu&cu 'mould', OHG. 
mos 'moss*. my§l 'mouse' : Lat. mUs OHG. mite, jucha 'soup' : 
Pruss. juse 'broth', Skr. y#£a- 'sauce', Lat. jUs. duchu (voc. sg. 
duSe nom. pi. dtm) 'breath', duSa 'soul' from ^duchjfl : Lith. 
dausos pi. 'upper air'. Part. pret. fem. nom. sg. pek-USi (pekq 
'I cook*) from *-ftcAf, ace. sg. ~u§q from *-ftcA#| : Skr. -w$-l- 
-tt^-yO-. ptchati 'to push, stamp, strike', indie, pres. |ri&{ from 
*ptchj4\ : Lith. />&-& 'stamping vessel' paisyti 'to strike the awns off 
barley' : Lat. pim-d. Ucha 'beet root' prim. f. *lois-a : Lith. Jjfre 
*beet\ Lat. Zfra, MHG. /e& fei** 'trace, track', socha 'piece of wood' 
o-so&iti 'abscindere' : Skr. idsdmi 'I cut, slaughter'. Aorist ending 
1. sg. -cAii 3. pi. -S{ (cp. Skr. -s-am-) : da-chti to da-# 'to give*, 
d€-chU to d&tf 'to place', by-chU to fty-tf 'to be', plu-chft to pZw-tf 
'to sail', t?i-cAft to viti 'to wind'. Suffix of the loc. pi. -chu = 
Skr. ~su : zena-chU to iena 'woman', vluce~-chu to vluku 'wolf, 
pqfl-chU to pa# 'way*. Gen. pi. *&Aft to (ft 'the' : Skr. ^dr/i 
O.Icel. pei-ra (Goth, />*-*£ blinddi-zi). Ending of the 2. sg. -ft 
from *-cAf (not = mid. Skr. -sg Gr. -(tf)<w; for prim. Slav. *-choi 



444 Indg. 8 in Bait.- Slavonic § 588. 

would have become *-si) : bere-Si to berq; cp. beside this jasi 
'thou eatest* from *Etsl f jesi 'thou art' from *essf § 585, 3. 

Rem. 2. Through new formation ch frequently came into positions 
where it could not have arisen regularly, ehn : duchuqti 'to breathe', surh- 
ncUi 'to beoome dry', chl : n-suchlii 'dry' suchti f 'dry wood', ch after 
nasal vowels : aor p'chii beside pfsu; cphnti 'to smell' instead of *qsafi 
(•/!«-«-, to p-on-ja 'smell' cp. Lat. <&u-m (h^nldre from *anslo~ §§ 208. 
570) through association with ja-ehnti f vehi' (Skr. yd-mi *I drive' Lith. 
^-/m 'I ride') ma-chati 'agitare, ventilare' (beside tna-jq 'vibro'). eh for $ 
= ts : aor. jnehU beside jasu 'I ate' (§ 543). Cp. § 585 with rem. 2. 4. 5 6. 

Rem. 3. eh appears often initially before vowels and r, /, v Most 
of the words are unfortunately not etymologically clear. Some are un- 
doubtedly borrowed words and the ch in them has nothing to do with *, 
as rhladil 'coolness, dew' from Germ. (Goth.) holds 'cold'. 

chodti 'inoessus, iter' has been regarded as a pure Slav, word and 
connected with Gr. o*!o'-c Skr. a-sad- 'reach, attain', so, also, chromi 
'lame' to Skr. sramd-s 'lame*. I know nothing which helps to explain 
their ch. 

s often appears where, from what has been said above, 
we should expect ch (or s). Examples: nosu 'nose* : OHG. 
nnsa. bosU 'bare footed : Lith. bdsas OHG. bar. po-jasu 'girdle. 
gasiti 'to extinguish* : Lith. gesyti. b&su 'demon* : Lith. baisd 
'fright', rosa 'dew' : Lith. rasa 'dew', Skr. rasd 'that which is 
wet, fluid', Lat. rds rdris. kosa 'hair': OHG. har? Gen. slom-e 
(nom. slovo 'word') : Skr. Srdvas-as Gr. xle(f)s-og. I cannot find 
any special reason (vicinity of sounds etc.) which should have 
prevented s from passing into ch in these examples. I con- 
jecture that none of these words had an s at the time 5 be- 
came ch. 

Rem. 4. For some cases a plausible explanation lies close at hand. 
po-jasU after po-jastit, gasiti after gasnqti, kosa after kosmU or similar 
forms, in whioh s regularly remained, sloves-e slovcs-i etc. may be ex- 
plained, if we take into account that for sloves-lml -font -imu -Xma there once 
existed ^sloves^ml -mt etc. and for sloves-XchU *sloves(8)u (cp. polja-mi 
from *polj&n-mi etc. § 585, 3) ; *slovos could also have formed a factor, 
if -8 had not already been dropped at that time (7). On nosU cp. § 569 
rem. 3. The whole question requires a thorough investigation. 

3. Prim. Slav. § = Indg. si had, as we saw under 2., 

passed through the stage chi, in duSa ptsq etc. On the other 

hand $ is to be traced directly back to si in iiti 'to sew' from 

*sitil *sjy-ti = Lith. siu-ti and in such cases as gaSq 'I ex- 



§ 588—589. Prim. Indg. changes of 8. 445 

tinguish' beside 2. sg. gasiSi etc. (2.). This latter, younger 
change took place at the same time with the transition of si = 
Indg. %i into S, as in noSq 'I carry' from root nek-, piSq 'I write* 
from root pe$- (§ 147). gaSq: gasiSi =. noSqmosiSi. 

4. sti, stri, skj, sli, sni became O.Bulg. St, Strj, St, Slj, 
Snj. gostq 1 take as guest 1 from *gostiq, inf. gostiti, to gostl 
'guest' : Lat. hosti-s, Goth, gasts. tusft empty from *tusk& : Skr. 
tuchyd- empty'. See § 147. 

5. If s came to stand before mediae , it passed into z. 
zboru fr. s(U)-boru a bringing together, a uniting, zdSlati fr. 
$Qu)-d€lati 'to carry out, complete', zdravu fr. s(U)-dravu 'healthy'. 
Here eventually also nozdri, see § 5s5 rem. 3. 

6. rsn became rn in prim. Slav, drtnu 'black' fr. *<%rsnO', 
Pruss. kirsna- Skr. kfljnd- 'black', Indg. *qfsno-. Cp. § 302 
rem. 1. 

7. Final s was dropped, nefto 'sky' : Skr. ndbhas, Or. vtyog. 
Other examples in § 665,4. 

Primitive Indg. changes of s. 

§ 689. The following modifications of s may be regarded 
as prim. Indg. 

1. s became z before voiced explosives and spirants, e. g. 
*z-dhi 'be' imper. from rt. es- 1 *rnenez-bhi(s) instr. from mines- 
sense. See § 590. Cp. Indg. -W- from -pd- etc. § 469, 2. 

2. ss£ became sJc. *isJc6 i. e. *is+sk6 pres. from rt. ais- 
seek' : Skr. ich&mi 'I seek, wish', cp. OHG. eiscdn 'to seek*. 

Rem. 1. There is little foundation for the assumption that inter- 
vocalic 88 has also become 8 in secondary accented syllables, as *esi 'thou 
art* (Skr. dsi Gr. «) from *es-*t (Osthoff Z Oesoh. d. Perf. 18), and that 
to has become is under certain conditions (J. Schmidt Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXVI 343 ff. XXVH 330 ff.). 

3. Initial s was dropped under certain conditions before 
consonants, possibly e. g. after s at the end of words, so that 
this reduction would be identical with the one mentioned under 2. 
(Cp. Skr. du§futi-§ 'bad song of praise = du§+fyuti-$ y Gr. 
dvoT7)vo-g = &vg + tTTtjvo-g , Gortyn inscript. ratacsyatg = tcug 



446 Prim. Indg. changes of 0. § 580. 

oreycuq). Hence it often happens that several languages con- 
currently show loss of s- without a sufficient reason for its 
loss being discoverable by the sound-laws of the separate lan- 
guages. Thus e. g. steg- and teg- 'cover : Skr. sthdgami 'I con- 
ceal, hide', Gr. oreyog 'roof, Lith. stoga-8 'roof O.Bulg. o-stegu 
'toga' + Gr. rsyog 'roof, Lat. tegD, O.Icel. pak OHG. dah roof. 
Goth, stdutan OHG. stfyan 'to push' + Skr. tuddmi 'I push', 
Lat. tundo. Skr. spd&- spy, watchman, Lat. -spicid, OHG. 
spehtm 'to spy* O.Icel. spakr sensible 1 + Skr. paSydmi 'I see, 
O.Bulg. paziti 8$ cavere', rt. speh spe§- (§ 469, 7). Gr. 0vo- 
oxoo-g 'sacrificing priest', Ooth. us-skdu-s 'provident, prudent' + 
Skr. a-kuvat€ 'he intends' kavi-$ 'seer, prophet', Gr. xoia> 'I ob- 
serve', Lat. caved. Skr. smdrdmi 'I intend, bear in mind' + 
Lat. me-mor, O.Ir. maraim 'maneo' (cp. Lat. mora). Perhaps 
here belong also Armen. vec 'six', Pruss. umschts uschts 'sextos' 
(to which also Lith. usees beside szeszios pi. 'childbed 1 ) as 
opposed to Gr. 25 from *o7 r <?£ Lat. sex etc. Cp. further Gr. 
axa^oj 'I limp' + OHG. hinchan 'to limp'; Gr. * vvr\ nebat', O.Ir. 
snTm 'a spinning' (f = Indg. 8) snathe 'filum' (a = Indg. d) 
OHG. snuor 'cord, string' + Goth, nepia OHG. nadela 'needle'. 

It is certain that s- often first disappeared in the separate 
developments of the Indg. languages, as in Skr. utthdtum inf. 
'to rise from *ut-sthatum (§ 557), Lat. ndre from *sn&re (J 570), 
O.Ir. -tau 'am' from *sta~id (§ 575), and it is not possible every- 
where to separate this loss from that in the parent Indg. 

4. It is probable that the combinations bh, dh, §h, gh+$ f 
which are etymologically to be presupposed for words like Skr. 
dip8ati, had expierenced a change of articulation in the prim. 
Indg. period. But it is not yet determined what this change 
was. bzh, dzh etc. are to be assumed for prim. Aryan. See 
§§ 469,6. 470. 482. 552. 

Rem. 2. That s was dropped between explosives already in prim. 
Indg., is an uncertain conjecture. This theory is based on OHO. sekto 
O.Icel. 8itte sitii Or. ?*to-c 'sextos'. I grant an Indg. *typfoo-». But it 
is however quite possible that this form had never had the final -s of 
*8#e!c8. For the present it seems to me wisest to regard the loss of * 
between explosives as a process carried oat in the separate languages. 



§ 590—591. Prim. Indg. z. Indg. z in Aryan. 447 

Indg. 2. 

§ 590. Primitive Indg. period. So far as can be seen 
z occurred only in combination with following mediae or mediae 
aspiratae. 

Before mediae. *m-2tf-o- 'place of rest' (fit- 'down, rt sed- 
'sit') : Skr. nidd-8 'place of rest, nest*, Armen. nist 'seat, possession' 
Lat. nfdu-8, O.Ir. net nest', OHG. nest f nest\ *ozdo-s 'branch, 
twig' : Armen. ost, Gr. o'Co-s, Goth. asts. Rt. mezq- 'tie knots' : 
OHG. masca 'mesh, loop', O.Icel. mqskve mqskvi 'loop', Lith. mezgu 
1 tie in knots, knit' mazga-s 'knot*. 

Before mediae aspiratae. *z-dhi 'be' imper. from rt. es- 
V : Av. Gap. zd%, Gr. i'oOi. Instr. in -z-bhi(s) from s-stems : 
Skr. u$ddbhl$ from u$ds- 'dawn of day', Gr. lyiptoyi from 
igeflBG- 'darkness'. 

Root forms mezg- and mezgh- 'duck, sink down' (cp. stetnb- 
and 8tembh- etc. § 469, 8) : Skr. mdjjami 1 duck under' madgu-§ 
a water fowl majjdn- marrow* (g) Av. mazga- 'marrow' (g or 
gA), Lat. mergO merg-us (g), Gallo-Lat. nwsjra whey' (g or gA, 
cp. § 521), OHG. OS. mar^r marrow' (gA), Lith. mazgdti 'to 
wash' O.Bulg. wos^ii 'marrow' (g or gA). 

2 probably occurred finally before voiced explosives, but 
we are no longer able to follow it in detail (§ 645, 3). 

§ 691. Aryan. Indg. zd(h) fell together with Indg. d'd(h) 
in prim. Aryan, see § 476. At the same time Indg. z became 
£ under the same conditions as 8 became i, and then I became 
i in Skr., as s became £, see § 556, 1. In consequence of 
this change to £, Indg. zdh, zbh fell together with §dh, §bh, see 
§§ 404. 482. 

Prim. Ar. azd(h) Ozd(h) = Skr. Sd(h) ad(h), Iran, azd 
dzd. Reduplic. stem Skr. s&l- Av. hazd- from rt. sed- 'sit', 
3. sg. opt. perf. sed-yd-t, hazd-ya-Jf, Skr. 8$d-i-§ 'a weakening' : 
Lat. sSd-imus sed~8s sSd-are, Indg. *se-zd-. Skr. n$d-fyas~ Av. 
nazd-yah- 'nearer from prim. Ar. *na-zd- from the same root 
sed-, properly Vyi'C"^, npogfasvo-g. Skr. Sdhi 'be' imper. from 
prim. Ar. *az-dhi beside Av. Gap. z-d%, cp. § 313 p. 252. Skr. 



448 Indg. z in Aryan. § 591. 

mtdas- 'fat* : OHG. mast feeding' (v. Bradke Kuhn's Ztechr. 
XXVIII 300). 2. pi. of the s-aorist Skr. tradhvam A v. Gap. 
prO-z-dUm from Ar. tra- protect'; in like manner Skr. d-rOdhvam 
beside 3. pi. d-ra-s-ata from Aryan rfl- present, grant*. Skr. 
2. pi. ddhvS 'ye sit* beside 3. sg. ds-U! : Gr. tJo-Qb fja-vvu. adaghnd- 
from *Oz-d 'reaching up to the mouth* (ds-). Cp. Skr. dM 
Av. dazdi imper. give' from Indg. *tfe-<f-dM, § 476. 

Prim. Ar. zd(h), e. g. i$d(h) = Skr. ftf(A), Iran. iid. Skr. 
nfdds from *nizda-s prim. Ar. *niMa-s Indg. *m-ed-(M, see 
§ 590. Skr. plddydmi 'I press' from *pi-zd- (sit up*) : cp. Gr. 
ms'Cfo 1 press' from *7it~o€d-tfo or *m-oe-ad-(o. Av. Gap. rfi<fi 
from co^S- make known'. Skr. du-dd&~ 'impious' dU-dhi- 'having 
an evil disposition' Av. dui-dah- 'acting badly, villain', cp. Skr. 
du§- Gr. &v-. Skr. 2. pi. mid. of the s-aorist dstddhvam from 
*a-8t0-£-dhvam : 3. sg. d-8t6~$'ta, pres. 1. sg. stau-mi 'I praise, 
value'. Cp. Skr. iTdhd-s 'licked' from prim. Ar. *li£dha~ i. e. 
♦Ztfctta-, § 404. 

Rem. 1. 2. sg. imper. dviddhi (to indie. dv$»-mi ( I hate') instead of 
*dvupii was a new formation of the same kind as dididdhi (to didt&mi 'I 
show'). See § 404 rem. 2. 

Prim. Ar. zbh = Skr. dbh (Iran. #6, not found). Skr. 
instr. pi. u$ddbhi§, vidvddbhi§, madbhis from u§ds- 'dawu, day- 
break', mdvds- 'knowing', mds- 'moon, month'. 

Rem. 2. The endings of the instr. pi. of stems in -as- 8kr. -d-bhi$ 
Ay. -&-bis O.Pers. -a-bis were new formations. See the acoidenoe. 

Prim. Ar. zbh, e. g. izbh = Skr. idbh Av. izb. Skr. instr. 

pi. dvidbhi? from dvi§- 'hating'. Skr. pi-pnldbhi§ from vi~pri§- 

'crumb, small spot'. Av. dat. du. snaipizbya from maipi§- n. 

Word*. Av. instr. pi. da-d-ui-bU from dard~u§- part. perf. act 

from dd- give, place*. Cp. Skr. vidbhl§ Av. GaJ>. mzbti from 

Skr. vi&- Av. vfs- clan, village community', orig. *%i§bhi$ 

§ 404, 3. 

Rem. 3. The Skr. endings of the instr. pi. of stems in -l£- and -ttf- 
-ir-bhif and -ur-bhi$ were new formations. See the accidence. 

Prim. Ar. azg = Skr. adg Av. azg. Skr. madgu4, ft 
water fowl, Av. mazga- 'marrow', rt. tnezg-, see § 590. But 



§ 591—593. Indg. z in Ar., Armen. and Ghreek. 449 

prim. Ar. azj passed through adi into ajj in Skr. (cp. ujjiti-§ 
'victory' from *ud-jiti-$, § 355). mdjjami T duck' majjan- 
'marrow' from the same root mezg-. sajjatB clings to something' 
from *8a-zj-a~ redupl. (cp. sa-$c-a-ti 'follows' from sac-) : cp. 
Lith. segu 'I fasten'. 

z was dropped between explosives and spirants (cp. § 557, 3). 
Skr. dmugdhvam i. e. *amugzdhvam 2. pi. mid. of the s-aorist 
(3. pi. dmuk§ata) from muc- loosen'. In sd-gdhi-f a common 
meal' i. e. *sa-gzdhi- gzdh was = ghst (ghas- 'eat*), and in the 
3. du. babdhdm from *ba-bzdhdm bzdh was = bhst (3. sg. indie, 
pres. bd-bhas-ti 'chews'), cp. § 589, 4. From the fact that we 
have here gdh, not gdh^ it cannot without further consideration 
be concluded that the dropping of the sibilant was older than 
the prim. Ar. transition of z to z. gzdh may have existed in 
prim. Ar. and have become gdh in the Skr. separate develop- 
ment, before prim. Ar. and prim. Skr. z and S acquired the 
cerebral articulation (z, §). 

§ 592. Armenian. The only sure examples seem to be 
nist a lying, nest' and 08t 'branch', see § 590. On the sound- 
shifting cp. §§ 361. 484. 

§ 598. Greek, z was retained in combination with mediae; 
in writing it was not sufficiently distinguished from 8. 

o^wDf.u 'I quench, put out' aor. soprp, probably from a 
weak-grade root form zq~, of which the strong-grade seg- exists 
in Lat. 8tgni-8. vpsa-pv-s ir(j£a-yv-<; 'old', the origin of which 
is not quite clear (cp. § 428 c). The voiced pronunciation of 
the a is vouched for in these words by the appearance of £ 
{Zpivtrjitt npstftwrtjc), which came into use during the Hellenic 
period. 

zd appears as C, Lesb. 6 d. o£o-$ Lesb. vato-g 'branch' : 
Goth, asts, see § 590. 7£«j 'I set' Lesb. nap-todia : Lat. sfdd, 
Indg. *8i-zd'6, fr. root sed-; for Skr. sfcWmt, which cannot be 
separated from these preseuts, we should expect *8ldami; this 
verb probably had d for d through association with sddami 
sasddu etc. It remains doubtful whether $£oficu arose from *#£- 
ati-o-ficu or *obd'io~nou. Cp. further Aiogdoro-q 4t6£oto-$ god given' 

Bro^meon, Elements. 29 



450 Indg. z in Greek and Italic. § 593-594. 

(diog- gen. sg.) and 'AOyjvats 'to Athens' = L4Qrjva$-fo. Ion. 
Att. f was probably only the graphic representative of zd, 
cp. § 493 rem. 

z before mediae became dialectically q, as Thess. Gsop- 
dbrsio-g beside Ion. etc., Qsogdoro-g (new formation after Aii? 
doro-g); cp. Eretr. ojuwovgCtg § 489, Cret. xdpfto-c § 565, El. tit) 
§ 653, 6. 

z before mediae asp. became along with these voiceless in 
prim. Greek (§ 495). ips^a-tfi, prim. f. *regez-bhi, § 590. Aor. 
£-o/-o-v 'I got, had', prim. f. *e-2$A-o-ro, rt. segh-. i'oQt 'be 
prim. Gr. *izdhi with vowel prothesis, caused by z (§ 626): 
At. zdl, § 590. Cp. iaOt imper. 'know' from Indg. *gt'(FrfW, 
rt. ueid-, § 494. 

§ 594. Italic. Sure examples are found in Latin only. 

zg became rg (cp. 569). mergu-s from rt. mezq-* see 
§ 590. 

z was dropped before d, with 'compensation lengthening 
after short vowels, nidus fr. Indg. *ni-zd-o-s* see § 590. 
p$dd pOdex from *pezdd *pozdex : Gr. (Ms to € I break wind' from 
*pzd-*(o (cp. § 334), Sloven, pezdtti 'to break wind*. With sfcfe 
(see § 593) Bucheler connects Umbr. sistu, as being slditd] 
but this explanation of the form is very doubtful. Cp. further 
trSdecim fr. *trez-decim, judex fr. *jouz-dex f quldam fr. *quiz- 
dam, idem fr. *iz-dem ; the s in cujusdam ejusdem elsdem etc. 
and doubtless also the s in isdem — idem had been introduced 
by analogy, just as m for n before d, see § 207. 

rzd became rd in hordeum, prim. f. *ghfzdeio-m : OHO. 
gersta 'barley* (Gr. xpiQij is to be separated from it), and in 
turdu-8 turdela : O.Icel. prqstr MHG. drostel Lith. strazda-s 
'thrush'. We are not, however, certain whether we have Indg. 
zd or d?d in these words. 

Lat. sp, st f sc are to be expected as the regular represen- 
tatives of original zbh, zdh, zgh, cp. st from ctdh § 507. Per- 
haps here belong also hasta (see § 507) and fasttgw-m (see 
§ 595). 

nObfs vdbls from *nozbfs *vozlR& or *nozbfs *vdzbls with Indg. 



^mM 



J II MJU l f U 



§ 594—596. Indg. s in O.Irish and Germanic. 451 

6A-suffix (see page 123 foot note), cp. nos-ter, vos-ter and O.Bulg. 
gen. loc. nasU from *nGs-su; but these forms with zb were not 
the regular continuation of the Indg. original forms, cp. cr€dD, 
which had probably taken the place of regular *crestd (§ 507 rem.). 

§ 595. Old Irish, z before mediae became d in Irish 
and Britannic. Gallo-Lat. mesga 'whey', which is to be read 
mezga, became first of all in those branches *me(tga, thence 
O.Ir. tnedg Mod.Ir. meidhg, Cymr. maidd (from *medjd). *nizdo-s 
(§ 590) became Ir. Brit *neddo-s y thence O.Ir. net Cymr. nyth 
(from *nytid) Bret. neiz. Cp. § 521. 

In like manner O.Ir. brot sting, prick' from prim. Kelt. 
*brozdo-s, *borzdo-s (cp. frass § 274). The root is bha x rs- (Skr. 
bhf$-t*-§ 'point, prong*), and OHG. brort edge* Ags. brord 'sting, 
prick* O.Icel. broddr 'point' and O.Bulg. brazda 'furrow' show 
that the Indg. form contained zdh. With these is also related 
Lat. fasttgiu-m from *far$t- ; it cannot however be determined, 
whether its st was Indg. zdh or Indg. st (cp. Skr. bhtf-fi-g). 

§ 696. Germanic, z + media became 8 + tenuis in prim. 
Germ. (§ 541, 6). OHG. masca 'mesh* OHG. nest Goth, asts 
(§ 590), OHG. mast 'a feeding (§ 591), OHG. gersta MHG. drostd 
(§ 594) have already been mentioned. In addition to these possibly 
OHG. nestilo 'loop of riband' to Lat. nddu-s; OHG. geist 'spirit' 
to Skr. Mda-s 'anger' hid- 'be angry' (3. sg. perf. mid. ji-Hd-€), 
to which perhaps also Av. zdizdista- superlative with the meaning 
'very bad' (v. Bradke Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 295 ff.); OHG. 
mast 'ship's mast' to Lat. tnalu-s, if this arose from *mOdo-s 
(§ 369). 

z -|- media asp. became z + voiced spirant in prim. Germ., 
further z + media (§ 541, 7). The transition of z to r in West 
Germ, and Norse was mentioned already under the prim. Germ, z 
which arose from Indg. s (§ 581). OHG. OS. marg Ags. mearg 
O.Icel. mergr 'medulla', Goth. *mazga- : O.Bulg. mozgu etc., 
see § 590. OHG. brort 'edge' etc. : O.Bulg. brazda, see § 595. 
Goth, razda 'pronunciation, language 9 OHG. rarta Ags. reord 
O.Icel. rqdd 'voice, language from original *raz-dh~, to rt rd x s- : 

29» 



'" ^ 



452 Indg. z in Bait.- Slav. Indg. .?. § 596-598. 

Skr. rdsate rdsati sounds, screams*. Ags. heord O.Icel. haddr 
'hair beside O.Bulg. kosa 'hair* Lith. kasb 'braid of hair 1 . Goth. 
mizdd f. 'pay, reward* OHG. rnBta tniata (cp. § 75 rem. 2) 08. 
m$da Ags. m€d and meord 'pay, rent* : Skr. midhd- 'prize of 
battle, combat' Av. mlzda- 'reward', Or. fiiaQo-g O.Bulg. mfeda 
'pay'; with compensation lengthening in West Germ, comes 
OS. Vtnon beside OHG. lirnBn (§ 582 p. 436 § 621). 

§ 597. Baltic-Slavonic, z + media and z + media 
asp. must have fallen together, as in Iran, and Keltic. 

Lith. rezgU 'I knit* : Skr. rdjju-§ string, rope*. Lith. mezgu 

I knot, knit* : OHG. tnasca, see § 590. Sloven, pezdeti Little 
> 

Ru8S. pezdity bzdity Czech bzditi 4 to break wind* : Lat. pedft, 
see § 594. It is doubtful whether Lith. strazda-s 'thrush' 
belongs here, see § 594. Cp. further O.Bulg. noz-dri 'nostrils 
and mqz-dra 'fine skin, § 585 rem. 3. 

O.Bulg. mfcda 'pay' : Goth, mizdd, see § 596. 

It is doubtful whether O.Bulg. mozgu Harrow* contains 
Indg. zq or zgh, see § 590. 

Indg. ;. 

§ 598. This spirant can be established as Indg. with most 
certainty initially before vowels. 

Rt. /e#g- yoke : Skr. yugd-m Gr. %vy6-v Lat. jugu-m Goth. 
juk Lith. junga-s O.Bulg. igo (from *$go, § 145) 'yoke*. Rt 
jd8~ 'gird* : Av. yds-ta- Gr. £o>o-To-g Lith. j^s-ta-s 'girded', 
O.Bulg. po-jas-nX girdle'. Rt. jes- : Skr. yds-ami 'I bubble', 
Gr. &<o 'I seethe, bubble', OHG. jesan 'to ferment, foam'. Skr. 
ydva-s corn, barley', Gr. C««/ 'spelt', Lith. java% pi. 'corn*. Skr. 
yU$a- 'sauce, broth', Gr. ItifiTj 'leaven', Lat. jus juscidu-m 
jfireu-8, O.Bulg. jtccha 'sauce, soup'. 

Greek alone kept initial /- and |- apart, the former being 
represented by C, the latter by the spiritus asper (§ 129). j- 
fell together with Indg. d£- in prim. Greek, hence tvyo-p like 
Zsv-g, dvyo-v like Atv-c, roivct (Wvq) like Ttjva (Zyva), see 
§ 493. In the other Indg. languages the two sounds fell 
together in |. But here, too, the original difference can still be 



§ 598—600. Other combinatory sound-ohanges. Contraction. 453 

recognised, in so far as an old inherited weak-grade form 
with i or I (as representative of,; + a-vowel) is wanting in 
roots beginning with j-. Cp. e. g. Skr. perf. mid. yl$-t from 
*je-js~, part. pass, yas-td- from yas- = Indg. ;es- 'bubble* (Gr. 
Cf(o) as contrasted with Tj-e i§-pi~ from yaj- = Indg. ja§- 
respect, honour (Gr. ayio-g). 

It is less certain that j stood beside i medially also in the 
period of the prim. Indg. community. The assumption of a 
rt. Icej- 'lie* for Skr. iS-te (part. perf. Sa-Say-ands) Gr. xeT-rcu 
and of a rt. tjeq- 'leave, withdraw* for Skr. tyaktd-s Gr. oenxo-t; 
(on a- see § 489) is nevertheless not improbable. Cp. § 117. 



OTHER COMBINATORY SOUND-CHANGES. 

§ 699. In the first Section (§§ 28—598) we considered the 
history of sounds by taking each of the prim. Indg. sounds, so 
far as was possible by itself, and following its development 
through the separate languages. There thus remains a number of 
change-processes which could hardly be fully and sufficiently 
discussed, because in these either a great number of different 
sounds would be concerned in quite the same manner, or be- 
cause there are more complicated changes which a rather large 
series of elements underwent at the same time within a pho- 
netic unity (word-unity or sentence-unity). 

These processes are as follow: 

CONTRACTION (HIATUS, ELISION). 

§ 600. By contraction we understand the uniting together 
under one syllabic accent, of two vowels or sonants generally, 
which come directly together and are pronounced with a separate 
expiratory impulse. In this way arise either simple long vowels 
(Gr. aftXov from asSXov) or diphthongs (Gr. noug from ndtg). 

We sa w in §§ 111 — 116 that contractions took place even 
in the period of the prim. Indg. community. 



454 Contraction (hiatus, elision) in general. § 600. 

There is sufficient reason for assuming that all cases of 

hiatus, caused by the addition of stem-forming or flexional 

were removed already in the Indg. prim, period, so 

r historic word-form containing one root only, which 

ledial hiatus, did not assume this state until the period 

>arate developments. Cp. § 111 rem. 

No hiatus existed from the very first in the sonantal com- 

a, ua, ga, fa in the interior of such unitary word forms. 

rere here pronounoed as glides from the prim. Indg. period 

g. *p9tr-iip'8 = Skr. pitr-iya-8 Gr. 7io.tq-io~$ Lat. patr-iu-s, 

Star. i$-ir&-8 Or. Coroyr. 1-uq6-s. See § 117. 

ie other hand hiatus might still have occurred at the 

unction in compounds at the period of the dissolution 

m. Indg. community, e. g. *juqto-e1cyo- {^juqto- yoked' 

•se). In Vedic we have yuktaa&va-, in Av. yuodcmpa-, 

;. dobrooku beautiful-eyed* etc., and though it may be 

highly possible that all such compound forms with 

» due to composition in the individual languages, yet 

that the pure compounds in the separate languages 

i hand with the generally later juxtaposita as regards 

nent of the junction, speaks strongly in favour of the 

a of an open *juqtoefc%o- directly inherited from the 

nitive language. In Sanskrit contraction took place: 

\ yukta&va-s see above, prdrtha- 'implements' from 

%-, aptonga- outer corner of the eye' from apa + anga-, 

sautifully spoken' (Ved. su-uktd-). Elision in Greek: 

■S 'carrying horses, dndyco 1 lead away; beside these 

g iiQodyo). Elision in Latin also : muWangulu-s, ap'erid 

ib'igO. Hiatus in O.Bulg. : dobrooku see above, poorati 
> 

L. 

rtunity for contractions in the individual developments 

irough two originally independent words, the first 
ending in and the second originally beginning with a 
itering into a fixed combination; 
irough forms with hiatus having been newly made 



§ 600—603. Contraction in Aryan, Armen. and Greek. 455 

after the type of forms without old inherited hiatus (e. g. Horn. 

3. through a consonant or combination of consonants 
disappearing between sonants in the body of a simple word or 
in the junction of two words drawn near together. 

§ 601. Aryan. Contraction seems not to have taken 

place in the old Aryan dialects when a consonant was dropped 

in the body of a word. 

Rem. On O.Pers. 3. sg. pres. pStiy beside 3. sg. pret. apaha see 
§ 558 rem. 1 and on O.Pers. mdhya Bartholomae Bezzenb. Beitr. IX 309 f. 

Contraction however was frequent through the fusion of 
two stems of a compound or of two words. But, on the one 
hand, it is difficult here to separate that which has arisen 
phonetically from that which is merely due to the imitation of 
older type-forms on the other hand; it can hardly be deter- 
mined how far the natural language was ruled by the constraint 
of metre and by grammatical reflexion. In Yedic and Avestic 
the contracted and uncontracted forms, the latter recognisable 
as such through the metre, exbted side by side without any 
perceptible differences. In classical Sanskrit the contracted forms 
with few exceptions became the rule. 

Examples. Skr. yuktaha- beside yuktaaSva-, Av. yuxtdspa- 
beside yuxtaaspa-, see § 600. Skr. upaiti Av. upaiti 'draws 
near', prim. Ar. *upa+aiti (simple form Skr. tti Av. a$Ut). 
Skr. avahanam O.Pers. avajanam 1 slew, killed 1 , prim. Ar. 
*ava+ajhanam. Skr. Shi imper. 'come near* = 0,+ihi. O.Pers. 
paraidiy imper. go to* = para+idiy, Skr. par$hi. Skr. 
mahar$i-§ great wise man' from *mah&+r§i-§. Skr. suktd- 
(Ved. suuktd-) A v. huxta- 'well spoken*. Skr. adhUa-s 'supreme 
lord' from *adhi+f&a~8. 

§ 602. Armenian. Contraction after the loss of 8 in Hoir 
'sister pi. Kor-R, see § 561; after loss of t in hair 'father pi. 
har-S, see § 483 ; after loss of y in kea-n-R 'life', kea- (mono- 
syllabic) from *kiua- = *gfjfo- *g?#0-, see §§ 421, etc. 

§ 603. Greek. Very many contractions in consequence 
of the dropping of intersonantal i, u (/), s (§§ 130. 165. 564). 



456 Contraction in Greek. § 608. 

Examples: Att. yopco 'I carry' from <popew, older *t>o(>£#»; iKug 
'boy from vdig y older *7ra/i-c; yivovg generis' from yheog, 
older *y6vso-og; Innov 'equf from Innoo, older Hnno-a^o. Since 
the loss of consonants took place at different times — partly in 
prim. Greek (s, #, partly in the course of the individual dialects 
(# and i as remnant of si, cp. § 639) — , the contractions 
took place at various periods. Most of them did not happen 
until after the dialectical variation was already considerably 
developed. The uncontracted forms were most completely put 
aside in Attic, while Ionic preserved the full forms to the 
greatest extent. 

When the components of contraction were qualitatively equal, 
simple long vowels uniformly arose, e. g. Att. Afhjvd from 
'AQrjvaG, paoilrJQ 'kings' from pamXtleg Cypr. paotXijffc, El. and 
elsewhere At from (Att) AU, older AifL bb and oo gave in 
Ion.-Attic., partly in the Dor. dialects as also in North West 
Greek, close $ (written u) and close <J, which was further 
weakened to u (written ov), e. g. roeTg 'tres' from *rp^-€£ Skr. 
trdy-as, gen. Horn. yovg from *rjoo-og cp. Skr. gen. u§ds-as 
Lat. aurdr-a. These were no more real diphthongs than the a 
and ov (§ 618) which had arisen by compensation lengthening. 

If a monophthong arose from two vowels having a different 
quality, the levelling was sometimes progressive, e. g. Att. 
Gxwv 'unwilling from asxcov, older *d-fno)v, Dor. gen. sg. 
'AtqhSg from (Horn.) 'ArpsiSao, gen. pi. fem. raw 'of the' from 
(Horn.) Taunt (Skr. tdsdtn, Lat. istdrum), Att. Atofitjohj from 
(Horn.) Am/Mjdfa, older *-sO-a, Att. ixdrrovg Dor. iXdrrawg pL 
'smaller from -o(a)-£c, cp. Lat. pi. md-jdr-es (os after complete 
assimilation of the * to o was treated like original oo); some- 
times regressive, e. g. Att. gen. pi. fem. rtZv = Dor. rdv, 
gen. sg. yivovg from yivsog, *-fG-og (je became o by attraction to 
the o which was pronounced close, and this gave rise to w). 

So-called diphthongs arose if the second element was c or », 
and the first an a-, e- or o-vowel, as naTg from nd(f)ig y olg 'sheep 
from o(f)i-g, el 'thou art' from *i(o)i, davXo-g 'thick, shaggy* 
from *6*a(a)vh)-g cp. ducv-g 'densus'. Furthermore sv from fo 



§ 603—604. Contraction in Greek and Italic. 457 

in Lesb., Ion., Rhod., as yoQsvvrai from (pogiovrat, gen. fiiXevg 'of 
an arrow, dart' from peXsog, and ~av (tfvP) from -tfo in Arcad.- 
Cypr., as gen. \4noXXwvi$av. 

If the first of the vowels in the contraction was long, it was 
frequently shortened before the proper contraction, see § 611. 

Hiatus rarely arose through new formation in non-com- 
pounded words. The treatment was the same as the hiatus 
which was produced through the loss of consonants. Conj. Horn. 
0T/fo/u*v, iwojutv, Att. or&tiev fcdfitev; atrjOfisv stands in contrast 
with Arcad. /tfrtfro*, notwithstanding the clearer development of 
the original elements of the formation, just as later new for- 
mations like e. g. Lat. coagitd as opposed to cdgitd (§ 604). 
Horn, taoc was a new formation for older Calg. Such new 
creations did not come into existence until after hiatus had 
arisen in many cases in the body of a word through loss of i etc. 

Compounds with old inherited hiatus and the union of two 
words, the one beginning and the other ending in a vowel. 
Elision is seen e. g. in inn'aycoyo-g, andyw } iftavrov. Hiatus 
remained in ngo-ayco n go-ay toy 6-g. It cannot be decided whether 
in forms like noXvavigo-g flumdvsiga negieifu there was spoken 
in prim. Greek and later in the commissure -wo- id- (hiatus) 
or -uya- -iia- 1 ). Prim. Greek contraction e. g. in xavxa from 
*ra v ru, ov[-roc] from *o v = Skr. sd w; v = Skr. w is a 
particle. In individual dialects e. g. in Att. raXXa = rd aXXa. 

§ 604. Italic. Most contractions after the loss of medial 
i (see § 134). A part of them may be prim. Italic. Lat. trSs 
from *tre(i)-es, Umbr. puntes (£) pontes' from *ponte(i)-es, cp. 
Skr. trdy-as. Lat. mot&te from *mone(i)e-te, cp. Skr. mandyata. 
Lat. sto from *std-id, amd from *amO-id, Umbr. suboco adoro' 
(cp. perf. subocavu). Lat. stat from *8ta-ie~t, Pelign. incubat 
'incubat'. Lat. amSs from *am&-i&s (Indg. *-ipis), cp. cap-tits. 

The combinations ed, eft, at remained uncontracted in Latin. 
moned: Skr. mdndyHmi. earn 'her: Goth. ija. a&iu-s: Umbr. 
ahesnes Penis', cp. Skr. dyas~\ on the other hand aer-is = 

1) Oathoifs remarks (Morph. Unt. IT 383) on forms of this kind, 
are quite uncertain. 



458 Contraction in Italic and O.Irish. § 604-605. 

Skr. dyas-as *), after which the nom. ace. ass was formed anew 
(*a(i)os would have become *ds or *a$). Cp. also Umbr. earn 
'earn', Osc. io-k ea\ 

Vowel contraction after the loss of h. Lat. nemo from 
*ne-hemd, litmus from *bi-himu-s, praebed beside prae-hibed Umbr 
pre-habia praebeat\ See §510. Cp. Umbr. mes-tru 'maior, 
Osc. inais 'magis' : Lat. magis major. 

Old inherited hiatus and hiatus which had arisen anew 
through new compounds. Elision : e. g. mult'angulu-s, for which 
mtdtiangulu-8 came into existence at a later period after the 
analogy of multi-foru-s etc.; noenum (ndn) from ne+oenom not 
one'; tiuUu-s from ne+ullu-s. Contraction: dego from *d€-agd, 
cogd from *co-agd, cupula from *cO'aptUa, prdmd from *pro-emd, 
cdpia from *co-opia. Such contraction did not take place however 
if the second vowel was long and had the principal accetn: 
co-actu-s, cd-$gT, co-dgtdu-m, thus the same case as aenm beside 
aer-is. 

Rem. 1. The exception coepi beside coipi (Lucretius) I explain with 
Osthoff (Zur Gesch. d. Perf. 158) by assuming that contraction took place 
regularly in co-episti co-eperdmus etc. and that this form of the stem be- 
came generalised. That in the form-system coepi forms like *co*pi*ti had 
to give way, was due to the unoompounded form igi. 

Forms like co-agitd co-al8scd were created at a later period 
and remained uncontracted ; cp. older edgd edgitd. 

Rem. 2. I do not venture an opinion on the relation of the dissyl- 
labic neuter to the trisyllabic ne-uter and of both to n'ullus etc. A plaus- 
ible explanation must first be given for the initial sound in uter etc., of 
whioh we have already spoken in § 431 rem. 3. 

§ 605. Old Irish. Very many contractions in consequence 
of the disappearance of intersonantal p (§ 339, the loss belongs 
to the prim. Kelt, period), { (§ 138), u (§ 174) and s (§ 576). 
tS (pi. ttit) 'hot* from *te(p)ent~. ~tau -td am* from *$t&-G)d J rt. 

1) The contraction of *a(j()er- to aer- did not occur until after the 
later Lat. aooentuation came into being (§ 681). For if it had already 
taken place in the period of the older, *de*8no-8 would in all probability 
have become *de8no~8. The accentuation *a$8tw8 preserved this form from 
contraction. 



§ 605—606. Contraction in Germanic 459 

sta- stand', biid and later bid, gen. of biad nourishment* (prim. 
Kelt. *bi#oto-**)j Gr. /fcor©-*;. d from prim. Ir. o# underwent 
fusion with the following vowel, tfa<% later &c 'youth* : Cymr. 
ieuanc (§§ 212. 243); gen. pi. bd n- •bourn* : Gr. /tof/)-*^. btri 
'fere* from prim. Kelt. *bere(8)i. 

Contraction takes place after the loss of / : Wr- tuar- from 
to-for, td- tii from to-fo-. The same phenomenon also fre- 
quently appears where words meet together having prefixes 
beginning with or ending in a vowel, e. g. fordcrad 'indicates 
est* = *fo~r<hod~garad. In this case elision also appears else- 
where, as e. g. tor- from to-ar-, te$9- from to-es9- y tind- from 
to-ind-. 

§ 606. Germanic. Processes of contraction from prim. 
Germanic, Gothic and OHG. are unknown to me. 

Rem. In Goth. salbOm OHG. salbdmis 'we anoint 9 there is no con- 
traction of -<5(0a- to •£-, see the accidence. Goth, bairdu (1. sg. opt. to 
baira 'fero') hardly from Hera(i)u(n), see § 142. Phenomena like prim- 
Germ, •ajz-a- 'ore, metal' from *oj[iz-«-, OHG. euhhsa 'lizard' from ejidehm 
are rather to be regarded as examples of syncope than of contraction, 
see § 635. 

Hiatus, which had arisen in word-forms through new for- 
mations made by analogy and at the point of junction in com- 
pounds was partly permitted and partly removed by elision. 

Goth, aiduk sg. pret. of dukan 'to increase 9 ; sais&um (tri- 
syllabic) pi. pret. of saian 'to sow', ga-arman 'to pity\ fra-itan 
'to consume', ga-untedjan 'to make poor*, sa-ei relat. 'qui*. On 
the other hand nist 'is not' from n(i)-ist, set quae' from *(9-tt, 
harist 'it troubles' from kar(a)-ist, pamtnuh 'to this' from pam- 
m(a)-uh. 

OHG. ka-augan ke-auckan gi-ougen 'to bring before one's 
eyes, show' be-unwerden 'to appear despicable', MHG. misse-akten 
'to despise'. On the other hand galtiro (beside gialtiro) 'con- 
temporary', nein 'no' from n(i)-ein, MHG. binnen 'within from 
Uft-innan. 

That hiatus remained at one time, and that at another 
elision took place, is due to the various influences of sentence 
accentuation. That elision occurred already in prim. Germ., is 



460 Contraction in Bait- Slavonic § 606-607. 

rendered probable by Goth. frU OHG. fra% ate (of lower 
animals); prim. Germ. 3. sg. *fr£ti from *fra-&i. With this 
cp. OHG. fr-avili 'outrageous' to OHG. avOlon 'to trouble one- 
self O.Icel. aft n. 'power, strength'. 

§ 607. Baltic-Slavonic. The commissure of compounds 
only comes under consideration. 

In Lithuanian hiatus is generally permitted or there is 
elision pri-imti 'to accept' (priiimti is also heard), pd-ausi-s 'the 
part about the ears', pa-eiti 'to go away', be-ausi-s 'one without 
ears', be-uredi-s one without office'. On the other hand tat&t 
4 he may come' from te-at-ett. titnS 'he may take' from te~iml. 
natimk 'do not take away from ne-at-imk. neik 'do not go' from 
ne-eik. pasimti 'to take up' from pa-si-imti. Differences of 
sentence accentuation have been at work also here (cp. § 606). 

Older East Lithuanian shows a real contraction, as there 
ne not' along with the a- of some prepositions appears as wo-, 
e. g. noiamenu 'I do not remember = ne ata-menu. In the 
first instance ne- had probably become no- by assimilation. See 
Garbe Lit. und Lett. Drucke des 16. und 17. Jahrh., B. IV. 
p. XXV. 

In Old Bulgarian partly hiatus, partly contraction, dobro- 
oku 'evoyQahtog. golo-qsu 'beardless' (golo- naked, bare*). 
munogo-udenu 'noXv/naHijg . po-orati 'to plough'. pr<hiti 'to go 
through', pri-iti 'to go to', pra-ottcX 'grandfather'. Imperf. 
zel&ichu to Sel&jq 'I wish', dSlaachu to d&ajq 'I do'; the second 
member is *dchu *jachU eram', see the accidence. Forms of 
the compounded adjectival inflexion: gen. sg. novaago from 
nova j ego ^ loc. sg. nov&ml from nov€+jemt, dat. sg. novuumu 
from novu+jemu (novu 'new', stem novo)] beside this loc. sg. 
dobliitril from dobli+jemi (dobfo 'brave', stem doblje-, cp. § 84). 
Beside these also contracted forms already in the oldest monu- 
ments : priti, zeUchu, d$lachu t novago, nov$mi, novumu, doblimi. 
Similarly instr. sg. novyntf from novy-(j)im?. 

A very old contraction seems to occur in n&ril 'am not' 
n€$i 'art not' etc. = *ne-e$ntf *ne-esi etc., dating back to the 
period when initial e- had not yet become je~ (jesm\\ see § 666, 1. 



§608 — 611. Shortening of long rowels in Ar n Arraen. and Greek. 461 

SHORTENING OF LONG VOWELS. 

§ 608. Simple long vowels may be shortened under very 
different relations and from very different causes. We treat here 
only the most important phenomena of vowel shortening. 

Shortenings happened already in the period of the Indg. 
prim, community under the influence of the chief accent on the 
following syllable, as *steto-$ (Star, sthitd-s Gr. tfraro's) from 
*st0rt6-3. See §§ 310. 316. 

§ 609. Aryan. Shortening in Avestic in final syllables, 
as brata 'brother' = Skr. bhrdta, see § 649, 1. 

§ 610. Armenian. The long vowels had undergone 
shortening in most cases (if not in all) in prehistoric times. 
This can be controlled with the greatest certainty in original 
final syllables and in those syllables which preceded the penul- 
timate syllable. For the dropping of vowels, which happened 
here, concerned the original long vowels as much as the 
short. Thus the former must have been shortened, e. g. dustr 
'daughter from *dustir, older *dust$r : Gr. dvydryg; l-nu-m 'I 
fill* from *Z*-ni#-wi older *(p)l€- : Lat. ex-pl€-nunt, O.Ir. H-naim 
1 fill'. Cp. §§ 632. 651, 1. 675. 

§ 611. Greek. Shortening before u, j, nasal, liquid -f 
explosive or spirant in prim. Greek. Zsvg from *(lj$#-s : Skr. 
tfyOti-$ 'sky . pwg 'bullock' from *gfyi-8 : Skr. g<lu~$. nXsTavo^ 
plurimus' from *pfe|S- i. e. *pl&~ + comparative suffix -w-, cp. 
O.Icel. flestr from *fleistr and compar. Aeire § 614; the same 
*pl&i$- also in Hom. nXbeq nXiug Cret. nXi&g nXtag; *nXsia-£g -aq 
became *nXei-sg "^S an< l then **k'*c nXeug. Instr. pi. "nnoiq 
(Injio-g 'horse') from *-$is : Skr. dSvai? (§ 115). Part. Zsrr- 'blowing* 
(indie, arjfii) from *ciFrjyr' : Skr. vdnt-; 3. pi. aor. B^uytv (1. sg. 
Ziuyrj-y 'I mixed myself) from *sfuyri-vT. orogyv/Ltt 'i spread 1 
from *axit}Q^n:fit beside arpw-ro'-s, from stf- (rt. ster-); Lesb. 
poXXouou 'i am willing, older *^oXyo/itai^ from *f? w ^" V0 7 iai > from 
*flf" ( rt - fl e '-)» 8ee §§ ^06. 312. Perhaps also here belong s-aorists 
like itptvoa fTstoa Zxegaa, cp. Skr. dbhautsam etc., see § 314 
p. 253. 



462 Shortening of long vowels in Greek and Italic. § 611—612. 

The operation of this law of shortening was later than 
the transition of -ns- to -wn-. This is shown by ftrjv-bf; Lesb. 
fiijvvog from *fxrjva-og gen. = O.Ir. mis Lat. m€n$i-8 (§ 565); 
cp. beside this the nom. sg. fist's from *fiev$ with regular shorten- 
ing. But it was older than the dropping of final t (§ 652, 5). 
This is shown by ifttytv from *ifuyrj-vt. 

Rem. Certain exceptions to this sound-law were caused by new 
formations, e. g. Ion. vtjuq 'ship* formed after rq(f)-6g etc. beside regular 
Att. raoi'j 3. pi. conj. act. (pfyiovTi (Dor.), (pequivrcu for *9W£orrt, *<peftorrai 
after (pfpoptr etc. (in order to distinguish the conj. from the indie). 

Long vowels remained, if the same sound-combination arose in a 
later period through regular transformation, e. g. fcoro-s (? = &i) from 
§u«rro-$ 'easiest', oQ&rrts 'videntes' from oQaorre;. 

Shortening of long vowels before vowels. Horn, ijgoog = 
ijgcoog 'of the hero', /te'/ttfo* = ptpkrjai 'art hit', Herod, vhg from 
vijifytg 'naves*, lot] = £(otj 'life', Att. vewv from v^/^-^vnavium'. 
In such cases it is probably a question to some extent of medium 
long vowels, which could not be represented as such. 

The so-called quantitative metathesis in Ionic and Attic is 
connected with this latter reduction of quantity, e. g. Ion. part 
perf. horsiotsq stantes' from f(xr7y-(/)o'r-fr^, rsOvtwrsg 'mortui' from 
TsQvTj-ffioT-tg, Att. gen. artCcr-o^ 'of standing fat* from *air r 
(/)ar-o£ (§ 165), Att. gen. innswg ace. innea (innsvg 'horseman') 
from i7T7r^(/)-Oj? i c 7r7r/;(/)-a. This phenomenon sometimes formed 
the stage previous to contraction, as Ion. gen. Uaxrv'w beside 
Oihoxidsu) cp. Horn, \4rpeidao; Att. gen. TIsiQaiiSg ace. Uugcua 
from -€wg -ia. 

§ 612. Italic. In Latin (it cannot be determined whether 
also in the other dialects) shortening before % 9 u, nasal, liquid -r 
explosive or sonant, oloes Ults from *-oi$, see § 81 p. 74, 
§ 115; cp. Pelign. cnatois 'gnatis, filiis*. nau-fragu-s from 
*nfl#-/r. or *nfl# (-t)-/r. ; claudo from *cla#(i)dd, to clavis Gr. 
*Xr)(J-)ig\ gauded beside gavlsu-s^ Gr. yyQiro from *ya/-*#Ht), cp. 
§ 633. ventu-s from *#£-n£-o-s, cp. Gr. a*vr- § 611. membrtHn 
from *m£rws-ro-, see § 570. In mBnsi-s (Gr. Lesb. gen. pijrr-os, 
O.Ir. gen. mts) E may have been shortened and then lengthened 



§ 612. Shortening of long vowels in Italic. 463 

again in accordance with § 619. Lat. ars artis from *arti-, 

prim. fr. *f-ti-, see § 306. 

Rem. 1. The nom. bds must be left out of the question, since it 
is probably not a pure Latin word (§ 432 rem. 1). 

Shortening of long vowels before vowels in Latin, tied 
from *flg(i)0 : OHG. naan 'to sew*. ret, fidef from rel 
fidei, cp. also diet, illius from illlus. Shortening of d£-, s$- in 
deorsu-m seorsu-m etc. The forms with shortening got more 
and more the upper hand in the poets. We do not know in 
detail by what laws shortening took place and did not take 
place in the naive common language. 

Long vowels in final syllables were shortened to a great 
extent in Latin, e. g. equam = Skr. d&vdm, see § 655, 4. 

In the same language shortening frequently took place 
under the influence of the sharply cut tone, in this case the 
quantity, taken from the vowel, was transferred to the following 
consonant; hence this was also written double, cuppa (and 
cupa) : Skr. Mpas 'hole, hollow*. Juppiter (and Jupiter) voc, 
= Or. Zsv naxsQ (L. Havet Mem. de la soc. de lingu. V 230 f.). 
mittd from *tn$W : OHG. tnldan 'to let go, avoid', littera (and 
litera, inscrip. also leitera). muccu-s (and mucus) : Gr. ano-/uv6o<o 
'I blow my nose* from *-f4vx-iu) (§ 489). allurindrf (and alucindri) : 
Gr. dkvcj 'I am troubled; ill at ease Tjk&og 'bewildered*, narrare 
from *gnardre. parricida (and pa rid 'da). There are about 12 
more cases which may be regarded as certain or probable. The 
fluctuation of the orthography in most of the examples met with, 
seems to be not so much due to a retention of old literary 
forms after completion of the process, as to the fact that a 
difference in pronunciation existed between these geminated 
consonants and other double consonants (cp. e. g. cuppa with 
suppetd). 

Rem. 2. Analogous oases in other languages. Pali khiddd beside 
&t/<i = Skr. kridd 'game', Prakr. pfrnma = Skr. prima n- 'love' &wa = 
Skr. era 'straight, even'. Mod.HG. mutter = MHG. tnuoter, jammer = 
MHO. jamer. French (16. Cent.) complette, now written complHe y = Lat. 
eompWa. 



464 Shortening of long yoweU in O.Irish and Germanic. § 613—611 

§ 613. Old Irish. Shortening took place in all except 
chief accented syllables, e. g. the form of the feminine suffix 
-£- in pi. nom. tuatha dat. tuathaib i. e. t&ath*ib by § 640 
(nom. sg. tuath 'folk*) and in pi. nom. mnd dat. mndib (nom. 
sg. ben 'woman); nom. bio4hu life' gen. bi-thath, from *-tu(t)$ 
*-tUt-08 (Cymr. -tit, as duiutit 'deltas, Zeuss-Ebel G. C. 844) : 
Lat. -fttf-*-, Goth, -dup-i- (Lat. vir-tUs, Goth, gamdin-dups 'com- 
munity 1 ). These reduced vowels remained, if the syllable in 
question was the last of the word, as in the examples given 
above. They generally disappeared altogether, if one or more 
syllables still followed. See § 634. 

It is not clear to me how far vowel shortening had happened 
either in chief accented syllables both before the appearance of 
the above named reductions or in the other syllables. That no 
vowel shortening took place before -ns-, is shown by *wf mU 
'month', which can only be explained from *m&ns-, not from 
*men8-, and mlr 'piece of flesh', only from *mensr-, not from 
*mensr-. 

§ 614. Germanic. Vowels seem to have been shortened 
in prim. Germanic before n+explosive or spirant. Goth, vinds 
OHG. tvint : Lat. ventu-s, Skr. vdnt-, see §§611. 612. Less 
certain are Goth, mims (stem mitma-) 'flesh' : Skr. m%sd- (cp. 
O.Bulg. tnqso, § 615), and Goth, juggs ORQjung O.Icel. ungr 
'young' from *iuwga-z, older *iuy,unga-z (§ 179); whether the 
latter word belongs here, is uncertain, because we do not the 
quantity of the Goth. u. The same reduction before % + explosive 
or spirant is seen in O.Icel. fleire fleiri (compar. to margr 
'many a) from prim. Germ. *flaiz-$ from *pl&iS' 7 cp. Gr. nk-Toro-^ 
§ 611. Cp. also Goth, gibdi from *%&<}% and other examples 
in § 659, 3. 

Yowel shortening took place in Goth, and OHG. in final 
syllables only, as Goth, baira OHG. biru 'fero' from prim. Germ. 
*berO, see §§ 660. 661. But towards the end of the OHG. period 
the shortening of vowels in syllables without the chief accent be- 
gan and this became characteristic for MHG. and Mod.HG. This 
shortening gradually spread more and more and in the Mod. HO. 



§614—616. Shortening of long rowels in Bali-Slay., Lengthening etc. 465 

period brought about relations which, in some respects, resemble 
Irish: e. g. OHG. salbdn, MHG. salben^ Mod.HG. salby salbip; 
OHG. friunUih, MHG. vriunttich, Mod.HG. freundlich. 

§ 615. Baltio-Slavonic. 

Shortening before i or Nasal + explosive or spirant. Lith. 
instr. pi. vilkats 'with the wolves' from *-$&: 8kr. vfkai§, see 
§ 115. Gerundive jhzkant from *-dnt, cp. 2. pi. indie, jfazko-te 
'ye seek*. Ace. pi. fem. O.Lith. rankans 'hands (the older form 
for rankhs) from *-dns, cp. instr. pi. raftko-mis (cp. also Pruss. 
gennans 'feminas*). Correspondingly O.Bulg. rqJcy, which in the 
first instance is derived from *ronkons (§ 219 p. 187), may also 
be traced back to an older *ronkans, see the accidence. Here 
perhaps also belongs O.Bulg. mqso 'flesh* : Skr. mq&d- (cp. Goth. 
tnims § 614). 

The quantity of the vowels in the O.Bulg. period is not 
determined. 4, a, i, y must once have been long in the prim. 
Slav, period, since they with Lith. 4, d A, y, U represent the 
continuation of Indg. 4, a d, T, U (i also = Indg. e|), so too u, 
since it took the place of older ou (Lith. au). In the modern Slav, 
developments where we are able to control the relations of 
quantity, these vowels often appear as short and conversely 
O.Bulg. e, o = Indg. e, a o and the representatives of O.Bulg. 
*, u = Indg. i, u as long. These changes were undoubtedy 
due in a great measure to the relations of accentuation. It has 
not yet been settled how far the shortenings of the modern 
dialects had already taken place in the O.Bulg. period or in 
the period of the Slav. prim, community. 

In Lith. the long vowels frequently suffered reduction in 
the final syllables, e. g. nom. algb, 'reward* = Gr. dXtptj. See 
§ 664, 3. 

LENTHENING OF SHORT VOWELS. 

§ 616. Aryan. In Skr. compensation lengthening* exists 

in Ifdhd- 'licked* from prim. Ar. *lizdha- etc. See §§ 404. 591. 

Rem. On Av. GS{>. asti V = Skr. dsti, O.Pers. akuta 'he made 
himself = Skr. dkjia etc, see § 649, 1. 

Brngminn, Elements. 30 



466 Lengthening of short vowels in Armen., Gr. and Italic. §617-619. 

§ 617. Armenian. 'Compensation lengthening had in all 
probability once taken place in the forms in which m and n 
disappeared after short vowels before s, as us 'shoulder (Goth. 
ami), ace. pi. eris three (Goth. prim). Cp. §§ 202. 610. 

§ 618. Greek. 'Compensation lengthening is here a very 
frequent phenomenon. Att. xthvm 1 kill' = Lesb. xt>Ww prim. 
Gr. *xr£vja>, Att. (pOsipco 1 destroy' = Lesb. rpOfypo) prim. Gr. 
^qtBsQifio, see § 131 p. 119. Ion. yovra 'knee' = Lesb. yovta 
prim. Greek *yovfa, Ion. nsigata ends' = Lesb. ntppara prim. 
Gr. *7rf(?/ara, Horn. ovXo-$ 'whole, all' prim. Gr. ^okfo-g, see 
§ 166. Att. povkercu 'he wishes, is willing' = Lesb. (iokterai 
prim. Gr. *(joXvstcu, see § 204. Att. tovg ace. pi. masc. 'the' = 
Cret. prim. Gr. tovg, see §§ 205 and 204 rem. 2. Ion. uow 
'nearer : ay%t, see §§ 489. 497. Late Att. Dor. yivoum 'I 
become' from yinm/uni, see § 492. Ion. Att. hui 'am* = Lesb. 
sfifu prim. Gr. *e o/u, Ion. Att. ^tiUot 'thousand' = Lesb. /f Ihoi 
prim. Gr. */tOhot, see § 565. 

It may be remarked once more here (§ 205 rem. 3) that 
the €t and ov, which arose by 'compensation lengthening, were 
not diphthongs any more than the si and nv which had arisen 
by contraction from te and oo (§ 603). 

§ 619. Italic. Every vowel was pronounced long before 
ns, nf, gn, gm in the Latin classical period, hence vowel length- 
ening must be assumed for forms like ptnsO consul y InftUx, 
dignus benignus, agmen, see §§ 208. 500. 506. A similar length- 
ening and at the same time suppression of consonantal elements 
had taken place in an older period of the Lat. language in 
equOs fr. *equo~ns, pllum fr. *pinslo-m, scdla fr. *$eant$l& etc., 
see § 208; aenu-s fr. *aes-no-$, dlmoved fr. *dis-moved, s$nl fr. 
*seamT, subt&nm fr. * texmen, dilud fr. *dis-lufy Gla fr. *axl& etc, 
see § 570; nidus fr. *nizdo-s etc., see § 594. 

Rem. 1. In many cases, where vowel lengthening was formerly 
assumed in Latin, they are much rather pre-Italic long vowels, or 
diphthongs, e. g. isus fr. *e$80-s i. e. *Bd + to- (§ 501), rectus, tmptws 
etc. It is immaterial here whether the long vowels in the oases in question 
had been handed down from the Indg. prim, period or whether they had 
arisen by new formation. 



§619—622. Lengthening of short rowels in O.Ir., Germ, and Balt-8Uy. 467 

Bern. 2. The long rowels in quinqut quintu-$, fyrdQ etc are not 
dear to me. 

§ 620. Old Irish. 'Compensation lengthening' exists in sU 
way' = Cymr. hynt Bret, herd, cenil 'race' = O.Cymr. cenetl, 
d$r 'tear = OJBret. dacr, dm 'manus hostium' fr. *agmm etc. 
See §§ 212. 518. 523. 526. The name-forms in -agni (Dalagni, 
Corbagni) on the Irish Ogam inscriptions, as the predecessors 
of the later in -din (TJUain, gen. of Uttdn). 

§ 621. Germanic. 'Compensation lengthening' exists in 
prim. Germ, before »/, e. g. *f&Kd 1 seize, catch' (Goth, fdhd) 
fr. *fatd%d, see § 214. 

Such lengthenings did not take place in Gothic. 

In West Cerm. OHG. mtta OS. n&da 'hire*: Goth. ntizdG; 
08. tinon 'to learn' : OHG. UrnBn. See § 538 p. 394. § 582. p. 436 
§ 596. 

Many lengthenings in High German in the later phases of 
the language, as Alemanic $%ft soft', ({sir 'our'. 

Cp. further O.Icel. gd$ Ags. jfl* -= OHG. gans goose", 
O.Icel. hitel Ags. husl = Goth, hunsl offering', Ags. ftf 'five' = 
Goth, fimf, Ags.. Oder 'other' = Goth. anj>ar, OJcel. tar 'tear 
from *taAr- (OHG. zahar Goth, tagr), Ags. rfnan 'to rain' = 
Goth, rignjan. 

§ 622. Baltic-Slavonic. 

In Lithuanian 'compensation lengthening' exists in zOsi-s 
(written zcpi-$) goose' = OHG. gans etc., see § 219. 

a and e, too, were often lengthened elsewhere in this 
language, but it remains to be determined by what laws. 

dega 'burns' beside inf. (Ukti, cp. Skr. ddhdmi. aria are 

'he ploughs', 1. sg. ariu = O.Bulg. orjq (cp. § 147). tdka-s 

'footpath' = O.Bulg. toku 'course, river, maras 'pest* = 

O.Bulg. moru 'death'. PI. sesers 'sisters', cp. O.Bulg. sestra 

'sister, kdina-s 'mountain' : Lat. colli-s fr. *colni-s (§ 208). dugu 

'I grow' = Goth. auka. melzu 'I milk' = Gr. aiakyio. v&da-s 

'face, cp. Gr. sldag. 

Rem. According to Baranowski and H. Weber Ostlit Texte I p. XXIII 
sqq. it is here eyery where a question not of real long, but only of medium 

30* 



468 Anaptyxis from consonants. § 622—623. 

long vowels. In dl-ga d-ria the second mora of the medium long yowel 
has the aooent, in kdl-nas d#-gu the first. Cp. § 691 rem. 

in, un became %, u (O.Bulg. i, y) before explosives and 
spirants in Slavonic in the period of the prim, community, 
e. g. O.Bulg. ace. gosti guests' = Goth. gasti~ns> syny sons' cp. 
Goth, sunu-ns, see § 219. 

O.Bulg. vl&tcq 'I draw' from *uelkq, vlaku 'draught' from 
*UolkU etc., show another kind of origin of long vowels. 

Vowel lengthening in O.Bulg. through following i in ij 
from I/, yj from uj, see §§ 36. 84. 

Lengthenings (date still unknown) through the influence of 
accentual relations can be proved in the modern phases of 
the language, concerning which see § 615. 

ANAPTYXIS FROM CONSONANTS. 

§ 623. It is here a question of the development of a short 
or reduced vowel from a voiced consonant, namely medially 
before or after another consonant, initially (prothetic anaptyxis, 
prothesis) and finally. 

If anaptyxis takes places medially after a consonant pre- 
ceded by a sonant, the syllable must be pronounced with a double 
pointed accent. This prepares the way for the development 
of two syllables from one, e. g. OHG. berac 'mountain from 
berc. If the vowel is developed from the second consonant, 
the latter becomes sonantal in the first instance, e. g. French 
canif from Low Germ, knlf through the intermediate stage 
*c#(n)Tf (-(n)- represents the consonantal glide). 

How far the development of vowels iuitially and finally (in 

the latter case exceedingly rare) was caused by the relations 

of word-position in the sentence (sandhi), is left out of question 

here. 

Rem. 1. The transition of *a£n)if to canif is the same process as 
that by which Indg. *tnnu- became Skr. tanu- Gr. ravC- etc. and Indg. 
*<grru- became Skr. guru- Gr. fiaqv- etc. (§§ 227. 287). The latter oases 
do not however belong here, because it cannot be proved that these Indg. 
forms originally had a shape, shorter by one syllable, corresponding to 
knif, cp. §§ 312. 313. 



§ 623-624. Anaptyxis in Aryan. 469 

For comparison may also be mentioned here the case where a vowel 
is developed from a sonant liquid or nasal between consonants or 
finally after a consonant, thus e. g. Gr. Shards Sagro-i 'skinned* from Indg. 
*drto-s, olBcto 'udder' from Indg. *o#dhf, Lat. tentu-8 fr. Indg. */#*o-*, 
dtcem fr. Indg. *defap (§§ 223. 224. 284. 285). *agro-8 'field' beoame in 
prim. Ital. *a<jf8, thence *agers *ager : Lat. ager Umbr. ager Osc. Frunter 
(cp. §§ 633. 655, 9). Nom. sg. *bre-tra f. 'word' (gen. brlthre) became 
*br&f in Irish, thence briathar y cp. also criathar 'sieve' ; here belong also 
omun 'fear' ess-amin 'fearless' : Gall. Exobnu-8 ; fu-domain 'deep' (compar. 
fu-dumnu) : Cymr. dwfn 'deep', Lith. dubb-8 'deep', both with -him- from 
•bn- (§ 520). Cp. § 634. Lastly OHG. acchar 'field', fogal 'fowl', eban 
'even' (Goth, (tiers, fugls, ibns), concerning which see §§ 215. 277. 660, 1. 
661, 2. 

Rem. 2. One speaks also of anaptyctic prothesis before voiceless 
consonants, e. g. Gr. ?*r& beside *r& 'weasel', annai^o beside anaiQta 'I 
struggle convulsively', Late Lat. ispiritu-s istatua, Prfikr. itthl- (Gap. t *fri-) 
= Skr. stri- 'wife'. So far as it is here really a question of a pure 
phonetic product — in many of the oases brought under this head the 
vowel has an etymological value (remnant ef a prefix etc.) — , it is always 
a process of sandhi. The vowel was developed from the close of preced- 
ing words. 

§ 624. Aryan. 

Sanskrit. Medial anaptyxis made its appearance first in 
the Prakrit dialects, e. g. harisa- = Skr har§a- joy', padutna- 
= Skr. pddma- 'water-rose', sumardmi = Skr. smdrdmi 'I think 
of, sineha- = Skr. sn$ha- attachment', while prothesis appears 
already in Vedic in irajyati 'puts in order', iradhatS seeks to 
win, Uaya- 'resting' (beside laya- rest'), uldkd- (beside lokd-) 'free 
space, world'. These forms were possibly taken from some vulgar 
dialect. 

Anaptyctic vowels were very frequent in Avestic. The 
orthography fluctuated considerably, and these vowels are almost 
without exception of no importance for the metre. It is thus 
not a question of a full vowel. The development of a vowel 
takes place most frequently before and after r, uniformly before 
initial rf, r#, rv and after final r. It is generally represented 
by e, sometimes by a, g, d and i, u, the latter especially initially. 
Examples for anaptyxis from r, as dddar'sa 'rista- antar*, see 
§§ 157. 260. From other voiced consonants : /na- 'murder : 
Skr. ghndr; Gfip. dad'mahi 'we give' : Skr. dadmdsi; Gap. d a bitya~ 
'the second' : Skr. dvitlya-. 



470 Anaptyxis in Arraen. and Greek. § 624—626. 

Only u, between d-r and g-d, can be established with cer- 
tainty as anaptyxis in Old Persian. The following or preceding 
syllable contains an ti-sound in all the examples met with 
dUrUfoy&nfty 'mentior : Skr. part, druhyant- 'injuring in a cunning 
manner*, sugtida- suguda- Sogdiana : Ay. suyda-. a is to be 
read as u, see p. 25. 

§ 626. Armenian. Prothesis before initial liquids, e. g. 
trek evening : Skr. rajas-. See § 263. 

§ 626. Greek. A vowel between consonants is regarded as 
anaptyctic in many words (see among others Curtius Qrundz. 5 
727 ff., G. Meyer Gr. Gr. 95 ff., 2. edition p. 109 ff.), but only 
few cases are certain, ] ) as e. g. Lesb. ^srspgo-g from */ufrf^o-c = 
Att. ttitQio-g 'within measure' from fiirQo-v 'measure' (§ 131 p. 1 19). 

On the other hand prothesis is certain in many cases. Most 
frequently before liquids, as igvSgo-g 'red' - Lat. ruber , ilcupgos 
'nimble* = OHG. lungar, see § 266. Before / in Ionic : Horn. 
i(f)igarj Cret. atgaa 'dew' beside I' got] ?pn^ : Skr. var$d-s 'rain; 
Horn. i(f)€uoat beside (f)sixoot 'twenty' Lac. peixavi Boeot. 
fUati, Lat. vlginil. Before nasals probably e. g. in ifislyut 
'I milk' : Lith. mHiu\ bfi/xXq 'f°g' (Att. ofa'xXrj through asso- 
ciation with d^o-P, cp. § 564 rem. 3) o^ixim 'I make water, 
inf. aor. aiM^ai in Hesych. : Lith. tnigld 'fog, Lat. mingd; 
avttyio-q 'first cousin' : O.Bulg. netijX 

That prothesis sometimes appears, and sometimes not (cp. 
{(wofxcu and gvoficu, dX*i<f>io and Una, ofiogyyV/ut and /<o'pytv/ff, 
aptipto-g and vinodes) seems partly to be due to difference of dialect, 
and partly to be explained from various kinds of sandhi-relations. 

The development of the t- in Zotit 'be 1 imper. = Av. G5f>. 
scfr, Indg. *z-dhi, see §§ 590. 593, is older than the develop- 
ment of the ten. asp. from med. asp. (§ 495). Prothesis per- 
haps also in i/fo'-? 'fish* and i/Big 'yesterday'. 



1) Curtius and Meyer use the term anaptyxis in a wider sense, 
according to which it includes the phenomena discussed in § 623 rem. 1. 
Many of the forms, brought forward by both these scholars , certainly 
contain no derelopment of a rowel either in the stricter or wider sense, 
e. g. }f-*-Tp6< in Curtius, tiZ-i-rtf *ol-<*-w'c in Meyer. 



§ 627. Anaptyxis in Italic. 471 

§ 627. Italic. 

Medial anaptyxis in Latin with liquids and nasals, the 
vowel thus developed usually taking the timbre of the vowel 
in the following syllable, pd-colo-m pd-ctdu-m from pd-clu-m, 
sta-btdu-m from *sta-hlo-m f sta-bili-s from *sta-bli-s, singulurS 
from *sem'dO'S, see § 269. Ace. famtdu-m probably from 
*famlo-m, familia from *famlia. 

Rem. 1. In the forms with -l~ the frequent fluctuation in the ortho- 
graphy (cp. also saeclum beside saeculum, poplus beside populus, dis^iplina 
beside discipulina etc.) probably points partly to different influence of the 
accent in the various cases, and partly to the faot that at first only 1(1) 
or '/ (say disci pllina or discipHina) was spoken beside I and that this 
sound was written sometimes /, sometimes ul, the latter at least in the 
oldest period of historio Latinity. Cp. rem. 3. 

Inscript. (ca. 218 B. C.) Terebonio = TrebOnid. Late Lat. 
ace. magistardtu-m = magistrCtiu-m, cardbrd = crdbrd (Italian 
calabrone) etc. 

Anaptyxis with nasals can be established with the greatest 
certainty in loan-words, as TecumSssa, drachuma, mina, techina. 

Rem. 2. sumus, humus, homo, hetnd, umerus and Humerus hardly 
belong here, see § 269 rem. 568 rem. I come to no decision with regard 
to terminus and similar forms, see § 241. 

Anaptyxis seems to have been foreign to Umbrian. We 
find it all the more frequently in Oscan. Examples for the 
development of a vowel from liquids as aragetud argento' 
see § 271. From nasals : akenei from *aknef 'in fundo' or 
'in agone'; Patanai dat. sg. from *Patnai; Liganak-dikei 
dat. sg. from *Lfgnak-d. 

From the material brought forward by Thurneysen Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII 181 f., it is probable that anaptyxis only took place 
regularly in the combinations tr, kr, tl, kl, tn, kn, if the preced- 
ing syllable was short. Cp. e. g. maatrefs matris* Fuutrei 
'Genetrici' with pater ei 'patrf; sakarSklum 'sacrum* with 
Pukalattil (to ptiklo-). 

Rem.3. The Oso. leaden tablet (published by F. Buoheler, Frankf. a. M. 
1877) does not contain these inserted Towels, e. g. sakrim 'saorum' against 
Aurofo 'saorum' sakarater 'sacratur' elsewhere. Henoe it is probable 
that at first only the weak glide vowel was spoken or after consonants 
at first only sonant liquids and nasals, thus aragetud, afanei or akynei. 
Cp. rem. 1. 



472 Anaptyxis in Germ, and Bait- Slavonic. § 627—629. 

Anaptyxis also in Pelign., as in Alafis 'Alfius', see § 271. 

§ 628. Germanic. Goth, tniluks OHG. miluh Ags. meoloc 
O.Icel. tnjolk (fr. *tneluk by so-called 'fracture'), connected with 
OHG. melchan Lith. milzu etc. , seem to be an example of 
primitive Germanic anaptyxis. If it be maintained along 
with Paul that liquid + explosive in final syllables gave rise 
to anaptyxis in prim. Germ., then OHG. hiru% beside hirz 
might also be understood (cp. § 533). Both words must have 
been consonantal stems. 

Goth. Anaptyxis perhaps in fttigrja- (Luke XIX, 46 
filegrja-) n. a hiding, hole', to filhan 'to hide'. Here comes 
into consideration the inconvenience of the combination Igrj, 
but at the same time also the possibility of a popular association 
with ligrs 'couch*. 

Frequent anaptyxis in West Germ., especially in OHG. 
With r+i, e. g. herige 'to the army 1 : Goth, harja § 143 p. 129. 
With cons. + #, e. g. zesatcSr zesewer 'dexter* : Goth, taihsva, 
see § 180 p. 157. With cons. + nas., e. g. wdhsamo m. 
'growth' beside tcahsrno, see § 215. With liqu. + * and other 
letters, e. g. ferah 'soul, life* : Goth, fairhvu-s 'world', see § 277. 

§ 629. Baltic-Slavonic. 

In Lithuanian appear frequent attempts at anaptyxis, which 
may be represented somewhat in this way: g i r\szti 'to return* 
Wrtima-s 'shrub', suk'nk 'dress', zar'styti 'to scrape', mar'gele 
(mergele) 'girl', bat'doti 'to knock', nMdre reed'. In the case 
of vowel development from liquids and nasals after consonants 
it is mostly merely a question of the consonants becoming 
sonants. Observe that the phenomenon has nothing to do with 
the contrast between slurred and broken accentuation (nMdre). 
Cp. Bezzenberger Z. Gesch. d. lit. Spr. 67 f., Bruckner Litu-slav. 
Stud. I 49, Leskien-Brugmann Lit. Yolksl. u. March. 290. 

In Slavonic, anaptyxis was connected with the process 
of transformation of prim. Slav, or^ ol, er, el, before con- 
sonants, cp. Buss, porosjd 'sucking-pig' : Lith. parsza-s eta, 
see § 281. 



§ 630—633. Vowel absorption In Ar., Arisen, and Italic 



473 



VOWEL ABSORPTION. 

§ 630. Vowel absorption often happens in languages with 
predominantly expiratory accentuation. The stronger the chief 
accent of the word, the more easily loss of vowel takes place 
in syllables which have not the chief accent. 

If the absorption happens between consonants in such a 
way that the word loses one of its syllables, the loss of vowel 
is called syncope, e. g. Lat. caldu-s fr. calidu-s. We have 
besides loss initially before consonants (aphaeresis) and finally 
after consonants (apocope); in the latter cases it is often diffi- 
cult to say whether the changes were caused by the relations 
of accentuation only of the word in question, or whether they 
were due to relations of sandhi. 

If the absorption happens in such a manner that the 
syllable retains its value as a syllable, which is only possible, if 
another sound is able to undertake the part as bearer of the 
syllabic accent, we call the process samprasarana (after the Indian 
grammarians). 

Vowel absorption took place already in prim. Indg. under 
the influence of the chief accent of following syllables. Syncope : 
stem *pt-6- from *pe*-^-, Gr. nT~s-oQtu 'to fly'. Aphaeresis : *s~U 
from *es-ti ye are', Skr. sthd. Samprasarana : stem *dfhi- from 
*derki-, Skr. dfi-d-t d-dfi-a-t 'he saw*. Cp. § 307 ff. 

§ 631. Aryan. Sampras&rana in Av. ace. sg. ainim = 
Skr. anyd-m 'alium', pouru-m = Skr. purvd-m primum* etc. 
Cp. § 125 p. 115, § 159 p. 143. 

§ 632. Armenian, i and u only remained in final syllables 
between consonants, in other syllables they were dropped, gtanem 
'I find* from *git-ane-m : aor. e-git. Gen. dster of a daughter* 
from *du8ter : nom. dustr. See §§ 31. 47. 

§ 683. Italic. Syncope frequently occurred in all dialects, 
and it may be conjectured that it was partly completed during 
the period of the Ital. prim, community, just as the samprasarana 
(§§ 33. 623 rem. 1) in the transition of *dgro-s 'field* to *agrs 



474 Vowel absorption in Italic and O.Irish. § 633—634. 

(hist. Lat. ager\ of *dgro-lo-s (cp. porctdu-s, fUiolu-s) to *agflo~8 
(hist. Lat. agellu-s), of *sdcro-dd(t)8 to *saqfdo(t)8 (hist. Lat. 
sacerdds), of *s$-crind to *s€crnd (hist. Lat. sZcernd) etc. 

Syncope shows itself in Latin in the syllable immediately 
following the one which had the chief accent (according to 
prim. Lat. accentuation, see § 680), if one or more syllables 
followed this. repptdT, rettull, reccidJ from *re-pepulf, *re-tetult f 
*r6~cecidl. Correspondingly decidi, attigf, incurri from *d$-cecidi, 
*dt-tetigl, *ln-cecurrT. cette from *c6-dite, mattu-s from *mddito-s, 
see § 501 rem. 2. hospes from *ho$tpes *hosti-pes (§ 81 p. 73). 
claudo from *cldvidO, cp. § 612. Undecim from *&nu(s)decim y 
qufndecim from *qu(nqued4cim. prTnceps, manceps, vlndtmia 
from *prtmi-cep8 etc. surgd from *8ub-regd, surput from *siib- 
rapul. caldu-8, soldu-s, vald& beside calidu-s, solidus, validu-s. 
ardu-s (Lucil.), drdeO beside aridu-s. It is questionable whether 
the spelling should be trusted in the case of certain examples 
of syncope which are found on inscriptions only, as deemust 
vicesma (ace. sg. fern.), viglias. 

Syncopation, so far as we know it, was comparatively more 
frequent in Umbr.-Samn. than in Latin. Umbr. co-vertu con- 
vertito', an-dendu 'intendito* (§ 499), sestu sistu sistito', untiu 
unguito' fr. *umptdd *urnbetdd (§ 502 rem.), sumtu sumito'; 
Osc. factud 'facito* = Umbr. feitu (§ 502), actud agito'. Umbr. 
08<itu 'operato', Osc. upsannam 'operandam*. Umbr. ambr- Osc. 
amfr- (Lat. amb-) fr. *a*w/er-, a transformation of *amfi after 
ander 'inter etc.; on the Umbr. form cp. also § 209. Osc. 
vincter 'convincitur', uittiuf 'usio, usus* (§ 501 rem. 2), minstrets 
minoris' (cp. Lat. minister). Pelign. af-ded fr. *uf-dded abdidit*. 

Short vowels were also syncopated in final syllables in this 
Ital. branch (except some cases, where syncopation was prevented 
by double oonsonants, as 3. pi. furent erunt* cp. Lat. fuerint). 
Nom. sg. Umbr. pihaz 'piatus' fratreks Yratricus*, Osc. hurz 
•hortus* tuvtfks 'tuticus, publicus. Umbr. Osc. fust erit* cp. 
Lat. fuerit. Cp. § 655, 5. 

§ 634. Old Irish. The syllable, immediately following 
the one with the chief accent, was the least accented in the 



§ $34 635. Vowel absorption in O.Irish and Germanic. 475 

word (as in Ital.), and its vowel became reduced and disappeared, 
if one or more syllables followed, thus having either syncope or 
samprasSrana. On the retention of the vowel in final syllables 
see § 613. 

Syncope. From the stem *follessu- clear, manifest' was 
formed nom. pi. fdUsi with the derivatives fem. fdilse clearness' 
and the verb fdilsigitn 'I show' ; the middle syllable of the stem 
*f6Ue88u- had experienced syncope here, while the nom. sg. 
fdUus retained the same syllable, as a syllable, which had be- 
come final after the loss of the end syllable. From *bSromu older 
*Hro-tne(s)-i (1. pi. indie, pres. from ber- = Indg. bher- 'ferre'), 
arose birme (-e was caused by the o which was dropped ; beside 
this 3. pi. bSrtt from *biront(t). mentne, dat. menmain, 'sense* from 
prim. f. *men-9-men-, see § 110 p. 104. From the stem *cdr&- 
'friend' (from *cdr#t-, see § 212 and cp. Gall. Carantanus 
Carantillus, Cymr. pi. ceraint) pi. dat. cdirtib ace. cdirtea, but 
sg. nom. care cdra gen. carat dat. cdrit. Instructive for this 
process are also the Lat. loan-words, e. g. piccad 'peccatum' gen. 
picctho, tdal 'idolum' dat. pi. idlaib. 

SamprasSrana. Beside nom. sg. so-nirt $6-nairt 'strong, 
brave (nert 'strength*) stood dat. pi. so-nartaib compar. so-nortu 
'stronger' and the derived substantive so-nirte sd-nairte 'strength, 
firmness'. In the latter forms the syllable -nert- had become 
-nft-, the timbre of rt was conditioned by the vowel in the 
following syllable; r then generated a reduced vowel. So also 
du-fu-tharcair 'voluit' goes back in the first place to *dw-/ti- 
thfeair, this to -ihracair (cf. dti-thracht 'will'). Cp. §§ 66. 298. 
Here belong also cases like bria-thar : the course of development 
was -trd, -tf (f with a-timbre), -tar, cp. § 623 rem. 1. 

Rem. On the at in sd-nairt, 86-nairte op. § 640. 

§ 686. Germanic. 

Prim. Germanic syncopation. *diz-a- ore, metal