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Dft mutt tlcb uuuiches RiUel loten 
Doch nmnchec RAtscl knipft sich anch. 








of Sanskrit, Old Iranian (Avestic and Old Persian), Old Armenian, 

Greek, Latin, Umbro-Samnitic, Old Irish, Gothic, Old High German, 

Lithuanian and Old Church Slavonic 
















Printed In Oarmany by O. Otto, Darmstadt. 









In this volume I have used, though sparingly, the terms 
suggested in the preface to volume II — re-formate (formate), 
ad-formate, transformate. These are applied to single words, 
as on p. 30, Rem. 1. When a word is modified by the analogy 
of another, it is said to be an ad-formate of it (p. 29, line 7 
from the bottom, is an example). In its new shape it is 
transformed from the old, or a transformate of it (p. 44, 
footnote). Absolutely regarded, it is a re-formate (sometimes, 
where there can be no mistake, the simple word formate 
stands). Re-formation and transformation are used when not 
single words, but groups, come in question (as p. 90, line 6 
from bottom) ; also when certain sound changes are exemplified 
by the words cited (as the z in sibunzo ahtozo, p. 40). These 
terms may by ugly, but they are so very convenient that their 
ugliness will, it is hoped, be forgiven. 

In such words as Pali, Prakrit, Gathic the quantity has 
not always been marked. It seemed needless to do so when 
this had been indicated often enough to ensure its being re- 

The word polysyllable is used to include dissyllables, 
unless otherwise implied. 

VIII Translator's Preface. 

I had hoped to get out this volume by Christmas last. 
The delay is due partly to the waste of time in sending proofs 
to and fro from Germany, and partly to the almost ceaseless 
pressure of other duties. 

Mr. Conway's criticism and advice has been very useful 
all through, and I take the opportunity of thanking him for it. 

W. H. D. Rouse. 

Cheltenham, May 30, 1892. 


p**j* X lift 1 for mascnlint read ma$e«line 
» 23 9 Vj „ Classe ., C7«*#e# 

, »J „ 14 m from below for -yin- read -#/*-., with «top. 

, >;£ , 5 « for 116 read 116 — 

• 3&» , 15 9 m fiiorr-r read /vJo-rr-« 

» *34. fcot^ot* 2 • . liTe ^ line 

, 437 Un* U from o-Iow for nottji read aor*-^* 

• 443 9 12 . . , «^. ^ ^^ 

, 474 , 13 . _ , ^//a. ^ ^ 





THE NUMERALS: General Remarks f§ 164) 1 

Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals (§§ 165—181). 

One (§ 165) 4 

Two (§ 166) 6 

Three (§ 167) 8 

Four (§ 168) 9 

Five (§ 169) 13 

8ix (§ 170) 15 

8even (§ 171) 17 

Eight (§ 172) 19 

Nine (§ 173) 21 

Ten (§ 174) 22 

EleTen to Nineteen (§175) 24 

Twenty to Ninety-nine (§ 176—178) 29 

Hundred (§ 179) 42 

Two Hundred to Nine Hundred (§ 180) 44 

Thousand (§ 181) 47 

MultiplioatiTes and Distributees (§§ 182—183) ... 48 
THE CASES OF NOUNS: (§§ 184-406) 

General Remarks (§ 184-189) 52 

Singular: Nominative Masculine and Feminine '§§ 190- 199) . 66 

Yocatnre Masculine and Feminine (§§ 200- 210) . . 81 

Accusative Masculine and Feminine (§§ 211 — 221) 88 

Nominative and Accusative Neuter (§§ 222—227) . . 99 

Genitive f-AblatiYe) (§§ 228— 239) Ill 

Ablative (§§ 240-244) 133 

Dative (§§ 245-255) I 43 

Locative (§§ 256-273) I 56 

Instrumental (§§ 274-282) l73 

XII Contents. 

Dual: Nominative and Accusative Masculine and Feminine 

(§§ 283-291) 189 

Nominative and Accusative Neuter (§§ 292—295) . . 197 

Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental (§§ 296—305) . . 200 

Genitive and Looative (§§ 306—311) 205 

Plural: Nominative Masculine and Feminine (§§ 312—324) . 211 

Accusative Masculine and Feminine (§§ 325—336) . 224 

Nominative and Accusative Neuter (§§ 337—343) . . 236 

Genitive (§§ 344-355) 244 

Locative (§§ 356-366) 256 

Dative- Ablative (§§ 367-378) 266 

Instrumental (§§ 379—389) 273 

Metaplastic systems of Declension (§§ 390— 406) . . 280 

Tables of Noun Declension 296 

PRONOUNS (§§ 407-459) 322 

Pronouns with Gender (§ 408) 325 

Etymology and Morphology (§§ 409—411) 327 

Their Cases (§§ 412—459) 334 

Singular: Nominative Masculine and Feminine (§§ 413—416) . 335 

Nominative and Accusative Neuter (§417) . . . . 338 

Genitive (§§ 418—420) 339 

Instrumental (§§ 421—422) 344 

Ablative, Dative and Locative (§§ 423-425) ... 346 

Dual (§ 426) 352 

Plural: Nominative Masculine and Feminine (§ 427) . . . 352 

Nominative and Accusative Neuter (§ 428) .... 354 

Genitive (§ 429) 355 

Locative, Dative-Ablative, and Instrumental (§§ 430-432) 356 

Tables of Declension 360 

Personal Pronouns (Pronouns with out Gender), and 

their Possessives (§§ 433 459) 358 

Etymology; Formation of the stem (§§ 434—438) 364 

Nominative (§§ 439—441) 372 

Accusative (§§ 442 443) 375 

Ablative (§ 444) 379 

Dative (§§ 445-446; 380 

Looative (§§ 447— 44h » 384 

Instrumental (§ 449) 388 

Genitive, and the Possessive Adjectives (§§ 450-456) ... 388 

The Remaining Cases, and the Possessives (§§ 457—459) . . 396 


§ 164. In the original Indo-Germanic language, the numerals 
1 to 999 were expressed in one of three ways. Some were simple 
words, as *tri- 'three* (Skr. tri-); some were compounds, as 

1) Bopp, Yergl. Or. II 9 55 ff. Schleicher, Compend. 4 p. 477 ff. 
Bopp, tJher die ZahlwSrter im Sanskr., Grieoh., Lat., Litth., Goth, and 
Altslaw., Abh. der Berliner Akad. 1833 p. 163 ff. L opsins, tfber den 
Ursprung und die Verwandtsohaft der ZahlwSrter in der Indogerm., Semit. 
und der Koptisohen Spraohe, in ( Zwei spraehvergleiehende Abhandlungen', 
Berlin 1836, p. 81 ff. J. Grimm, Gesohiohte der deutseh. 8praohe* 
167 ff. Pott, die quinare und yigesimale Zfthlmethode bei Vdlkern aller 
Welttheile, nebst ausfuhrliohen Bemerkungen fiber die ZahlwSrter Indo- 
germanischen Stammes, Halle 1847. Id., Die Spraohversohiedenheit in 
Europa an den Zahlwdrtern naohgewiesen, sowie die quinare und vigesimale 
Zfthlmethode, Halle 1868. E. Sohrader, tfber den Ursprung und die 
Bedeutung der ZahlwSrter in der indoeurop. Spraohe, 8tendal 1854. 
Zehetmayr, Yerbalbedeutung der ZahlwSrter, als Beitrag zur Be- 
leuohtung des ursprfingl. Verhaltnisses der indogerm. Spraehen zum semit 
Spraehstamme, Leipz. 1854. "W. Waokernagel, tJher Zahl und Ziffern, 
Michaelis' Ztsohr. fur Stenogr. 1855. Bernloew, Reoherohes sur 
Porigine des noms de nombre japhe'tiques et s6mitiques, Giessen 1861. 
Krause, tfber den Ursprung und die Bedeutung der ZahlwSrter, Ztsohr. 
fur osterr. Gymn. 1865 p. 867 f. J. Schmidt, tfber einige numeralia 
multiplicatira, Kuhn's Ztsohr. XVI 430 ff. — Ed. Mailer, Sprachver- 
gleiohendes fiber die Numeralia, Fleokeisen's Jahrbuoher fur class. PhiL 97, 
p. 535 f. Asooli, tJher eine Gruppe indogermanisoher Endungen, Erit. 
Stud. 85 ff. Osthoff, Formassooiation bei Zahlwdrtern, Morph. Unt. I 
92 ff. J. Baunaok, Formassooiation bei den indogerm. Numeration 
mit besonderer Berflcksiohtigung der grieohisohen , Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXV 
225 ff. J. Waokernagel, Zum Zahl wort, tbid. 260 ff. The Author, 
Die Bildung der Zehner und der Hunderter in den idg. Spraohen, Morph* 
Unt V 1 ff., 138 ff, 268. 

Bra;mann, Elements. III. 1 

The Numerals. § 164. 

*dy&-delttp 'twelve* (Skr. dvd-da&a); and some were expressed 
by phrases, as *treies qe yXhpti qe 'twenty-three 1 (Skr. trdyai ca 
P}$ati£ ca). Simple words existed only for the numbers 1 to 10, 
and 100. 

We find in the second stage, when the various branches of 
the language had begun to develope on their own lines, simple 
words for 1000, as Skr. sa-hdsra-m, Gr. Lesb. ^AA-ioi; but it 
is uncertain whether a corresponding form *§heslo- existed in 
the proethnic period, or whether the phrase c ten hundreds' (cp, 
Skr. daia-SatT f.) was the sole expression for this number. If 
the simple words for 1000 were not earlier than the second 
stage, the change was similar to one which took place in Greek, 
where Homer's dsxd-ynXoi '10,000' was replaced later by /uvpioi. 

The word *defetp 'decern' played an important part in the Indo- 
Germanic decimal system. It is in the highest degree probable 
that the Indo-Germanic elements *-hpt- and *-loomt- which appear 
in the expressions for multiples of ten (Gr. Dor. fi-xaxi and 

Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 160 ff. Spiegel, Gramm. d. 
altbaktr. Spr. p. 176 ff. — G. Meyer, Grieoh. Gr.« p. 372 ff. The 
Author, Gr. Gr. (Iwan Mttller's Handb. IP) p. 135 ff. Ahrens, Ein 
Beitrag zur Etymologic der grieoh. Zahlwdrter, Kuhn's Ztsohr. VIII 329 ff. 
H. Ebert, Quaestionum de rooabulorum cum numeralibus Graeois com- 
positorum formis ac sign iff cationibus specimen, Spandau 1858. — Stolz, 
Lat. Gr. (Iwan Mailer's Handb. 11*) p. 349 ff. Neue, Formenlehre der 
lat. Spr. II s p. 144 ff. Merguet, Die Entwickelung der lat. Former) - 
bildung p. 132 ff. Aufrecht, Die lat. Zahladverbien auf tens, Kuhn's 
Ztsohr. I 121 ff. — Zeuss-Ebel, Gramm. Celt* p. 300 sqq. Stokes, 
Bezzenb. Beitr. XI 166 ff. — J. Grimm, Deutsohe Gramm. Ill 226 ff., 
634 ff. Id., Vber die zusammengesetzten Zahlen, Germania I 18 ff. 
Holtzmann, Cber das deutsohe DuodecimaUystem , Germania I 217 ff. 
Id., Das Grosshundert bei den Gothen, ibid. II 424 f. Rum pelt, Die 
deutech. Zahlwdrter spraohrergleiehend dargestellt, Bresl. 1864. Id., Die 
deutsohen Pronomina und Zahlwdrter, 1870. Soherer, Zur Gesoh. der 
deutsoh. 8pr. s 576 ff. Kluge, Zu den german. Numeralien , Paul-Braune T s 
Beitr. VI 393 ff. Id., Paul's Grundriss I 402 ff. — 8©hleicher, Temy 
imenu Oisliteltnyohu tQ litvo-slavjanskomu i nemeokomu jazykaohu (Prilozenie 
ka X. tomu zapisoku Imp. Ak. Nauku), 8t. Petersburg 1866. Id., Lit 
Gr. p. 149 ff. Kurschat, Gr. der litt. 8pr. p. 259 ff. Miklosich, 
Vergl. Gr. IV 51 ff. Leskien, Handb. der altbulg. Spr.* p. 78 ff. — 
Reference may also be made to the discussion of the Lyoian numerals by 
Deeoke, Bezzenberger's Beitr. XIV 181 ff. (see especially p. 240 ff.). 

§ 164. The Numerals. 

T(Ma-xo*ra, etc.), and the word *hpto-m 'centum', were connected 
with *(fe£jjt, and came from *-dfojri- *-dfcomt- and *dfapto-m, 
syncope haying taken place because the first syllable was un- 
accented (I § 310 p. 247); see Scherer Zur Gesch. der deutsch. 
Spr. 2 579, Bugge Bezz. Beitr. XIV 72. 

We are in the dark as to the precise significance of 
the original Indo-Germanic words for 'two* and all the following 
numerals. Many conjectures have been put forward, some of 
them not at all amiss. It has been suggested, for example, 
that *ter- **r-t- 'three* may have been a name for the middle 
finger, connected with Skr. tdr-man- 'top of the sacrificial pillar* 
Gr. rip-&po-v 'end, point, top; *penqe 'five* has been compared 
with Goth, figgr-s 'finger' (cp. O.H.G. fast O.C.S1. pqstt 'fist' for 
*pfpq8ti-*> n § 101 p. 306), [and the slang phrase for a fist, bunch 
of fives] ; and *dehp 'ten' with Gr. dixoficu Ssxo/ucu I receive* ! ). 
But many others are certainly far from the mark, as Zehetmayr's, 
in the work cited on the first page. 

Our attention will be given first to Cardinal Numbers, to 
Abstract Numerals — so far only as they are used along with 
adjectival cardinal numbers in ordinary reckoning — and 
to the Ordinals. The Abstract Numerals are derived from the 
Cardinals by the suffixes -ti- and -t- (-d-), which serve as 
secondary suffixes in other abstract forms besides these (see 
H § 99 p. 293, § 101 p. 306 f., § 123 p. 390). Some of them 
were used in the proethnic period along with ordinary numerals ; 
instead of 'ten men*, for instance, the expression 'a ten of 
men* served equally well. Sometimes they even drove the 
cardinals out of the field altogether; in Balto-Slavonic *defap is 
not represented, but only *de£gi-*(i)-, which appears in Lith. as 
de8zimt(%)-, in Slav, as destffO-. The Ordinal Numerals contain 
-to- and -two-, suffixes used in comparison; a conjecture as to 
the origin of these has been given in II § 72 Rem. p. 167 and 
§ 81 Rem. 1 p. 242. 

1) Scherer, op. tit. p. 578: "It therefore seems most natural to 
regard the word as an ancient expression for both hands held out to receive 


4 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 165. 


§ 166. One. In the original language, one or more 
derivatives from a pronominal stem ojr served to express 'one : 
cp. Gr. Ital. Kelt. Germ. Balto-Slav. *oi-no-s (Skr. has an 
enclitic 8na- with the meaning 'he*), Iran. Gr. *oi-yos, Skr. 

Aryan. Skr. $-ka-8. Avest. af-va- Oi-va-, O.Pers. at-t?a-. 

Greek. ci-vo-$ d-vr} ace, the number one on a die', otnj 
nagd ro*$ "icocfc /uovdg (Pollux VII 204), oivilsiv' to fiovaQfiv xard 
yharrav and oivwvxa* norrjgrj (Hesych.). Then there is the 
Homeric ourtjg of the same age, contemporary', which Wacker- 
nagel (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 280) derives from ^olFo-fexrjg by 
syllabic dissimilation (I § 643 pp. 481 f.), whilst olo-g Cypr. o?-/o-$ 
meant 'alone'. 

Italic. Lat. oi-no-s oeno-s Hnu-8, Umbr. unu unum' Osc. 
iiin[itu unita'. 

Remark. Many scholars connect i-has with Lat aequo- 8 and Gr. 
alaa 'equal portion* (for *<*?****). If *oj- belongs to the stem o-, *a%- 
might be connected with the feminine stem «- (§ 409). But at the same 
time siioh forms as Lat. auris: Gr. otiara suggest the possibility of a similar 
vowel variation here. — See Habsehmann, Das idg. Vocalsystem pp. 190 f. 

Old Irish, oe-n. 

Germanic. Goth. di-n-s O.H.G. ei~n OJcel. ei-nn. 

Balto- Slavonic. Lith. v-$na-$ (cp. I § 666.1 p. 526), 
Pruss. ace. ot-no-tt. O.C.81. t-nt* (cp. I § 84 p. 82, § 666. 3 
p. 527), which in composition means 'one', as ino-rogft 'one- 
horned animal, unicorn'; elsewhere it has the meaning "alter, 

*s*m- was another word for 'one* in the parent language. 
The idea originally conveyed by it was probably that of being 
together or united. This became the regular numeral in Ar- 
menian and Greek: Armen. mi (gen. mioj) for *$m-t (I § 560 
p. 416); Gr. ev- instead of *&-, nom. masc. in the dialect of 
Gortyn Svg Att. «%, fem. (da for *ctyi-m, fiwwi 'one-hoofed* for 
•a^-wwj (II § 160 pp. 479 f.). Compare Skr. sa-kft once' Gr. 
a-na% 'once* -dnXoo-s 'single, simple', Lat. sim-plex, sin-gull, 

§ 165. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 5 

setnel (see § 182), sem-per 'in one unbroken sequence, always', 
Goth. simlZ 'once, once upon a time*. 

Isolated forms, of doubtful origin, are Horn. Gort. US Lesb. 
Thess. la (cp. Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 186 f.), and Slav, jedinli 
jecKnu, the regular word for 'one' in that language. 

First. In all periods, from the proethnic onwards, ordinals 
for this number were formed from the y/^per-, which is seen in 
Gr. nepGv ni q-wh ngo etc. (Pick, Wdrterb. I 8 140 ff.), by means 
of the suffixes -go- (Ar., Gr., Slav.), -mo- (Ital., Germ., Bait.), 
-tipmo- (Ar.) and -too- (West-Germ, and Norse). 

*#r-f*o-, */y-f^>-- The former became O.C.S1. pri-vU, the 
latter is seen in Skr. pilrv-iyd-s p&rv-iyas (also ptirva-8 'situated 
before") ; Avest. pourviya- paoirya- ; Gr. ngwro-g Dor. nparo-8 
for *np{oJ : -aTo-s, besides which we have forms without the ex- 
tension -axo- (cp. Tpir-aro-q § 167), Dor. npar 'formerly' for 
*np(0-J : tiHt J and (with the suffix -jp-) ntyirp 'recently for *n(xo- 
-f-tit-w. Cp. I § 306 p. 242, H § 63 p. 133, § 64 p. 134. 
Apparently we must assume a form *pro-yo- for Goth, frduja 
lord', O.H.G. frd 'lord' frouwa (= Goth. *frdujd) 'lady ; this 
*pro-yo- will be related to *pf-yo- in the same way as *pro-mo- 
to *pf-mor. 

*pf-mo~. Goth, fruma 0.8ax. formo AJJ. forma. Litk 
jArma-*. Cp. O.Ir. rem- 'ante, prae* II § 72 p. 168 and 
Lat. prandiu-m, which Osthoff is probably right in explaining 
as *pram^e)dHJp-M 'early food' (cp. Morph. Unt. Y p. HI). 
*pro-mo- is seen in Umbr. prumum promom prinmm': cp. Gr. 
ngofio-g 'front man, front warrior, leader, prince 9 Goth, fram- 
-aldrs 'advanced in age', -mo- also occurs in Lat. primus 
Pelign. pritmu primo' or primum' (I § 570 p. 427, II § 72 
p. 168), which, like prU-cu* and pr u twm s , is derived from 
a comparative form connected with print* (II § 135 pp. 433 fc). 

-tip*}-: Skr. pra-thamd- (for the <A cp. II § 73 p. 178), 
A vest frariema- O .Pers. fro-tamo-. Cp. Avest fra-tara- Gr. 
jrpo-rcpo-j 'former, earlier'. 

-i$to-i O.H.G. /Wrist k&.fyrtt OJceL fynt-r. Cp. O.H.G. 
furiro 'earlier, superior'. 


6 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. §§ 165,166. 

Alban. i-pars 'first' belongs to the same root as these 

Words derived from other roots : 

Skr. ddya* from 0-dl-$ 'beginning*; and later Odi-md-s. 

Armen. nax and afajin, the latter from araj 'foremost side, 
front, origin, beginning' (cp. verj-in 'last* from verj 'end', ver-in 
'highest* from ver above', and the like). 

O.Ir. ctt-ne, in composition c#-, Mod.Cymr. kyntaf, Gall. 
Cintu- in proper names, such as Cintu-gnOttt-s ('primigenitus') ; 
perhaps, as Thurneysen conjectures, this is connected with Goth. 
hindumist-8 'extreme, outermost* A.8. hindema 'last*, since the 
ideas of 'first' and last' are easily interchanged. In Irish there 
is a further form oen-mad, used where larger numbers follow; 
here the termination -mad has come from sechtm-ad 'seventh' 
dechm-ad 'tenth', where m is part of the stem. 

§ 166. Two. 1 ) The stem is *duo- *duuo- (I § 117 p. 109); 
in composition and in some ordinary derivatives we have *d#i-, 
a form which recals *tr-i- 'three* (cp. II § 13 p. 28) and *#-*- 
'two' in //-xan etc. (§ 177). I find it impossible to agree with 
Bartholomae (Ar. Forsch. HI 39), who conjecturally restores 
*d#di- *dyoi~ *d#i- as the primitive base of this numeral. 

Skr. dvOii dvd (duvdii duvd), fern. neut. dvt (duct). A vest. 
dva, fern. duy$ (cp. Bartholomae, Handb. § 92 p. 40). 

Gr. Svw (used for both masc. and fern., like Lat. duo and 
Lith. dialectic dA, cp. also to) orijXa § 426), Jifo (which was 
perhaps originally the neuter, see § 293); 3ci-texa for *J/a>-. 
The Dor. and Later Att. dvd Lesb. disci or dvsooi Thess. 
Mag are re-formates, apparently caused by 3w5v (Svdiv); the 
relation of rgtol: tqiwv made it seem natural to coin dvd as 
dative to dvcov. dotoi cannot be derived from *dyojo- (cp. I 
§ 130 pp. 117 f.); possibly it came from *d#<#-io-, cp. Skr. dv$- 
-dhd 'double, twice' and §§ 297, 311. 

1) Ben fey, Das indogerm. Thema des (Zahlworts 'swei* ist DU, 
Getting. 1876. — Zander, De vocabuli Svo nan Homerico Hesiodeoque 
et Attico, I, II, KSnigsberg 1884, 1845. — Meringer, Die Flexion der 
Zweizahl, Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVIII 234 ff. 

§ 166. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 7 

Lat. duo, fern, duae (cp. §§ 285, 286), ace. duo, duds, duds, 
dat. dud-bus, dua-bus. In Umbrian the inflexion is plural 
throughout: nom. masc. dur, ace. masc. fern, tuf, nom. ace. neut. 
tuva (cp. Lat. dua beside duo). 

O.Ir. dau dd, older dau, and also da (§ 285), fern, dl; 
O.Cymr. Mid.Bret. masc. dou. 

Goth, tvdi, neut. tva, fern, tvds; dat. tvdim, gen. tvaddfe 
(see § 311). The Germanic dialects show various re-formates 
among the cases, as O.H.G. zwhie, which are not yet satisfactorily 
explained; the latest discussion of them is by Eluge in Paul's 
Grundriss I 403. 

Lith. masc. dk for *dv&', fem. dt\ for *dx&, see I § 184 
p. 160, § 664. 3 p. 523. O.C.81. dva duva, fem. neut. dvi dfot. 

*tf#i-. Examples of this base in composition are: Skr. dw- 
-peta- Gr. di«novQ Lat. bi-p€s A.8. twi-f$te 'two-footed', O.H.G. 
zwi-vaU 'two-fold'. In derivatives : *d#»-go- : Skr. dvi-ka- 'consist- 
ing of two' Gr. 3iooo-g dittos 'two-fold' for *Sft-x-ip-g, O.H.G. 
zweho 'doubt' A.8. tw%z 'twig, branch' (II § 86 p. 257). In Italic 
we find dttr (as well as *dyi-): Lat. du-plu-s du-plex du-cent% 
(cp. § 180), Umbr. du-pursus 'bipedibus'; this was a re-formation, 
developed possibly with the aid of quadru- (II § 34 p. 61). 

Remark 1. Side by side with Lat. W-, dui- is found twioe in com- 
position, dui-dtns and dui-cinsus (Paul. Fest). This, like O.Lat duis = bis 
(§ 182), may have preserved an Idg. *du#i- (op. Ved. duvi? beside dvif), 
or it may simply be a modification of hi- on the analogy of duo (and 
of du-); I leave the matter undecided. In either case we may rejeot 
the view of Skutsoh (De nominum Latinorum compositions, Nissae 1888, 
p. 35), who holds that U- arose from the dui- which is preserved in 
these two compounds. On the other hand, I agree with this scholar in 
regarding di- in late oompounds (as di-lGris) as borrowed from the Greek 
J- (p. 36). 

Armen. erku (gen. dat. erku-$), of uncertain origin. Bugge 
(Beitr. zur etym. Erlauterung der arm. Spr., 41 f.) derives 
the word from *ku- = Idg. *d#0(#), with er- prefixed on the 
analogy of ereK 'three'; a most daring suggestion. Fr. MQller 
would connect it with Suanian jiru Georgian ori 'two'. 

Second. For this numeral the different languages show 
very different forms. 

8 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. §§ 166,167. 

Skr. dvi-tfya-8, Aveet bi-tya- G&thic d a bi-tya- O.Pers. 
duMiya- (I § 159 p. 143). 

Armen. erkir and erkr-ord (for *erkir-ord). 

Remark 2. Perhaps erkir, like corir 'fourth', was formed on the 
analogy of eri-r 'third*. The termination -arc?, found in erkr-ord and all 
the numerals whioh follow, is very common in other words besides 
numerals: e. g. hanapaz-ord 'daily* from hanapaz 'always', parap-ord 
'otiosus' from parap 'otium', ors-ord 'hunter* from ors "hunt*, Ic-ord 'com- 
panion, o4tvyoe* from luc 'yoke'. Petermann (Grammatioa Linguae Armen. 
p. 162) and Bopp (VergL Gr. II • 97 f.) offer very questionable oonjeotures 
as to its origin. 

Gr. Ssvrspog properly means 'removed to a distance from 
something, at a distance from it, coming after it in time or 
position* (isvTatog is also found). It is etymologically connected 
with dsvo/ucu and the Sanskrit adj. dii-r&- 'far off, afar', and did 
not belong to the numerals until Greek had become a separate 
language. Its similarity in sound with fva> certainly had some- 
thing to do with this new use. See the Author, Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXV 298 ff. 

Lat. secundu-8, connected/ with sequor; see II § 69 p. 161. 

O.Ir. aile (Mid. Cymr. Mod. Bret, eit) = Lat. alius, and 
tanise, which is connected with imthanad 'change', though nothing 
further is known of its etymology. 

Goth, anrpar O.H.G. andar. Lith. aMra-s O.C.S1. triitoru. 
Cp. II § 75 p. 198. It possibly may be analysed vft-tor& (cp. 
Skr. u-bhati), see § 285. 

§ 167. Three. Idg. masc. neut. *tr-i-. The -t- was a 
suffix, as is proved by such forms as Skr. tf-tiya-8 Gr. Lesb. 

Skr. trdy-as, loc. *n-$ti. Avest. prdy-d, loc. pri-$va. 

Armen. ere-X y gen. dat. m'-p, instr. m-t>#, see I § 263 
p. 213. 

Gr. xQBiq Gortyn. rpi*$ for *tq$i*8q, loc. r(M-<rf; Hipponax 
has TQioTci, which was suggested by xqiwv (tqu*). The Boeot. 
TQe-nedSa (beside tqi-jiov$ etc.), taken in conjunction with Lat. 
trZ-centt y Lith. tre-czia-s O.C.S1. tre-ftj% 'third* Lith. tre-fi 'three 
by three*, seems to point to an old stem Hr-e- (**r-o-). 

§§ 167,168. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 9 

Lat. tr$s, dat. abl. tri-bus, Umbr. trif tref ace. 'tres' triia 

O.Ir. trt dat tri-b. 

Goth, preis dat. pri-m, O.H.G. drT dat. dri-m. 

Lith. trys loc. trisi. O.C.81. trtj-e trij-e loc. M-chU. 

For the feminine there was a special form in the parent 
language, preserved only in Aryan and Keltic, *tiser- *tisr-: 
nom. Skr. tisr-ds (for the weak form of the stem see~§ 320) 
Avest. tiiar-d y O.b.teoir O.Cymr. ieir (cp.I § 576 p. 431). It 
is conjectured that *tisr- came from *tri-sr- by dissimilation, 
and that its second part is identical with the second part of 
**tf€-sor- 'sister'; see Bugge, Bezzenb. Beitr. XTV 75 f. Skr. 
cdtasr-as is a similar formation (see § 168). 

Third. The Indo - Germanic languages have forms with 
-to-; those without the -f- of *tr-i- may be considered the 
oldest: Skr. tf-ttya-s, Gr. Lesb. r/p-ros, Lat. ter-tiu-s Umbr. 
tertim 'tertium', Pruss. tir-ti-s ace. tir-tie-n (tir- = *tf-). 

The following have *tr-i-. Avest. pri~tya- O.Pers. si-tiya-. 
Gr. Att. etc. tqI-to-q, and the Homeric rp/r-aro-c on the analogy 
of etvaro-s dsxaro-gj cp. nparo-g for ^(xof-axo-q § 165 p. 5 
and epdofi-aro-g § 171. Lat. trit-avo-s, unless the true form of 
the word be strit-avo-s, see II § 81 p. 246. Mod.Cymr. trydydd 
for *tri-4ii<h or for *tf-ti%p-, we cannot tell which. With different 
suffixes: Armen. eri-r (and err-ord for *erir-ord, cp. § 166 Rem. 2) 
and O.Ir. tris, in composition tress- (see II § 81 p. 247). 

For tr-e- in Lith. trUczia-s for *tretia-s and in O.C.S1. 
trettftj see last page. 

The last-named forms make it doubtful whether Qtoth.pridja 
O.H.G. dritto are derived from *tri-tio-, or from *tre-tio~ (ac- 
cording to I § 67. 3 p. 57). 

§ 168. Pour. The Idg. stem masc. neut. *qetyer- *qetuor- 
had a variety of ablaut -forms; this was because there were 
several distinct weak-grade forms of the second syllable: *q(e)tur- 
*q(e)tur- *q(e)tru- *q(e)tyf- *q(e)tuf-. Cp. I § 155 p. 140, and 
J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 43 ff. and 138, Pluralbild. 191 f. ; 
Wackernagel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 283 ff., XXVIII 136; 

10 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 168. 

G. Meyer, Gr. Gr. 2 376 f.; Osthoff, Phil. Rundsch. I 1592, 
Morph. Unt. IV 333; Kluge, Paul-Braune's Beitr. Vffl 517 ff., 
Paul's Grundr. I 403 f. 

The nom. plur. masc. in the original language would be 
*qetyor-es: Dor. rsrogsg Lat. quattuor Skr. catvdr-as; neut 
*qetyOr *qet%fir-d\ Skr. catvdri, Lat. quattuor , Goth, fidvdr, 
whose # passed over into the masculine. 

Skr. catv&r-as ace. catiir-asj in composition catur- instead 
of pr. Ar. *catru-. Avest. capwOr-d; catur-a- occurring four 
times'; in composition capru-, as capru-karana- 'four-cornered*, 
and captoar'-j as cafiwar'-zafogra- 'four-footed*; the latter was 
probably suggested by capwar'-sat- '40* (see §§ 176, 178, and 
the Author, Morph. Unt. V 30). For the ablaut in the first 
syllable cp. Avest. O-xtilirya- 'occurring four times' and the 
ordinals Skr. t&r-ya- tur-tya- Avest. titirya- for *ktur- (I § 646 
p. 491). 

Armen. dor-H, gen. rfor-t-p, from *qety/Sr- or *qetur~, see 
I § 455 p. 336. Also Ear-, in Rar-a-sun '40*, probably from 
*(qm-, see §§ 176, 178. 

Gr. Dor. Tstogeg, Late Ion. riaatgeg Arcad. reaafpd-xorca, 
Lesb. ntavQ€$ Horn, niovpig, Att. rfrraptg Horn, rsaaapeg Boeot 
nirrapsg, dat. Horn, rhga-ai. Cp. I § 166 p. 147. n- in 
neovQsg niavgeg nsrragsg can hardly have been taken over from 
*nTQa- (tQcintZa) and *nrpv- (xpv-qjdXsia) , since these had 
dropped their n- in the proethnic Greek period. More pro- 
bably it came from nivvt. Two other forms are tbtqu- and 
*(n)Tga-. The former is seen in rhpa-ai, Tsrgd-xig 'four times', 
T€TQa-To-g (beside xixaQTo-q) and in most compounds, as rsrpd- 
-xvxXog 'four-wheeled; the latter in rpd-nsfc 'table' for *(w)rpa- 
-nsla (beside rag- in rdpwv = rtrrdgwv, a word used by the 
comedian Amphis, and in rapxijuoptov = rsrapTTj/uopioy, preserved 
by Hesychius l ). Terga- stands for ^xerfga- (*y*fyf-) and *(n)vQa- 

1) Hesyohins' explanation, to t^t^^os seems to be corrupt; read 
to TtTaQTwoQiov. It is not at all probable that this word has preserved a 
form ru^To- belonging to Skr. tfttya-8 Pruss. tirti-8 'third'. 

§168. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 11 

for *(n)tfQa- (*yf«f-)> / having been lost in proethnic Greek 
(the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 pp. 43, 71). TtTpcS-xwxa for *je/$#S see 
§§ 176, 178, 341. TvQtmo-g, if Pott is right in adding this to 
the list (cp. Tpira2b-$), should be compared with Skr. fair-ya-; 
tvq- instead of *nxvQ- on the analogy of xgv-. With Homer's 
rsooapd-pow-g worth four oxen* compare another Homeric form, 
itixood-ftoio-g (beside <toa)xa«£<xoa/-7r^v-£). 

Lat. quattuor, quadru- (in composition), quadrO-ginta instead 
of *quettuor, *quedru-, *quedrO- 1 being assimilated to quartu-8 
(see next page), quattuor, nom. pi. masc. and nom. ace. neut. (see 
last page), dropped its inflexions because the following numerals 
(quinque etc.) were not inflected, quadra- stands for *qetyf-, 
see §§ 176, 178. -d- has taken the place of -£-, reminding us 
of a similar change of the breathed to the voiced sound in 
angulu-s for *a$9klo-, septin-gentl septuO-ginta (I § 499 p. 366, 
HI § 177), Gr. fydofio-g O.C.81. sedtrii (§ 171). Umbr. petur- 
-pursus 'quadrupedibus', Osc. petora 'quattuor* (Fest.) and petiro- 
-ptrt 'quater. 

OJr. cethir (dat. cethrib), O.Cymr. pet guar. Gall. Petru- 
-coriu-8 and petor-ritum 'four-wheeled vehicle*. 

Goth, fidvdr for *fidvdr-(i)z like stiur 'steer, ox* for *stiur(a)-z 
(I § 660. 6 p. 516, HI § 194), dat. fidvOri-m, see § 169; fidur- 
-ddgs 'lasting four days' (fidUr- ? or fidUr- instead of *fidcuir- 
because the second syllable was unaccented?). The t-sound 
which appears in Gothic is not found elsewhere, except in A.S. 
and O.Swed. compounds; e. g. A.8. fyder-f&e 'four-footed* for 
pr. Germ. *fipur- (H § 19 p. 36). O.H.G. fior O.Sax. fiwar 
A.8. feotaer O.Icel. masc. fjOrer neut. fjogor fjugur point to a 
form *&0*&yor- *kyekur- before the great Sound-shifting (Laut- 
vtrschiebung) in proethnic Germanic; for the change of -j#- 
to -#- see I § 444 c p. 330. I assume that in *kuetw>r- f -ty- 
was assimilated to the initial guttural (cp. *pempe Goth, fimf 
for *petdqe, § 169 p. 14); then *kyetur- followed suit, and 
became *huekur-. In Gothic, on the other hand, fidur- held 
its ground, and fidvOr (instead of yi(z)vOr) has been assimilated 
to it 

12 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 168. 

Remark 1. I have discussed this -t#- in Morph. Unt. V 53 f. It has 
been differently explained by Kluge in Paul-Braune's Beitr. V111517 ff. f and 
in Paul's Grundriss I 403; but I do not feel convinced by his arguments. 

Remark 2. Even in pr. Germ, this numeral was declined as an 
t-stem; e. g. O.H.G. fiorin like Goth. fidf>0ri-m. The same t-inflexion is 
seen in the numerals 5 to 12, as Goth, fimfi-m O.H.G. fin fin. The origin 
of this inflexion is doubtful ; perhaps the /-forms are to be traoed to more 
than one source. See on this subject the Author, Morph. Unt. Y 53 ff. 

Lith. ketuti, stem ketur-ja-, but ace. ketur-is, declined in 
the same way as the following numbers pen/A sze&A etc. Side 
by side with this is found ketveri (stem ketver-ja-), the distri- 
butive — used as a cardinal numeral with plural substantives — , 
whose termination -erl spread to the numerals which followed 
(penk-eti szesz-eti etc.). The same suffix -$o- occurs in tre-;\ 
Avest. Orxtmrya- occurring four times', Gr. Jo#o/ dioao-q, and in 
many other numerals (cp. § 183). From ketver-l, -jo- passed over 
to the proper cardinal numeral, but the ace. keturis = Skr. 
ccUtira* Gr. niovgag (common ground-form *qetur-#8, § 333) was 
preserved by the aid of *ris, and then the numerals which 
followed were declined precisely like keturi (cp. the Author, 
Morph. Unt. V 55 f.). 

O.C.S1. (fefyr-e, gen. #etyr-& ace. ietyr-i, fem. nom. ace. 
detyr-i. Distributive &tver-o. 

We trace an original fem. of *qet#er-, answering to *tiser- 
'three (§ 167 p. 8), in Skr. cdtasr-as Avest. catawr-d (I § 558 
p. 415) and Mod.Cymr. pedeir O.Ir. cetheoira cetheora. These 
justify the conjecture that -g$r- in *qetuer- was a suffix of 
some kind. 

Fourth. Skr. catur-thd-8 and tur-ya-s tur-iya-s, Avest. 
t&irya- (see p. 9). 

Armen. 6or-ir 6orr-ord for *torir-ord and Rar-ord (cp. § 166 
Rem. 2 p. 7). 

Gr. thug-vo-i; Horn, vsrpa-ro-g Boeot. nhpa-vo-g (n- as in 
nhrapsg), ground-form *qetyf-to-. rapro- ground-form *qtuf-to- 
in xaQrtjiJLOQiov. Cp. p. 10. 

Lat. quartu-s for *qtuf-to- (I § 306 p. 242), which no doubt 
became first *tyar-to- y and then quarto- through association with 

§§168,169. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 13 

quattuor. Prenest. Quorta (Schneider, Dial. Ital. I no. 217) is so 
isolated that I cannot venture on the strength of it to assume 
*qt%f-to- as well as *qtuf-to- for Italic; cp. Stolz, Lat. Gr. 2 p. 385. 
08C trutum 'quartum* trutas gen. quartae* (Bugge, Altital. 
Stud. 1878 p. 53 ff.) are formed from *qtrO-. 

O.Ir. cethramad formed after the analogy of sechtmad 
'seventh* dechmad 'tenth*. 

O.H.G. fior-do A.8. feor-&a beside O.H.G./or, see p. 11. 

Lith. ketvir-ta-s O.C.S1. 6etvrX-tft ground-form *qetyf-to~. 

§ 169. Five. Idg. *pet9qe. This number, along with the 
numbers 6 to 10, was indeclinable in the original language, 
and also more or less in Aryan, Armenian, Greek, Italic, 
Keltic, and Germanic during the historical period. We may 
conjecture that it is a survival from the time when the 
attributive adjective needed no case-endings. For example, Ved. 
pdftca Iqr§ti§u y Gr. nivxk SaxrvXwv, Lat. quinque virdrum, Goth. 
fimf hldibans. But it came to be declined more or less frequently 
in all the different branches of Indo-Germanic except Italic: 
Skr. gen. paftcdndm, Armen. gen. hngi-$, Gr. Lesb. nipnwv, 
Mid.Ir. cltic m-bd quinque vaccarum', O.H.G. dat. finfin (inflected 
only where it followed the substantive). In Lithuanian alone 
pertH is invariably inflected from the earliest period at which we 
know the language (cp. last page). In Slavonic the adjectival 
numeral, along with those immediately following up to 10, had 
died out before the beginning of our record. 

Skr. pdfUa, A vest, panca. 

Armen. king, see I § 330 p. 265, § 455 p. 336. 

Gr. nim. -n- is regular. (I § 427 p. 312) in Lesb. ns/xnwy 
(see above), and in nsfin-wfioXo-v , nepnas ns^nd^af; whilst in 
Lesb. nifau the -*-, and in navvtopoXo-v mvrdg etc. the -r- was 
due to form-association. In compounds, besides nsvre- (e. g. 
mrrt-ralarrih^) we find niwva- (e. g. 7ttvTa-*6oiot, nevTd-ntjxv-g)) 
which is a re-formation following the model of tstqu-, Itito-, 
bra-, irv*a~, 6im-. 

Reaark L Two steas are found; ne/mdi like Skr. paHedt^ and a 
tf-stem witk thm mmemtmmm^, Skr. pa*kt{-$ O.leeLJimt OC.8L pfk The 

14 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 169. 

first two words are ad-formates of Stxde and daidt- respectively; and 
considering how widely the suffix -<*£- was used in Greek — uords, *vo$, 
Svd; y TQtdgy TiTqac, *£a$, eftdopds (op. fftSo/utj-xorra) enrag, oydodg (cp. oySoy- 
-jrorra) oxrd^ bvtdq, rerraqaxovxa^ Fxarorrds, X 1 *"**') pv<**e — it is extremely 
doubtful whether there is any immediate historical connexion between na/tnug 
and paticdt-. For the -<J- of -a*- see II § 123 p. 392 and in § 178. 

Lat. quinque qulnque (for f, see Thurneysen in Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXX 501 f.), Umbr. pumpefias Osc. pumperias, 
equivalent to 'quintiliae' or < quincuriae > , Osc. Piimpaiians 
'Pompeianus*. Pr.Ital. *ki4ewk#e, see I § 336 p. 267. quincu-, 
in quincu-plex etc., through association with quadra-. 

O.Ir. c#tc, O.Cymr. pimp, Gall. nsfinedovXa 'nsvrayvXXo* 
(Dioscor.), see I § 436 p. 324. Pr.Kelt. *kumhue, see I § 339 p. 269. 

Goth, fimf O.H.G. fimffinf (the u of O.H.G. funf is dis- 
cussed below under the ordinal). Probably the second / is to 
be explained by supposing that *penkye became *pempe (cp. 
I § 444 Rem. 1 pp. 329 f.) as *k#etuor- became *&#efc#or- 
(DI § 168 p. 11). The *-inflexion, which we see in Goth, fimfitn 
O.H.G. finfin, is discussed in § 168 Rem. 2 p. 12. 

Lith. pen/A and penk-erl, see § 168 p. 12. 

In Slavonic, the cardinals 5 to 10 inclusive were represented 
by the abstract formation: pqft 'fivefold character, the number 
five* (= Skr. patdkti-§ O.Icel. fimt) governing the gen. pi. of 
the thing. The old numerals were indeclinable, and this may 
have had something to do with their being dropped. 

Remark 2. Be it observed in passing that the Albanian numerals 5 
to 10 are based upon these same it-abstracts : ptse 'five', §afa 'six', State 
'seven', tete 'eight', nencU 'nine', SMt Siite 'ten'. See G. Meyer, Albanes. 
Stud, n 50 ff. 

Fifth. Idg. *pwj-<o- (which can be traced with certainty 
in Germanic, but nowhere else); and perhaps *pef9q-to- too is 
proethnic (cp. *pewqe). 

Skr. paflcamd-8 (following saptamd-s etc.) and paflca-tha-s 
(cp. O.Ir. cdked). Avest. puxda- (for -£-, cp. uxda- I § 475 
p. 351), according to von Fierlinger (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVil 194), 
comes from *pf$gto-; but why should it have u and not a? 
The u reminds us of Gr. nvytitj Lat. pUgnu-8. Besides puxda- 
we find the further form Avest. pawt<mhe-m ace. c one-fifth\ 

§§ 169,170. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 1/5 

Armen. hing-er-ord. 

Remark 3. For -ord, see § 166 Rem. 2 p. 8. The -er- which precedes 
-ord in this and the succeeding numerals is still unexplained. 

Gr. nifin-To-g, Gortyn. nivxo-g (I § 427 a p. 312). 

Lat. qufntu-8 Quinctiu-s, Osc. Puntiis llo^nnsg 'Quinctius*. 
The ground-form may be either *penqto- or *p%qto-. Bar- 
tholomae (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 503) conjectures that Lat. 
quint- Osc. pont- were the regular forms, while the cardinals 
were responsible for -c- in quinct- and -p- in pompt-. 

O.Ir. cticed O.Cymr. pimphet, see II § 81 p. 247. 

Goth, fimfta in fimfta-taihunda 'fifteenth', O.H.G. fimfto 
finfto. A form *futdxta- = *p%gto- must be assumed for pr. Germ, 
to explain Mod.H.G. Swab, fuchzt '15* fuft 'fifth', O.H.G. 
funfto funf y Mod.H.G. Rhine-Prank. fufzSn fufzich etc.; see 
Kauffmann, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XH 512. Compare too O.H.G. 
fdst (pr. Germ. *fut9xsti-z) O.C.S1. pqstf 'fist* common ground- 
form *p$qsti-s, H § 101 p. 306 f. 

Lith. pe&kta-s. O.C.S1. p$t& may stand for *pef9q-to- or 

§ 170. Six. Three forms may be restored with more or 
less probability. Iranian, Greek, and Keltic point to *s#efo; 
Armenian and Baltic to *yefo ; Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic, Baltic, 
and Albanian to *seJcs (Alban. $a§te, see G. Meyer, Alban. 
Stud. H 56 ff.). *8uelcs and *yeJcs would be parallel forms like 
X^suelq- and yelq- 'draw* (Gr. &xo> Lat. sulcus: Lith. vdk&) 
and other pairs of the same kind ; see I § 589. 3 pp. 445 f. 
*$u€k$ and seks , again , recal such pairs as *$ue- (Skr. svd- 
8UU8' etc.) and **e- (Avest. A$ hoi, Lat. sB, Goth. st-&), *suesor- 
(Skr. svdsar- 'sister etc.) and *8esor- (Lith. sestl O.C.S1. sestra) 
and so forth; see I § 170 p. 150, § 184 p. 160 (and see U p. 441 
footnote 2), § 187 p. 162. 

Both in the prehistoric parent language, and in the historic 
period of Aryan, Armenian, Gtfeek, Italic, Keltic and Germanic, 
this word was indeclinable. For example: Avest. xSvaS sataii 
'with six hundred', Gr. 8? rutigaq, Lat. sex m&nsibus, Goth, afar 
dagans saihs 'after six days'. But it was sometimes inflected, 

16 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 170. 

as Skr. §adbhi$, Armen. gen. ve$-i-$ y Gr. k^uai or h&ot (in an 
inscr. of the fourth century a. d., C.I.G. no. 5128. 27 roTg Qaoi 
paoiksiaxoig) like rirpaoi, Mid.Ir. gen. se tn-bd 'sex vaccarum', 
O.H.G. dat. Sehsin (only used when the subst. precedes). The 
Latin word, se x, was never declined ; the Lithuanian, $zesz\, always. 

Skr. m (idf, see I § 401 Rem. 2 p. 297); cp. $6daSa 'IB' 
for *§azda$a, like vtdhum for *va$dhu-m (I § 404. 2 pp. 298 f.), 
and §a§thd-s sixth*. Avest. x$va$, also x§tva~, which latter is 
regarded as standing for *xv$ta-. Apparently it should be assumed 
that there were two forms in proethnic Aryan, *sw& and *$a$, 
which became *SuaS and §a$ by assimilation of the sibilant 
These would become quite regularly Avest. xSvaS (see Bartho- 
lomae, Ar. Forsch. HE 20) and Skr. §d§ respectively. 

Armen. ve$ doubtless represents *yeJcs ; see I § 560 Rem. 
p. 417, § 589. 3 p. 446. 

Gr. /$• 8? for *suetcs. For hi no6dtv y %y daxrvkov, gx-nXs&go-g 
l%-iirpro-(; etc. see the Author's Gr. Gr. 2 p. 71. i\a- in Iga-xo'cfrot 
and other compounds follows the type of xtrga- bira- etc. 

Lat. sex. 

O.Ir. & (cp. mdr-feser 'magnus seviratus*) Mod.Cymr. chwech 
for *suefo, see I § 175 p. 154, § 517 p. 377, § 576 p. 432, 
§ 657. 10 p. 510. The second s has been preserved in the Irish 
ses-ca 'sixty* and sess-ed c sixth\ 

Goth, saihs O.H.G. sehs, ground-form *sefcs. Cp. p. 18 
footnote 1. 

Lith. szesz~\ (cp. ketur-i § 168 p. 12) doubtless represents 
*8essl, as S2eszura-s represents *seszura-s (I § 587.2 p. 442). 
Pruss. umscht-s uscht-s 'sixth'; probably we have a borrowed 
word in Lith. Hszis beside szeszios pi. * childbed*. Slavonic has 
the abstract, §estt: cp. Skr. $a$ti-$ Ogroup of six tens, sixty*) 
OJcel. s&t. Sestt brings us to *chesft at the first step back- 
wards, and is doubtless one of the instances of ck~ = s- (see 
I § 588 Rem. 3 p. 444) ; this change has not yet been satis- 
factorily explained. 

Sixth. The parent language may have had the word 
*9yek-to-s (***-, *ff«-) : cp. Skr. ?a$thd-s Avest. xitva- (see above), 

§§170,171. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 17 

Gr. faro-Qy O.H.G. sekto O.Icel. sUtte sttti, Lith. szeszta-s Pruss. 
wuscht-s O.C.S1. SestU. And the -s- of Lat. sextu-s Umbr. 
sestentasiaru 'sextantariarum' Osc. SSsorsg 'SextW, Goth. 
saihsta O.H.G. sehsto (beside sehto) may have come from the 
cardinal. But it is uncertain whether or not pr. Idg. *sueJdo-s 
grew out of *sueks-to-s by a purely phonetic change. Who 
can tell whether the -s of *s#e1c8 was not an inflexional suffix? 
If so , it would not at first be found in the ordinal any 
more than (say) the -e of *pet9qe 'five' in *pet9qto-s. Cp. 
I § 589 Rem. 2 p. 446. 

Armen. ve$-er-ord. 

O.Ir. sessed Mod.Cymr. chweched. As to the supposed origin 
of this re-formation see Zimmer, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 214. 

§ 171. Seven. Pr. Idg. *septqi; the accentuation is inferred 
from Skr. saptd y Gr. inia and Alban. §ta-te (G. Meyer, Alban. 
Stud. II 65). Another form of the same stem, *sept<m-, is perhaps 
to be inferred from Gr. epdotirjxovra eftSo/udg hftdofidxtg O.Ir. secht- 
moga (cp. *-e$om-*- beside *-(i%-£- § 164 pp. 2 f.), see § 178. 

The word was originally indeclinable : examples are Ved. 
sapid sindhu$u 'in septem fluminibus' Avest. hapta sataii 'with 
seven hundred', Goth, sibun hldibans ; and Gr. bird, Lat. septem, 
O.Ir. secht n- were never declined. Inflected forms are: Skr. 
dat. abl. saptd-bhyas, Armen. gen. evfan-p, O.H.G. sibin-in (only 
used where the subst. precedes). In Lith. only the word is 
always inflected, septynl. 

Skr. saptd, later sdpta, Avest. hapta; we may conjecture 
that the Skr. word was originally *sapt&m, but followed the lead 
of ndva and ddia; see I § 226 p. 193, § 230 p. 196. 

Armen. evfa, see I § 330 p. 265, § 560 p. 416. The final 
-n must be explained in the same way as that of tasn (§ 174). 

Gr. bivd) which we may conjecture should have been *%nrdv, 
but took its present shape under the influence of iwia and dsxa ; 
see I § 226 p. 193, § 235 p. 198. 

Lat. septem. In composition we find beside septem- the 
re-formation septu- septi-, like octur octi-. 

O.Ir. secht n- Mid.Cymr. seith; see I § 339 p. 269. 

Brnffflinn, Element*. III. 2 

18 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 171. 

Goth. O.H.G. sibun. For the retention of -n (on the 
analogy of the ordinal Goth. *sibunda O.H.G. sibunto , unless 
indeed it came from an older form *$t'6wn-t), see the Author, 
Morph. Unt. V 55 ! ). As to the loss of -£- — we assume 
*8epttp to be the Idg. ground-form — we must certainly not 
ignore Ascoli's theory that the parent language possessed two 
forms, one with -t- Csepttp), and one without (cp. Skr. o&tf-? 
"eighty' beside Idg. *6kt6u) which was kept in Germanic (see 
Ascoli's Erit. Stud. 101). But it is more natural to assume that 
there were two forms in proethnic Germanic, *septtn6- 'seventh* 
which became *sepm6- and then *sebtn6- J and *septop, which 
became *8eftutn (this seems to be the form represented in the 
Salic Law by septun = seftun) and was then assimilated to 
*sebm6- and became *$efrwm; cp. Pruss. sepma-s beside septma-s 
"seventh' and pr. Balto-Slav. *o&mo- 'eighth* for *08tmo- (§ 172). 
Sievers (Paul-Braune's Beitr. V 119) and Osthoff (Morph. Unt. 
II 51 f.) think that the ^i-form *septfp could become *sepip> in 
pr. Germ, by a direct phonetic change; cp. also Noreen, Ur- 
germansk judl. p. 108. 

Lith. septyn-l, like devyn-i 'nine* in its ending, and similar 
to asztikn-\ 'eight*. It may be conjectured that these three forms 
once were *septin(-l) *devin(-l) — cp. the ordinals septin-ta-s 
deviti-ta-s — and *a$2*ti(h-i), and that their present shape is due 
to mutual assimilation. The long u caused the lengthening 
of i to y ; similarly the long vowel of trylika etc. caused the 
lengthening of the antepenult in vgnulika (p. 28), and that of 
Idg. *tfU caused the lengthening in *qetyf- *pefoqB- (§ 178); 
many other examples might be found. *septin-l septift-tos in- 
stead of *septim-l *septim-ta~$ owe their n to *devin-l *devift-ta-s. 

O.C.S1. sednfi, an abstract noun, beside sedtnu 'seventh', was 
shaped on the analogy of Sesfl : Sestu etc. (II § 97 p. 290). The 

1) If it is assumed that there were proethnio forms, *8tbun-i *niun-i 
*tehun-i, ad-formates of *fimfi = Idg. *petdqe, it follows that O.H.O. aete, 
whioh should have been *8th8, must be regarded as modelled upon the 
analogy of sehsio sehto. For on this assumption there must have been a 
pr. Germ. •*«/*-!, whioh would then have become *six 8 *' 

§§171,172. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 19 

pr. Idg. abstract would doubtless be *8eptop-ti-8 : Skr. 8aptati-$ 
(Seventy), O.Icel. sjaund. 

Seventh. Idg. *septm6- (perhaps *sepdm6- *sebdm6- may be 
inferred from Or. tfdojito-s O.C.Sl sedtnU; see I § 469 p. 345) 
and *8epttpm6-. Possibly *septip-t6- may also be regarded as 

Skr. saptatnd-s. Also saptdtha-8 Avest. haptapa-. 

Armen. evth-er-ord. 

Gr. £pdo/uo-g Epidaur. S/MtyiaTo-c, cp. sftdofiujxovra Heracl. 
Delph. hfiis^xowa ; Horn, hpioft-aro-g like npu>TO-g {*np(of-aTO-g) 
and XQix-axo-Q, see § 167 p. 9. The history of HfUo/to- is 
obscure. There seem to have once been two parallel forms, 
HpAjiio- = O.C.S1. sedmo- and *«7ira^o- = Skr. saptamd-; more 
we cannot say with certainty. Cp. § 178 for spdonijxovra, and 
the Author, Morph. Unt. V 36 ff. 

Lat. septimu-8. 

O.Ir. sechtmad Mid.Cymr. seithuet for *$eptipm-eto-8 , see 
n § 72 p. 168. 

O.H.G. sibunto. 

Pnuw. septma-8 sepma-s. Lith. sSkmas (s&kmas), see 
I § 345 p. 271, § 377 p. 286; the ordinary word now is septiftta-s 
(Lett, septitdis) instead of *septiin-ta~s through assimilation to 
devfa-ta-s. O.C.S1. sedmu. 

§ 172. Eight. Idg. *oh6 *o&#jf. -t~ must have been 
something of the nature of a suffix, as aM-H-§ 'eighty' seems 
to shew; this word is unintelligible if regarded as a derivative 
from *okfy (aftail). 

Remark. It can hardly be a mere ooinoidenoe that the ending 
agrees with that of the nom. aoo. du. maso. of o-stems (§ 285). *o£i too, 
which we see in ak-tt~h may have been a dual, like *oqi 'the two eyes' 
(§ 295). Perhaps the meaning may have been 'two sets of four' (op. 
MicLCymr. deu-nau> 'eighteen', properly 'two nines', etc.) It most be ad- 
mitted that in that ease the numeral 'two' might have been expected before 
*okt^ as in Lat tn-ginii 'two tens', du-cenH, and so forth. Still this might 
have been dropped in oonrse of time. 

Uninflected in pr. Idg. : e. g. Avest. a$ta sataiS 'with eight 
hundred'; and Gr. oxroi, Lat. odd, O.Ir. ocht n- are always 


20 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 172. 

indeclinable. Inflected forms axe: Skr. instr. afya-bhi?, Armen. 
uf-i-c, O.H.G. dat. ahtow-en (only used when the substantive 
precedes). Inflexion is regular only in Lithuanian, aszt&nl 

Skr. aftd a&au, Avest. a§ta. In Skr. we find also o#l, 
loc. afta-su etc., an ad-formate of sapid. Compounds with ajfta- 
(cp. Lat. octi-) had not a little to do with giving currency to 

this form. 

Armen. uf, for *uvt, and that for *op*0fe), whose p came 
from the numeral seven (cp. El. otttcJ); see Bugge, Beitr. zur 
etym* Erl. der arm. Spr. 43. 

Or. oxrco. The numeral seven gave its rough breathing to 
Heracl. dxroi, its n to El. o^rw, and its a to oxra- in oktu-xooioi 
(Lesb. 6kt<o-x6oioi) oxxd-novq (beside oxxd-novq : Skr. aftd-pad-). 
Boeot. oxro is like <Jt/o, see §§ 166, 293. 

Lat. odd. In composition odd- and octi- odw-, cp. Skr. 
afya- Avest. aSta-. Osc. Uhtavis 'Octavius'. 

O.Ir. ocht w- (see I § 517 p. 377) follows secht n-; for forms 
without the nasal see Stokes, Bezzenb. Beitr. XI 170. Mod.Cymr. 
wyih Mod.Bret. eiz for *oktt y older *oktU *oktd. 

Goth, ahtdu] O.H.G. ahto, inflected dative ahtowen. See 
I § 659.3 p. 512, § 660.3 p. 515, § 661.3 p. 519. 
Lith. asztb-n-\, cp. § 171 p. 18. 

O.C.S1. 08trit (ordinal osmU) follows sedtrif, see § 171 p. 18. 
The original Idg. abstract numeral is represented by Skr. aif- 
-ti-( (eighty 9 ), cp. p. 19. 

Eighth. Idg. *o1ctdu-6- or some such form. The mo- 
forms follow the example of the numeral seven, as do Skr. 
navamd-s Umbr. nuvrme (§ 173 p. 22). 
Skr. aftamd-8, Avest. aitema-. 
Armen. u£-er-ord. 

Or. oydoo-$ for *oydofo-g (in Homer also dydo-aro-g, like 
J/ftto'/i-aro-tf), cp. bydo-rj-xovva, 6ydo-d$. -y$~ for -xr- follows the 
'fid* of 'seven. In all other points the history of oy3o(f)o-q is 
oUcure; see the Author, Morph. Unt. V 36 ff., and below § 311. 
Lat. octav-o-8, Osc. Uhtavis 'Octavius'; the H is strange 
nor ban it been satisfactorily explained even by the attempts 

§§ 172,173. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 21 

of Thurneysen and Meringer (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 154, 232). 
Cp. the vulgar Latin octuO-ginta, for *octov-a-, which is like 
Gr. 6ydo(f)-7}-. See the Author, loc. cit. 

O.Ir. ocht-madj Mid. Cyrar. wyth-uet. 

Goth, ahtu-ddy O.H.G. ahto-do; O.Fris. ahtunda following 
sigunda niugunda. 

Lith. aszma-s (now growing obsolete) , Pruss. ace. asnta-w, 
O.C.S1. osmii, pr. Balto-Slav. *o$(t)-mo-8. The Lith. has another 
word asztuMa-s, an ad-formate of septitUa-s deviftta-s. 

§ 178. Nine. Idg. *niwQ and *inwQ, the latter in Armenian 
and Greek. Also *enuen-, which is preserved in Gr. ivev-rjxovra 
(§ 178). The final was -# -n, not ny* -m, as we see from 
Gr. ivsv-tj-xovra , Lat. nQn-a-gintd ndn-u-8 and Lith. deviri-ta-s 
(contrast deszim-ta-s 'tenth'). 

In Indo-Germanic, it was not inflected; e. g. A vest, nava 
sataiS with nine hundred'; and in Greek, Latin, and Old Irish 
it is always indeclinable. Inflected forms: Skr. gen. navdndm, 
Goth. gen. w«m-£, O.H.G. dat. niun-in (only when the sub- 
stantive precedes). It is always declined in Lithuanian, devyn-l. 

Skr. ndva y Avest. nava. 

Armen. iroi, pi. inun-K or innun-R (cp. Osthoff, Morph. 
Unt. I 122), see I § 232 p. 197. 

Gr. *hvfa preserved in Ion. nvd-wxsG tlva-xooioi tiva-ro-g 
Att. Jfa-xocrio* !fa-ro-£, Horn. ivv-rj{iug like ivvy-xovTa (§ 178). 
Also iwiu, which should probably be explained with Wacker- 
nagel (Kulin's Ztschr. XXVIII 132 ff.) as **V vsfa nine in all, 
a good nine', this original meaning having been subsequently 
weakened; Heracl. Iw a, like ox no, following enrol, ivtv-tj-xovra 
'ninety' preserves an original *enuen- y cp. § 178. 

Lat. novetn instead of *noven follows septem decern, -n is 
kept in ndn-O-ginta ndn-u-s. noun-dinu-m nfln-dww-w, usually 
nun-dinu-m. Umbr. nuvis 'novies*. 

O.Ir. ndi »-, Mod.Cymr. Corn. nave. But whence came this a? 

Goth. O.H.G. niun for *niuun, I § 179 p. 156. O.Sax. 
nigun A.S. nijon, where j is a transition-sound or glide (cp. 
Jellinek , Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 582). The ending -tw is 

22 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. §§ 173,174. 

to be explained in the same way as that of sibun, for which see 
§ 171 p. 18. 

Lith. devynA O.C.81. dev$t instead of *navyt& *novqtt on 
the analogy of the initial de- of 'ten'; Pruss. neuftnts (ninth*) 
has been influenced by the Germanic form. For the termination 
of devyn-l see § 171 p. 18. devqtt is the Idg. abstract *newp- 
-ft-« : cp. Star. navatUS (ninety*), Avest. navaiti-S (nine' and 
'ninety), O.Icel. nTund. 

Ninth. Idg. *we##n-(J- or *new$-t6- (?enu#n-6- or *enu#-to-), 
perhaps both. 

Skr. navamd-8 Avest. naoma- = *navema- (as ker'naom 
= *ker'navem, I § 158 p. 141) O.Pers. navama- instead of 
*navand-, following (Skr.) saptamd- da&amd-, cp. Umbr. 

Arm en. inn-er-ord. 

Gr. Horn. fiVa-ro-s, Att. Horn. eVa-ro-g for *ivfa-TO-g. 

Lat. ndn-us for *n(w«w-o-. If the dzenaine of the Duenos 
inscription means 'die noni', its oi makes some difficulty, although 
not for the reasons which Pauli suggests (Altital. Stud. I 32 ff.). 
Umbr. nuvime c nonum*, where m is not original, but is like that 
of Lat. novem and Skr. navamd-s. 

O.Ir. nd-tnad, Mid.Cymr. naw-uet, re-formates like ocht- 
-mad toyth-uet etc. 

Goth, niun-da O.H.G. niun-to-, pr. Germ. *niuun-dd-n-. 

Lith. deviMa-8 (Pruss. newlnt-s, see above), % C.S1. devq-t%. 

§ 174. Ten. Idg. *dih)%. Originally indeclinable, and still 
so in Ved. dd$a kakSiyObhi§ with ten girdles', Gr. tisxa vaval, 
Lat. decern navium, Goth, taihun skattans, O.H.G. stat zehen 
bur go 'Decapolis', and similar phrases. Inflected: Skr. instr. daSdr 
-&A&, Arm en. instr. tasam-bR tasam-b, Gr. gen. isxwv in a Chian 
inscription (a trace of Lesbian influence), dat. Goth, taihun-itn 
O.H.G. zehin-in (in O.H.G. only found where the substantive pre- 
cedes). *deJcqi has died out not only in Slavonic, but in Baltic too. 

Skr. d&ia, Avest. dasa. 

Arnien. tarn. If the ace. mard 'hominem' is a regular 
developement from *mfto-m, in which case original final -m was 

§ 174. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 23 

dropped, tasn like evfn must be an ad-formate of in-w nine*, 
cp. I § 202 p. 169, § 651.2 Rem. p. 497. But it is pre- 
ferable to regard the ending of tasn as coming quite regularly 
from *de&jj», and mard as being a nominative used for the ac- 
cusative (see § 212). 

Gr. dtxa. Arcad. <too-<fexo (Bullet, de corresp. helten., IV 
1889 p. 281) like iixoro-g (see p. 24). 

Lat. decern, -decim in Un-decirn etc. is due to the accentuation, 
see I § 65 p. 53. Re-formates are decu-plu-s dec-enni-s dec- 
-unx etc. beside decem-plex etc. Unibr. desen-duf 'duodecim* 
tekuries dequrier Mecuriis', Osc. dekmanniiifs Mecumanis'. 

O.Ir. deich n- (indeclinable, since deich and deck are 
meaningless variations in the mode of writing the same 
sounds), O.Cymr. dec. 

Goth, taihun O.H.G. zehan. The final -n must be ex- 
plained in the same way as that of sibun, see § 171 p. 18. We 
should not have expected the -a- which is found in O.H.G. zehan 
O.Sax. tehan; cp. O.H.G. zehanzo beside Goth. talhunt$(-hund) 
§ 179. Possibly in words like drf-zehan, *-tehun became *-teh# 
and then -tehan } and the a passed thence into *tihun etc. (cp. 
O.H.G. Slgi-frid as contrasted with fridu). A different ex- 
planation is given by Noreen, Arkiv HE 26. 

In Balto-Slavonic the only forms left are the two Idg. ab- 
stracts : Lith. deszim-t- O.C.S1. desq-t- and Lith. deszim-ti- O.C.SL 
de$q-tt-: cp. Skr. da&dt- Gr. dexdg Goth. gen. pi. talhuntZ (in 
talhunte-hund '100', see § 179) and Skr. da&ati-§ (tenfold 
character, group of ten', specialised to mean 'group of ten 
tens, hundred') O.Icel. tlund. In early Lithuanian deszimti- 
is still an inflected singular substantive and is followed by the 
genitive; but now the inflexion is gone, and we have deszimt 
(doubtless both ace. sing. = destfi and loc. sing. = desqte) and 
deszimts deszifnts (doubtless nom. pi. = desete) >), although still 

1) The history of the plural form dBszimU needs farther investigation. 
Has it been influenced by dvldeszimts 'twenty' trlsdeszimts 'thirty* etc? 
Or is it merely due to an idiom of the language whioh we find in the 
old books, whereby the abstract noun is used like an adjective with the 

24 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. §§ 174,175. 

governing the genitive plural. O.C.S1. desqtX is declined throughout 
as an i-stem ; there is a parallel stem desqt-, e. g. in jedinu na 
.desqte (loc. sing.) 'eleven* = one upon ten*. 

Tenth. Idg. *dehp-to- (*d*%-*-o-P see II § 81 Rem. 1 
p. 242) and *dektp,m-o-. 

Skr. da&am&s, Avest. dasema-. 

Armen. tasn-er-ord. 

Gr. dixavo-q. Lesb. Arcad. fixoro-g (cp. Arcad. oW-<fexo), 
whose o follows -xovnx -xoaro-s, cp. §§ 176, 177. 

Lat. decimuSy Osc. dekmanniiifs 'decumanis'. 

O.Ir. dechm-ad, Mid.Cymr. decu-et. 

Goth, taihunda, O.H.G. zehanto (cp. p. 23). 

Lith. deszifhta-s, O.C.S1. desqtU. 

§ 176. Eleven to Nineteen. When the units were 
added to multiples of ten in the parent language, both units and 
tens of the resulting number were independent in the sentence. 
The copula 'and* may have been generally used with them, as 
in the phrases Ved. Seq ca v\&at\ ca ace. '21', trdyaS ca tri&dc ca 
'33', Gr. dvw ntvrtjxovra '52', Lat. quattuor et vlgintt; but 
not always, as we infer from Ved. trtfatq trtn ace. '33', Gr. 
nsvnjxovra Svo, Lat. vtgintl quattuor etc. But in the cardinal 
numbers 11 to 19 there was a closer combination between the 
unit and the numeral 'ten' which followed it (see II § 16 
pp. 31 f.). In the numbers 11 to 14 the unit was inflected, in 
15 to 19 it was not; hence 15 to 19 readily became true com- 
pounds, whilst 11 to 14 may not have become compounds so 
soon, since their ending had first to become stereotyped. 

Remark. There can be no doubt as to the reasons for this difference 
between the expressions for 11 to 19 and those for 21—29, 31—39 etc. 
The former group was more often used, for one thing; but the chief reason 
was that the words for 20 and the other multiples of ten were themselves 
compounds, and therefore it was less convenient to oompound them again 
with other words. 

name of the thing whose number is stated, and takes the case of it ; as 
loc de&zimtisa m&ttosu *in decern urbibus' (cp. Beuenberger, Beitr. iut 
Gesch. der lit Spr. 178 f.)? 

§ 175. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 25 

But the numbers 11 to 19 were not expressed in the parent 
language only by pairs of words in juxta-position, like Skr. dvd- 
-da&a Gr. <W-<fexa. We are justified in regarding as original 
expressions like Gr. iixa dvo, iixa rgtig, Lat. decern duo, decern 
trte. We may also believe that phrases of subtraction were 
used for the numbers immediately preceding twenty as well 
as for those immediately preceding thirty, forty and so forth; 
such, for example, as we find when the languages had begun to 
follow their own separate lines — Skr. $kdnav\&ati-$, iinavjdati-f 
and tkan nd vi&ati~§ for 19, tryUnasa?ti-§ for 57, Gr. svog diovra 
sixoaiv Bxtj '19 years', ftiug dtovoai tevrapdxoi'ru ytjsq '39 ships', 
Lat. Un~dB-vtgintl duo-d&-tflginta, A.S. twd Ices twenty for 18, 
an Ices twenti% for 19, H.G. dial, ains-min-zwaimich ztcai-min- 
dreisich (Goth. 2 Cor. 11. 24 fidvdr tiguns dinamma vanans to 
translate rsooapaxovra napd jutav). 

Of the different modes of expressing the ordinals which 
we find, the Latin for 13th to 19th, tertius decimus etc., occurs 
in Armenian, Greek, and Germanic besides. We may therefore 
fairly regard this as original. 

Aryan. Cardinals. 11 Skr. $ka-da&a; the first part of 
which crystallises the form of the instr. sing. masc. (Yed.) and 
nom. sing, fern.; the form thus chosen was suggested by dvd- 
-daia, cp. Avest. afvan-dasa- etc. < ll tb ' below. 12 Skr. dvd- 
-da&a duvd-da&a Avest. dva-dasa. 13 Skr. trdyd-da&a. 14 
Skr. cdtur-daia, showing now the stem without inflexion, cp. 
Avest. capru-dasa- '14 th *. 15 Skr. pdftca-da$a, Avest. panca- 
-dasa. 16 Skr. $6-da&a. 17 Skr. saptd-da&a. 18 Skr. c#f- 
-daia. 19 Skr. ndva-daia, also fikdnavi$ati-§ ($ka-una-vj£ati- 
a score too little by one, a score less one*), or simply una- 
-v\&ati-$, and than (i. e. tkad) nd v\&ati-§ (cp. Delb., Altind. 
Synt. pp. 112, 543). 

Ordinals. In Sanskrit all the numbers have both -da&d-s 
and -da&ama-s, cp. Lat. -decimu-s. 11 th Skr. ekada&d-s, Avest. 
afvan-dasa-, atva-dasa-, a$vd-dasa- ; afva-dasa- may be like 
dva-dasa- = Skr. dod-da&d-, or is it the bare stem instead 
of a case, as in pri-dasa- capru-dasa-? cp. II § 25 p. 41. 

26 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 175. 

12 th Skr. dvadaid-8 (dvOdafama-s like duodecitnu-s) , Avest 
dvadasa-. 13 th Skr. traydda&d-s, Avest. pridasa- with the bare 
stem instead of a case. 14 th Skr. caturda&d~8, Avest. caprudasa-, 
cp. the cardinal. 15 th Skr. paiicadaid-s, Avest. pancadasa- 
and pancadasya-, the latter like tairya- 'fourth' 6#ya- 'second'. 
16 th Skr. §Oda£d-s, Avest. xsvaHasa-, etc. Side by side with 
Skr. navadaSd-s (Avest. navadasa-) '19 th ' is found ekdnavtfas, 
unavi&a-s and ekannavy&d-s, cp. the ordinal. 

Armenian. Ordinals. 11 me- 1 as an. 12 erko-tasan. 13 
ereR-tasan. 14 6oreX-tasan. 15 hnge-tasan. 16 vei-tasan. These 
are all inflected as i-stems; e.g. gen. dat. meta$ani$, instr. 
metasanivU (cp. #*an '20', gen. dat. Rsanic). The numbers from 
17 onwards have ip 'and', and inflect sometimes both parts, 
sometimes only tasn (cp. air-ev~ji II § 28 p. 46). 17 evth-ev- 
-tasn. 18 ttf-0t>-ta$n. 19 irw-ev-tasn. 

Ordinals. Two modes are used, tasn-erord ('tenth') may 
be followed by the ordinal of the unit, as tasnerord torrord 
'decimus quartus'; or -er~ord may be simply added to the cardinal, 
as tnetasan-erord '11 th ' JoreKtasan-erord 'H**. 

Greek. Cardinals. 11 fv-dsxa (}v- is nom. ace. neut), 
Delph. dsr.a sl$. 12 i(0-dsxa (Horn. tfvw'-<fexa), Horn, dvo-xai-dsxa, 
and in Att. and Dor. Sixa dvo as well. 13 tqsTq xai dexu and 
(with the nom. rgsTg crystallised) rpsig-xai-dexa *), Att. Dor. ii*a 
TQfTg as well. 14 TSTxageq xai dexu, TSTTagio-xai-dtxa and tiixu 
rdrrupfg, and so forth. As to the form of S£ in hx-xat-fe xa beside 
Boeot. lo-xTj-Sixaxog see the Author's Greek Grammar 2 § 59 p. 71. 
In Attic dixa dvo, Sixa rpug etc. were used when the substantive 
preceded ; e. g. dpa/ucu dsxa rpeTg but rpsTg xai isxa dga/jiai 
(cp. Wackernagel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV pp. 284 f. and PhiloL 
Anzeiger 1886 pp. 78 f.; Meisterhans, Gr. der att. lnschr. 2 
pp. 126 f.). 

Ordinals. 11 th Ivdixato-g. 1 2 th duttiixaro-g, epic dvcodsxaTO-g, 

1) If the by-form ri«r*<u'<fc«a is to be admitted (ep. Meisterhans, Gr. 
der att lnschr. 1 p. 126), it contains the ace. t$U = **?»? (Wheeler, Der 
gr. Nominalaccent 42) in a crystallised shape, or t^ if, the form it assumed 
in proethnic Greek before consonants (I § 204 p. 171). 

§ 175. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 27 

Ion. dvoJsxaro-g. From 13 th onwards the usual mode of ex- 
pression in classical Attic, followed consistently in the in- 
scriptions, is TQtxog xai iixatog, xixugxog xai iixarog etc. 
Homer has TQudxai^ixavo-g oxTwxatdfxaro-g, and Herodotus 
rsanagtaxai^exaro-g nevrexcudtxuTO-g , while we find hoxrjitxuro-Q 
in Boeotian. 

Italic. Cardinals. The following is the ordinary Latin 
mode of expressing these. 11 un-decim, the first part of 
which we may conjecture to have come from more than one 
case-form (cp. Un-dt-vlginti), cp. I § 633 p. 474, H § 36 p. 62. 
12 duo-decim. 13 trSdecim for *trte-decim (I § 594 p. 450); 
also trVdecim, perhaps following trScentl. 14 quattuor-decim. 
15 quindecim for *quinqu(e)-decim, see I § 633 p. 474. 16 *£- 
decim for *segz-decim, see I § 594 p. 450. 17 septen-decim, see 
I § 207 p. 174. 18 duo-dl-xfigintl. 19 Hn-<U~vlgintt, cp. tm- 
-decim. Other expressions are interchanged with these, such 
as trSs et decern, ocW et decern ; decern duo, decern novem ; decern 
et Unus, decern et duo. 

Umbr. desen-duf ace. 'decern duo', see I § 207 p. 174. 

Lat. Ordinals. 11 th Undecimu-s. 12 th duodecimu-8. 13 th 
tertius decimus, 14 th quartos decimus etc., rarely decimus tertius 
etc. 18 tb duodB&tctsimus, rarely octavos decimus. 19 th - Und&fi- 
c€simus, rarely ndnus decimus. 

Old Irish. In the cardinals we have the form deac, dissyl- 
labic in the older language, in the later contracted into d€c 
(Mod.Ir. diag). 11 oen — dead, 12 da — deac, 13 M — deac 
etc., with the noun in between, as da cath deac '12 battles'. 
deac dSc has nothing to do with deich n- ; it was possibly a 
word meaning much the same as Skr. adhika- Goth, -lif Lith. 

Ordinals. 11 th oenmad — deac, 12 th aile — deac etc. 

Germanic. Cardinals. 11 and 12 contain -libi-. This is 
a noun stem connected with Goth, bi-leiban 'to remain' (y^ leip-, 
Skr. limpdmi 'I cleave, stick 1 ), and it originally meant 'excess* or 
'being inexcess* — elf would then be 'one in addition', i. e. to 
ten; cp. below Lith. -lika from y^lejq-, and Skr. adhika- 'being 

28 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 175. 

in excess* as used where 10 and its multiples are coupled with 
units, e. g. a$tadhikanavati-§ 'a ninety increased by eight' = 4 98\ 
Goth, din-lif O.H.G. ein-tif, Goth, tva-lif O.H.G. zwe-lif appear 
inflected under the same conditions and in the same way as the 
numbers 4 to 10, e. g. tvalibi-m, zwelifin (O.Sax. elleban C 1T nom., 
following tehan '12'). 13 O.H.G. drt-zehan, but also fone dien 
anderen drin zlnin (Graff, Ahd. Spr. V 628). 14 Goth, fidvdr- 
-taihun, O.H.G. fior-zehan. 15 Goth, fimf-talhun O.H.G. finf- 
-zehan. 16 O.H.G. sehs-zehan. 18 O.H.G. ahto-zehan. 19 
O.H.G. niun-zehan. 

Ordinals. 1 1 th (fem.) O.H.G. einlif-to O.Icel. ellifte ellifti. 
12 th (fem.) O.H.G. zwelif-to O.Icel. tolfte tdfti. The following 
ordinals began by being phrases of the same type as Lat. 
tertius decimus; but their first member crystallised, it would 
seem, in proethnic Germanic, and they then conformed to the 
rules of stem-compounds. Goth. Luke 3. 1 in jSra fimfta- 
taihundin Vv erst nsvTtxaidsxdup. O.H.G. dritto-zehanto, fiordo- 
-zehanto etc., and also with -a- (later -e-) as the final of the 
first member. Another series, derived from the cardinal, was 
used in later O.H.G., as fierz$n~do sehszen-do. Icelandic has a 
corresponding series, fim(m)t(Ln-de sextdn-de etc. 

Balto-Slavouic. Lithuanian. 11 vSnU-Wca, 12 dvy- 
-lilca, 13 trjf-lika, 14 keturio-tika, 15 penki6-lika y 16 szeszio-lika, 
17 8eptyni6-lika y 18 asztunio-lika, 19 devynio-Uka; 11 th O.Lith. 
lekas, 12 th O.Lith. antras ttkas, but the words now used have 
-likta-8, as 11 th vZn&'likta-aj 12 th dvyliktas. try-lika, keturid- 
-lika etc. contain forms of the neut. pi. in both parts (§ 338), 
and accordingly O.Lith. has the dat. -likams and instr. -likais. 
When the neuter dropped out of use in Lithuanian (§ 403), 4%ka 
was treated as a nom. sing, fem.; and then it was declined gen. 
-likos etc. This inflexion is seen in Old Lithuanian, and is 
still found in dialects of the language, -lika came from an 
adjective *lika-8 remaining over, being in excess', a by-form of 
the O.Lith. lekas just mentioned; and to this day fflca-8 is in 
regular use in the sense of 'remaining over singly, odd*. The 
root is leiq- (Lat. linquo Gr. Xhtho). Cp. Goth, din-lif above. In 

S 175. Cardinal*, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 29 

wen* -tik*. and d&j-Wca the final of the first member has assimilated 
itself to the numerals immediately following, and become long ; 
cp. Skr. Sca-daia p. 25 and § 326. Cp. Bezzenberger, Beitr. zur 
Gesch. der lit. Spr. 179 ff.; Kurschat, Gram. p. 269; the Author, 
Lit. Tolkslieder p. 309, and in Techmer's Internat. Ztschr. 1 251 f.; 
Mahlow, Die langen Tocale 49; Joh. Schmidt, Pluralbild. 39, 42. 
— Slavonic 11 jedinu na desqte (loe sing, of stem des#-) = 
'one upon ten', 12 duca na desqte 'two upon ten' etc. Cp. Lett 
9cin-pa-dsnut 'IT = one over ten* diw-pa-dsmit '12' etc., and 
Gr. Them, xa Sera in txa'dt (Collitz, Samml. der Gr. Dialekt- 
inschr^, no. 345. 10). There are two types of ordinals. Some- 
times only the unit takes the ordinal form, as osmyfi na destfe 
'the eighth upon ten* = 18 th ; sometimes -Xnu was used to make 
a derivative from the expression for the cardinal number. In the 
latter case the unit might either show the form of the nom. ace, 
as p^nardeufMk '15*'; or be treated like the first member of 
a stem-compound, as ptfo-na-des&fnu, cp. II § 47 p. 86. 

§ 17G. Twenty to Ninety-nine. 

The Indo-Germanic expressions for multiples of ten from 20 
to 90 at first meant two, three, or the proper number of tens. 
Originally both parts of the phrase were inflected ; both the unit 
(except the uninflected units 5 to 9, see §§ 169 ff.) and the word 
for a ten — a neuter *£omt- *bnt- (for *d$omt- *dfc|tf-, see 
§ 164 pp. 2 f.). '20' was a dual, *#l (?) J&gtf-i; the others plural, 
as '30' *trS ioml-9. But these expressions for multiples of ten 
are not inflected in any language ; in all of them the nom. ace 
has become stereotyped. Some at least of the units in these 
phrases were stereotyped in the parent language itself. This 
is proved by *qet#f-hmtd (Gr. xfxpol-xovra Lat. quadfU-gintd 
A vest, capwar'-sat- Armen. Sar-a-sun) and *pe*9qi-fomto (Gr. 
ntvifj-Hovva 8kr. paftcO-idt-) , which were ad-formates of *trt- 
-hrmtd. It is doubtful whether *hpti and *Komt9 had also become 
crystallised so soon. 

These forms of the nom. ace. pi. (du.) neut. became in the 
Indo-Germanic period the foundation upon which were built 
singular abstract nouns (collectives) of the feminine gender, and 

30 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 176. 

ordinals whose first member was the nom.-acc. form. The ab- 
stract nouns were ad-formates of the feminine *dehpt- 'group of 
ten' 1 ): examples are Skr. tr\&&t- 'group of 30', Gr. Boeot. fimg 
Att. Hxd$ y O.Ir. fiche 'group of 20' gen. Jichet. The ordinals were 
derived from these by the suffixes -to- and -t-ipmo-. When these 
two groups of abstract nouns and ordinals, sprang up, the ex- 
pressions for the cardinal numerals, from which they were derived, 
had not yet fully become compounds. Thus *trlfcomt- *trlhpt- 
A TQiaY.d$ and *trikipt'to- *trlJcipt'tiptno- 'r^tcotoorog* may have 
stood related to *trt Jcomte 'three tens' much in the same way 
as O.C.81. duvadesqrtnu ^O*' to dftva destfi '20', and as Lat. 
quartadecumanl to quarta decuma, Sacravten&s to sacra via 
etc. (H § 3 p. 5). 

Remark 1. Perhaps the re-formates *?etyf- and *penqi- first ap- 
peared only in oolleotiYes and ordinals, in which there was a closer con- 
nexion between the word for the unit and the word for the ten. This 
might explain certain pairs of forms, TrrQti-xorra and TtrraQa-*orra in 
Greek, panca-sat- and panca-sat- in Arestic; and the difference between 
Avest. capu>ar*-8at» and Skr. catvarj-tdt-. Gr. TtryAxwta would then be 
an ad-formate of Trrpoxooro-s; while rmaqanoato^ on the contrary, would 
hare followed rtmz^attorra. 

The dual *hpt-i once had the weak stem in all its cases; 
hence come Avest. vf-saiti Armen. R-san Gr. fi-xati Lat. ttf- 
-ginfi, hence also the collective with -hpt- : Gr. fi-*dg eUxdc 
O.Ir. fi-che (O.Cymr. u-ceint Corn, u-gans). But the nom. ace. 
pi. was *fcomt-9 1 whence Armen. -stm Gr. -xovra and the col 
lectives Avest. pri-sqs O.Ir. -cha -ga. In cardinals and col- 
lectives of the tens from 30 upwards *fapt- is also found (Lat. 
-ginta and Skr. tr\-Sdt- Avest. prisat- etc., Gr. tpid-ndg). Two 
possible causes may be assigned for this. (1) Beside *Jcomt-9 there 
may have once been weak cases with *%tf-, as loc. *hpt-su, 
or (2) the corresponding forms for the number 20 may have set 
the type. The ordinals had all of them doubtless *hpt- to begin 
with, as Gr. Boeot. /i-xatfro'-s Skr. tr{4attamd-$ Lat. tr t-cteimu-s. 

1) Words were formed later on the same principle in Old Ioelandic, 
in Lithuanian, and in Greek. Examples: O.Ioel. tviteg-t V*aV priteg-t 
VftamrV etc.; Lith. dvideszimti-s 'thta* (e.g. po dvideszimtU metu, in 
Bretken) from *dvi dfyzimti '20'; Gr. faW* £<»Wc etc. 

§ 176. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 3 1 

Remark 2. A vest, visqstema- is an ad-formate of *pri8q8tema- (which 
we may infer from priscp), which had itself taken the place of *prt'8a8tema-. 
In Greek, and doubtless in its proethnic period, -xona influenced the con- 
nected ordinals in *-xaoro-c. The change may hare taken place in either 
of two different ways; (1) *-xaoro-$ may have become '-xowto-s and then 
-xoaro-t (op. xtcrto-s for *xtroro-fi I § 204 p. 171), or (2) *-xaaro-g may 
simply have taken oyer the o of -xorra. The o then spread backwards 
to 20 and 10 (Ion. Att. elxooro-s rfxooii Aroad. Slxoro-g Svo-Snto), and 
forwards to 100 and its multiples (Arcad. fxoiov-fiota and Ion. Att. -xooiot). 

The old expressions for the cardinal numbers, consisting 

of an adjective with a substantive, remained in Armenian, 

Greek, and Latin, and in the Avestic word tftsaiti 4 20\ In 

Aryan and in Keltic these were displaced by the group of 

singular abstract nouns; the only Aryan forms which recal the 

old type are Avest vTsaiti, and indirectly Skr. V}&atl-§ (see § 177). 

But in Aryan these forms were themselves displaced in the 

numbers from 60 to 90 by a second group of abstracts, such 

as Skr. §aiJli-§ (see § 178). In Germanic and Balto-Slavonic, 

both these expressions for the cardinal numerals and the singular 

abstracts had disappeared before the historical period begins. 

Their place was filled by other expressions which had really 

and truly the same etymological factors, and the same meaning, 

as the original Indo-Germanic expressions. Take for example 

SO, Goth, preis tigju& Lith. trys dSszimtys O.C.81. tri desqti, 

where the substantive was the Indo-Germanic word for a 

group of ten, *defopt- *defctpti-, still used independently. 1 ) 

It is probable that *Jcomt- *%if- became obscured quite early 

in Germanic and Balto-Slavonic, as in the other languages, 

and sank to the level of a suffix; and the new expressions 

served to refresh somewhat the original meaning of the words. 

But then the same thing happened again, and the new words 

1) Germ. *tejji<- 'group of ten' must be derived from *defbqU- in 
the following manner. In the instr. pi. *te$und-ml and in an instr. dual 
form containing an m-suffiz (in the expression for 20), -undtn- became 
-iinm-, -timm-, and -wm- successively. Thus we hare tigum, which gave the 
type for a new set of oases, Goth, tigjus etc. See §§ 379, 386. What may 
be the relation of forms with u in the root-syllable (O.H.G. -zug O.IoeL 
togr tugr) to *te$u- still remains an open question. — For the masc. gender 
of the word oompare O.C.81. d&va desfti. 

32 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 176. 

were themselves obscured and became suffixes. For example, 
in Mid.H.G. rfrf-gic vier-zic Mod.H.G. drei-ssig vier-zig the final 
part was and is a mere suffix, no less than was that of Gr. 
tpta-xovxa or that of Lat. tr%~ginta at the beginning of the 
historical period of the classical languages. And in German [and 
English] these multiples of ten are used as adjectives agreeing in 
case with the substantive which follows, just as happened with the 
similar expressions which the Romans and the Greeks had in- 
herited from the parent language : Mod.H.G. in vierzig wochen 'in 
forty weeks' as contrasted with O.H.G. feorzug wehhdno Vsrrapa- 
xovrdg IpdofidSwv and with Goth. dag& fidvdr tiguns 'rj/ueQCdv «r- 
vagus dexddag, just like Gr. tpidxovra dvJgsg instead of *tgia xoVra 
aVJpwv, Lat. trJginta virl instead of *tr% conta virdm. However, 
in Germanic these new expressions with *tejw- held their ground 
only from 20 to 60, while the three others of the series — 70, 
80, 90 — were displaced in proethnic Germanic by a new group 
formed on the analogy of an old expression for 100, Goth. 
taihuntS-hund 'foxdicov dsxdg. This change will be discussed in 
§ 178. 

In the parent language there never was any very close 
connexion between the words for the various multiples of ten 
and any intermediate units which might be used with them 
(in numbers such as 21, 22, 31 and so forth). The unit al- 
ways remained an independent word. See § 175 p. 24. It was 
also independent in the differentiated idioms of the different 
languages. Sanskrit is the only noteworthy exception. Along 
with the old method of expresssion, Yedic itself contains femi- 
nine words like tr&yas-trykat- '33' cdtus-trjjbat- '34', which follow 
the analogy of trdyd-daia '13' cdtur-daSa '14'. Later, these 
compound forms became the rule; and for other numbers be- 
sides 24, 34 etc. the bare stem was used in them; e. g. fifeo- 
-vi&ati-$ l 2V (but on the other hand ekada&a), dvi~tr\$at- c 32\ 
Sanskrit always shows a marked preference for compound words 
(see H § 21 p. 37), and this new group only followed the 
general lines of the language. 

Words formed on the principle of subtraction have been 

§§ 176,177. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 33 

already discussed (§ 175 p. 25). Examples are ikdnatrybat- 
unatri&at- '29', paftcdnq iatam '95', than nd Satdm '99'. 

§ 177. Twenty. The cardinal ended in *-hpti (Avest. 
trt-saiti Gr. //-xan), which was nom. ace. du. neut. of the stem 
-hpt- (§ 294). 

The first part was *uei- (Gr. Heracl. fsirxaxi l ) ct-xoffi), *#»- 
(O.Ir. fi-che), *uim~ or *uin- (Skr. v\-&ati-§)j perhaps also *#£• 
(Avest. vT-saiti, Gr. fi-xan with i?, Lat. vf-gintl, Armen. Usan 
for *gi-8anti or *gl-8anti). It would seem, then, that different 
case-forms were used; but we cannot get anything like a clear 
idea as to what the original method of expression was in 
Indo-Germanic. It seems certain that all these variations of 
*uei" meant 'two*, and it is natural to connect them with two 
particles — (1) Skr. vi apart' vi-$u- oi-fra- 'on both sides, on 
different sides' (cp. Avest. pri-$v<*-) vi-tard-tn 'further' Goth. 
vi-pra 'against, with- (in composition)' Lat. vi-tr-icus (II § 75 
p. 191); and (2) u in Skr. u-bha& O.C.S1. Wr-torU and in the 
nom. ace. du. Skr. dvd-u. Then *#-»- 'two' will be like *tr-i- 
'three' and *tftfi- W (§ 166 p. 6, § 311 Rem. 2). See the 
Author, Morph. Unt. Y23ff., Bartholomae Stud, zur idg. Sprach- 
gesch. I 74, and below §§ 285, 296. 

The abstract ended in *-fopt~s (in the nom. sing.) : Gr. /<-xa£ 
i-xdg si-xdg O.Ir. fi-che. The ordinal ended in *-fopfto~ 
*-&yt**fywio- : Gr. Boeot. /i-xaoro'-s Lat. vl-cesimu-s. 

Aryan. Avest. vUaiti. Skr. vi£ati-§ is a singular ab- 
stract noun formed from the nom. ace. du. in *-&ati, after the 
analogy of $a§fi-§ W, saptati-$ W etc.: people said v\$aty& 
hdrinam, and with the case of the latter word assimilated ei&atyd 
hdribhif 'with 20 bay steeds' just as they said $astyd hdrfnftm 
and Safyyd hdribhii with 60 bay steeds'. The later v\Sat- seems 
to be merely an ad-formate of the numbers 30 to 50 tr\&dt- etc., 

1) Danielflgon (Epigraphies, Upsala 1890, p. 33) would now regard 
HeraoL filnan as ftnari influenced by the form of Att. $Uooi, whioh he 
takes to stand for ifixooi. The diphthong of /#«- has no real support 
whatever in the other In do- Germanic languages ; still I can see no Talid 
reason for denying that it represents an original proethnio form. 

Brnfmann, Elements. UL 3 

34 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 177. 

as on the other hand v$atl-§ was the type for trj£ati-§ which was 
used in more recent times along with tr\-Ht-. Avest. v%~ may 
come from t^-; see the Author, Morph. Unt. V 27. 

20 th . Avest. vfscptetna- instead of *v%sastema-, see § 176 
Rem. 2. Skr. v$ati-tam&-s, derived from v\&atl- (cp. £a$t-fc*ma-$ 
§ 178), and v\id-8 like ekadaid-s eleventh' etc. 

Armenian. Rsan probably for *g8<xn *gfoan(ti) with g- = 
#-, -s- = -£-, -an- = -tyt-, see I § 232 p. 197. /ban, like the 
multiples of ten that followed it, received inflexion once more 
(as an i-stem), e. g. gen. dat. Rsan-i-c; and later it was also 
declined in the singular. Ordinal Rsan-erord. 

Greek. Dor. Boeot. ftxan, and with si Dor. felxau Ion. Att. 
uxoot Horn, hlxom. 20 th Boeot. ftxaoro-g Att. sixovroq. Abstract: 
Boeot. ftxdg Thess. ixdg Att. sixdg. The quantity of i in the 
first syllable has not been ascertained, -o- in place of -a- was 
due to the following multiples of ten, its first source being 
the ending -xwra; see § 176 Rem. 2 p. 31. Hesychius has 
preserved another form ixavnv (MS. Ixdvriv) with the -v- of 
-xovra. The v iysXxvovtxov may have been first added to uxooi 
when it was used as a dative, cp. inscr. dvdodow hi xai sIxogiv 
(Maassen, De littera v paragogica, 1881, p. 34). 

Italic, vft-gintl. rfc&tmw-s, rarely vigZsimu-s. Whether 
*tf- represents Idg. *#?- or *#$i- is uncertain; we find veiginti 
in C.I.L. I 1194, later than 105 B.C. It is also doubtful why 
the final -T of -gintl is long; was an original -i lengthened 
on the analogy of -fl in trfginta etc., or was -o$ or -«$, the 
ending of the nom. ace. du. neut. of o-stems (see § 293), sub- 
stituted for it? The -g- Thurneysen holds to be correct pho- 
netically in septingenti ndngentT (quadringentf octingent%), and 
then to have extended itself by analogy into other numbers 
(I § 499 p. 366); in considering this question, we must not 
forget that a media § seems also to be indicated by the z- of 
Alban. -zet group of 20' (m-zil 'one score', dii-zit 'two score* 
etc.) — see G. Meyer, Abh. zu M. Hertz* 70. Geburtstag 1888, 
pp. 90 f., and compare the mediae in Lat. quadru- § 168 p. 11, 
Gr. $ptouo-g O.C.81. sedmU § 171 p. 19. 

i 177,178. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 35 

Old Irish, fi-che (gen. fichet dat. fichit) for *-hpt-s 
(I § 243 p. 201, § 620 p. 467, § 634 pp. 474 f., § 657. 6 p. 509, 
§ 685 p. 552) ; possibly /?- took the place of *#f- or *ye%- after 
the analogy of tricha. O.Cymr. u-ceint Corn, u-gans, the u 
of which has not been explained; cp. Thurneysen in Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVI 310 footnote 2. 20 th Mid.Ir. fichet-mad (in- 
ferred from cticet-mad). 

Germanic. Goth, tv&itigjus, dat. tvdimtigutn. O.H.G. 
zwein-zug O.Sax. tu&n-tig, the first part being a crystallised 
dative. 20 th O.H.G. zweimug-dsto. As to *tejw- for *deJcqti- 
see p. 31 footnote 1. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. originally *dvl deszimti (dual), 
hence dvideszimt uninflected, and also a dialectic form dcideszimts 
through assimilation to trisdeszimts etc.; 20 th O.Lith. antras 
deszimta-s, modern dvldeszimta-8. O.C.S1. duva desqti (dual, so 
desqtt is masc); 20 th duvadesqftnu dvadesqttnu, and, following 
the fashion of stem-compounds, dvodesqtfnu (cp. pqto-na-desqttnii 
§ 175 p. 29). 

§ 178. Multiples of Ten, from Thirty to Ninety. 

Aryan. Traces of the old neuter plural phrases *trl hmtd 
etc. survive in the first components of Avest. capwar'-sat- and 
Skr. paftca-idt- Avest. panca-sat- , since these followed the 
analogy of *tri- (see § 176 p. 29), and also in the first part 
of Skr. catv&r\-&dt-) in which *catvari- changed to catvar\- on 
the analogy of v\- and tr\-. In proethnic Aryan the feminine 
singular abstract nouns displaced the old plural phrases, and 
in the same period these same forms, in the numbers from 60 
to 90, were themselves displaced by abstract nouns derived 
from the units, Skr. $a$fl-§ Avest. z&va&ti-S 'a group of six* 
(t. e. six tens), and so forth. 

In the second member of 30, 40, and 50 the weak stem 
*-hpt- = Skr. -ia<- Avest. -sat- has levelled out the others; 
Skr. tr\-&dt- catvOr\-&dt- paflca-&dt- , Avest. pri-sat- capwar'- 
-sat- pancdsat- ; *-tcomt- is found only in Avest. pri-scp, an 
indeclinable word, which corresponds to O.Ir. nom. sing, tri-cha 
(cp. Ascoli, Krit. Stud. 100). In Avestic the ace. in -sat-em was 


36 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 178. 

used for the nom. as well, doubtless under the influence of the 
neuter sate-m 'lOO'; hence the word was declined as an o-stem, 
gen. pi. prisatanqm , panc&sata-gdya- 'space of 50 paces'. In 
Sanskrit the analogy of v}&ati-§ gave rise to tr\$ati-s, which 
was used along with tr\&dt-. 

With regard to the first member, the following are directly 
descended from Indo- Germanic forms: Avest. capwar'- from 
*qetuf- (cp. I § 306 p. 242) and Skr. paftcd- Avest. pancd- from 
*pet&q8-) see § 176 p. 29. Whether Skr. tr\- represents pre- 
Aryan *friro-, or is an ad-formate of t>|-, is a doubtful point; 
Skr. catvar\- instead of *catv&ri- must count as an ad-formate 
of this kind. Avest. capwar'-sat- was confused with compounds 
like atar'-carana-; hence alongside of capru-mdhya- adj. 'every 
four months, connected with four months', and the like, were 
coined such compounds as capwar'-zawgra- 'four-footed'. This 
same capwar'-sat- may therefore have suggested pri-sat- in- 
stead of *pr%-8at- or *pr^sat^ and panca-sat- (beside pancd- 
-saU). But the pri- of the MS8. may be an incorrect mode 
of writing pf%- or pr\- (see the Author, Morph. Unt. V 27), 
and panca-sat- may be a genuine product of the time when 
*pet9qe Jcomt9 was still spoken and had not yet been changed 
to *penq8 hmto (see § 176 Rem. 1). 

60 Skr. Sasfi-i Avest. xSvaiti'S. 70 Skr. saptati-$ Avest. 
haptaiti-S — the a of the latter is due to that of a§taiti-; a is 
retained in haptaipi-vant- 'seventy-fold'. 80 Skr. ailti-§ (cp. § 172 
Rem. p. 19), Avest. aitaiti-S. 90 Skr. navati-i Avest. navaiti-§. 
Skr. §a§ti-$ and Avest. navaiti-§ have not ceased to bear the 
more general sense of 'group of six', 'group of nine'. 

Remark. We may assign a reason for the use of $a$fi-$ etc in place 
of corresponding abstracts of the same kind as tr^tdt-. 8uoh a use 
suggests that in proethnio Aryan higher numbers could be expressed by 
a sexagesimal notation, in which the word 8a$tt-$ xSvaiti-8 'threescore' 
held the most prominent place. Even in historical times the anoient 
Persians had a remarkable liking for the number sixty and its multiples, 
as the Romans had for sexdginta and sescentl (see Cantor, Mathemat. Beitr. 
sum Kulturleben der Volker, 1883, p. 361 f.) The original compound numeral 
for 60 was displaced by faftH in proethnio Aryan, and corresponding ex- 
pressions for the following tens established themselyes later by analogy. 

§ 178. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 37 

In the phrases Skr. trj^dta hdrlndm^ saifyd hdrindm 'with 
30, 60 bay steeds' the cases were assimilated, giving tr\&dta 
hdribhi§, §a$pyd hdribhiS; and a further assimilation of the first 
word to the number of the second produced Skr. paftcdiadbhir 
v&pdi§ ( with 50 arrows', the numeral being now regarded as an 
adjective. The Avestic prisatanqm bawrinam 'triginta fibrorum' 
is similar (cp. Lith. deszimtisa mestosu p. 23 footnote 1, Lat. 
ducenti viff § 180). It is improbable that the latter construction 
is immediately connected with the original neut. pi. phrases *tr% 
fomto 'three tens' etc. 

Ordinals. Skr. trj£at-tomd-s catvOrykat-tamd-s paficO&at- 
-tamd-s and tr\$d-s catvOr\&d-s paftcoid-s like t>i&d-8 (§ 177 
p. 33). §a$fi-tamd-s saptati-tamd-s ailti-tamd-s navati-tamd-8 
and $afyd-s saptatd-8 a&ttd-s navatd-s (observe that t distin- 
guishes these from §a$fhd-s 'sixth' saptdtha-s 'seventh', which 
have th); the last three are to be compared with -&atd- '100 th ' 
(§ 179). In Avestic only prisata- '30 th ' is actually found. 

Armenian, -sun came from the stem -Jcomt- (I § 79 p. 70), and 
is probably shortened for *-8<mta. Sometimes we have -a-, the 
Vowel of composition', (cp. II § 28 p. 45). 30 eresun for *m- 
-a-sun. 40 Rar-a-sun; Rar- probably stands for *qtyf- (cp. 
arm-ukn elbow' = Skr. Tr-md- Avest. ar'-ma-, I § 306 p. 241). 
50 yi-sun, cp. I § 330 Rem. p. 265, and Bugge, Beitr. zur 
etym. Erlaut. der armen. Sprache, p. 10; whether *pef9q?- or 
*pet9qe- be the form contained in this word it is impossible to 
decide. 60 vat-sun, cp. ve$ 'six' and ves-tasan '16'. 70 evfan-a- 
sun. 80 uf-sun. 90 inn-sun. The numerals in -sun remained for 
a long time indeclinable, and afterwards, like Rsan '20' (§ 177 
p. 34), became inflected; they were declined as t-stems, e. g. gen. 
dat. erem-i-$\ later they were declined in the singular as well. 

Ordinals: eresn-erord Rarasn-erord etc. 

Greek, -xovra was indeclinable from proethnic Greek 
onwards. Occasional exceptions to this rule, such as TtoofQaxorrwv 
(inscr. of Chios), TQtijxovrunr (Hesiod), TgirjKovrsaat (Anthol.) are 
re-formates of a late period, and so are nifunav (§ 169 p. 13) 
and <fcW (§ 174 p. 22). 

38 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 178. 

30. rpia-xovra Ion. tpuj-KOvra instead of *Tpl-xwra. *tpl- 
first gave place to *rpia-, since all nom. ace. pL neut. took the 
termination -a from consonant-stems (§§ 337 ff.); then c was 
lengthened on the analogy of rsrpca-xoira and ntwq-xwra. 
Similarly we have tpUSHtdg. 

40. Dor. Ion. rsTgw-xovra = Idg. *qetnf~. Att. rsirapa- 
-xorta Ion. Arcad Tfoasgd-xorca Boeot. Twrapce-xovra. Cp. § 176. 

50. Att. Dor. etc. nswrj-xwra = Idg. *pe*9qt-. Cp. § 176 
p. 29. The -//- of this word passed on to the following multiples 
of ten, as in Latin the & of quadra-ginta passed on to quinquO- 
-ginta sexO-ginta and the rest. 

60. Att. Dor. etc. IJ-^-xoira, Cret. fshjy.ovra. 

70. Att. Ion. l/fctyu-17-xorra, Heracl. Delph. cpSt/Ltfjxovra. 
It is not clear how €?ioft-r r is to be explained (cp. h(tfo/udg 
BpdojLidxig and £#Jo/*o-c). Perhaps it contains an Idg. *septom- 
(cp. *-dfcom-t- beside *-dfop-t~). Cp. § 171 p. 17, and the Author, 
Morph. Unt. Y 36 ff. ipSsfiyxowa seems to be a modification 
of ipSo^fjxoyra due to the influence of ivBvijxoiTa. Thus modified 
it gave rise itself to the Epidaurian i^ds^aiog (p. 19). 

80. Horn, oydd'xovra like Lat. octd-ginta. Att. Lesb. oydo- 
-rj-xovra Heracl. byiotjxovra (cp. Heracl. oxrw § 172 p. 20), like 
vulgar Latin octua-ginUl for *octov&-. oydo-rj- (cp. oyiodq and 
oyioo-g) presents the same difficulties as epdop-rj-. See § 172 
p. 20 for oydoo-c, and the Author, Morph. Unt. V 36 ff. 

90. Horn, ivvijxovxa Oetean evtjxowa for *tvf-tj- like Armen. 
inn-sun, cp. Horn. hv-fj/uaQ] in the Homeric age the words used 
seem to have been ivfrjxovra ivfrjf.iag (the Author, op.cit.41S. 
and 45). Att. Horn. Ion. evsifjxovta Heracl. svsvtjxovra (cp. Heracl. 
Ivvia § 173 p. 21) for ** I'/tv-jj-xoira, from which we should infer 
an Idg. stem *enuen- *neuen~, to which it is possible to refer 
Lat. ndn-O-ginta tiOn-u-s and O.Ir. ndicht-ech 'of ninety years'. 
Cp. the Author, op. cit. 39 ff. 

In the ordinals of the tens from 30 to 90 *-xa<nro-£ became 
-xoazo-g through assimilation to -xovta in proethnic Greek (§ 176 
Rem. 2 pp. 30 f.). TQi&xo6to-g. rtrpoxoaro-c and T*irap«xoaro-£. 
nevrqxoaTO-g. iTgqxoaro-g. epdoftTjxooxo-c. oydoqxoUro-g. hvkvrjxooTO-g. 

§ 178. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 39 

Italic. No evidence is forthcoming except in Latin, -gintd 
instead of *-gonta owed the change of its final to the analogy 
of o-stems (cp. § 342); -t- (earlier -e-) instead of -o- may be 
due either to the vowel gradation seen in different cases of 
the Idg. neut. pi. *&witf-a, or to the analogy of tH-gintl (§ 176 
p. 30); as to -#- instead of -o, the student may refer to 
§ 177 p. 34. trl- is the old nom. ace. neut. quadra- is the 
Idg. *getuf- ; its -fl- passed on to the following tens, as the -jy- 
of nsvTij-xwva did to $%fj-y.ovra and the rest, quinqud- (instead 
of *quinqu$~). sexd-. septaa- has been assimilated to octutir. 
octud- for *octov-a- Qike Gr. oydo-rj-xovza) belongs to the 
popular language (cp. § 172 p. 21); the literary form is octO- 
(like Gr. oydai-xovTa). It is uncertain whether nGn-a- stands 
for pre-Italic *neuen-, like Gr. fvf/jfcF-jj-xovra, or for pre-Italic 
*neu#-, like Gr. *tvf--tj-KOvra (Horn, Iwqxovra). 

Ordinals. McSsimus (like vTcSsitnu-s) and trf-gSsimu-s. Only 
-g£$imu-s occurs in the rest of the series, quadrdgtsimu-s etc. 

Old Irish, -cha -ga and -ca (see I § 514 pp.375 f.) for 
*-komt-s, gen. -chat dat. -chit -chait. 30 iri-cha with original 
short i, as Bret, tregont shows; Hrecha would be the regular 
form; the word may have taken its present shape under the 
influence partly of tri 'tria', which is used before substantives 
as an independent word, partly of fi-che '20'. tri- is the 
stem, in place of nom. ace. pi. neut. *trT-. 40 cethor-cha either 
for *cetura- (nom. ace. pi. neut., cp. Gr. tstrapd-xopra) or for 
*cetru- (the stem, cp. Gall. Petru-corius and tri-cha); Mid.Ir. 
cethracha, which doubtless follows cethri 'four*. 50 cDica, 
perhaps by syllabic dissimilation (cp. Gall. Leucamulus for 
*Leuco-camulo-, I § 643 p. 483) ; is the contained unit *peioqB- 
or *pe»g£-P see the Author, Morph. Unt. V 33. 60 ses-ca. 
70 sechtmo-ga -go, which may stand for *8echtiptn-u-cont- or for 
*8echtom-u-cont- (cp. cethorcha for *cetru-cont- [P] and O.Cymr. 
trimuceint '30*). Cp. the Author, Morph. Unt. V 38. 80 ochtmo- 
-ga is certainly an ad-formate of sechtmo-ga. 90 Mid.Ir. ndcha 
or nocha, O.Ir. perhaps *n0icha (cp. ndicht-ech of ninety 
years') ; was *n8(i)ca the older form (see I § 212 pp. 178 f. and 

40 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 178. 

§ 513 p. 375) and did tri-cha cause the change from c to c&, 
or was it *nd(i)ncha y where ch instead of c would shew that a 
vowel had dropped between n and cha? It remains a doubtful 
point whether the contained unit is *ne##- or *ne%en- (cp. Gr. 

The Ordinals end in -mad, as 50 th cQiceUmad cdicat-tnad. 

For expressions like tri deich '30', Otic deich '50* (cp. the 
Germanic and Balto-Slavonic) and da fichit c 40' tri fichit W 
(cp. Alban. du-ztt, tre-zit) see Stokes, Bezzenb. Beitr. XI 167 f., 
and Pott, Die quin. und vig. Zahlm. 99 ff. 

Germanic. Goth. 30 preis-tigjus, ace. prins-Hguns, gen. 
prije-tigivt. 40 fidvQr-tigjus. 50 fimf-tigjus. 60 saihs-tigjus. 
O.H.G. dri-$ug (the spirant % is due to the preceding vowel, 
see I § 533 p. 390; yet on the analogy of zwein-zug and the 
following tens the word came to have z = te, as the spelling 
trfcig etc. shews), fior-zug, finf-zug, sehzug sehszug (the latter 
a re-formate, cp. Lat. sescentl and sexcentf, § 180). As regards 
the origin of tigu- and -zug, see p. 31 footnote 1. 

For 70, 80, and 90 we have in Gothic sibunte-hund ahtdutt- 
-hund niunte-hund, which are mostly indeclinable, though once 
we find a geu. in -is, niunUthundis; in Old High German of the 
oldest period, sibunzo ahtozo {-z- instead of -g- is a re-formation) 
niunzo (not actually found, but this is a mere accident); in Old 
Saxon ant-sibunta ant-ahtoda; and in Anglo-Saxon hund- seo- 
fontiz hund-eahtatig hund-ni^ontij. These were all ad-formates 
of an original expression for 100, Goth, talhunte-hund O.H.G. 
zehanzo A.S. hund'te6ntij y which will be explained in § 179. 
Probably the Indo-Germanic expressions for 70, 80, and 90 
which answered to Goth, preis-tigjus etc. lost their original 
meanings in proethnic Germanic, and were then superseded by 
this new series which follows the analogy of taihunt8-hund. Tet 
in West Germanic there was a kind of reaction to the older 
type, and O.H.G. sibunzo ahtozo niunzo during the ninth and 
succeeding centuries were gradually made to conform to the type 
of the preceding tens, and transformed into sibunzug ahtozug 
niuwug-, and similarly, in Anglo-Saxon, *hund-seofonta became 

§ 178. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 41 

hund-seofonti^ and the others of this set were changed in like 
manner. Cp. the Author, Morph. Unt. V 49 f. 

The forms in -zug and -zo were still regarded as substan- 
tives in O.H.G., since they governed a genitive case; as feorzug 
wehhGno, sibunzo wehhdno; the present type is in vierzig wochen 
'in forty weeks', like Skr. pctocO&adbhi r vOnai$ (§ 178 pp. 36 f). 

No ordinals are found in Gothic. In O.H.G. we have 
drf$ugdsto etc. like zweinzugdsto. 


Lithuanian. 30 trys deszimtys (stem deszimti-) and 
deszimts (stem deszimt-), like O.C.S1. 6etyri desqti beside ietyre 
desqte. Each word of the expression was declined independently 
(with the gen. pi. of the word whose number was to be 
expressed), as ace. trls deszitntis, gen. triju deszimtH. Similarly 
40 keturios deszimtys (deszimts), ace. ketures deszimtis, etc. 
These expressions are found in Old Lithuanian, and still 
survive as dialectic variants; but as a rule they became com- 
pounds, the unit coalescing with the ten. The accusative became 
the regular form in the first part, and in the second, -deszimts 
was crystallised in some dialects, as tris-deszimts ketures- 
-deszimts etc.; whilst elsewhere (in the literary language) dtrt- 
-deszimt ( 20* set the type for the final member, and its -deszimt 
passed on to the rest of the series, as trls-deszimt etc. Other 
kinds of change in the older language are discussed by Bezzen- 
berger, Beitr. zur Gesch. der lit. Spr., 181 f. — Ordinals. Old 
Lithuanian has such phrases as penkta-s deszimta-s (cp. antra-s 
deszimta-s '20 th *), and such compounds as penkta-deszimta-s, '50 th '. 
The forms now used, ttisdeszimtas keturesdeszimta-s etc., have 
been modified by association with the cardinal. Forms with the 
Vowel of composition', like keturid-deszimta-8 , 40 th ' septynid,- 
-deszimta-s 70 th ', are also said to occur. See Bezzenberger, 
op. cti. 185 f.; Schleicher, Lit. Gr. 151 f. 

Slavonic. 30 tri desqti. 40 ietyri desqti, and masc. 6etyre 
desqte. 50 pqjfc desqtH = ns yrdg cfexa'doiv, 60 Sesft desqtu etc. — 
The Ordinals end in -¥nw, tridesqftnu, ietyridesqttnu pqtfdesffinU 

42 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 179. 

etc.; sometimes they contain the Vowel of composition* -o-, as 
sedmodesqfinu beside sedmldesqtlnu '70 th *. 

§ 179. Hundred. The Idg. cardinal was *fopt6-m for 
*d&pt6-m (§ 164 pp. 2 f.) 'group of ten (sc. tens)', a neuter 
subst. governing the gen. pi. In this word 'tens' is understood, 
as it is in Skr. da&ati-§, which means both 'decas* and 'centum*. 
But in Goth. taihuntt-hund '«fex« Suv dsxdg the original expression 
seems to have been kept without abbreviation. 

Skr. £atd-m. Various constructions are found, — iatSna 
hdrinam, kattna hdribhi§ and Satq hdribhis 'with 100 bay 
steeds 1 ; and the Yeda has Satd pur as as well as Satq pur as 
'100 cities'. Sata- in composition, as Satd-patra-s 'having 100 
wings', but also Satdrn-lUi-$ 'offering a hundred helps, giving 
help an hundred-fold*, Avest. sate-m. 

Armen. hariur, of doubtful origin (cp. Ascoli, Kuhn-Schl. 
Beitr. V 212 f.). 

Gr. fxaroV, which has become indeclinable and is used 
always as an adjective, as Ix«toV ivdgdm. This is the sole form 
found in composition, Ixaro- having entirely disappeared; examples 
are ixurofi-firj exaroy-x^o-g (fx«To'aro/«o-$ may be derived from 
*ixaxovorano-g, as laid down in I § 204 p. 171); — we even 
find such compounds as fxarovra-xap^vo-c (cp. ixaxovxdg Ixarov- 
xdxig) , following xgi6xovxd-£vyo-c and the like. Arcad. IxotoV 
-pota like Ion. Att. -xoWi, cp. § 176 Rem. 2 p. 31. 1-xaroV 
is probably a confusion of two modes of expression, *a-xoro-* 
(cp. Skr. sa-hdsra-m 'one thousand') and *£v xaxov (cp. Alban. 
fa Hint O.H.G. ein hunt 'one hundred*), which were used inter- 
changeably like Skr. dvi-&atd-m and dv$ Sat4 '200'. 

Lat. centum, like exardr, is crystallised and used as an ad- 
jective; but centi- (centu-) is found in compounds, as centi- 
-manus, though we also have centum-pondiu-m centum-peda etc. 
(cp. Skutsch, De nominum Lat. compositione, p. 37). 

O.Ir. cSt, declined as a neuter o-stem. Also cGic fichit. 

Goth, hund O.H.G. hunt n. only in 200 and the following 
hundreds: Goth, tva hunda O.H.G. zwei hunt etc., whence ein 
hunt, but only in late O.H.G. The word for hundred in 

9 179. Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. 43 

Gothic was tai-hunt$-hund (sometimes distorted into taihuntai- 
-hund), in Anglo-Saxon hund-tedntiz instead of *-teonta, in the 
earliest Old High German zehanzo (hunt being dropped), lit. 
*jsxdda>v d&xug-j talhunt- = dsxad-, common ground-form *dek- 
gwJ-, cp. Wheeler, Der griech. Nominalaccent p. 38, and in 
this work vol. I p. 199 footnote 1 and § 469. 7 p. 346. I re- 
gard this, as I have already said, as being the oldest Indo- 
Germanic mode of designating a hundred, and I consider the 
old Germanic expressions for 70, 80, and 90 to be re-formates 
following the analogy of the number 100, Goth, sibuntt- being 
equivalent to Gr. €nxd&<*>v y and niuntt- to Gr. hmdiuv. See 
§ 178 p. 40, and the Author, Morph. Unt. V 11 ff., 139 ff., 
and 268. O.HG. zehanzo with a like zehan, see § 174 p. 23. 
With regard to O.Sax. ant- in ant-sibunta, which is a distorted 
form of hund-, see the Author, op. cit. p. 142, and what is 
said in § 352 of this volume on Norse Runic pri-taunta. 

Lith. szimta-s (which has become masculine, see § 403) 
and O.C.S1. suto are in living use as substantives. In sHUo the 
ft is strange; perhaps the word was borrowed (cp. the Author, 
Techmer's Internat Ztschr. I 251; G. Meyer, Alban. Stud. II 
13 f.); we should expect **f*o, which seems to be represented 
in tysqtta for *ty-sqt-ia; see § 181. 

For the Ordinal, the original proethnic expression has not 
been clearly determined. Only two branches of the language 
agree in a formation which could be regarded as proethnic: Skr. 
Satd- Lith. szimta-s. 

Skr. iata-tatnd-8 Avest. satO-tema- (for the -0- cp. II § 73 
p. 178). Sanskrit has also Satd- in composition, as ikaiatd-s 

Armen. hariur-ord, hariur-erord. 

Gr. exax-ooTo-g following Tpt&xoato-g etc., cp. also Ixutovtu- 
-%dgr)vf>-g on the last page. 

Lat. cent-teimus following trfc&imu-s etc. 

OJr. ctt-mad. 

O.H.G. zehanzug-dsto. 

Lith. szimta-s (szimt&s-is) ; it is certainly wrong to assume 

44 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. §§ 179,180. 

that this stands for *szirnta~ta-8, as Bezzenberger does, or for 
*82imt-ta-s, with Pott and Schleicher. O.C.S1. *8t-¥*ft. 

§ 180. Two Hundred to Nine Hundred. 

Cardinal and Abstract Series. The parent language 
had two methods of expressing these multiples of a hundred. 
The unit might be prefixed to *fopto-rn 1 both being in the same 
case and in the dual or plural number; as *duoi hptoi du. '200', 
*tr% fopta pi. '300' and so forth. This usage is found in Aryan, 
Irish, Germanic, and Balto-Slavonic. The other mode was to 
make a singular compound, whose first part was the stem of the 
unit; as *dui~hpt6-m 'the state of being 200', tri-hpto-m y etc. 
This appears in Aryan, Greek, and Latin. 

Aryan. Skr. 200 dvt katt and dvi~&atd-m, and later a 
re-formate dviiatf f. 1 ), 300 trtni Satdni and tri-Satd-m triiatf etc. 
Avest. 200 duy$ saite (for duy$ see Bartholomae, Handb. § 92), 
500 panca sat a, 900 nava sata. 

Armenian. 200 erku hariur and erkeriur, 300 ereR-hariur, 
400 ioreR-hariur etc. 

Greek. A group of compounds formed with -xarto- (so Dor. 
and Boeot., -xaaio- Arcad., -xomo- Ion. Att., as to the first o of 
which see § 176 Rem. 2 p. 31 and § 179 p. 42) was derived from 
the neuter abstract series by adding -iio-. For example, vsrga- 
xar-io- 'connected with the state of being 400, consisting of 400' 
is derived from *rtrQaxavo-v 'the state of being 400'; cp. Skr. 
-Sat-ya-, as $a§tr\&acchatya-8 'consisting of 136* Satin- (Ved.) 
'forming a group of 100, hundredfold' (where -tw- stands for 
from -io- -en-, see II § 115 pp. 357 f.); and cp. also Goth. 
pusundi O.C.S1. tystfta '1000* (§ 181), which is probably to be 
derived from *tu$-hpt-io- 'containing many hundreds', and the 
same suffix -iio- in /fa-io- Skr. sahasr-iya- (§ 181). Hence the 
use of the singular, for example, in Thucydides I 62 vrjv dia- 
xotjiav Innov 'cavalry consisting of a group of 200' and Xenophon 
Cyr. IV 6 2 Itittov e/(o dtoyjkiav ro/axo»x/av. This series of 

1) Kluge holds that these compounds in -&ati are original forms, of 
which the Greek and Latin words in -centi and -xdnoi are trans-formates 
(Paul's Grdrss. I 406). This riew is untenable. 

§ ISO. Cardinals, Abstraot Numerals, and Ordinals. 45 

derivatives in -/o- then superseded constructions corresponding 
to Skr. dvt iati and dvi&atd-m, which must have once existed 
in Greek, precisely as xft">* has ousted *;r«JAo-r, which answered 
to the Skr. sahdsra-m. 200 JiGxd&oi; Ion. dirjxooioi instead of 
*dj-xo'a<ot by assimilation to 300 Tgia-xooioi Ion. Tptqxoom. This 
latter form itself may have arisen from a blending of *T(w- 
-noVnoc with *rpia tard (Skr. trtni Satdni), the a being length- 
ened after the analogy of rpta-xovra (cp. § 178 pp. 37 f.); or, 
as seems to me more probable, it was transformed from *rpi- 
xofTioi after the analogy of Tp/a-xofT«, as the Homeric nsvrt]- 
xoowi undoubtedly has been assimilated to TtsviTJ-xovra. 400 
TtTQaxomoi. 500 ntvxaxoaioi instead of *7T€itc-xo<tioi, like nsvra- 
~7irir w vQ etc., see § 169 p. 13. 600 iiaxoaiou like &d-nobg etc., 
see § 170 p. 16. 700 snzar.ooioi. 800 oxraxoaioi, like oxxu- 
-*ovg etc., see § 172 p. 20. 900 haxootot. Cp. the Author, 
Morph. Unt. V 7 ff. 

Italic. Only Latin has any examples. The neuter abstract 
series is represented by O.Lat. forms with -centum -gentum, du- 
-centutn a group of 200', etc. Their original character is seen 
most clearly when they govern the genitive case, in descriptions 
of weight and measure with aeris, aurf, frUmentJ and the like, 
as argentl sescentum (Lucilius). And in one instance nOngentum 
is used as a crystallised adjective, precisely as centum is, C. I. L. 
IV 1136 locantur balneum Venerium et non gentum tabernae per- 
gulae cenacula. ducentum became the plural adjective ducentf 
in very much the same way as Gr. *$sxayjtXov dvdptZv become* 
dtxd/jdot avtotq (Horn.), and Skr. paftcO&aUl v&n&n&m In 
paflcaSadbhir vOnai$, etc. (§ 178 pp. 36 f.). nOngentu- 
longing to 900' (Plin. XXXTTT 2 § 31) is an instructive 
it is related to ndngentu-m as tri-viu~8 'connected with 
ways' to tri-niu-m 'place where three ways meet*, du-cen 
du-plez etc., § 166 p. 7. trt-cenfl, cp. § 167 p. 8. qu 
-gentl instead of *quadru-, following septin-gentl. quit 
(quincentum Fest.) for *quinque-cento~. sescentl like mi$c 
*mic-8ce6 (I § 503 p. 369), and, once more aarimilated t 
sexcentl, cp. O.H.G. sehs-zug '60* instead of sehzug, wh 

46 Cardinals, Abstract Numerals, and Ordinals. § 180. 

also found (§ 178 p. 40). septin-gentf. octin-genft instead of 
*octi- or *oct0- following septin-gentl. ndn-gentf y and in Co- 
lumella n6n-in-genti following septin-gentl. The -jr- and -c- 
have been discussed in § 177 p. 34, where we concluded that 
the sound represented by g is probably Idg. § ; and that if the 
voiced character of the consonant is really so old, these Latin 
numerals are based upon proethnic stem-compounds, *dyi-fopt6-m 
and so forth. Cp. the Author, op. cit. 3 ff. 

Old Irish. 200 da cU, dat. dib rttaib, 300 tri cit etc. 

Germanic. 200 Goth, tva hunda (dat. tvdim hundam) 
O.H.G. zwei hunt, 300 Goth. pHja hunda O.H.G. thriu hunt etc 
O.H.G. also has such phrases as zwiro zehanzug 'twice 100', 
fin f stunt zehanzug 'five times 100', cp. Gr. tto-xtkid. 

Lith. 200 du szimtu or dhszimtu, 300 trys szimkfi or 
try(*)szimtai etc. In Bretken we find szimtas crystallised in 
the singular form: du szimts vyru '200 men', szeszi szimtas 
vyru '600 men* etc. O.C.S1. 200 dtivt *«*, 300 tri suta and 
so forth. 


Sanskrit. Here the words are associated with the neuter 
abstracts: 200 th dvi&atd-s and dvi&atatamd-s, 300 th triiatd-s and 
tri&atatamd-s etc. 

Armen. 200 th erkeriur-erord etc. 

Gr. diG*ooi-om6-g 9 tp 16x00 i-o<jto-q etc. are re-formates like 
£xai>o<ra>-e, see § 179 p. 43. 

Lat. ducent-Zsimu-s trecent-2$imu-s and so forth (besides 
nOngentesimu-s Priscian vouches for nOningentSsimu-s , which is 
like nOningentl, for which see above). 

Remark. Priscian has preserved certain forms which do not occur 
elsewhere, namely ducisimus trecisimus quadrig&imus quingisimus sescisi- 
mu8 septiglsimus octigisimus tidngesimus. These cannot be really an old 
series, simply for the reason that -cl*imo- must represent *-cen*-Ntwio- 1 
and -cent- (instead of -cento-) cannot have been really an old expression 
for 100. They look as though the names for the multiples of ten, vi~ 
-cisitnu-8 and the rest, had been altered by the stem being substituted for 
the old oase or quasi-oase, the meaning of so many hundreds being given 
to the new word. 

O.Ir. and O.Germ. No forms preserved. 

§§ 180,181. Cardinal*, Abstract Smerafe, aad Ordinal*. 47 

Lith. 200* duszi*ti&$-is etc O.C.SL 200 th dcosufl** (where 
the Vowel of composition* has found its way into the word), 
300 th trismim, and so forth. 

§ 18L Thousand. The different languages do not agree 
in their modes of expressing a thousand; hence we cannot be 
sure how it was expressed in the parent language. See § 164 p. 2. 

*§hhlo- is the form indicated by Skr. sa-h&sra-i* A vest. 
ha-zanre-m, Gr. Lesb. //!*-«* Dor. x^** Ion. /(Otoe (I § 565 
p. 423); Att. yihoi may come from Idg. *§hzl6-, see Thurneysen, 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 353. Skr. 9a-hdsram one thousand' like 
Or. e-xaro* one hundred 9 , see § 179 p. 42; sahdsram fftitfm 
and sahdsram fiayas '1000 bards', like Satdm f&nOm and iatdm 
tiayas ; and, with the number assimilated, sahdsrdny ddhiratham 
'1000 waggonloads' like Said pur as. In Greek, *i wa/H*o-r a 
group of 9000* and *dsxa Z edo-v a group of 10,000* became 
plural adjectives: Horn. ervsdx*Aot, dsxd/jtXoi (cp. § 180 p. 45), 
Idg. *£A«sWjk>- 'consisting of 1000* : Skr. sa-hasr-iya- 'consisting 
of 1000, thousandfold', e. g. sahasriyd bhdgds 'a share consisting 
of a thousand, thousandfold share', Gr. /Alio- /ftti©-, like Innoq 
6i6xlh'a (see p. 44), and further /i)Uo* aydgtg like tpiGxooioi 
avdgtg (see p. 45). Ordinals: Skr. sahasra-tamd-s , Gr. Att. 

Armen. hazar is borrowed from the Iranian. 

Lat. tnille milia (meilia in Lucilius); it is often connected 
with Gr. /Ltiptot (see L. Ha vet, Mem. de la Soc. de ling., Ill 415, 
and Thurneysen, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 353); but I do not consider 
that this connexion has, been proved, mitt-teimus like cent- 

O.Ir. mile (I do not know whether the ordinal mti-mad 
has been found) was probably borrowed from the Latin. 

Goth, pusundi f., in one place neuter, (in tva pQsundja 
*2000'; but this form may be regarded as a nom. du. fem. in 
Idg. *-ai, see § 286), O.H.G. dUsunt thtlsunt f. and n. Lith. 
tukstanti-s gen. -czio (Lett, ttikst&t-s), ordinal tukstantps-is; 
O.C.SL tys^ta tysaMa f. for *-entjfl *-<mtij&, ordinal tysq&ttntt. 
On the strength of the Frankish thOs-chunde thius-chunde (from 

48 Multiplioatires and Distributees. §§ 181,182. 

the dialect of the Salii, one of the three great branches of 
the Franks) O.Icel. pUshundraS and West-Goth, thyu-phadus 
'chiliarch, leader of a thousand' (cp. pusundi-fdps in Wulfila), it 
has been prettily suggested that this word, common to Germanic 
and Balto-Slavonic, is a compound of an adjective *tUs- and the 
word for 100. **ffs- would be a word connected with Skr. tavds- 
'strong, strength* tuvi$-tama- strongest', showing the weak form 
of the stem, cp. Skr. instr. bhl$-d from bhiyds- 'fear 1 . The 
meaning of this compound would be a group of many hundreds'; 
see Scherer, Zur Gesch. der deutsch. Spr. 2 590, Bugge in Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. XITI 327, and Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 406. 
The -n- of the Lithuanian and Lettic words (cp. Pruss. tUsimto-ns 
ace. pi.) is enough to shew that some analogical transformation 
must have affected them ; perhaps they were associated with the 
participle of the present (Lett.) tQkstu 1 swell'. Cp. the Author, 
Morph. Unt. V 10 f. 


§ 182. Multiplicatives. 

1. Numeral Adverbs and Adverbial expressions. 
The parent language had adverbs ending in -s for twice, 
thrice, and four times. 

'Twice' *dui-8 (*duyi-8) 9 cp. *dui- in composition and used 
independently § 166 p. 7. Skr. dvfy Ved. duvl§, Avest. biS. 
Gr. dig. Lat. W«, O.Lat. duis also, see § 166 Rem. 1 p. 7. Goth. 
tvis- apart'. Mid.H.G. zwis, O.H.G. zwir-or zurir-o, OJcel. 
tvis-var 'twice', and further O.H.G. zwis-k zwis-ki adj. 'twofold', 
O.Icel. tvis-t-r 'divided into two parts' Engl. twi$-t, i. e. a cord 
or thread of two strands. 

'Thrice' *tri-s. Skr. trtf, Avest. pri§. Gr. xglg. Lat. ter 
perhaps for *ters and this for *tris (I § 33 pp. 33 f.); beside 
which we find trinu-s for **rt«-no- (§ 183). 0. Jr. tress- 'third, 
doubtless for *tris-to- (H § 81 p. 247). O.H.G. drir-or O.Icel' 
pri$'var 'thrice', cp. zwir-or tvis-var above mentioned; O.H.G. 
dris-k dris-ki 'ternus'. 

'Four times*. Skr. caMr for *catur$ (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f.) 

§ 182. Multiplioatives and Distributives. 49 

Avest. caprui, cp. Skr. catur-da&a as contrasted with Avest. 
capru-dasa etc. discussed by Wackernagel in Kuhn's Ztsobr. 
XXV 283 f. Lat. qmter, the ending transformed by association 
with ter : cp. quaternu-8 : ternu-8. 

There Beems to have been another mode of expression in 
the parent language, to which are due the following: Skr. sa-hft 
'once, one time pdftca kftvas 'five times', Lith. venq kafqt 
'once* db kartu 'twice* Ms kartus 'three times' O.C.S1. duva 
kraty 'twice* p§ft kratU 'five times'. 

Uses peculiar to single languages: 

Skr. ika-varam 'once' tri-varam 'thrice' from vara- 'the right 
moment for something, one's turn*. Avest. biz-va$ 'twice pril- 
-vq$ 'thrice', neuters of forms with the suffix -#e#?J- (cp. below, 
under 2) ; prisat-a-pwem '30 times' (suffix -f#o-). 

Gr. a-mxj once'; the second part is connected with mjyvvfu 
'I make fast, strengthen' na6oaXo-q 'peg', and probably had at 
first much the same meaning as another word belonging to the 
same root, namely O.H.G. fah 'part, portion' A.8. fcec 'space of 
time, time' (cp. Mid.H.G. zwi-vach, manec-vach.) The adverbs 
from 'four times' onwards end in -x* or -x»<; (Dor. -xtv) : rerpaxi, 
ntyrdxi etc. The same -xi occurs in ov-xl no\hi-iu\ it was doubtless 
a nom. ace. sing. neut. with the meaning 'hoc* (cp. Lith. szl-s 
O.C.S1. si 'hie', § 409); cp. Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 241 f., and 
the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 131. 

Lat. semel; Wackernagel, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXX 316, con- 
jectures that this word comes from *8qt-m2li and is connected 
with Goth, mil 'time' (Mod.H.G. -mat). The adverbs from 'five 
times' onwards end in -tens -its: quinqutes sexiSs etc. (and tottes 
quotits), Umbr. nuvis 'novies'. Many conjectures have been 
made as to the origin of this ending; the most likely of them 
is Pott's, connecting it with Skr. My ant- 'how great? how much? 
how manifold?' iyant 'so great, etc.* (cp. the Author, Morph. 

1) If -*» were the interrogative pronoun *?*'-, as is assumed by 
Wackernagel (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 286 f.) and J. Schmidt (Pluralb. 352), 
all the dialects but Thessalian must have had -n in plaoe of it I there- 
fore oppose this view. For These. */-$, see my Gr. Gr. 8 pp. 54 f. 

Brogmann, Elements. III. 4 

50 Multiplioatives and Distributives. § 182. 

Unt. V 14). Thurneysen's view (Arch, fur lat. Lexicogr., V 275 f.) 
as to -iens is probably to be accepted; he regards it as a pro- 
ethnic Italic transformation of *-ient, so that klyat, the neuter 
of the Sanskrit form, would exactly correspond to it. Osc. 
petiro- -pert 'quater', cp. Lat. semper. 

O.Ir. oen-fecht oenecht once* (fecht 'way, course"), fo df 
'twice', fo thn 'thrice' etc. 

Goth, dinamma sinpa once* tvdim smpam 'twice* etc. O.H.G. 
eines (gen. smg.) once', drfo-stunt fior-stunt etc. (stunta section 
of time'); also expressions with warb, as sibun toarb (htearba 
'a turning round'); with spurt 'stadium', as drim spurtim; and 
with null 'point of time', as z'einemo male 'one time, once', zu 
drin mctien 'thrice'. And see further: J. Grimm, D. Gr. IQ 
231 ff., and Rumpelt, Die deutsch. Pron. und Zahlw. 167 ff. 

Lithuanian has also a set of phrases with spki-s 'blow, 
stroke', as pen/As sykius 'five times', cp. the Upper German 
schlag 'blow' = mal. O.C.S1. has phrases with -§(f)<H -zdi 
(from Sld^ 'to go') : dvaSdi 'twice' triSdi 'thrice' etc. (cp. Leskien, 
Handbuch p. 95). 

2. Adjectives. 

With -uent- (II § 127 p. 404) : Avest. vlsaiti-vant- 'twenty- 
fold' prisdp-want- 'thirtyfold' z§va§ti-vant- 'sixtyfold', Gr. rtrgag 
•MTog, a coin worth four /aAxo?, for *rs rpw/tvr-, of which rgiac 
is an ad-formate. 

The following are etymologically connected: Gr. d-nko-g 
dt-nko-c etc., di-TTakzo-g rpi-nakro-g and Ji-tt \doio-g t(k-nXdaio-$ 
etc., Lat. sim-plus du-plu-s tri-plu-s etc., Goth. &in-faip-s fidur- 
-faip-s O.H.G. ein-falt ztoi-faU dri-faU etc. These are related 
to Goth, faltan 'to fold' Skr. pufa-s pufa-m 'a fold' (cp. I p. 209 
footnote 1), as Lat. sim-plex du-plex etc. to plectere plic&re 
(J. Schmidt, in Kuhn's Ztschr. XVI 430, gives an explanation 
which may, I believe, be reconciled with this, although at first 
sight it seems to be different); but the second r of Umbr. tri~ 
-brisine 'triplicitate' (-6r- for -pr- quite regular, I § 499 p. 366) 
as compared with tri-pler 'triplis' du-pla 'duplas', has not been 
explained. Gr. -nkoo-g iu d-nl6o-g etc. we may conjecture to 

§§ 182,183. Multiplicatives and Distributives. 51 

be akin to nXov-xo-q, and to have been early associated in the 
popular mind with -nko-g. % ) 

There remain a large number of other formations answering 
to Modern German adjectives in -fach -ffittig '-fold'. Of these 
a few examples may be given. Skr. cdtur-vaya- 'fourfold', 
dd&a-gva- da$a-gvin- 'tenfold', tri-vdrtu-$ tri-vft- 'threefold', 
Or. Tgl-yaro-g rpi-yacno-c 'threefold'; Lith. dvl-linka-s 'twofold* 
(/&£»-*, gen. lifflcio, a bending*), O.C.S1. dvo-gubl -gubtnu Lith. 
dv\-gubas Pruss. dm-gvbbu-8 'twofold' (O.C.S1. gu(b)nqti 'to 
bend, incline, fold, move', Lett, gub-stu 'I crouch, bow* Lith. 
guba 'stack, rick'). 

§ 183. Distributives. The oldest mode of expressing 
distributives was to repeat the numeral, as Skr. pdbea-patoca 
•five each* (Rig-Veda DI 55 18), tka-lka-% (tkaikas) 'one each, 
one at a time', p&rvas-purva-s pUrvarpurva-8 'the first on each 
occasion* (cp. II § 53 p. 99), dvan-dvd-m 'two at a time, a pair', 
Armen. mi mi 'singuli' tarn tasn 'deni', Aesch. Pers. 981 /uvgla 
fivgla ns/unaardv = xard /uvgtdJag nsfxnd^ovxa. Cp. Pott, Ztschr. 
der deutsch. morg. Ges., XII 458 ff., Doppelung pp. 156 ff.; 
Lobeck, Pathol. I 184; Winer, Or. des neutest. Sprachidioms 7 
p. 234; Wolfflin, Zur distributiven Gemination, Archiv fur lat. 
Lex. II 323. 

Adverbs: Skr. -Id*, as eka-ids 'singly, one after another 
dvi-Sds 'by twos, in pairs' iota-ids 'by hundreds': cp. Gr. e-xdg 
'by itself, apart, afar' avSga-Kag 'man by man'. 

Adjectives with the suffix -no-. Lat. tonus for *bi$-no-, 
trtnu-s for *tris-no- and ter-nu-8, quater-nu-8, s&ius for *sexno-, 
etc. (cp. J. Baunack, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 257 ff.). OJceL 
has corresponding forms, tvenner prenner ferner pi. 'two, three, 
four at a time' for pr. Germ. *tyiz-na- etc., compare Mid.H.G. 
zwirn m. 'thread of two strands' O.H.G. zwirnZn zwirndn 'to 
twist'. Goth, tvei-h-ndi 'two at a time, two each', perhaps by a 
fusing of two suffixes -qo- and -no-. Lith. dvynu du. 'twins'. 

1) In the deriration of -nlo-e from -?r4oo-e by 'hyphaeresu' I hare 
no belief whatever. Cp. the Author, Ber. der s&dhs. Ges. der Wise. 1889, 
pp. 51 and 52. 


52 The Cases. §§ 183,184. 

Lith., with the suffix -io-, tre-jl 'three at a time* ketver-l 
'four at a time', and by ad-formation penk-erl 8zesz-er\ etc. 
Cp. A vest, t&irya- 'fourth* d-xtuirya- 'to be spoken four times* 
(used of a certain prayer). 


General Remarks. 

§ 184. A noun or pronoun can express Case, Number, 
and Gender. 

1) On the Indo-Germanio oases in general: Bopp, Yergl. 
Gr.I* § 112 flf. p. 245 ff. Schleicher, Compendium 4 p. 497 ff. Ft. Mailer, 
Grdr. der Sprachw. HI 529 ff. Bopp, tTber das Demonstrativum and den 
Ursprung der Casus (AbhandL der Berl. AkacL der Wiss., 1826). 8eherer, 
Zur Gesoh. der deutseh. 8pr. f 382 ff. Dfintzer, Die Declination der idg. 
8praohen naeh Bedeutung undForm entwiokelt, 1839. Sohleieher, Cher 
Einschiebungen ror den Casusendungen im Indogermanisohen , Kuan's 
Ztechr. IV 54 ff. Grassmann, tlber die Casusbildung im Indogerm., 
ibid. XII 241 ff. Ludwig, tfr>er den yoealisohen Ausgang der Bildungs- 
suffixe, ibid. XV 443 ff. Stenzler, ttber die rersohiedenen Conjugationeii 
und Deelinationen in den Idg. Spraehen, bes. im Lat., Abhandlungen der 
Sohlesisohen Gesellseh. fur raterl&nd. Cultur, Philosoph.-hist Abtheil. 1864, 
Heft I. Hflbschmann, Zur Casuslehre, 1875. Bergaigne, Du rftle 
de la derivation dans la deolinaison indo-europ6enne , M6m. de la Soc de 
ling. II 358 sqq. Br6al, Sur le noinbre des oas de la deolinaison indo- 
europeenne, ibid. Ill 322 sqq. Penka, Die Entstehung der syn- 
oretistisehen Casus im Lat, Gr. und Deutsohen, 1874. Id., Die 
Nominalflexion der idg. Spraohen, 1878. Whitney, General Consi- 
derations on the Indo-European Case System, Trans, of the Am. Phil. 
Assoc, XIII 88 ff. De la Grasserie, £t. de gramm. oomp.: Des 
relations grammatioales oonsidereos dans leur oonoept et dans leur expres- 
sion ou de la categoric des cats, Paris 1890. Leskien, Die Partikel -am 
in der Declination, ein Beitrag sur Analyse der idg. Casusendungen, Ber. 
der sachs. Gesellsoh. der "Wiss., 1884, p. 94 ff. We nek, Zur idg. Casus- 
bildung, Borna 1884. The Author, Zur Geschiohte der stammabstufenden 
Deelinationen, Curtius' Stud. IX 861 ff. Oath of f, Zur Frage des Ursprung* 
der germ. n-Declination, nebst einer Theorie fiber die ursprungliohe Unter- 
scheidung starker und sehwaoher Casus im Idg., Paul und Braune's Bei- 
trftge III Iff. Hillebrandt, Zur Lehre yon den starken und sohwaohen 
Casus, Bezz. Beitr. II 305 ff. Regnaud, Examen du mouvement vooalique 
dans la deolinaison des themes indo-europeens en t*, t, r et questions oon- 
nexes, 1883. Colli tz, Die Flexion der Nomina mit dreifacher Stamm- 
abstufung im Altind. und im Grieoh., Bezz. Beitr. X 1 ff. Straohan, 

§ 184. The Cases. 53 

The Case 8. The original language had seven cases: 
Nominative, Accusative, Genitive, Ablative, Dative, 

Ab8tafung in Case-endings, ibid. XIV 173 ff. L. Ha vet, Le renforcement 
dans la declinaison en A, Mem. de la Soc. de ling. II 9 sqq. / (?., Sur la 
declinaison des themes feminine en A, ibid. II 387 sqq. 

Aryan. Bartholomae, Zur ar. Flexion der Stftmme auf -r, -n, 
*"S ~Ji •*» Arisehe Forsohungen I 25 ff. Id., Die ar. Flexion der Ad- 
jeotiva nnd Partizipia auf fit-, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXIX 487 ff. Whitney, 
Sanskrit Grammar p. 80 ff. Boehtlingk, Die skr. Deolinat, St Petersb. 
1844. L an man, On Noun-Inflection in the Veda (Journ. Am. Or. 8oo. X.), 
1880. D a t en s , Essai sur l'origine des exposants oasnels en Sanscrit, Paris 
1 883. H a n u s z , tfr>er das allmfthliohe Umsiohgreifen der n-Deol. im Altind., 
1885. F. G. P. Storek, Casuum in lingua Palioa formatio compar. cum 
3an8eritae linguae ratione, Monast. 1862. Bartholomae, Handbuch der 
altiran. Dialekte, p. 65 ff. Osthoff, Das determinierende & bei Casus- 
formen im Altiranisohen, Morph. Unt. II 76 ff. Horn, Die Nominalflexion 
im Avesta und den altpers. Keilinsohriften, I: Die Stftmme auf Spiranten 
1885. Bartholomae, Die gathisehe Flexion der u-Stamme, Bezz. Beitr. 
Xin 89 f. 

Armenian. Fr. Mailer, Beitr. zur Declination des armenischen 
Nomens, 1864. 

Greek and Latin. Henry, Pr6ois de grammaire compared du 
greo et du latin, 1 p. 192 sqq. Hartung, Cber die Casus, ihre Bildung 
und Bedeutung in der gr. und lat. Spraohe, 1831. Grotefend, Data ad 
Hartungium de prinoipiis ac significationibus casuum epistula, G5tt 1835. 
Sohmidt-Stettin, tJher die Anordnung der Declination der Nominen 
im Grieoh. und Lat, HSfer's Ztsohr. far die Wiss. der Spr., Ill 310 ff. 
Leo Meyer, Gedrftngte Vergleichung der griech. und lat Declination, 
1862. Ebel, Starke und schwaohe Formen grieohiseher und lateinisoher 
Nomina, Kuhn's Ztsehr. I 289 ff. Leo Meyer, Die einsilbigen Nomina 
im Griech. und Lat, Kuhn's Ztsohr. V 366 ff. Schwarzmann, tfber 
Ursprung und Bedeutung der grieoh. und lat Flexionsendungen, Ehingen 
1865. Dflntzer, Die urspr. Casus im Gr. und Lat, Kuhn's Ztsehr. XVII 
33 ff. Wegener, De casuum nonnullorum Graeeorum et Latinorum 
historia, 1871. Bornhak, tfr>er die Casuslehre der gr. und lat Spraohe, 
Ztsohr. fQr d. Gymn. 1872, p. 307 ff. C h a i g n e t , Theorie de la deolinaison 
des noms en greo et en latin d'apres les prinoipes de la philologie com- 
parer, Paris 1879. Petroni, Dei casi nelle lingue olassiche e partioolar- 
mente del locatiro, Naples 1878. 

Greek. Kfihner, Ausftthrl. Gr. der griech. Spr., I* p. 280 ff. G. M e y e r, 
Gr. Gr. 1 p. 299 ff. The Author, Gr. Gr. (J. Mailer's Handb. der Klass. Alter- 
tumsw. IP) p. 116ff. Pezzi, La lingua greoa antica, p. 178 sqq. F. C. 8errius, 
Wissen8chaftliobe Entwickelung fiber Ursprung und Bedeutung der griech. 
Casus, 1839. 8tolz, Beitr. zur Decl. der grieoh. Nomina, 1880. Moisset, 
£tude de la declinaison greoque par r accent, Par. 1882. Gatto, Morpho- 

54 The Cases. §184. 

Locative, and Instrumental. It has always been the custom 
to define and arrange the whole mass of recorded forms under 

logia greoa: Osserrazioni Bulla declinarione dei nomi oon tenia in a, Torino 

1882. E. J. Haupt, De nominam in -rvs exeuntium flexione Homerica, 

1883. A. Torp, Den greeske Nominalflexion, Christiania 1890 (published 
after this work had gone to press, and so not available for use). 

Italic. Lindsay, The Early Latin Deolension, Glass. Rev. II 129 ft 
and 273 ff. Ktthner , Ausftthrl. Gr. der lat. 8pr., I p. 172 ff. 8 tolz, Lat Or. 
(J. Mailer's Handb. des Elass. Alt II *), p. 332 ff. F. N e u e , Fonnenlehre der 
lat Spraohe, I s und II s Iff. K. L. Strure, tfber die lat Declination and 
Conjugation, 1823. Ek, De formis oasuum Latinorum, Gotoburgi 1839. 

F. Bachelor, Qrdrss. der lat Decl. (1866), new edition by Windekilde, 1879 ; 
Frenoh translation (Precis de la decl. lat) by L. Ha yet, with additions 
by the author and the translator, Par. 1875. Stoesser, Lat Decl. der 
8ubstantira und Adjeotiva auf Grand der Ergebnisse der rergleioh. Sprach- 
forschung, 1872. Merguet, Die Entwiokelung der lat Formenbildung 
mit bestftndiger Berftcksiohtigung der vergl. 8praohforsohung, 1870, p. 7 ff. 
Fumi, Note glottologiohe, I: Contributi alia storia oomparata della deoli- 
nazione latina, Palermo 1882. "Walter, Zur Deolination der u-St&mme 
im Lateinisohen, Kuhn's Ztsohr. IX 370 ff. 8 tolz, Zur lat Decl., "Wiener 
Stud. YI 136 ff. Aug. Mailer, De prisois verborum formis Yarronianis, 
1877, p. 22 sqq. Sohuohardt, Lateinisohe und Romanisohe Deolination, 
Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXII 153 ff. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, La d6olinaison 
latine en Gaule a l'6poque m&ovingienne, Par. 1872. "W. Meyer, Die 
Sohickeale des lat Neutrums im Romanisohen, 1883. E. Appel, De 
genere neutro intereunte in lingua Latina, 1883. Suohier, DerUntergang 
der geschleohtlosen SubstantWform, Arch, far lat. Lex. und Gr., Ill 161 ff. 

G. Koffmane, Lexicon lateinischer "Wortformen, 1874. Georges, 
Lexikon der lat "Wortformen, 1889 (not yet oompleted). — Z e y 8 s , De sub- 
stantiyorum Umbrioorum deolinatione, Tilsit 1846 — 1847. C. Stephany, 
De nominum Osoorum declinatione cum Latinis oomparata, Rostock 1874. 

Keltic. Zeuss-Ebel, Gr. Gelt. p. 220 sqq. Stokes, Celtio 
Declension, Bezz. Beitr. XI 64 ff. Windisoh, Die iris oh en Auslauts- 
gesetze, Paul und Braune's Beitr. IV 204 ff. 8tokes, Bemerkungen fiber 
die ir. Deolinationen , Kuhn and Schleicher's Beitr. I 333 ff. and 448 ff. 
Ebel, Celtische Studien: Die Declination, ibid. I 155 ff, II 67 ff. Idem, 
Neutra auf -as im Altir., ibid. YI 222 ff. C. A. Serrure, Essai de gram- 
maire gauloise: Les declinaisona, in Le Museon YI 489 ff. and 511 ff. 

Germanic and Balto-Slaronio. L e 8 k i e n , Die Deolination im 
81avi8ch-Litaui8chen und Germanischen, 1876. 

Germanic Grimm, D. Gr. I s (1870)"^. 508 ff. Delbrfiok, Die 
Decl. der Subst im Germanisohen, insonderheit im Gotisoheu, Ztsohr. far 
deutsche Phil., II 381 ff. S c h e r e r , Zur Gesch. der deutsohen 8pr. * 546 ff. 
Wilken, Zur deutsohen Declination, Germania XIX 18 ff. Kluge, 
Noreen, Behaghel, Paul's Grdrss. der germ. Phil. I 384 ff., 490 ff., 

$ 184. The Cases. 55 

these seven heads. But since meaning, and not form, is the 
basis of this classification, it often happens that forms etymo- 
logically distinct are grouped together, as in the Lat. gen. sing. 
equ% and (O.Lat.) equas-, whilst others which are really con- 
nected are separated, as in Skr. ml dat. and gen., or the 6A- 
suffixes, which have one part, and that the most important, in 

Details of case-usage will be found in the Syntax; this is 
the place only for a few general remarks. The Nominative 
implied that the noun idea was the central point of the action ex- 
pressed by the verb. The Accusative brought the noun into 
some dependent relation to the verb, the exact relation being deter- 
mined by the sense of the verb and noun in any given instance 

and 612 ff. Burghauser, Germ. Nominalflexion, 1888. Kahle, Zur Ent- 
wiokelung der oonsonantischen Declination im Germ., 1887. Braune, 
Got Gr. f p. 37 ff. Ebel, Bemerkungen zur got. Decl., Kuhn's Ztsohr. IV 
138 ff. Treitz, fiber die Decl. der starken Substantia im Gotisohen, 
Kuhn's Ztsohr. XVI 344 ff. Braune, Althochd. Gr. p. 148 ff. Dietrich, 
Historia declinationis theotiscae primariae e fontibns describitur, Marburg 
1859. Primer, On the Consonant Declension in Old Norse, Am. Journ. 
Phil. II 30 ff. and 181 ff. 

Bal to-Slavonic. C.G.Smith, De locis quibusdam grammaticae 
linguarnm Balticarum et 81ayonioarum, II: De nominum deolinatione, Havniae 
1857. Leskien, Spnren der stammabstufenden Declination im Slay, and 
lath., Arch, fur slay. Phil. Ill 108 ff. Schleicher, Lit Gr. p. 170 ff. 
Kurschat, Gr. der littau. Spr. p. 229 ff. Bezzenberger, Beitr. zur 
Gesoh. der lit. 8pr., p. 120 ff. Bruckner, Zur Lehre von den aprachl. 
Neubildungen im Lit. (fiber Docl.), Arch, far slay. Phil. Ill 233 ff. Pauli 
Prensaisohe 8tudien, II: Formenlehre, Kuhnund Schleicher's Beitr. VII 
515 ff. Bezzenberger, Zur lettischen Deolination, in his Beitr. XV 294 ff. 
Miklosioh, Yergl. Gr. der slay. 8pr. Ill 1 1 ff. Leskien, Handb. der 
altbulg. Spr. • p. 53 ff. Soholvin, Die Deolination in den pannonisoh- 
slovenisohen Denkm&lern des Altkirohenslav., 1877. Th. Yetter, Zur 
Gesoh. der nominalen Decl. im Russisohen, 1883. Przyborowski, Ve- 
tnstissima adjectiyorum linguae Polonae deolinatio, Posen 1861. Baudouin 
de Courtenay, Einige FftUe der Wirkung der Analogic in der Polnisohen 
Declination, Kuhn und 8ohleioher's Beitr. YI 19 ff. Stephan, Smal, 
8tookij, tJber die Wirkungen der Analogic in der Deolination des Klein- 
russisohen, Arch, fur slay. Phil. YHI 194 ff., 409 ff. und IX 58 ff. Oblak, 
Zur Gesoh. der nominalen Deolination im 81ovenisohen , ibid. XI 395 ff, 
523 ff. and XII 1 ff., 358 ff. 

Works and Essays treating of single oases will be cited below. 

56 The Gases. § 184. 

(accusative of object, of result, and so forth). The Genitive 
expressed some relation between noun and noun, this also being 
determined by their sense (genitive of origin, of object, and so 
forth) ; it also attached a noun to a verb in such a way that only 
a part (greater or less) and not the whole of it was affected or 
mastered by the action of the verb ; and thirdly, it formed adverbs 
of time and place. The Ablative denoted that the noun was 
the source from which the verbal action came. The Dative 
denoted that the noun was that for which the action of the verb 
held good, or to which it was directed. The Locative gave 
the sphere in which something was or some action took place, 
the goal of motion and the place where a moving thing comes 
to rest. Lastly, the Instrumental expressed that with which 
something was (accompaniment), or with which something was 
done (means). 

The Vocative is traditionally classed with these as an eighth 
case. But this was merely a method of address, or call, standing 
outside the sentence as far as syntax was concerned, and there- 
fore not properly a case at all. 

Numbers. There were three numbers, Singular, Plural, 
and Dual. The Singular expressed unity, and this number 
served for both single and collective ideas. The Plural denoted 
a number of similar things, and was also used where the same 
thing had a variety of forms or phases (as Skr. mftydvas Gr. 
&avaT(H 'kinds of death') ; it further denoted anything complicated, 
anything which consisted of parts or sections (e. g. Skr. Ved. 
dhamdsas Lith. dumai 'smoke*). The Dual was used of two 
complementary things, commonly where by nature or convention 
they formed a pair. Further discussion of these points will be 
found in the Syntax. 

Genders. Lastly, there were three Genders in the parent 
language, Masculine, Feminine, and Neuter. The gender 
depended not so much on what we call case-suffixes as on the 
stem of the word, and it has accordingly been discussed under 
Formative Suffixes; see especially II § 57 Rem. p. 106, § 145 
p. 458. More will be said of this in theSyntax. 

§ 185. The Cases. 57 

§ 186. The manner in which particular relations of case, 
number and gender were expressed was in most instances the 
same: the stem received an accretion sound of which brought 
with it some one of these meanings. But we cannot always 
tell exactly what the accretion was. In a certain number 
of forms, the point where the new part joined on to the old 
is quite clear, so that we may use a hyphen to divide the ending 
from the stem; e. g. in the nom. sing. *n&w-s (= Skr. n<Zti-£ 
(Jr. raffs 1 ) and m ekyo-8 (= Skr. divas Lat. equo-s), in the nom. 
sing. neut. *jugo-m (= Skr. yugd-m Lat. jugu-m) , and in the 
loc. pi. *nau-su (= Skr. nau-$u, cp. Gr. vav-af). In others it is 
a moot point how far we are justified in making a division: 
examples are the dat. sing. *e£#0i (= Gr. Innw, cp. Avest. haomai 
dat. 'the soma plant') and in the nom. pi. **£#fl* (= Skr.d&vOs, cp. 
Goth, vulffo 'wolves'). These forms might, it is true, be analysed 
*ekyQ~i and *e£#(J-5, -fl- being explained as a lengthening of 
-o- (ablaut), and as a matter of fact the -| and the -s were no 
doubt regarded in the unreflecting consciousness of the speaker 
as exponents of the relation in which these words stood to their 
sentence, even though the length of the stem-vowel served as a 
further mark to distinguish these cases from others, as from the 
nom. and ace. sing. Still, there is no reason why they should 
not have come from *efcuoai and *elcuoes by vowel-contraction 
(cp. I § 115 p. 107). If so, -«i and -es would have been the 
proper case-endings at a period earlier than that which came just 
before the gradual dissolution of the parent language. 1 ) 

But these accretions to the stem were not indispensable; 
case, gender, or number could be expressed by the stem alone. 
For example, *eJc#a (= Skr. diva Lat. equa) was nom. sing., 
cp. loc. pi. Skr. dsvO-su-y *me (= Gr. ps Goth, mi-k) was ace, 
cp. Lat. rni-hi Skr. md-hyam; *dh€men and *dhdtnen (= Skr. 

1) Johansson (Bezz. Beitr. XIV 156) refuses to allow the rules for 
▼owel contraction in the proethnio language which were given in the pas- 
sage of the first volume of this work cited above. I freely admit that if 
that paragraph were to be written over again, I should state most of these 
contractions with more reserve. 

58 The Cases. §185. 

dhdman, Gr. infin. &t/nev) were loc. sing., cp. dat. sing. Skr. 
dhdrnan-2 Gr. inf. &sfi*v-ut; *p#w (= Skr. puni O.Fris. ftdu y 
cp. Gr. nokv Goth. JUu) and *du8tnene8 (= Skr. durmanas Gr. 
iva^isvsg) were nom. ace. neut., cp. nom. sing. maso. Skr. purii-§ 
Gr. noXv-g and ace. sing. masc. Skr. durmanas-am Gr. dvo/uevi-a. 

There was another mode of expressing these three 
relations. This was by giving to the ending of the stem 
a particular grade of Ablaut. For example *pat$r (= Gr. nartJQ 
Lat. pater) and *du8men$8 (= Skr. durmands Gr. dva^evrig) were 
singular nominatives, marked as such partly by the 2 (-#r- -£&- 
being one grade of the formative suffix) which is wanting 
to the other cases; *§eno$ (== Skr. jdnas Gr. yivog) was distin- 
guished as nom. ace. neut. partly by its o (the os-grade of the 
formative suffix), which at the same time showed that the form 
was a substantive, cp. Gr. xptviog as contrasted with xpsviig. In 
this instance, as in so many others, a difference which arose 
naturally from the working of what we call the Laws of 
Sound has been turned to account in distinguishing varieties 
of usage. The same remark holds good for some of the words 
whose form was distinguished by a special inflexional suffix. To 
take an example: in *pdter-qt and *pater-es (= Skr. pitdr-atn 
pitdr-as Gr. -narsQ-a narsQ-fg), the ace. sing, and the nom. pi. 
were expressed partly by the inflexional suffix and partly by 
the ablaut-grade of the formative suffix -ter-, which distin- 
guished them from other cases with -tr- -tf- -ter-. In root- 
nouns, in the same way, this or that case was marked partly by 
ablaut-differences in the root-syllable (see II § 160 pp. 479 ff.). 
Cp. II § 7 pp. 15 f. 

Thus it becomes clear that in treating of declension, case- 
suffixes are by no means all we have to do with. We must 
also take account the different shapes of the stem. 

The chief relations of ablaut within the stems of words, so 
far as they affect declension — this we may call Case-Ablaut 
— have already been considered under the head of Stem- 
Formation. To this part of the Grammar we shall often have 
occasion to refer in what follows. 

§§ 185,186. The Cases. 59 

One special point must be mentioned. Forms which show 
strong-grade vocalism have been called Strong, and those with 
vocalism of the weak grade have been called Weak. On the 
same principle, we speak of Strong and Weak Cases; 
the Strong including the nom. ace. and voc. of all numbers 
(excepting the nom. and ace. sing, and du. neut., and perchance 
the ace. pi. masc. and fern, as well; see § 325), and the loc. 
sing.; while all the other cases are Weak. 

But two cautions should be given. 

1. This classification of the cases holds only for consonant- 
stems ; e. g. Skr. uk$dn- Goth, auhsan- ox, Skr. pitdr- Gr. naxig- 
'father. It does not hold for stems in u, such as Skr. sUnA- 'son*. 

2. It holds good primarily only for the proethnic stage of 
Indo-Germanic. Sanskrit has kept these old distinctions between 
die cases fairly well ; but in the other languages form-association 
and re-formation have changed and effaced them to a great 
extent; compare, for example, Greek narigiov for the older 

Remark. In Sanskrit grammar, the Weak oases are snbdirided into 
Middle and Weakest, according as the case-suffix begins with a con- 
sonant or a sonant; e. g. instr. pi. ukfd-bhi$ pitf-bhi$ and instr. sing. uJcm-a 
pUr-d. Cp. I g 308 p. 245, §§ 311 f. pp. 247 ff. 

Gender will of course be discussed in the following pages 
only in so far as it is expressed by peculiarities in the case- 

§ 180. One difficult question must not be entirely passed 
over in this place. How did the case-endings, as we are able 
to restore them for the end of the proethnic period, come to 
have the meaning which they had? 

From the principles laid down in the first paragraphs of 
Volume II, we must assume that forms with a case-suffix, 
such as *ek#o-8 *ekuo-m, are compounds which once were phrases. 
What the final of each word of this kind actually was, before 
it became the sign of a case and the type after which new words 
could be formed at will, we have not the means of discovering 
by etymological research; the forms which have been trans- 

60 The Cases. § 186. 

mitted from the parent language as fully developed cases do not 
give enough evidence. Conjectures there are in plenty, not a 
few of them reasonable enough to deserve mention here; prin- 
ciples which can be seen in action during later times often 
throw light upon what must have happened in times gone by. 

In those cases which expressed some relation in space, the 
inflexion may have been generally a demonstrative with some 
local meaning. 

With regard to the -m of the ace. sing. (*e£#o-m), we must 

remember that neuter forms which have it (as */wgo-m) serve 

for the nominative as well. Thus -m can hardly have had a 

proper accusative meaning to begin with. We may conjecture 

that -m was first used with o-stems only ; that where an o-stem 

could have a form in -* (such as *e£#o-s), the ro-form came to 

be contrasted with this in some vague indeterminate way, its 

meaning being narrowed to that of an accusative case; and that 

afterwards -m was regarded as an accusative-suffix proper, and 

used as such with other classes of stems. It is tempting to 

identify this with the particle -m which appears in so many Cases, 

especially in pronominal forms (as Skr. ahdm 'ego* m&m 'me"). 

See Gaedicke, Der Ace. in Veda, 17 *); Leskien, Ber. der sachs. 

Ges. der Wiss. 1884, p. 101; Torp, Beitr. zur Lehre von den 

geschlechtl. Pron. 1888, p. 23. 

Remark. In a similar way, the nominative -* became a sign of the 
masculine. It certainly had nothing to do originally with the contrasting 
of masculine and feminine, but was used indifferently with either ; then in 
the class of o-stems it was brought into contrast with the feminine, because 
words of that class had corresponding feminines without * ending in -A 
and -i (*ehyo-8 'horse': *e&%a, and *ulqo-s 'wolf: *tf$gi). It is dear that to 
the Greeks s denoted the masculine, because they added -$ to old feminine 
nominatives, such as \edrta ('youth') when they were used to designate 
male persons, as veavtos (§ 190 p. 67). Here -* came to denote the 
masculine gender, as we are supposing that -m came to denote the accu- 
sative case, and the masc. reOrfa; bore the same relation to the 'feminine' 
ttoqti-s no'pt-c rav-s as the ace. Inno-r to the 'nominative' Cvyo'-y. 

The -i of the nom. pi. *to-i (= Gr. ro-t Skr. tt) cannot 

1) Gaedicke's suggestion for the origin of this -m (p. 18) seems to 
me improbable. 

§186. The Cases. 61 

be separated from the -4- which precedes so many plural case- 
suffixes (Gr. ro-T-ai Skr. tt-$u y Goth, pd-i-m O.C.S1. t&~mi etc.). 
Thus it is an obvious conjecture that this -j was at first a 
sign of the plural, not of the nominative. J. Schmidt regards 
Hoi a* arising from the juxta-position of the two pronominal 
stems to- and *-: 'this* + 'that* = 'these, the (pi.)' (Kuhn's 
Ztschr., XXV 6). If so, *e&ms(u) (= Skr. divtfr Gr. "mnotoi, 
cp. O.C.S1. vluc€chu) and similar noun-forms were suggested by 
the analogy of the pronouns. 

Another element with a plural meaning was *. This is 
most clearly seen in the &A-suffixes, as *-6Aw beside *-6At, *-bhos 
beside *-bho, Skr. -bhyas beside -bhya (tii-bhya 'tibi*) and the 
m-suffixes which are connected with them. See §§ 367 and 379. 
It may be assumed without hesitation that this 8 is the same 
thing as the -es of the nominative plural (Gr. nod- eg). On the 
other hand, it is a question whether -n* in the accusative 
plural has this s or not (§ 325) ; -ns is usually looked upon aa 
the ace. sing, -m made plural by adding -*, but it has not been 
explained why -m* was not kept, as it should have been, in 
Lithuanian and Prussian (cp. Lith. dial, vilkuns Pruss. deiwans) '). 
We may follow Torp in regarding the 8 of the Sanskrit pronouns 
na&, va8 etc. as the same plural suffix (see § 436). 

In several of the dual cases, u is found (e. g. Skr. vfkau 
beside vfka). This may be regarded as having been an inde- 
pendent word meaning 'both, two*. See § 285. 

It has often been conjectured that bh in the M-suffixes. 
above mentioned was something of the nature of a formative 
suffix. It may be worth while comparing a similar change in 
Middle High German, where in the gen. dat. sing, herzen (nom. 
ace. herze) the -€«, whicli was originally a formative suffix 
(II § 114 p. 356), was changed to a case-ending. This 6A- has 
been compared with the suffix -JAo- treated in II § 78 pp. 216 ff. 
But considering att-q>i beside a//-^pai, whose second part cannot 

1) The Prussian ending -mans for *-mam-8 (if this analysis is right) 
cannot he brought in eridence , since there are special circumstances in 
the case. Bee § 367. 

62 The Cases. §186. 

bo separated from Goth, bdi 'both', and remembering that 6A- 
belonged specially to the suffix of the instrumental (sociative, 
comitative), we are forced to ask whether the dual *bhty§ *bhd 
and these &&-suffixes should not all be derived from a root 
which had the sense of being paired or together. Cp. § 274. 

Within the separate languages, adverbial words (postpositions 
and the like) often coalesced with fully formed cases so com- 
pletely that they were absorbed into the case-ending. Examples 
are: Avest. loc. pi. vehrkat§v-a § 356, Gr. *A%hjvats i. e.'A&qv**- 
-<fe § 327, Lith. tamim-pi § 423, Goth, mi-* § 442. These pro- 
cesses, which are perfectly easy to recognise, support the following 
assumptions. (1) An adverb -e, perhaps connected with the 
Skr. postposition d, is to be seen in Skr. dat. vfkdy-a and in 
the loc. Lith. raftkoj-e rarikos-e O.C.S1. kamen-e, see §§ 246, 
257, 264, 356. — (2) -su and -** in the loc. pi, e. g. Skr. vfk8$u 
Gr. Av'xoKJi, are merely the loc. pi. -* with the particles u and 
* affixed to it, see § 356. — (3) There are similar affixes 
in the nom. sing. Osc. poi qui* Lat. qui (ground-form *jo-j0 
and O.Pers. hauw Gr. ov-(ro-s) (ground-form **<>-#), see §§ 414 
and 415. — (4) A particle *em *om *-m was attracted to 
certain fully formed cases. This was most frequent amongst 
the pronouns, and was not confined to one case. Examples are: 
loc. sing. Skr. dsvayam (§ 264), instr. sing. O.C.S1. rqkq (§ 276), 
instr. etc. Gr. &so-(ptv (§ 281), dat instr. du. Skr. vfka-bhyOm 
O.Ir. dib n- (§ 296), nom. Skr. ahdm O.C.S1. azu (§ 439) Skr. 
vay-dm (§ 441), ace. Skr. mdtn O.C.S1. m$ (§ 442). On page 60 
we saw that it was natural to identify with this particle the -m 
of ace. nom. Skr. yugd-m Lat. jugu-m. 

Where an Indo-Germanic case shows no accretion of any 
kind in the form of a suffix, as **£#£ (§ 185 p. 57), we have 
no right whatever to assume that a suffix has dropped off. 1 ) The 
cases of nouns sprang up when these were used in phrases 
along with other words. But it was not always necessary that the 

1) The TooatiYe singular of course had no suffix. This is implied in 
what was said in § 184, p. 56. 

§§186,137. The Cases. 63 

relation of a noun to its sentence should be definitely expressed. 
Sometimes it was clear from the context without further aid, 
and then the stem, as we call it, could appear alone. The more 
generally case-suffixes joined themselves to words by composition, 
the more sharply defined became the use of forms without any 
suffix; and in the end they became cases as clearly marked as 
those which had a suffix, this result being possibly hastened by 
their having special grades of ablaut (as *p9t8r Gr. narfjp). 

It may sometimes, however, be the case that what appear to 
be forms without proper case-suffixes are Qnly so in appearance. 
In Modern High German, certain names of places, such as Baden, 
Bergen, Hohenbuchen and Unterwalden are really dative forms, 
the case-suffix -n having been carried back to the nominative and 
retained in other cases as though it belonged to the stem. 
Something of this kind may have happened with the suffixless 
locatives in -en *uen -men (Skr. murdhdn etc.). These may 
really contain a case-suffix -w (-en or the like) with a locative 
meaning; then the original stems will have been some shorter 
form (Gr. odiv being related to aiFo- in much the same way 
as oUu to otxo-), these forms, really locatives, having been 
made the foundation of the other cases. Similarly, the -r of 
Skr. u$ar 'in the morning', and the other forms of that kind, 
may have been a locative-suffix which eventually became part 
of the stem, as it is in Skr. gen. u$r-ds Gr. loc. tjqh etc. See 
Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XIV 164 ff., and Bartholomae , ibid, 
XV 14 ff. and 25 ff. 

§ 187. The case-endings of Masculine and Fe- 
minine Pronouns were in the parent language different from 
the corresponding endings of the noun; cp. e. g. nom. ace. neut. 
*to-d (= Skr. td-d Gr. to) and nom. ace. neut. *neyo-m (-= Skr. 
n&va-m Lat. novo-m). These two systems of cases, the Noun and 
the Pronoun, influenced each other in the proethnic period ; and 
all through the subsequent history of the languages analogical 
re-adjustments of this kind have gone on in a greater or less 

Thus there was a distinction between the declension of 

VA The CaaeR. §§ 187,t88. 

noun and pronoun ; but still greater was the distinction between 
personal pronouns and nouns. In tracing the history of se- 
parate languages, it may often be seen that case-endings pass 
from nouns, and from pronouns masculine and feminine, to 
personal pronouns; but the reverse is hardly to be found. 

In the present division of this work, which deals with the 
formation of the cases of nouns, reference will be made to pro- 
nouns so far as their cases influenced those of nouns by analogy. 
Secondly, where in any case-form there was no original difference 
between noun and pronoun, the pronominal form is cited wherever 
a particular language has kept the original ending in a pronoun 
only, or where the original ending is seen to best advantage in 
a pronoun because it may have suffered less from phonetic 
change (e. g. Goth, pd beside juka, § 338). 

§ 188. The Functions of more than one case were 
often attached to one form. Thus in the proethnic language itself, 
there was in most classes of stems a single form for the genitive 
and ablative singular, as Skr. nav-ds Gr. rq-6g of a ship' and 'from 
a ship'; and in all stems only one form for the dative and ablative 
plural, as Skr. ndu-bhyds Lat. nftv-ibas 'to ships' and 'from ships'; 
perhaps o-stems had no more than one form for the genitive 
and locative singular, as Lat. belli (§ 239). This multiplicity 
of functions was especially common in personal pronouns, as 
we shall see. 

In later periods this often came about by what is termed 
syncretism; several different case-forms, each with its own 
meaning, are replaced by one, which unites the meanings of 
them all. Thus the case which in Greek grammar is called 
the dative includes the meanings of dative, locative, and in- 
strumental; but the forms which are classed as datives in 
Greek are some of them genuine datives, as oJxw, some locatives, 
as vrr'i, vav-oi (oixoi in N.W. Greek, Boeotian, etc.), and some 
instrumental forms, as oi*ot$. Thus certain dative forms served 
as locative and instrumental, certain locatives as dative and 
instrumental, and certain instrumentals as dative and locative, 
each over and above its own proper sense. Similarly in Latin, 

§§188,189. The Cases. 65 

the case which is called ablative combined the meanings of 
ablative, locative, and instrumental; whilst the forms classed 
as ablative were some of them, as equd(d), true ablatives, some 
locative and instrumental forms, as hotnin-e. The origin of these 
syncretic or mixed cases lies almost entirely in the accidents 
of usage; we shall accordingly leave to the Syntax a detailed 
discussion of syncretic cases and kindred questions. But looking 
at the cases historically we must begin with the Indo-Germanic 
case-system, and discuss each form in the separate languages 
with reference to this. Thus we call Greek v^-i? locative', 
although the same form served as dative and instrumental 

As the singular form Skr. nav-ds Gr. vt]-6<; was both genitive 
and ablative in the proethnic language, so there were instrumentals 
in -6&t, as Gr. vav-tpi, which served alike for singular and plural, 
both then and later; see §§ 274, 281, 379. The nom. ace. neut. 
too, in the proethnic stage, seems often to have had the same 
formation for singular and plural; see §§ 223, 337, 340, 342. 

§ 180. The subject of Case Formation is not confined 
to cases proper, but includes adverbs as well. The history of 
Adverbs in their special uses will be set forth in the Syntax. 
We are here concerned with their form; and we shall discuss 
them after the following fashion. 

There are two classes of adverbial words. One consists of 
words which once were ordinary cases, but became isolated and 
thus crystallised; as Gr.'A&rjvrjot, oinoi, apa, rol, Lat. meritd, 
modo, bene, facile, multum. Sometimes these are the sole 
evidence for a case-formation in some language or dialect; thus 
in Greek the old ablative in -dd only survives in crystallised 
adverbial forms (§ 241). Then, but not otherwise, do they 
concern us here. The second class embraces words which never 
belonged to a regular paradigm ; they were isolated words, used 
in such phrases as their meaning suited, but having no more 
than one or two other words at most connected with them 
closely enough to form such a grammatical group as we call a 
Paradigm. Most of them were built up on some pronominal 

Br arm Ann, Element!. III. 5 

66 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§ 189,190. 

stem, sis Gr. £v-t6<; ix-rog, Lat. in-tus, Skr. kiirtas. However, 
these were often associated in meaning with the cases of certain 
complete systems, and raised to the rank of true cases; thus 
this same *-tos became a widely used abl.-gen. suffix in Sanskrit, 
Armenian, and Greek (§ 244). The suffixes of adverbs of this 
second class are accordingly included in the discussion which 
here follows, so far as they were in this way attached to any 

This part of our subject also includes Infinitives. We 
shall see in the Syntax how these forms, originally living cases, 
came to be used as they are. Here Infinitives belonging to any 
of the separate languages must be cited at least when they 
represent cases which have dropped out of living use in that 
particular language, as Gr. dniuv-ai (§§ 245, 251) and dofitv 
(§§ 256, 257). 


Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine r) 

§ 190. I. Stems without any Case-suffix used as 
Nom. Sing. Masc. and Fern. 

1. 0-stems. Pr.Idg. *e£#fl 'mare. Skr. diva 'mare'; Avest. 
hafna O.Pers. haina hostile host*. Gr. x l *Q& 'land'. Lat. equa ; 
Umbr. muta mutu multa', Osc. tovto 'civitas* (I § 105 pp. 98 f., 

1) One or two kinds of Indo-Germanio inflexion — e. g. that re- 
presented by Skr. (dhiyq-)dh&8 , dat. -dh-E — are themselves rare, and 
teach us nothing of the case-suffixes which cannot he learnt from the 
others. To avoid excessive detail, I have either passed these over entirely, 
or only just touched upon them by the way. 

In order to present before the student a complete paradigm of the 
oases of a given word, it has often been necessary to fill up gaps in the 
tradition by making certain forms after the analogy of other words. In a 
work like the present, I hold this to be not merely allowable but necessary. 

2) C. Ma as 8, Vocales in stirpium terminationibus positae nominum 
Ital. Graeo., imprimis vero Germ, post quas potissimum consonantes in 
sing, nominativo perierint, Breslau 1873. The Author, Erstarrte Nomi- 
native, Curtius* Stud. IX 257 ft J. Schmidt, Heteroklitische Nominative 
Sing, auf -Os in den ar. Spraohen, Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVI 401 ffi. Id., Idg. 
aus Oi in der Nominalflexion, with an Excursus: Zur Bildung des Nom. 
Sing., ibid. XXVII 369 ff. sthoff, Der got. Nom. Sing, der mannlichen 
->-8tftmme, ibid. XXIU 89 f. 

§ 190. Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 67 

and § 655. 2 p. 502). O.Ir. tuath 'folk 3 (I § 657. 2 p. 507). 
Ogam inscr. inigina girl, daughter' = O.Ir. ingen; Gall. Deva. 
Goth, giba 'gift', cp. sd 'that (f.), she' dind-hun 'any one (f.)', 
(beside dina) ; O.H.G. iwojj 'improvement' (cp. below), A.S. %iefu 
'gift'. Lith. rankd O.C.S1. rqka 'hand'; cp. Lith. ger6-ji beside 
gerd 'bona (I § 664. 3 p. 523). 

Avestic. Forms in -?, as kainik$ 'girl, virgin' ber'x&$ 
'blessed' and Prussian forms in -m, such as mensai 'flesh, 
meat' (Lith. mesa) show a pronominal ending; see § 414. 
Compare also § 202. 

Greek. Masculines like vsdvia-g 'young man ysvsx^q 'be- 
getter' were originally feminine, and received their -g through 
being assimilated to such nominatives as $€o~g (II § 79 pp. 229 f., 
§ 80 pp. 239 f., § 157 p. 472) ; cp. the corresponding re-formation 
in the gen. sing., § 229. But the form without -g remained in 
use as a vocative, as Epjueia, alvagsTTj, cp. O.Ir. voc. pi. firu = 
*yirds beside nom. pi. fir = *yiroi (§ 314). This suggests the 
simplest mode of explaining masculine nominatives in -0 like 
Boeot. KaXXls, oXvfimovixa and Leucad. <bi\ox\eida (cp. Megar. 
rov 'Agufag, § 229); these may be called vocatives used as no- 
minatives. Cp. the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 117, and J. Schmidt, 
Pluralbildung 354. As regards such feminines as toA/uct 'daring' 
l*i(Hfiva 'care', see the Author op. cit. p. 102. Masculine forms 
like Innorct = innorrjg 'charioteer' will be explained in § 202. 

Some curious masculine nominatives have been preserved 
in Italic. These are Latin 'hosticapas* Chostium captor) and 
'paricidas beside scrtba agricola etc., and Oscan Kafug 'Caha' 
Mag]ag 'Mara* Tanas 'Tana' beside Santia 'Xanthia, SavMag. 
The record is too scanty to enable us to decide whether these 
were imitations of the Greek forms in -6L~g or independent of 

Old High German shows traces of a few, but only a 
few of these nominatives in Idg. -fl: e.g. 6«oj$, hufil 'while'; 
most of them, however, are abstracts in -wn^fl-, as samanunc 
'assembly, gathering', cp. also siu 'this, that (f.), she' like Skr. 
siyd syd. See I § 661. 1 and 2, pp. 516 ff. The common 


68 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§ 190,191. 

forms in -a, as geba 'gift' sipp(e)a 'kinsman*, are accusatives 
used as nominatives (§ 213). 

§ 191. 2. C- i^-stems 1 ). PrJdg. *bhf§hqt-l, fern, of 
*bhfr§h(Mt- projecting, exalted, high*. Skr. bfhatt, Avest. 
barenti C ferens\ O.Ir. Brigit 'exalted lady' (= Skr. bfhatt)^ inis 
'island 1 , I § 657. 2 p. 507 , cp. also s-i W = O.H.G. s-F. 
Goth, frijtoidi 'friend (f.)\ A.S. thitoi thiu 'maid* = Goth. 
pivij O.H.G. herzohin 'duchess' unrtun wirtin "hostess* (II § 110 
p. 339), cp. also O.H.G. s-F «-i W (the latter, like Goth. «*, 
shortened by being used in a position where it lost its accent). 
Lith. veianti 'vehens' for *ve£antt (cp. dial, geresny-ji 'better 
(f.y); O.C.S1. vezqSti Vehens instead of *vezc$i (II § 110 p. 337). 

Aryan. In Sanskrit, these stems occasionally followed the 
analogy of stems in -t- -*i- (II § 109 p. 334): vfkt-4 'she-wolf* 
naptt-$ 'grand-daughter, daughter*. Similarly in O.Pers. we 
have harauvatiS (i. e. -T-S) 'Arachosia 3 as compared with Avest. 
haraxwaiti Skr. sdrasvatl. 

Greek has lost the forms in -?. Those which actually 
occur have -ja -ta, as (ptgovoa Terens' for ^tpsgovx-ia , norvna 
lady, aXrjd-sia 'truth' for *aXG&to-ia; these I hold to be re- 
formates following the accusatives in -&» nav § 216). 

Remark. J. Schmidt (in Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 291 and 309, Pluralb. 
59 f.) sees in the Greek -*a -»a the original ending of the nom. sing, of 

1) The strong-grade form of the suffix of which -I- was the weak 
grade in the Indo-Germanic declension is hard to determine, as I have 
already said (II § 109 p. 333), adding that -jfg- seemed to me the most pro- 
bable. Bnt in numerous instances -jd- forms are found amongst the oases, 
— in Greek, Italic, Germanic, Balto-Slavonio, and possibly Keltic (gen. 
sing, inse, § 230) ; henoe it is perhaps more correot to place the variation 
between -j$- and -jjtf- in the proethnio period. There is, however, another 
possibility, -ja- as well as -|g- might become -S- in unaccented syllables, 
so that perhaps our i- jjg-class is to be split up into two original classes. 
Then the i-: id-class would be parallel to the ?-: jo-class (Lith. mBdis 
gen. midzio). But in that case we should have to postulate two distinct 
declensions in -{&-, one varying between -ja- and -i-, the other having 
invariably -#*-. I leave others to investigate these difficult questions more 
closely. Johansson has tried, but comes to no certain conclusion whatever 
(Kuan's Ztsohr. XXX 398 ff.). 

§§ 191,192. Nominatiye Singular Masculine and Feminine. 69 

these stems, and believes that the -i of the other languages arose from a 
contraction of *-ia-. Against this view, see my Gr. Or.* p. 102, and Morph. 
Unt V 58 t 

Such words as these were often associated with stems in 
-ifl (0O9&), and -ja -ta gave way to -ifi -ifi; e. g. sxalga 'com- 
panion instead of Ihaiga for *?ra()-^a, fern, of trago-q, Att. 
dkfj&siCt (Ion. aXrftdrj) beside dlij&Ha^ and so on. Cp. in O.H.G. 
herzohinna instead of the older herzohin (see below). 

Latin, too, has lost the -I. In faciS-8 pauperti-8, -j&- has 
spread from the other cases, and -$ has been added through 
assimilation to re-quiG-8 dti-s r$~8. avia (from avo-s) is perhaps 
like mater-ia beside mOter-it-8 (cp. II § 109 p. 333, and the 
footnote on the last page). As regards the fern. sudvis (Skr. 
svddv-t) see IE § 109 p. 334 : was 8uOvi-s the result of a form 
*8uOvtm for *8uOd%flm (cp. § 216)? 

Germanic. O.H.G. herzohinna instead of herzohin, O.Sax. 
thiwa instead of thiwi, and similar forms were produced by an 
assimilation to the nominatiye of #X-8tems (as O.H.G. sipp(e)a = 
Goth, sibja 'kin*, see § 190 p. 68). 

Lith. iemi Lett, feme Pruss. semmS 0. C. 8 1. zemlja 'earth* 
pr. Balt.-Slav. *&m-# arose by the intrusion of -#- from the 
other cases. 

§ 192. 3. All polysyllabic n- and r-stems show the forma- 
tive suffix in the 3 rd or 4 th (strong) grade, which contrasted 
the nominatiye with the other cases, and so connected the 
difference in ablaut with a difference in case; e. g. Gr. not/ufjv 
vaxrjQ as against noi(iiv-a narsp-a^ and so on. We have to 
postulate even for the proethnic language pairs of forms, some 
ending in -in -tin and -$r -0r, others simply in -$ -d in both 
classes of stems. The cause assigned has been the varying 
conditions of sentence position, -n and -r being supposed to 
disappear before certain consonants. But this theory is far from 
certain, in spite of Meringer/s arguments (Zeitschr. fur dsterr. 
Gymn. 1888, p. 137), especially in view of Johansson's new 
theory of the origin of n-stems and some of those in -r (Bezz. 

70 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. § 192. 

Beitr. XTV 163 ff.) which has been mentioned already on 
page 63 of this volume. 

a. n-stems. 

Forms in Idg. -n. Pr.Idg. *&(u)u$n 'dog'. Armen. Sun 
'dog* akn (gen. akan) 'eye' anjn (gen. anjin for *-ew-os) 'soul* 
I § 651. 1 p. 497). Gr. *vcav 'dog' noifitjv 'herdsman*. It is a 
question whether Lat. pecien lien flatnen are old n-nominatives 
or not; see II § 114 p. 352. O.H.G. gomo A.S. juma m. man', 
and doubtless Norse Run. Haringa for *-fln; Goth, tuggd 
O.Icel. tunga f. 'tongue' for *-0n (Goth, rapfo = Lat. ratifi), 
O.H.G. zunga A.S. tunje f. for *-Bn (I § 659. 5 p. 513, § 661. 4 
p. 519, and n § 115 pp. 361 f.). 1 ) Lith. dial, sz^n (beside szti) 
'dog* O.C.S1. Aawy 'stone (I § 92 pp. 86 f., § 663. 1 p. 521, 
and § 665. 2 p. 524). 

Forms without -n. Pr.Idg. *£(w)#0 c dog\ Skr. hd Siiva*) 
Avest. spa 'dog', O.Pers. xSayarSa 'Xerxes' (xiaya- 'ruler and 
arSan- 'mas'). Dubious relics of this kind are seen in Gr. elxui 
d*jdw beside sh(6v 'image' arjimv nightingale', and so forth ; the 
genitives belonging to these nominatives, slxovg drjdovq etc., 
would then be ad-formates of the class Ayrd Arjrovg (G. Meyer, 
Gr. Gr. 2 pp. 315 f.). Lat. homd homo, Umbr. karu pars' = Lat. 
card, tribrisu i. e. *tri-prikid 'triplicitas* (abl. tribrisine)?) O.Ir. 

1) Kluge (Paul's Grundr. I 366) equates O.H.G. -a A.8. -e with pr. Germ. 
*-<Jw, and O.H.G. -o A.S. -a with pr. Germ. *-gw, admitting at the same 
time that the phonetios of this are 'strange*. Possibly he was driven to 
postulate these changes by the aeo. O.H.G. geba A.S. %iefe ; for OsthofFs 
hypothesis that -#- had beoome -#- in proethnio Germanic — a hypothesis 
whioh offered a possible explanation of these forms (sunt-ia for *-#-» and 
hence geba) — has too slight a foundation to build upon. I hope to settle 
the question of geba %iefe in a different way (§ 213), and so I am content 
with the equation O.H.G. -o A.8. -e = pr. Germ. *-?w, O.H.G. -o A.8. -a = 
pr. Germ. *-dw. 

2) The accentuation of the Vedic tuva du. tutan&u (the texts have 
ka tvdndu with the uddttu) is to be restored not only on the authority of 
Gr. ju/W, but from the acoent of tun-as fcn-g etc., fcn- being related to 
&ux>an- as yun- to yur3n-. In both words the accent, whioh in the weak 
eases fell upon the suffix (orig. *$un-&8 like Gr. xw-o';, and *yun-ds) was 
changed on the analogy of the strong oases. 

3) See also the Author, Ber. der sftohs. Ges. der Wiss., 1890, p. 207. 

192. Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 71 

cU Mod.Cymr. ci 'dog' (for a disyllabic *ku$ through the inter- 
mediate stage of *kuu), O.Ir. esc-ung 'eel' air-mitiu *honour' = 
Lat. mentid (I § 657. 2 and 3, p. 507); Gall. Frontu Alingu. 
Goth, gum a 'man* should doubtless be derived from *gumB (not 
*gumd) on account of O.IceL gume gumi. Lith. szu 'dog' akmfi, 

In the following words we have re-formates in place of 
original *-i$(n) *-$6(n), the suffix having been levelled down to 
the weak form of it: Skr. ard (stem arcln- 'beaming*) Avest. 
kaini (stem kainin- girl*), Gr. dslyiv (stem fehplv- 'bellyfish, 
dolphin'), Goth, managei (stem managein- 'crowd*). See II § 115 
pp. 358 ff. 

In several languages there were re-formations following the 
analogy of nominatives in -s. Avestic: e. g. ver'pra-jd Victorious* 
beside -ja = Skr. ijtra-hd (note that an old nom. *-gfc#-s would 
necessarily have become *-y&); cp. Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. I 31, 
Handbuch § 215 Anm. 2, § 220. Greek: e. g. Lac. ap6^jg = 
agGrjv male', StXcpig beside dtl<ptv (cp. II § 115 p. 359). Lat 
sanguis for *sanguins 'instead of sanguen. Osc. uittiuf 'usio, 
usus' and s tat if statio, statua', for *-idns and *tns according 
to II § 115 pp. 359 f. O.Ir. dru 'kidney doubtless for *-0ns, 
menme mens* for *-ew$; see II § 114 pp. 352 f., § 117 pp. 373 f. 
Similar re-formations of r-stems are described on the next page. 

b. r-stems. 

Forms in Idg. -r. Pr. Idg. *mdt$r 'mother', *d6tdr 'giver'. 
Armen. mair 'mother. Gr. fitjrqp, Suircog. Lat. mater, sorar 
dator] Umbr. lu-pater 'Juppiter' af-fertur 'infertor, flamen', 
Osc. censtur 'censor. O.Ir. matter 'mother, siur 'sister' (I § 657. 6 
p. 509). In Germanic, with *£r-, O.Icel. mofier modir, and 
probably O.H.G. muoter; also Goth, fadar 'father if Streitberg 
is right in holding that pr. Germ, -gr became -ar in Gothic, as 
-£j -£# became -a* -aw (cp. § 263 Rem.). 1 ) The explanation 

1) Streitberg, D. germ. Compar. auf -o"*-, pp. 22 f. This law would 
enable us to explain Goth. adv. far as compared with O.H.G. dOr, un- 
aocented der, as follows. Starting from pr. Germ* *p$r, we should have 

72 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §192. 

of Goth. 8vt8tar A.S. sweostor Wor', Goth. brOpar A.S. brdfor 
O.H.G. bruadar 'brother* (Gr. cpgazcog) is doubtful. These may 
have come from -0r, or perhaps they were accusative or voca- 
tive forms; cp. II § 122 pp. 381 f. 

Remark 1. In any case, A.8. mtidor dohtor O.Swed. fapur tnSpor 
are re-formates. I take this opportunity to oall attention to a question 
which appears to me to need more thorough investigation. How far did 
Idg. -er- in unaccented final syllables beoome ~ar- ; and where -ar- seems 
to correspond to Idg. -*r-, ought we not sometimes to assume that it came 
from -or- (or -ar-)P See the Author, Curt. Stud. IX 374 and 378; Paul 
in his Beitr. VI 246 f. and 253 f.; J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 197 f. ; Kluge, 
Paul's Grundr. I 361. 

Forms without -r. Pr.Idg. *matS J *d6td. Skr. mOtd 
Avest. mata mother', Skr. bhrdta O.Pers. brata 'brother', Skr. 
datd ddta Avest. data 'giver', Skr. hantd murderer' O.Pers. 
ja(n)ta 'slayer, foe'. Lith. mote mdte woman, wife' sesu 'sister, 
O.C.S1. mati mother'. 

Remark 2. Joh. Sohmidt and other scholars assume that -r was 
dropped in Balto-Slavonio (Sohmidt, in Rutin's Ztsohr. XXV 22, Pluralbild. 
193 f.). I am still unable to regard this as proved. Cp. I § 663 Rem. 
pp. 521 f. 

Re-formation in the separate languages gave rise to Avest. 
Otar-S 'fire (II § 122 p. 383) , Gr. /udxaQ-g instead of fiaxap 
'blessed'. There were similar re-formations in the tt-stems, for 
which see last page. 

§ 193. 4. Polysyllabic s-stems show in the formative 
suffix the same case-ablaut as do stems in n and r; but it 
would appear that in the proethnic speech the -s of the formative 
suffix was never missing. The ending in s-stems will then be 
-€s as opposed to -8w -£, Or 8 in the others. 

Pr. Idg. *du8-men8s 'ill-disposed*. Skr. durmanOs 'de- 
jected, troubled', Avest. duSmand 'thinking evil', O.Pers. 
aspacana (doubtless connected with Skr. cdnas- n. pleasure*), 
Skr. yaids glorious 1 (I § 649. 7 p. 496). Gr. ivo/uevjs 'ill- 
Goth, par (op. also jdinar aJjar) and O.H.G. der as equivalents. The 
form par would then have driven the aooented *pir from the field in 
Gothic. O.H.G. gen. unsir follows jentr, § 455. 

* omma l 2^J^ixigular Masculine and Feminine. 73 

Wtfltf vjkvfy q Yalse, deceitful'. Lat. pQbts paber, 
r Ijith -r for - s from the other ^^ 

IT. Wg. *a w8s 'dawn. 8kr. «#fe. Gr. Horn. ,'* Att. 
Lat. /tonfo honor (with ^ fr om the other cases). 

IV.Idg.comp.*^^ Quicker'. Avest. Osy&. Lat. *»or 
l-r from the other cases). O.Ir. siniu older* mOo md 'larger*. 
For Skr. %^ d& yan j^^j of ♦^^ snd 0CSl ^ ajfdr; ? 

'sweeter instead of *sladXja, see II § 135 p. 430. 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *uSidud$ or *uidufo 'knowing. 
Avest. vldvd. Gr. diaig. By re-formation, Skr. vid-v#s vid-vdn 
inBtead of *-itffo, Lith. dfl-t?^ 'having given* nAr-qs 'dead' instead 
of -*t>& *-& and O.C.81. da-vU mtr-ft instead of *-t>a *-a (or *-t)6 
*-w, *-£ *-*). Along with these the parent language seems to 
have had a nominative in *-us : Skr. Ved. t?idii$ Avest. vfdu§, 
with which may be classed Osc. sipus Wens' and O.C.81. mXru. 
See II § 136 pp. 439 ff. 

Be mark. It remains doubtful whether the proethnie language had 
nominatives without 8 belonging to stems in dental explosives, as well as 
the above. Bee § 198 p. 79. 

§ 194. II. Forms with -s as the sign of the Nomin- 

1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqo-s c wolf. Skr. vfka-8, Avest. 
vehrkd (vehrkas-ca lupusque'), O.Pers. kdra 'people, host* 
(see I § 556. 3 pp. 411 f., § 558. 4 p. 415, § 646. 3 pp. 490 f., 
and Bartholomae in Euhn's Ztschr. XXIX 572 f.). Armen. 
gaily tnard 'homo* = Skr. mftd-s (I § 651 p. 497). Gr. 
Avxo-c. Lat. lupu-8; equo-s, vir for *vir(o)-8, 8<xtur for **o- 
tur(o)-8, tnorti-fer and -/eru-s (the latter being a re-formate), 
ager for *agr(o)-s; Umbr. pihaz 'piatus' Ikuvins 'Iguvinus', 
ager 'ager katel 'catulus 9 , Osc. hurz 'hortus' Pumpaiians 
'Pompeianus', famd 'famulus'; see I § 655.5 and 9, pp. 505 
and 508 (the conditions of syncopation in Latin have not yet 
been properly made out, cp. mors for *mort(%)-8 and the like, 
§ 195). O.Ir. fer 'man* for *uiro-Sj aile 'alius* for *ali(i)o-8 
(I § 34 p. 34, § 139 Rem. p. 125, § 657.3, 5 and 10, 
pp. 508 and 509 f.), Gall, tamo-s 'bull', Andecamulo-S. 

74 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. § 194. 

Goth, vulf-8, vair man' for *#tr(a)-2, O.H.G. wolf, acchar 
'tilled land > = Goth, akr-8 (I § 660.6 p. 516 0, § 661.2 
and 5, pp. 517 and 519), cp. also Goth. hva~s O.H.G. htce-r 
we-r who?'; in the Salic Law focla = *fogla-{z) 'bird', Norse 
Run. daga-R 'day* = O.Icel. dag-r Goth, dags; Goth, harji-8 
'host' for *haria-2 1 which became *haris and took j afresh 
from the oblique cases (I § 660 Rem. 3 p. 515; Kauffmann, 
Paul-Braune's Beitr. XII 539; Streitberg ibid. XIV 181). 
Lith. vilka-8; for the loss of -a- in the last syllable, see 
I § 664. 2 pp. 522 f. On O.C.S1. vluku, see below. 

Stems in -jjo- sometimes made their nom. sing, in -is -Us 
(-*- -$- are weak-grade forms of -$o-)> and the corresponding 
ace. sing. masc. and neut. in -t-w (§§ 212, 227). O.Lat. cUi-s 
Corneli-s beside alius Corn&iu-Sj Osc. Pakis 'Pacius'. Goth. 
un-nuts useless 1 for *-nuti-z, halrdei-8 'herdsman'; A.S. sec% 
'man' instead of pr. Germ. *saji-s. Lith. iodi-8 'word' moji-8 
'sign gaidy-s 'cock' beside v$ja-s 'wind' sveczia-s guest* and the 
like. We should doubtless class here O.C.S1. krajl rim, edge*, 
and konji 'horse* instead of *fam$, the n having been softened 
(palatalised) on the analogy of the genitive and other cases. 
Cp. II § 63 p. 122, and Streitberg, as cited, 166 ff. 

Remark 1. The student will observe that in Slavonic there is nothing 
to represent the nominative in *-ip-8 (as Lith. vfya-s Lat. alius). This 
ending would regularly become *-jje, which has the look of a vocative; 
and this is perhaps the reason for its absence. Cp. § 201 Rem. 2. 

Remark 2. Perhaps such f -stems as Skr. stfrathi-f 'charioteer* Avest. 
mazdayasni-s 'belonging to the worshippers of Mazda' Lat. decemjugis 
(II § 93 p. 284) were originally jo-stems. 

O.C.S1. vluku is an accusative form, which took the place 
of *vltiko. The nom. and ace. in -io-, -*-, and -u-stems 

1) Braune (Goth. Gr. * § 78 Anm. 2) has a different theory of the 
phonetic law affecting Goth. vair. This view has recently received the 
support of W. Schulze (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 271), who explains stiur as 
a dissyllable. But this explanation is unsupported by the evidence (see 
Osthoff Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIII 454 f.), and furthermore it is opposed 
by the form fidvdr for *fidvor-(i)z (§ 320), whilst akrs, which Braune 
himself holds to be dissyllabic (§ 27 ) , should not have been brought in 
evidence at all. I therefore keep to may own explanation, as above cited. 

§§ 194,195. Nominatiye Singular Masculine and Feminine. 75 

came eventually to be the same, *-i-s and *-t-tn becoming -I, and 
*-u-3 and *-u-m becoming -#; and this appears to have caused 
the substitution of vluku for *vluko. There may have been 
another factor in the change. If the -o (standing doubtless for 
*-o-d) which we find as the ending of the nom. ace. neut. of 
adjectival stems in -o- appeared in this language before the 
nom. sing. masc. *-o(s) had given place to -#, the nom. masc. 
and the nom. ace. neut. must both have come to end in -o; 
and the wish to keep the two genders distinct may have been 
an additional reason for substituting -t* for -o in the nom. masc; 
cp. § 227. Another explanation of -#, by no means convincing, 
is given by Kozlovskij in the Archiv fur slav. Phil. X 657. 

§ 195. 2. t-stems. Pr. Idg. *oui-s 'sheep'. Skr. dvi-$; 
Avest. a£i-§ 'snake, dragon', O.Pers. Hyati-S 'place of pleasure, 
dwelling-place* (= Lat. qui&s, gen. quiStis). Armen. sirt 'heart* 
= Lith. «8thR-*, ii Viper* = Skr. dki-f (I § 651 p. 497). Gr. 
o<pi-g 'snake, dragon*. Lat. ovi~s, turri-8; deer for *acri-8, and 
by the side of it a re-formate flm'-s, mors = Skr. mfti-§ 'death* 
— this syncopation of -i- is common in the final syllables of 
tf-stems (its conditions have not been fully made out, nor have 
those of syncope in o-stems, as has been pointed out in § 194, 
p. 73); Umbr. pacer pacatus, propitius*, Osc. cevs 'civis afdil 
aedilis, see I § 33 pp. 33 f., § 633 pp. 472 f., § 655.5 
and 9, p. 503 and pp. 504 f. O.Ir. faith vates' for *uaH*s 
(I § 657. 5 and 10, pp. 508 ff.); Gall, rati-s 'fern* = Ir. raitK 
Goth, anst-s 'favour* baur 'son for *bur(i)-z (like vair § 194 
p. 73), O.H.G. anst 'favour* chumi 'approach, coming* = Goth* 
qum-s, O.H.G. wini 'friend', but Fridu-win Liob-mn (I § 660. 1 
p. 514, § 661.2 and 5, pp. 517 and 519); Norse Run. gasti-R 
guest* = O.Icel. gest-r Goth, gast-s. Lith. naktl-s O.C.SL 
noSff night* (I § 665. 4 p. 525). 

Observe Skr. v$-$ 'bird* beside vl-§ Lat. avis, and these 
root-nouns of corresponding structure — Avest. yao-$ leagued, 
confederate, friendly, allied' gao-§ crying aloud*. And perhaps 
we should add Lat. ei-8 f-8 eis-dem beside ¥-s = Goth. *-$; see 
§ 416. 

76 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§ 196,197. 

§ 196. 3. it-stems. Pr. Idg. *8&nu-8 'son*. Skr. siinu-$; 
Avest. bdzu-S arm', O.Pers. AtfrO-i (read kQruS) 'Cyrus'. 
Armen. zard ornament', marh 'death* (II § 105 p. 319), see 
I § 651 p. 497. Gr. nijxv-$ lower arm' r,6v-$ 'sweet*. Lat 
manu-s. O.Ir. bith world' (I § 657. 5 and 10, pp. 508 ff.); 
Gall. Esu-s (cp. Esu-nertu8). Goth, sunu-s, O.H.G. mnu *uno, 
situ sito 'custom* (= Goth, st'du-s), fridu frido 'peace 1 , 
without -w or -o Sigi-frid, hand 'hand' (= Goth, handu-s), 
cp. the t-stems § 195. Lith. sUnus 'son' saldu-s 'sweet', 
O.C.S1. synu 'son' (I § 665. 4 p. 525). 

In Iranian there are by-forms in -du-§ (with corresponding 
ace. sing, -avam and nom. ace. pi. -dvas), such as Avest. bazdti-S, 
O.Pers. dahyau-4 'neighbourhood 9 ; these we may conjecture to 
be re-formates containing the loc. sing, in -flu; see § 261. For 
Avest. per'nOyu beside per'ndyu-S and the like, see Bartholomae 
Ar. Forsch. I 36 and J. Schmidt Pluralbild. 76 ff. 

§ 197. 4. fl- uu- and *- t|- stems (cp. II § 109 p. 334). 
Pr. Idg. *bhrU-8 eyebrow' *8%e1c rfl-s socrus'. Skr. 4ftrti-#, 
&va&r&-$, tan&-$ Tbody', dW-$ 'thought*, nac#-# 'river*; Avest 
ber § 2ai-<ft-§ (ace. -#f-m) "having great insight*. Gr. o<p$€-g, 
vsxv-g 'corpse', *Z-g 'weevil', nokl-g 'city*. Lai *fl-«, t£-«; 
socru-8 has become a u-stem, because stems in -ft- and those 
in -u- had the same endings in the aoc. gen. and dak singular 
(§§ 217, 233, 254). OJcel. sg-r O.H.G. s* 'sow* (I § 661. 5 
p. 519); polysyllables are treated as u-stems, O.HLG. stcigar 
'socrus* (also suriger following mooter), Goth. asUu-qairnus f. 
l /nvlog ovtxog, millstone' O.H.G. quirn as contrasted with O.C.SL 
irtny f. 'mill*. O.PoL kry Mod.Slov. Art 'blood* = O.C.SL *bry 
(whose place was taken by kr&v-fy , O.C.81. svekry (I § 665. 4 
p. 525). 

Nominatives formed in the same way from stems in -$- 
-»»-» 4- -#-> and f- -ff- (I § 312 pp. 250 f., II § 160 
pp. 485 f.). Skr. jd-8 'being' for *0f-tf, g0-4&-* 'winning cattle*, 
Avest. x& 'spring, source' (cp. ace. Ved. khdm § 217), Skr. 
p&r stronghold' for *p$-8, gtr praise' for *gf-8. No doubt 
Gr. <Zfio-(ipois , XQ&S are further examples. 

§ 198. Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 77 

§ 198. 5. Stems whose suffix ends in an explosive. 

a. The Suffixes -t- -tat- -tut-. Skr. vi&va-jl-t 'gain- 
ing everything by victory' sarvd-tat 'completeness* (I § 647. 7 
pp. 493 f.), Avest. haurva-tds wholeness, a being in good con- 
dition (I § 473. 2 p. 349). Gr. »jg 'hired labourer for *&rj-r-g, 
w'-J 'night* for *wx-t-g y oXo-rqq 'wholeness, completeness*. Lat. 
com-es (gen. com-i-t-is) nox (gen. noc-t-is), novirtas, juven-tOs. 
OJr. ring (gen. ringed) 'hero, warrior* = Gall. *dnges (stem 
Cinget-), O.Ir. dfttti 'youth* for *(i)ov€ttl($) = Lat. juvent&s. 

In Germanic, such forms as Goth, naht-s night' m$ndj>$ 
'month' O.H.G. naht tndndd are re-formates, since -ts became 
-*s (s) in proethnic Germanic (I § 527 p. 382). They may 
have been due to an attempt to restore the stem, which had 
been preserved in the other cases ; cp. Goth, instr. pi. frijdnd-am 
beside tigum, § 379. As regards nominatives like O.H.G. nefo 
for *nefd(d)j see p. 79. 

The Suffix -nt-. Pr.Idg. -nt-s, -#-s 1 ), as *bhr§hont~8 y 
possibly *bhf§hent-8 (see II § 125 Rem. 2 pp. 395 f.) prominent 
high'. Skr. tyhdn Avest. ber'zqs (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f.; 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 501 ff. and 517); Skr. 
dddat 'giving for *dadat-s Avest. stavas praising' for *sta- 
vcti-s. Gr. astq "blowing' = Skr. vdn, common ground-form 
*yBnt-s, odovg 'tooth'; as to -cov in qtepcw and the like, see 
below. La.t.f evens y (tins, stOns = Gr. 6v&q\ Umbr. zeref 
serse 'sedens' (I § 655.9 p. 504). O.Ir. care cara 'friend' 
(gen. carat), cp. tri-cha 'group of 30' (gen. tri-chat) = Avest. 
Pri-sqs (I § 657. 10 pp. 509 f.). Lith. velfy vehens* dial. 
veians veins, Pruss. sldans sldons 'sitting ; O.C.S1. vezg 'vehens', 
in the first instance for *vezuns, according to I § 84 p. 80, § 92 
pp. 86 f., § 219 pp. 186 f. 

In Sanskrit, iydn 'tantus* klyan 'quantus' are re-formates 
which followed certain words of kindred meaning, such as tvd- 

1) An error most be oorreoted in II § 125, p. 895. In that place, 
following the traditional view, I wrongly* allowed myself to regard *-0n 
as an original nominative ending as well as *-o-nts. This correction I 
have already made in my Greek Grammar* p. 109. 

78 Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. § 198. 

-0fln 'one who is as thou art* (see below). In Avestic par- 
ticiples, besides -<%8 (*-ants) and -as (*-ate), we find -<5 = Ar. 
*-a$, which is the commonest ending of such participles as 
concern us here ; e. g. per'sd 'asking* hi§td 'standing*. Bartho- 
lomae (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 557 ff.) considers this formation 
in the light of Vedic forms like pra-mppd-s beside pra-mfn&n 
'destroying* viham-invd-s penetrating everything beside invan, 
and assumes that a certain number of adjectival compounds in 
Idg. *-<$-«, used like participles, were brought into close relation 
with the corresponding verbs, the result being that true parti- 
ciples in -nf- took the ending of these adjectives through asso- 
ciation with them. The analogy seems to have gone further; 
and, in Avestic, nominatives in -vd were formed even from 
stems in -vant-, as par'na-vd 'furnished with a feather (see 
Geldner, Kuhri's Ztschr. XXX 515). 

Greek has forms like g>eg(op 'bearing* Mv 'seeing', besides 
those in -oi$ (for *-ovt-g). Now -cor can come neither from 
*-ont-s or *-dnt-s nor from *-tfn£, and for *-0n as an Idg. ending 
in westerns there is no further evidence that can be trusted. 1 ) 
I therefore offer the following conjecture as to its origin. I 
suggest that there were two influences at work. (1) The 
relation of the masc. Idfitnv ntwv, and similar forms, to the 
neuter in -of, Ujuov mov, caused a masc. -wv to spring up 
in connexion with -or (for *-orr), beginning with participles 
used strictly as nouns, e. g. fiiXXuiv 'future' hciv 'willing. 
(2) The relation of the vocative to the nominative in xvW 
ifalfiwv and the like, voc. kvov daZfiov, gave rise to substantival 
nominatives like yspwv (voc. yipov for *-orr). 

In Germanic, forms like Goth. frijOnd-s O.H.G. friunt 
""friend" are re-formates of the same kind as Goth, tn&tdps O.H.G. 
mdndd; see last page. Similarly, Pruss. dttant-s working' and 
Lett, dug&t-s 'growing', for *-aȣ(i)-s. 

The Suffix -gent-. Skr. tvA-v^s -van Avest. PwO-vQs 'one 
like thee', Skr. dtna-vQs -van 'pressing on mightily, powerful' for 

1) Lith. sedun and Lett, sidu (J. Schmidt, Knlin'B Zteohr. XXVII 392) 
oannot be quoted as proving that Idg. had this ending. 

§ 198. Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 70 

*-vdns, but Avest. ama-vd for *-vds. Pr. Ar. *-v&ns in *tvO- 
-t?flns, we may conjecture, took the place of *-v&s under the 
influence of -vant-am -vant-as ; but pr. Ar. *-u&s , which was 
preserved in Avest. ama-vd , belongs to the suffix -%es- -#os-. 
Cp. H § 127 p. 405, § 136 p. 441, § 208. Gr. 6tov6-tig Vailing, 
lamentable' for *-fsvt-$. 

Remark 1. Bartholomae (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXI K 499 ff., 518 f.) 
postulates Idg. *-ucnt-8; in which I cannot follow him. It may be remarked 
in passing that, granted pr. Ar. nom. *-»d8, the change of -rant- to -van' 
stems (8kr. fk-vant- and fit-ran- 'singing' Avest. ama-vant- and ama-van-, 
and so forth) is more easily explained than it is on Bartholomae's theory, 
pp. 540 f.: -vds had another form -rd, its sentence doublet, and this 
resembled the ending of stems in -van- (§ 391). Gp. the reverse process in 
VecL varimdt-d from the nom. varimd (stem varimdn-) 'width, distance*. 

Suffixes in -d, pr. Idg. nominative ending -ts. Skr. iardt 
'autumn', stem Sarad-. Gr. (pvydg 'fugitive', stem yvyad-, danlg 
'shield', stem aomS-. Lat. lapis, stem lapid-, palUs stem palUd-. 

All these examples ended in pr. Idg. -ts. But we have also 
certain forms, especially in Germanic, which seem unquestionably 
to point to a proethnic nominative singular without s. Such are 
Goth. mSna O.H.G. mdno, and doubtless Lith. m'Sn& for *m€ndt 
beside Goth. mSnOp-s O.H.G. mOndd (II § 123 pp. 393 f.), 
O.H.G. nefo for pr. Germ. *nifdd beside Lat. nepds (see loc. 
cit.), A.S. hcele for pr. Germ. *%atfp beside hailed (loc. cit), 
OJLG. zan 'tooth' for pr. Germ. *tanp (in I § 527 p. 382 
erroneously traced back to pr. Germ. *tan(t)-s) beside Skr. 
din Gr. 6&ov$. Other examples are given by Kluge, Paul's 
Grundr. I 390 f. Here there are two possibilities between 
which I do not feel able to decide at present. There may 
have been double forms from the very first, one with s and 
one without; this view may be supported by the ablaut in 
*xal#p (in consideration of this, Kluge op. cit. p. 385 even 
postulates an Idg. nom. *pdd beside ace. *pod-ip). Or s may 
have disappeared when the words were used in this or that 
environment in the sentence (cp. the disappearance of s in such 
sound-groups as st-, I § 589. 3 pp. 445 f., § 645 p. 490). And 
compare Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. Sprachgeschichte, I 65. 

SO Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§ 198,199. 

Remark 2. If -m in OJLG. hwemu is the direot and regular 
representative of pr. Germ. *-6t = Idg. *-d<2 (§ 241), the -o of mdno nefo 
must have arisen by an assimilation of these words to the nominative ending 
of n-stems, such as gomo. 

b. Suffixes in -A; and -</. Skr. u&tk- (stem uHj~) 'de- 
manding', Avest. usixS (stem usij-) a kind of demon ; for Skr. 
spdf 'spy' and the like see I § 401 Rem. 2 p. 297, § 404 
Rem. 3 p. 299. Gr. /us7qo£ (stem juuqux-) 'girl' yaluyl (stem 
<paXayy-) 'phalanx'. Lat. senex (stem senec-) bibHx (stem 
bib&c-). O.Ir. aire princeps' for *ariak-s, gen. atrecA, art 
rock, stone' for *afefc-s, gen. aifec/i, nathir 'water-snake* gen. 
nathrach; Gall, esoa? = Mid.Ir. eu (gen. facA) 'salmon' (I § 657. 
10 pp. 509 f.). 

§ 199. 6. Perhaps all Root-Nouns had ~s in the pro- 
ethnic language (cp. § 197). Examples: 

Pr. Idg. *nau-s 'navis': Skr. ndii-§ Gr. vav-g. *d(9i2#-« 
'heaven, daylight*: Skr. d(i)yau-$, Gr. Zsv-g 9 O.H.G. Zio for 
*t(i)eu(2) (Streitberg, Die germ. Comp. auf -ftz-, 18). *gfl#-« 
'ox, cow': Skr. ga&-$ Avest. gau-S, Gr. 0ot7-s, O.Ir. bd (I § 657. 
10 pp. 509 f.). I leave it an open question whether Gr. Zfa 
Lat. dies and Gr. Dor. p<5g, Lat. ftfo O.H.G. kuo O.Sax. Atf *) 
were framed on the model of the ace. sing. (§ 221), or whether 
they represent proethnic sentence doublets *d(i)j$s and *q0s. 
See II § 160 p. 481 f., and Streitberg op. cit. 12. In com- 
position we have Skr. -gu-§, as sw-^ti-f *having fine cattle', in- 
flected as a ti-stem, e. g. nom. pi. su-gdvas du. su-gH. 

*#dq-s 'voice, speech': Skr. vdk Avest. vOx-Sj Gr. otp, 
Lat. vdx. *r$1c-s (v^rtf-) 'ruler, king': Skr. rd} (like spa} 
§ 198), Lat. rlx O.Ir. r% (gen. H£, Gull. nom. Dumno-flx) ; 
Goth, reik-s (nom. pi. reik-s) instead of *reihs (I § 527 p. 381) 
is doubtless borrowed from the Keltic. Avest. bar'§ 'height, 
high' (gen. bar*z-d ber'z-ti) , O.Ir. br% (gen. breg) 'mountain', 
Goth, baurg-s 'stronghold, fort, town' (gen. ba&rg-s) instead of 
the regular *bati,rhs, from y/^bhergh-. Skr. dpCbd Avest. apq§ 

1) A.8. cU O.Ieel. kgr must be added to this list, if in these a stands 
for tfo. But op. II § 160 p. 482. 

§§ 199,200. Vooative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 81 

for pr. Ar. *ap(tok-$ 'turned backwards* (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f.; 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 501 ff. und 517 f.). Avest. 
&f-$ (stem ap-) 'water', Skr. st&p (stem stubh-) 'roaring*. 

We may doubtless add *mQ8-s 'mouse', which became *fittte 
in the proethnic stage (§ 356 Rem.): Gr. /uvg Lat. mils (II § 160 
p. 485). 

The Greek x &uiv 'earth* (cp. Skr. k$d-8, II § 160 p. 482) 
may be an ad-formate of tpvyoiv and the like; /av xv v goose* 
and [tijv 'month' are undoubtedly re-formates, taking the place 
of *x<**$ *x$S an ^ I° n * e * c « A**fc for *hi]vq respectively 
(II § 132 p. 415, § 160 p. 485); similarly <pwp 'thief xjg 
'hedgehog' on the analogy of cWrcop Sorjjp etc. 

For the ground-form of Skr. pit Gr. Dor. n<5$ nog (Horn. 
TQi-noq) Att. novg Lat. p8s 'foot', see § 198 p. 79 : were there 
once parallel forms *pdd (*p£d) and *pot-s (*pets)? ov in novq 
has not yet been satisfactorily explained. 

Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 1 ) 

§ 200. No special vocative forms are found in the Indo- 
Germanic languages except for singular nouns masculine or 
feminine. From the proethnic period onwards, the nominative 
has served for the vocative in the plural and dual, whilst in 
the neuter gender the form used for nominative and accusative 
has been used for the vocative in all three numbers. 

Genuine singular vocatives naturally enough had no case- 
sign at all; see § 184 p. 56. In the proethnic language the 
accent was thrown back to the first syllable of the word, as 
*ntftter 'mother' = Skr. tndtar Gr. /uijTtg ; this remains a general 
rule in Sanskrit, but in no other language. But the forms 
had a word accent of their own only when they stood first 
in a clause. In any other position it is probable that they 
were often enclitic, which is the rule in Sanskrit; e. g. 

1) Benfey, tfber die Entetehung des indogerm. YooativB, AbhandL 
der Ges. der Wisa. zu G5tt XVII (1872) pp. 3 ff. Bezzenberger, Zur 
lett. Declination: Einige Vocativf brmen ; in his Beitr&ge, XV, 296 ff. 
Brufm»nn, Elements, m. 6 

82 Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. § 200. 

iddm indra sfnuhi 'Hear this, Indra !' See I § 669 p. 534, and 
§ 672 p. 538. 

In all other branches of the language but the Aryan this 
practice of accenting the first syllable underwent many changes. 
Sometimes it was overborne by special rules in special languages. 
Thus in Greek and Latin certain changes were necessary in 
order that words should conform to the trisyllabic law; hence 
Gr. *Aya^fivov instead of *[Aya/u€/uvov, Lat. altimne, ampllssurne 
instead of *dlumne, dmplissume (I § 676 p. 541, § 681 p. 548). 
Or the accent followed that of other cases from the same stem ; 
thus Gr. daitpQov instead of *6dt(pgov follows daifpgwv (intelligent 1 ) 
da't(poovog etc., alxoxgdvog instead of *avxoxgaxog follows avzo- 
xguxwg (Tiaving unlimited power') avxoxgdtogog etc., dloysvdg 
instead of *dloys ve g follows dloy&vijg ("born of a god') Sioysvsoc etc. 
Elsewhere other factors less easy to detect may have been at 
work, as in the accentuation of the Lithuanian vocative — e. g. 
vilU (wolf), naktS (night'). 1 ) 

But even in the singular the parent language would seem 
to have sometimes used the nominative form as a mode of ad- 
dress: compare, for example, Skr. Ved. (Rig-V. I. 2. 5), v&yav 
indrai ca cetathah 'Vayu and Indra, ye take care', Gr. Horn. 
(r 276) Zsv ndxsp . . . 'Hthoc xs . ., vjtsTg /ucipvvpoi tore. And 
in most languages the forms of the nominative usurped more 
and more the place of the vocative; sometimes the proethnic 
vocative form belonging to some class of stems died out 
completely before the date of the oldest extant specimens of 
a given language. This happened in Latin to the vocative of 
<X-8tems. The genuine vocative forms are most faithfully pre- 
served in Sanskrit. Yet even there in certain monosyllabic stems 
the vocative was regularly expressed by the nominative form, 
although accented as a vocative would be ; e. g. diyau-§, written 
dydu§ (nom. diyflti-5), 2 ) as contrasted with Gr. Ztv; bhtir? dearth'), 

1) Beuenberger'8 conjectures giyen in the essay cited in the footnote 
on the last page seem to me highly uncertain. 

2) For this accentuation, see Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. Sprachg., 
I 82 f . 

§§200,201. Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 83 

but Gr. l/&v CAsh'). Perhaps we may follow Collitz (Bezz. 
Beitr. X 32) in recognising the Idg. vocative of gau-$ in the 
voc. -gd, only found in composition (e. g. bhuri-gd). 

Remark. In Sanskrit, the rules regulating the accent of the vocative 
singular held good for plural and dual nominative forms when these were 
used as vocatives (cp. the sing, diyau-s just cited); e. g. pitaras (nom. 
pit or a s 'fathers'). There is no reason why this should not be regarded as 
a genuine proethnic tradition, although it is true that no such practice can 
be proved for any European language: in Attic J naieqt;, for example, 
might have been expected, since we have <L nanq, 

§ 201. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *y\qe. Skr. vfka; Avest. 
vehrka , O.Pers. tnartiyd 'homo' (I § 649. 1 p. 495). Gr. Xvxs, 
adekrpt beside dfefopo-g 'brother', dut/aovit 'wonderful one*. Lat. 
lupe puere, fUie and fill from flliu-s (cp. below) ; Umbr. Tefre, 
Fisovie. O.Ir. fir for *#ire, maicc 'son' for *mak#e, cSli 'com- 
rade doubtless for *c&%ie (I § 657. 3 p. 500). Goth, vulf, hairdi 
'herdsman', O.H.G. wolf. Lith. vilte, zodi (zodi-s 'word') gaidy 
(gaidys 'cock 1 ), cp. below; O.C.S1. vluce. 

Remark 1. As regards -5 instead of -a in Ye die, as vffabhd *buir, 
see Lanman, Noun-Inflection p. 839, Oldenberg, Die Hymnen des Rigveda, 
I 393 ff., Waokernagel, Das Dehnungsgesetz der griech. Compp. (Basel 
1889) pp. 12 f., Beszenberger in his Beitrftge XV 296 f. 

It cannot be proved that in the Latin vocatives from io- 
stems -f is contracted from -ie. Probably we have here the 
weak-grade -J-, as we certainly have in Lith. voc. gaidy and 
in the Italic nominatives in -i-s -i-s. Cp. II § 63 p. 122, 
III § 194 p. 74, and Streitberg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 201. 

In Lithuanian the ending -ai is also found. This occurs 
in names of men, as thai 'father Jonai 'Johannes* (cp. Bezzen- 
berger in his Beitrage, XY 299). Can it be that -t is the same 
particle as we see in pronominal nominatives in -oi (§ 414) P 
Avest. voc. ha$n$: nom. Jnodi (§ 202) points to this conclusion. 
Bruckner (Archiv fur slav. Phil. HI 276) compares the em- 
phasising -ai in tas-al toks-ai gra&us-ai, and the like. 

For O.C.S\.junV6e beside nom. jutftci 'young bull', etc., see 

I § 147 p. 134. jo-stems whose nominative did not end in -c* 



Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§201,201 

-£l, had the ending of ti-stems in the vocative (§ 203), as hraju 

(nom. hrafi 'border 1 ) mqiu (nom. mc$L 'man 1 ). 

Remark 2. The following may be suggested as a conceivable reason 
for the latter ohange of inflexion. Nominatives such as hraji konfi are 
parallel to the Lith. moji-8 zodi-8 and to the Lai aits. Can there hare 
been nominatives in *-ie = Idg. *-io-8 in O.G.8L, corresponding to Lithuanian 
nominatives like vtja-8 (Vind') sv&zias Cgtiest*), and to alius and the like 
in Latin ? Then the vocative in *-ie will have been transformed in order 
to avoid confusion with the nominative whioh had the same ending, while 
this nominative afterwards took the ending of that class of nouns whose 
nominative ended in -(i)i-s. Cp. § 194 p. 74. 

§ 202. 2. 0-stems. Pr. Idg. **£#«, cp. II § 59 pp. 108 f. 
Skr. dmba mother* doubtless belongs here; for the Ar. voc. in 
*-a% (Skr. -£ Avest. -?) see below. Gr. Horn, rvprpa 'nymph*; 
-a is more commonly kept in masculine words, as iionota 'master' 
ovpwra 'swineherd*. O.C.81. rqko. And probably we must place 
in this class Lith. rankbj and with -a dropped, mdtyn from nom. 
mdtyna mother, Mdriuk from nom. Mariukd, and the like; see 
I § 664 p. 522, and J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 382. 

In Aryan the common ending was *-a%: Skr. d&vt Avest. 
hafn$. The origin of this ending is uncertain. I think it most 
probable that a deictic particle has attached itself to this case, — 
the same deictic -t which is found in the nom. sing, in -ai, 
Avest. ptcdi ber'xdf Pruss. siai mensai (see § 190 p. 67, § 414). 
Cp. Lith. thai § 201. 

Remark 1. Bopp (VergL Or. I s 297) and J. Schmidt (Kuhn's 
Ztsohr. XXVII 381 f.) oompare 8kr. divi with Gr. Ilv&o7. Others assume 
a re-formation on the analogy of t-stems (Skr. dr£). 

Another fact may hare had something to do with the practically 
complete disuse of -a in the vooative of Aryan tf-stems. In Aryan, Idg. 
-a and -e both became -a ; hence the same form represented both *e£#a f. 
and *eftye m. 

In Greek, such forms as 'Eg/nelti alvagiTq, which were 
properly nominative, came to be regarded as vocative in contra- 
distinction to nominatives with s, EpfistQ-g odvagtrfj-g, and were 
used as such. See § 190 p. 67. 

Masc. vocatives in -a were sometimes used as nominatives, 
e. g. innora "horse-driver", Qviara; cp. the Lat. vocative JU-piter 
Juppiter (§ 210), which also passed current as a nominative. See 

§§202,803. Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 85 

the Author, Morph. Unt. II 199 f., Curt. Stud. IX 259 ff., 

G. Meyer Gr. Gr. 2 pp. 318 f. 

Remark 2. Other explanations, to my mind not convincing, of lnn6rS 
are given by Fick and Bezzenberger in Bezi. Beiir. HI 159 and 174, and 
by Johansson in Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXX 426. J. Sohmidt (Pluralb. 401 ff.) 
assents to my view, provided that there was at least one stem which 
originally had -a in both nom. and voo. properly without the aotion of 
form- association; otherwise he thinks the explanation impossible. This 
indispensable stem he sees in tv$4ona, originally, as he thinks, a neuter 
substantive meaning 'wide-eye 9 ; evqvona Zeus would then mean 'wide-eye 
heaven 1 , the meaning being afterwards changed to 'wide-seer Zeus'. This 
ingenious explanation of evqvona is probably right; but the Lat Jupiter 
proves that it is wrong to suppose that the nominative use of vocatives 
like innora must have begun with this particular word. The reverse 
should rather be assumed; it is more likely that the ohange of meaning 
in evQwma Zevs to Sride-seer Zeus' was made easier by a previous use of 
vocatives like ye^ehjye^erS^ ftqrlera and so forth before Zevg as though 
they were nominative; the same thing preserved the ending of ev^vona 
before Ztvs from being inflected in any way, whilst evqvona before Zrjv 
was doubtless preserved by the analogy of the maso. accusative in -a, as 


From SStpeipidfy-g in Attic we have the voc. JErgsipiadeq 
on the analogy of vocatives of es-stems like JSwugatsq (§ 209). 
Cp. in the gen. sing, -d&ovg instead of -ddov (§ 229). 

Italic. Lat. equa is a nominative form. Perhaps the reason 
why the vocative in Idg. *-a was dropped in Latin is that *-a 
became -€, and thus -ft-stems had the same ending as those 
in -a- (I § 97. 3 p. 91). Again, Umbr. Tursa (a goddess) must 
be a nominative form if the instrumental -e of Umbrian, e. g. 
in pure 'igne', represents Idg. *-a; see § 274. 

Whether the Irish tuath is a true vocative, representing 
*tdid } or a nominative, cannot be determined. 

Goth, giba O.H.G. geba are nom. or ace; see § 190 p. 67. 

§ 203. 3. i- and ti-stems. The ending varied. Sometimes 
it was *-0| or *ei and *-o# or *-e#, sometimes *-t and *-t*. 

a. *-o£ or *-e|: Skr. &vl Avest. a£$ (beside a£i)\ Lith. 
naktS O.C.S1. nosti. *-t: Avest. aii (beside aif); Gr. oyi; 
Goth. O.H.G. anst. 

O.Ir. faith may represent either of the two ground-forms 
(see I § 657. 1 and 4, pp. 507 f.). 

86 Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §203—20(5. 

b. *-o# or *-e#: Skr. s&nd; Lith. sUnau, O.C.S1. synu. 
*-w: Avest. bazu: Gr. mj^v, Goth, sunu, O.H.G. situ sito. And 
we should follow Wackernagel (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 301 ff.) 
in referring Gr. Innev to *imitsv, and comparing it with Skr. 
dSvayd (nom. ahayu-§ 'craving horses'). As regards innij(f)og 
and so forth see § 261. 

For Avestic heteroclite forms in -fl, as raSnuvti (stem 
rasnu- 'righteousness, justice'), see Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. 1 56 f. 

In Gothic -aw is common beside -w. But the MSS. show 
a peculiar liability to confuse u and au in all the singular cases, 
which points to a transition from U to ti (au); hence it is not 
safe to infer a vocative form -aw = *-o# or *-e#. Cp. Leo 
Meyer, Got. Spr. p. 574 ; Leskien, Die Decl. im Slav.-Lit. und 
Germ. 76 ; Braune, Got. Gr. 8 p. 44. 

§ 204. 4. J- i^-stems (cp. p. 68 footnote 1). The forms 
to be considered are Skr. bfhati Avest. barenti y Gr. g>igovaa y 
Goth. frijOndiy which are hardly enough to enable us to restore 
the proethnic form. Ar. -t from nom. -F, as in d-stems -a is 
the voc. ending from nom. -0. O.C.S1. zemlje from ribm. zemlja 
like rqko : rqka. 

§ 205. 5. F- t'i- stems and w- w#-stems. The pro- 
ethnic type is perhaps represented by Gr. ly&v Horn. Qsrl and 
O.C.SL svekry ; O.H.G. su and swigar (for *sueRril) may also 
be genuine vocatives. 

Ved. nddi {nadt-§ 'river') and Svd&ru, like bfhati (§ 204). 
In monosyllabic stems the nominative was regularly used as 
vocative, e. g. dht-§, bh&-§ (§ 200 p. 82). 

§206. 6. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *&(u)u on. Skr. hdn. Gr. 
xt/'ov, "AnoXXov. 

In the Avesta, where -m is written instead of -», the 
reason is probably to be found in sentence-position and 
varying surroundings (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. XV 40 
and Stud, zur idg. Sprachgesch. I 72). Examples: pri-zafem 
(Pri-2afan- 'having three mouths'), apraom instead of apravem 
(I § 158 p. 141) =- Skr. dtharvan 'fire-priestf. 

§ 206—208. Vocative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 87 

In Greek we find -ov only in barytone stems; and even 
its these the nominative form may be used, as it must be in 
stems which are oxytone. Nor do we ever meet with -bv, but 
always -tjv, the ending of the nominative. 

The Lithuanian vocative is the nominative form, szu 'dog', 
pSmu Tierd-boy'; also szunl p$men8, declined as i-stems. 

§207. 7. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *mdter. Skr. m&tar, Avest. 
matar\ Gr. /uijrs^. Lat. mater, Jupiter Juppiter. O.Ir. mathir. 
O.H.G. mooter. Pr. Idg. *bhrator, *ddtor. Skr. d&tar, Avest. 
datar 9 . Gr. (ppurop, diStog. Goth, brdpar, O.H.G. bruodar. 

Whether the Germanic forms are really vocative and not 
nominative, as Lat. dator, soror and O.Ir. siur were, cannot be 
decided. As to the Germanic forms, cp. § 192 b. with Rem. 1 
pp. 71 f. 

§ 208. 8. Stems ending in an explosive, 
nf-stems. Pr. Idg. *bhf§hont. Skr. bfhan, dddat for 
*ded$t (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f., Ill § 198 p. 77). Gr. yspov. 

Avest. ber'za from the nom. sing, in -<5; see § 198 pp. 77 f. 

Greek. Like ytQov we have A7av, from nom. Aletq for 

*Alfavr-g. Horn. IlovXvSd^a was formed from the nom. UovAv- 

-ddfjtGg (for *-dujuavr-$) on the model of alvager/j : alvaperijg and 

the like. 

Goth, frijdnd O.H.G. friunt as though they were o-stems, 
cp. nom. frijdnd-s friunt § 198 p. 78. 

Stems made with the suffix -uent-. In Aryan, the 
vocative of these stems like the nominative has -#«s- in place 
of -y#nU : Skr. Ved. dma-vas Avest. ama-vd (this form is not 
actually found, but it is to be inferred on the strength of drvd 
= druvd for *drug-vd, from Gsthic drug-vant- c deceitful', see 
I § 453 p. 335). It was not until a later period that -van 
drove out -vas in Sanskrit. Cp. § 198 p. 78, and also II § 127 
p. 405, § 136 p. 441, Bartholomae Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 519 
and 531 f. In Greek, ftv r-stems had no special form for the 
vocative, but the nominative was used. 

As regards the other explosive stems; in Sanskrit it is 
impossible to say whether the forms in question are vocative 

88 Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §208—211. 

or not, since they may equally well be regarded as nominative. 
Examples are : mdrut (wind-god) p&ru-kft 'rich in deeds' dkftta- 
-rule 'possessing uninterrupted brilliancy'. Iranian apparently 
offers us no forms which can pass for vocatives; the nominative 
is used instead, e. g. in Tasna 33. 8 haurvatOs ("safety, weal 1 ). 
Turning to the European languages, we find no language but 
Greek that has clearly marked vocative forms, and even Greek 
has only one or two: ava for *dvax (*aVaxr) from aval; 'lord', 
yvvou for *ywcux beside ace. ywoiix-u 'woman*. The following 
may really belong to t-stems: not (neat-, nafiS- 'child') and 
xvgavvi (tvpamiS- 'royalty'). 

§ 209. 9. 0-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *dus-menes. Skr. durmanas, Avest. duitnanti. Gr. 
dvo-fisv*S) JZco-xpaTtg- Lesb. Qsoyeve on the analogy of -& in the 
voc. of fl-stems, cp. § 237 a. 

Stem *&U808- 'dawn': Skr. iijas. The Gr. 170? like aldoT, 
followed the feminines in -cJ -oi. 

Comparative: pr. Idg. *dfi(i)jp8 : Skr. Ved. d&yas. Part. perf. 
act. pr. Idg. *ueid-uo8 : Skr. Ved. vidvasS) Later Sanskrit has 
the re-formates tihyan, vidvan, see II § 135 p. 429, § 136 p. 441. 
Lat. Gcior is nominative in form. 

§ 210. 10. Pr.Idg. *d(i)ieu 'heaven: Gr. Zsv, Lat. Jfl- 
-piter Juppiter (used also as nom.); but in Sanskrit we find 
dydu-§ diyau-§, the nominative form, diyau-$ having taken the 
accent of a vocative. Cp. Gr. fydv as contrasted with Skr. bh&-$ 
§ 205. For Skr. -gd from nom. gai-$ y see § 200 p. 83. 

Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 2 ) 

§ 211. In the parent language there was only one suffix 
for this case, the suffix -m, consonant or sonant as the case 
might require (cp. I § 645. 2 p. 489). 

1) For bhO$ bhagOiy whioh do not belong here, see Bartholomae, Kuhn's 
Ztoehr. XXIX 531. 

2) Lindfors, Dissert de accusative Latinorum, Lund. 1841. G-ae- 
dioke, Der Accusativ im Veda, 1880. 

§§211,212. Accusative Singular Masouline and Feminine. 89 

To illustrate: 

-m in pr. Idg. *f$jo-w 'lupum': Skr. vfka~m, Gr. Aifxo-y 
(I § 652. 3 p. 498), Lat. lupu-m, O.Ir. fer n- virum' (I § 657. 5 
and 8, pp. 508 f.), Goth, vulf for pr. Germ. *utdfa-n, but 
also pan(-a) = Skr. td-m 'the, that' with pr. Idg. -n retained 
(I § 214 p. 182, § 659. 5 p. 513, § 660. 1 p. 514, HI § 417) 1 ), 
Lith. tritkq, but also dialectic ta-n = Skr. tdrtn and the like 
(I § 218 p. 185), O.C.S1. vltikU (I § 219 p. 187). 

-ip in pr. Idg. *bheront-ip Terentem': Gr. yipwr-a (I § 233 
pp. 197 f.), Lat. ferent-etn (I § 238 p. 199), O.Ir. carit n- (I § 243 
p. 201, § 657.5 and 8, pp.508 f.), Goth. tunp-u Mentem' for 
pr. Germ. *-t*n (I § 214 p. 182, § 244 p. 202, § 659. 5 p. 513), 
Lith. vefant-i , vehentem > (I § 249 p. 204), O.C.S1. kamen-* 2 ). As 
to Ar. -am, e. g. in Skr. bhdrant-am, where we should expect -a, 
and as to Cypr. a(v)dQid(v)x-av Thess. xtov-av as contrasted with 
Att avigtavv-a x*o*-a, see I § 231 Rem. p. 196, § 646. 2 p. 490 3 ), 
and the Author's Gr. Gr. 2 pp. 118 f. For Umbro-Samnitic -om 
instead of (Lat.) -em, see § 218. 

Wheeler (Der griech. Nominalaccent, 20 f.) conjectures that 
there was HJl as well as -#i, which he sees in Skr. pdr-a forth, 
further, beyond, over = Gr. nig-a 'ultra', and in other adverbial 

§ 212. 1. o-8 terns. Pr. Idg. *ulqo-m. Skr. vfka-m: 
Avest. vehrke-m, O.Pers. kara-m 'people, host*. Gr. Avxo-v. 
Lat. lupu-m, equo-m; Umbr. poplom puplum puplu populum', 

1) In the first volume of this work *\*w//a *^asti *sunu were assumed 
as forms of the last stage of the proethnie period in Germanic Perhaps 
we should rather say *yulfq *^ast( *sunn, with a nasalised roweL The 
reason is that Runio inscriptions show forms like horna, staina etc., but 
where pr. Germ, -a had no nasal following, it has already dropped. See 
Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 359. 

2) In toL I § 219 p. 186 and § 665. 2 p. 525 I hare erred in stating 
that -e is the regular form assumed by Idg. -91. It should be -i As 
regards matere 'matrem' see § 218 p. 95. 

3) Another reason for discarding pr. Ar. *-a- = *-tfi may hare been 
a fear of confusion with the instrumental, which would come to be the 
same in form with the acousatiye in those systems of deolenaion which 
had no ablaut. 

90 Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§212,213. 

Osc. hiirtum ^ortum' ravgop 'taurum'. O.Ir. fer n- Virum* 
(I § 34 p. 34), aile n- 'alium* (cp. aile nom. § 194). Goth, vulf, 
O.H.G. wolf; Norse Run. staina = Goth, stdin 'stone'; Goth. 
pan-a O.H.G. de-n 'the, that' with the sign of the ace. retained 
(§ 417). Lith. vdkq (dial, ta-n 'the, that', etc.), O.C.S1. vlUku. 

io-stems in the accusative, as in the nom. and voc. sing. 
(§§ 194, 201), sometimes show the weak-grade form -$- instead 
of -io-. Lat. Corn&i-m, Umbr. Fisim 'Fisiuin. Goth, hairdi? 
Lith. zod\, gdid\, O.C.S1. krajl, konfl, the latter instead of *kori$ 
with n palatalised on the analogy of the genitive and other cases. 

Armenian z gail, z mard (z is a prefix) I now regard 
with Osthoff as nominative forms on account of tasn 'ten'; l ) 
see § 174 pp. 22 f. In the same way, the accusative of all 
stems in this language is doubtless really a nominative form. 

§ 213. 2. O-s t em s. Pr. Idg. *e?£#0-m. Skr. divd-m; 
Avest. hapiqm O.Pers. haina-m. Gr. x^qG-v. Lat. equa-m 
(I § 655. 4 p. 503); TJmbr. totam tota Osc. tovtam 'civitatem' 
Osc. viam via *viam\ Gall, loga-n 'tumulum*. Lith. raftkq, 
O.C.S1. rqkq. 

O.Ir. tuaith n- is ambiguous. 

Remark 1. This points to a palatal vowel in the ending, and the 
case may originally have ended in *-t-m *-#» or *-»-*». In any case the 
gen. tuaithe took its ending from stems in -jffl- and -i- -jg- (soillse and 
inse ; see § 229). It is conceivable, then, that tuaith n- has been re-formed 
on the analogy of inis n-, whioh perhaps contains Idg. *-im, whose by-form, 
too, insi «-, matches with soillsi n- (§ 216). But there is a more likely 
hypothesis, which Thnrneysen suggests. In many stems, amongst whioh 
are these very stems in -id- and -i- -#-, the dative and accusative (leaving 
aside the w- of the latter) came to have the same form; this may have 
caused the dative tuaith to pass for an accusative as well, whilst the like 
ending of tuaithe and soillse inse (whioh was doubtless older) gave a 
further stimulus to the process. This view is supported by aoo. mnCLi ri- 
boside dat. mn&i. It seems certain that soillsi «-, nui n- fnoram') do not 
stand for *-*5m, but took their ending from insi n-, whioh may be com- 
pared with Gr. njmav and Lith. zemq (§ 216). 

In Germanic, some would trace -fl-m in such adverbs as 
Goth, ga-leikd O.H.G. gi-lihho 'similar, like ; see Osthoff, Kuhn's 

1) In so doing I give up the view set forth in vol. I § 202 p. 169, 
§ 651 p. 497, and by Httbschmann, Armen. Stud. I 88. 

§§213,214. Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 91 

Ztechr. XXIII 90 ff., Morph. Unt. I 271. But there are other 
explanations of these adverbs more likely to be true; see 
§§ 275, 276. In Gothic, the case in actual use, giba, was really 
a nominative form l ) ; as genuine accusatives may be given po f. 
'the, that', hvd f. 'which?', dind-hun f. any one* (cp. hveild-hun 
lasting an hour*). Perhaps the nominative giba came to be used 
as accusative just because these two cases assumed the same 
form in pO etc. ; as in Russian the fem. nom. in -a was used 
instead of the ace. in -w (O.C.S1. -q) because nominative and 
accusative singular were identical in other classes (Vetter, Zur 
Gesch. der nom. Decl. im Russ., 45 f.). 

O.H.G. geba A.S. giefe pre-suppose *je&£*. None of the 
explanations hitherto offered seems to me satisfactory. I con- 
jecture that Idg. -#- is hidden in the ending of O.H.G. gutinne 
(later gutinna) A.S. %ydenne goddess* O.H.G. sunte 'sin' (later 
suntea suntia). Of this -#- the weak form -T- is found in 
O.West.Ger, Vatvl-ms 'Vatviabus', and perhaps in O.H.G. diglm 
dat. pi. prayers' etc., see § 382. These forms, gutinne and so 
on, will then have the ending *-|£-m which is contained in Lith. 
&em% O.C.S1. zemljq, and possibly in Lat. faciem Mid.Ir. insi n- 
(§ 216), and geba giefe are ad-formates of these. For -* in 
gutinne cp. Braune, Ahd. Gr. § 58 Anm. 1, and § 209 Rem. 3. 
The genitive singular shows a similar instance of form association, 
§ 229; so also the nominative plural, § 315. 

Remark 2. West-Germ, -a may stand for pr. Germ, unaccented S 
only if the vowel came to be the final sound of the word through the 
West Germanic loss of the consonant (cp. also the 1st. and 3rd. sing. 
O.H.G. satbdta). We have 2, not 5, in O.H.G. chiminnerddBs etc.; see 
Huge in Paul's Grundr. I 363. And compare what is said above, p. 70 
footnote 1. 

§214. 3. i-stems. Pr. Idg. *oui-m. Skr. dvi-m; Avest. 
oit-m, O JPere. $iy(Ui-m 'dwelling-place'. Gr. oyi-v. Lat. turrim ; 

1) Burghauser (Germ. Nominalflex. 21) conjectures that pr. Goth. 
*geb&* first lost its nasal on the analogy of *vulfa *ansti *tmt#, and then 
became giba quite regularly. This must surely fall to the ground, since 
we have to assume nasalised forms in proethnio Gothic for these words 
too: they will be *vulfa* *ansti* *sunu* (or *vulfq *ati8t\ **Mfitf). See 
p. 89 footnote 1. 

92 AocusatiTe Singular Masculine and Feminine. §214—216. 

Umbr. aktim-em 'in actionem' uvem 'ovem' (I § 33 p. 33). O.Ir. 
faith ti- (I § 657.5 pp. 508 f.); Gall. Ucueti~n. Goth, anst, 
O.H.G. anst chumi; cp. Goth, t'-n-a O.H.G. i-n eum', like pa-n-a 
de-n (§ 212). Lith. ndkt\ (dial. set-n 'hunc), O.C.8L no§tt 

Armep. (z) sirt is a nom. form, like (z) gail and (z) zard 
§§ 212, 215. 

In Latin t-stems and consonant stems were fused into one 
class (II § 93 p. 281, III § 396); which caused the ending -t-m 
to give way to -em = Idg. *-gi, except in a few survivals of the 
old type (besides turri-m there are e. g. siti-m, tussi-m, resti-m): 
e. g. ovem y mentem through assimilation to comit-em ndv-em and 
so forth (I § 33 Rem. 1 p. 33). 

§ 216. 4. w-stems. Pr.Idg. *s&nu-tn. Skr. sUnu-m, 
Avest. bazu-m, O.Pers. magu-m (read magu-m) magician*. Gr. 
nrjxv-v, ijdv-v. Lat. manu-m ; Umbr. trifo trifu 'tribum' (I § 49 
p. 42). O.Ir. bith n- (I § 657. 5 p. 508). Goth, sunu, O.H.G. 
situ sito. Lith. sunn, O.G.S1. sj/nU. 

Avest. nasdum 'corpse' i. e. nasdvem, cp. the nom. -dw-i 
(§ 196 p. 76) , probably a re-formate containing the loc. sing, 
in -flu, see § 261. O.Pers. dahydum (beside dahyum), which 
was influenced by. association with the nom. dahy&u-i, at least 
to begin with, as in Greek votv-v follows vav-g y etc. (§ 221). 

Armen. (z) zard is nom., like (z) gail and (z) sirt; 
§§ 212, 214. 

Greek. Horn. €vpi(f)a 'broad* instead of *vpv-v on the 
analogy of the ace. pi. Bvpsffi-ag. 

§ 216. 5. f- #-s terns (cp. p. 68 footnote 1). Three 
endings are met with: (1) -Urn: Skr. bfhatt-m, Avest. barentl-m 
O.Pers. harauvatim i. e. -f m 'Arachosia' (= Skr. sd rasvatf-tn) ; 
Gr. noXl-v ; and perhaps Mid.Ir. inis n-. (2) -t|^» -jmj* : Gr. 
votvt-av, (pegovoav cpsQovvfav (cp. below). (3) -#-m: Lith. ietnq 
O.G.S1. zemljq; and we must doubtless add O.H.G. gutinne 
A.S. zydenne (§ 213). — Lat. faciem and Mid.Ir. insi n-, 
Brigti n- may belong to either (2) or (3); then Ir. -t n- = 
*-/#n = Gr. -iav, or it may = *-t#n (J = g). Lat. sudvem 

§§216,217. Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 93 

must have been preceded by*«t>aw-ro; was this for *8V&vi-m? 
Cp. 80crum § 217. 

We may fairly suppose that two forms only came down 
from the parent language, ~l-m and -(t)£Hgi, the first where a 
sonant began the following word, the second before a consonant 
(cp. 3. pi. opt. *s-(i)i-$t = O.Lat. stent beside *s-T- in tfmus and 
*s-(i)i£- in siSs). Possibly this -(1)191 gave rise to -#)i#s in the 
ace. pi. (§ 328). In the same way, stems in -I- -ti- have 
sometimes -J-m (Gr. xt-v) and sometimes -#-#* (Skr. dhlyam) in 
the ace. sing., see § 217. In Greek -ijpp -itp, became -tav -jav, 
-* being added on the analogy of -rv -6v = -Urn -a-m etc. 
And as we assumed in § 191 (p. 68), -iav -iav called into 
existence nominatives in -ia -ja, where such are found in place 
of those in *-*. 

The third ending -jfi-m arose because -#- forced its way 
in from other cases. An ace. in -j$-m sprang up by the side 
of the gen. in -j$8 and so on, because ifl-stems had ace. -jfl-m 
beside gen. -jfl-s. 

Goth, frijdndja (nom. frijOndi) is a re-formate following 
sibja 'kindship' (nom. sibja) and giba , cp. gen. frijOndjfo like 
sibjds gibds, frijdndjdi like sibfdi gibdi. Thus the relation of 
O.H.G. gutinne and Goth, frijdndja is similar to the relation 
of Gr. iXrjfrHav to aXrj&eiav (gen. dXrj&sitig), and of Lith. £em$ 
(nom. iemi) to vezancziq (nom. vezanti). Cp. p. 68 footnote 1. 

§ 217. 6. f- *i- and tf- uff-stems and stems in -f, 
-|, -#. In pr. Idg. -fm -fl-m before a sonant, -ii-ip -uyrip, 
before a consonant in the following word. 

1. -l-m -ti-fn. Skr. Ved. tand-m Avest. tanil-m 'body* 
(beside Skr. tanuv-am Avest. tan(u)v$m), Avest. ber 4 zai-dfm 
"having great insight*. Gr. xt-v noXl-v, 6(pgv-v vsxv-v. Lat. vi-rn 
(I § 655.4 p. 503), Umbr. sim 'suem' (I § 57 p. 46); Lat 
socrum, too, may quite regularly stand for *socril-m cp. § 197 
p. 76. O.H.G. OJcel. sU sow'. O.C.S1. ljuby 'love' in the 
phrase ljuby d&jati (tvoriti) 'to commit adultery' may belong 

94 Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §217,218. 

Remark. I should offer this explanation of ljuby with greater con- 
fidence, but that the masculine nominatives kamy and plamy (stem ha men" 
'stone*, plameti- 'flame*) are used for the accusative as well, where there 
can certainly be no question of original neuters in *-6n. In Russian, svekry 
is found as an accusative (Vetter, Zur Gesch. der nom. DecL im Russ., 67) ; 
but this may be explained like starina and similar forms used as accusa- 
satives (ibid. 45). 

2. -f'i-fli -wg-ijji. Skr. dhiy-am 'thought' bhruv-am 'eye- 
brow', Ved. nadfy-am 'river taniiv-am Avest. tan(u)v-$m 'body 
(beside Skr. tanA-m Avest. tanii-m), O.Pers. (h)izuv-am 'tongue* 
(see Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. XIV 245 f.). Gr. ix&va (Theocr.) 
itpQva (Oppian) and the like; these certainly reproduce the type 
of formation which we are discussing, but they may be later 
ad-formates of iy&vag oygvac, as Horn, tvpea follows svQsag 
(§ 215). Lat. su-em. Lith. fav-\ 'fish 1 ; O.C.S1. kruv-V 'blood' 
(cp. nom. O.Pol. kry § 197 p. 76), svekruv-i 'socrum' (beside 
svekruv-e, the genitive form, cp. mater-e § 218). 

A similar double formation should be assumed to have 
originally belonged to stems ending in long sonant liquids and 
nasals (II § 160. 4 pp. 485 f.). Skr. gir-am praise* for *gfr-qi 
(cp. gth Rig-V. X 99. 11 in Lanman, Noun-Inflection p. 488), 
pur-am 'stronghold' for *pfl~tp; but jd-m 'being' for *§%-m, 
similarly khd-m 'source' g&-§d-m 'winning cattle'. It is easy to 
see why in the first set of instances the form in -m (*gf-wi, 
*ph m ) g ave wav ? an d in ^e others the form in -fjt (*^tiHj»). 

§ 218. 7. w- and r-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *Jc(u)yon-qi. Skr. hdn-am; Avest. span-em (some- 
times the stem takes a weak form, following some of its other 
cases, as ar$n-em beside ar&dn-em 'male, man'), O.Pers. astndn- 
-am 'heaven'. Gr. xv'v-a (instead of *xvov-a, following xw-o'$ etc.), 
xixTov-a 'carpenter', noi/uev-a 'herdsman'. Lat. homin-em homdn- 
-em, ed&n-etn ; cam-em follows cam-is etc. O.Ir. coin n-, drain n-. 
Lith. sziin-{ (like Gr. xvVa), akmen-\\ O.C.S1. kamen-%. 

Pr. Idg. *mat6r-tp *d6tor-tp. Skr. mdtdr-am ddtar-am, 
Avest. nUHar-em datar-em, O.Pers. fra-matHr-am 'ruler; in 
Avestic the stems may take the weak form on the analogy of 
other of their cases, mapr-em dapr-em, atrhm with t instead of 

§218. Accusative 8ingular Masculine and Feminine. 95 

p following atar- (Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. II 132 f.). Gr. 
iitixiQ-a (Horn. Svyaxg-u following frvyarg-og etc. beside &vya- 
TfQ-ci), <)oirop-«. Lat. matr-em (like Avest. *w0/>r-em), datdr-em. 
O.Ir. mOthir «-. Lith. moter-\, O.C.S1. mater-l. 

Arm en. (z) akn and (z) mair , (z) dustr are doubtless 
nominative forms; see § 212 p. 90. 

For Greek Thess. xiov-av Cypr. tiarijp-av see § 211 p. 89. 

In these, as in the other consonant stems, Umbro- 
S a m n i t i c has not -etw as we should expect , but -om , the 
ending of stems in -o-: Osc. medicatin-om 'iudicationem', Umbr. 
ars-fertur-o 'infertorem, flammem' uhtur-u 'auctorem'. The 
student should observe that the two classes of stems have a like 
ending in the gen. pi. (§§ 344 ff.) and in the gen. sing. (§ 239), 
and that the early loss of o in the ending -o-s (I § 655. 5 
p. 503) caused them both to coincide to some extent even 
in the form of the nom. sing. (Umbr. *patro(m): pater = 
k a 1 1 u (m) : k a t e 1). 

The Germanic forms are obscure: Goth, guman, rapjtin 
Yationem', brdpar, O.H.G. gomon gomun, zungiln tongue (for 
the formative suffix cp. Streitberg Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 
218 f.), muoter, bruodar, A.S. juman, brddor beside A.S. dur-u 
'door* (ground-form *dhur-ip). 

Remark. The O.Icel. tLQcfqdor fq&ur does not help us to a decision. 

There are three possible explanations. (1) We start from -tf* = 
pr. Germ. -wn. Then in Gothic, where we find forms like tunp-u, -u must 
have been dropped in words of three or more syllables. This might be 
granted without more ado for West Germanic languages (op. Eahle, Zur 
Entw. der cons. Decl. im Germ. pp. 3 f., Burghauser, Germ. Nominalflexion 
pp. 21 f.). But what of Goth, ulbondu = Gr. fa<parr-a? — (2) Besides the 
ordinary forms *fc(u}Hon-ip *mater-rp, there may once have been forms 
with -m *&(u)w>n'tn, *mOter-m y used before a sonant, which developed 
quite regularly into those which we find in Germanic. Cp. I § 192 p. 164, 
§ 645. 2 p. 489, and Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 385. — (3) If it could be 
proved that Ooth. frijdnd O.H.G. friunt, Goth, mtndp O.H.G. mandd, Goth. 
veitvtid once ended in -o-tit, the question would arise whether the prehistoric 
ground-forms were not *%umau~a-n etc. (cp. above, the Umbro-8amn. -o-m). 

For Old Church Slavonic fcaiwen-l, mater-X see p. 89 

footnote 2. I follow Scholvin in regarding as genitive forms the 

variants mater-e, svekruv-e (§ 217); see Scholvin, Die Decl. 

96 Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§218,219. 

pp. 41 f. The use of a genitive form for the accusative depends 
upon a peculiarity of Slavonic syntax (Miklosich, Vergl. Gr. 
IV 495 ff.; Vetter, Zur Gesch. der nom. Decl. im Russ. pp. 18 ff.). 

§ 219. 8. Stems ending in Explosives. 

Pr. Idg. *bhf(jhont~ijt. Skr. bfhdnt-am , Avest. ber 4 zant-em. 
Gr. (pegovT-a. Lat. ferent-em. O.Ir. carit n-. Goth, tunp-u A.S. 
tdd 'dentem'; Goth, ulband-u 'camel' = Gr. tXiyavva? Lith. 
vezant-\, O.C.S1. vezqSft instead of *vezqtt y $ having come from 
the other cases which had -%o- (cp. vezqgte § 321 , vezq$ti 
§ 191 p. 68). 

Skr. sarvd-tat-am 'completeness', Avest. haurva-UU-em 'sa- 
fety, weal'. Gr. oAo'-r^r-a. Lat. novi-tat-em. With the suffix 
-tut- Lat. juventiU-em, O.Ir. bethid n- 'life' (nom. beothu). 

Skr. Sardd-am autumn'. Gr. <pvydd-a 'fugitive*. Lat. lapid- 
-em. O.Ir. druid n- Druid'. A.S. hnit-u nit, egg of a louse or 
small insect*. Pr. Idg. *pod-fp 'foot': Skr. pdd-am Avest. pad-em, 
O.Pers. pati-pad-am (*to one's place'); Gr. nod-u; Lat. ped-em; 
Goth. fdt-u. 

Skr. uMj-am craving'. Gr. fitfga*-a girl*, oqtvx-o. ogrvy-a 
'quail'. Lat. bibac-em. O.Ir. nathraig n- water-snake'. Pr. Idg. 
*Uoq-ty voice, speech': Skr. vdc-am Avest. vac-em, Gr. on-a y Lat. 
vdc-em. Pr. Idg. *r&§-ip, 'regem': Skr. rdj-am, Lat. rtg-em y O.Ir. 
rig n-. Lat. haUUc-em 'great toe for *halo- or *hali-doic- y 
Olcel. t? 'toe' for *taih-u (J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 183; Kluge, 
Paul's Grundr. I 385). 

Skr. dp-am Avest. dp-em 'water. Gr. xkcSn-a 'thief. Lat. 

For Greek Cypr. a(v)SQia(v)fav and pgovxav i. e. pptix-av 
(Meister, Gr. Dial, n 231 f.), see § 211 p. 89. 

For Umbrian capirs-o 'capidem' curnac-o 'cornicem' see 
§ 218 p. 95. 

Germanic. It is doubtful how we should explain Goth. 
frijdnd O.K.Q.friunt A.S. frednd y Goth. mSndp O.H.G. mdnOd 
'month', Goth, veitvdd witness' (cp. Gr. hSot-ol, II § 136 p. 440). 

Remark. Are these forms like those of o-stems, and was the 
pr. Germ, ending *-c-w? Or pr. Germ. *-«n = Idg. -91? See § 218 

§219,220. Accusative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 97 

Rem. p. 95. We can hardly find rapport for ground-forms in *-nt-m (like 
*m&er-m y above) used before sonants only, as Klnge seems to assume 
(Paul's Orundr. I 385). If there had been such forms, *-ntm would have 
become **nm, op. tigum §§ 379. 2 and 386. 

Goth, bairg 'stronghold' brust 'breast* (gen. sing, baurg-s 
brust-s) may have had the inflexion of i-stems, cp. the dat. 
pi. bairgi-m brusti-m. 

§ 220. 9. s-stems. 

Pr.Idg. *dus-menes-iji. Skr. durmanas-am , Avest. du$- 
manawh-ein. Gr. dvaftsvi-a 17. Lat. d€-gener-em. 

Skr. u§ds-am (u$ds-am) Avest. u$&wh-em, Gr. Horn, rjw for 
*q6(a)-a 'auroram* (perhaps ijou was the real Homeric form); 
Lat. honOr-em (for the length of vowel in the formative suffix, 
see II § 133 pp. 423 f.). 

The nominative in -& -0& occasioned a re-formation of the 
accusative in Aryan, Greek, and Latin. Skr. u$dm Avest. 
uiqm are formed on the model of -sthd-8 : -s*Ad-m, Avest. rapae- 
-8t&:-8tqm and the like. See § 391, and Collitz in Bezz. Beitr. 
X 24 f. with the works cited in that place. Att. -Swxpar^v 
instead of JSancpdrtj (cp. § 272), Cypr. avekrjv instead of drsXl^a, 
Lesb. dtyioviXrjVy Boeot. Aioyhuv etc. (G. Meyer, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 321 ; 
R. Meister, Ber. der sachs. Ges. der Wiss. 1889 pp. 93 f.) on 
the analogy of v€6vfa-$ : vt&vld-v etc. ; analogy has produced the 
opposite effect in Herod. deanoxU Fvysa, which are treated as 
if they were fa-stems ; cp. § 395. Lat. pltibem famem (ptibei 
fame) from ptebte fames on the model of acie-m : acute. 

Pr. Idg. comparative *($(i)iosH>}». Skr. d&yQs-am (for the 
nasalised formative suffix, cp. H § 135 p. 430), in post-Vedic 
Sanskrit sometimes -Tyas-am following the other cases (cp. 
nom. pi. § 322), Avest. Osydtdh-etn. Gr. rjd-iro for *-!o(o)a. 
Lat. dcidr-em. 

Pr.Idg. part. perf. act. "yeid-uos-ip,. Skr. vidvds-atn (for 
nasalised formative suffix see U § 136 p. 441), and sometimes 
-ti^-awi, where the weak form of the formative suffix has ousted 
the strong (cp. nom. pi. § 322); Avest. vfdvdwh-em. Lith. 
m\rus-\ 0.C.S1. mtrft§f (doubtless for **wlrtfcA-£, according to 

Br of in add, Etanentt. III. 7 

98 Accnsatire Singular Masculine and Feminine. §§220,221. 

I § 588. 2 p. 443), the weak formatiTe suffix having taken the 
place of the strong, unless these forms are to be characterised 
as an extension of -yes- by -io- (cp. II § 136 pp. 441 f.). 
For Gr. sUor-a see II § 136 p. 440. 

Pr. Idg. *fwtfa-*ji. Skr. m&$-am. Lat. mur-em. Further, 
O.H.G. A.8. OJcel. mm (cp. dat. pi. tnusutn) and O.C.81. 
mysi may possibly be regular descendants of the proethnic 
form. Gr. fivv instead of *fiv-a follows ov-v and the like; see 

II § 160 p. 485. 

O.Pers. ace. ndh-am nose', Lat. wflr-eiw, A.S. nos-u nose*. 

§ 221. 10. Monosyllabic Stems in -i- -#- -m-. 

Pr. Idg. *ndu-tp 'ship': Skr. ndv-am, Horn, yij-a (Att. 
ravv is a re-formate following v«v-c), Lat. nav-em. 

In many instances, the stem-final was dropped before the 
case-ending -m in the parent language itself. Pr. Idg. *g#m, 
stem *qou~ 'head of cattle': Skr. gdm Avest. gqm, Horn. Dor. 
pfiv, Umbr. bum 'bovem', O.Sax. ko O.H.G. kuo chuo (A.S. cu 
OJcel ka for *kyd? see p. 80 footnote). I leave it an open 
question whether Avest. gaum, i. e. gdvem, and Lat. bovetn are re- 
formates in these several languages, or whether there ever was 
a proethnic form *gou-qi used before consonants. Att. povv ia 
certainly a re-formate, and follows (tov-g. Pr. Idg. *d(i)iBm y 
stem *d(i)%eu- 'heaven, daylight': Skr. dydm diydm, Gr. Zrjv, 
Lat. diem ; while alongside of these we find Jov-em, and (with 
the weak form of the stem substituted for the strong) Skr. dith 
-am Gr. Ai-a ; Gr. Zt t v became the starting point for a new 
series of forms, Zijva Zr t v6q Zrpfi, just as *vi-v quern P' = Idg. 
*qi-m gave rise to xlva riVo; etc. (cp. § 314 Rem. 2; Osthoff, 
Morph. lint. IV 235 f.; Collitz, Bezz. Beitr. X 49; a new 
but not convincing explanation is offered by Johansson, ibid. 
XVI 158). In a similar way it would seem that O.Ir. boin n- 
(dat. loc. sing, and nom. ace. du. boin) was founded upon a 
form boin = Lat. bovem, aided (as Thurneysen points out to 
me) by the analogy of coin, from nom. sing, cu 'dog'. 
Pr. Idg. *rtm property, thing' (cp. Skr. nom. pi. rdy-as) : Skr. 

§§222,223. Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 99 

rdm (also rdy-am), Lat. rem. Skr. k$dm A vest, zqm 'earth* 
beside Gr. y&ov-a instead of */&ofii-a. See II § 160 pp. 481 ff. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter.*) 

§ 222. From the earliest stage of Indo-Germanic which 
concerns us, the bare stem has served for the nominative and 
accusative singular neuter. An exception must be made of 
stems in -o-, which use for these cases the stem with -m added, 
the same form which does duty for the accusative singular 
masculine. A conjecture has already been offered as to the 
origin of this twofold function of forms with -m (§ 186 p. 60). 

The pronominal ending -d (§ 417) spread to nominal ad- 
jectives, but apparently only when they were o-stems (§ 227). 
This is not proethnic, but belongs to the period of separate 
growth, and particularly to the Germanic and Balto-Slavonic 

§ 223. I. Stems without any Suffix used as nom. 
and ace. sing. neut. 

1. t-8 terns. Pr. Idg. *oqi 'eye'. Skr. dk§i 'eye* Mci 'pure'; 
Avest. ar'zahi the name of the western karshvar or region of 
the world, bUiri = Skr. bk&ri 'multuin . Gr. idgt 'clever, knowing*. 
Lat. mare leve, Umbr. sakre 'sacre, hostia (I § 33 p. 33). 
O.Ir. muir w-, where, as in mid n- (see 2), «- is added on the 
analogy of the same cases of stems in -o- and -n-. 2 ) O.H.G. 
meri 'mare', a unique survival in West-Germanic; Goth. fGn 
'fire* doubtless for *fdn-i (heteroclite gen. funins); adj. Goth. 
ga-mdin 'commune hrdin 'purum'. 

2. w-stems. Pr. Idg. *medhu 'sweetness'. Skr. mddhu 
'sweetness, honey' svddu suave' (for such forms as Ved. 
purA beside purd see below) , Avest. madu 'honey' pouru = 

1) J. Schmidt, Die Pluralbildungen der idg. Neutra, 1889. W. 
Meyer, Die Schicksale des lat. Neutrums im Roman., 1883. 

2) Cp. Avest. tohu-m beside vohu 'bonum'. Similarly in mediaeval 
Greek, neut. nolv-r. ygdujua-r etc by assimilation to -o-v. 


100 Nominatire and Accusative Singular Neater. §223. 

Skr. puni 'multum'; Avest. vohum beside vohu 'bonum' on 
the analogy of stems in -o-. Gr. /ui&v 'intoxicating drink, 
wine ydv 'suave', li&tpecu genu (for pecu and the like see 
below). O.Ir. mid w- 'mead, wine* with «- affixed (cp. muir ti- 
nnier 1). Goth, faihu 'money' filu multum*, O.H.G. fihu fiho 
'cattle' filo filu 'multum* (these are almost the only survivals in 
O.H.G.). 1 ) Lith. gralh 'beautiful' saldu sweet', Pruss. pecku 
•cattle = Goth, faihu (cp. I § 467. 2 p. 343) ; O.C.S1. tnedu 'honey', 
whose form probably belongs here, although it became mas- 
culine in prehistoric times (cp. nom. ace. synU 'son"). 

3. n- and m-stems. Pr. Idg. *dhe-my 'a placing, 
to &e7vai\ Skr. dhdma *&eotg, statute, ordinance, dwelling- 
place' Avest. ddma creation', Skr. ndtna Avest. nama (nqma) 
O.Pers. nama name'; for Ved. -fl beside -a see below. 
Gr. &ipa, ovona (cp. II § 82 p. 250). Lat. ndmen, unguen 
Umbr. numem nome nomen' umen unguen' (I § 209 
p. 177). O.Ir. aintn n- name' sruaim n- 'stream, current' 
imb w- 'butter'; Gall, carmen = O.Ir. cuirm n- 'beer. 

We likewise find the ending *-0n *-&*, as in the nom. sing, 
masc. and fern. (§ 192 pp. 69 f.) and in the nom. and ace. pi. 
neut. (§ 340), in Germanic and Slavonic. -On: Goth, namd and 
O.H.G. O.Sax. namo and A.S. nama 'name' (which have become 
masculine), Goth, hairtd O.Icel. hjarta 'heart', -en: O.H.G. 
herza O.Sax. herta 'heart' A.S. edre 'ear'; O.C.S1. im$ 'name', 
and perhaps Pruss. semen 'seed, sowing' (O.C.S1. 8$m$. If 
we are to assume that any of such Germanic and Lithuanian 
masculines as Goth, stdma 'stuff, substance' Lith. stomu 'stature' 
(II § 117 p. 375), and of Lithuanian feminines such as derme 
'agreement, bargain' (Skr. dhdrman- n.) geme 'song', were ori- 
ginally neuter, we should have not only *-dn *-8n but *-d *-g, 
as in the masc. fern. How the formations in *-d(n) *-8(n) which 

1) Can Goth, tagr 'tear, laoruma' (O.H.0. zahar O.IceL tar) oome 
regularly from *tagru (cp. Gt. <J«W, II § 107 p. 822), in spite of the form 
faihu, -u after a long syllable being perhaps differently treated from -u 
after a short syllable? See Johansson, Behaghel-Neumann's Literaturbl. 
1889 coL 370. 

§223. Nominatire and Accusative Singular Neuter. 101 

served as nom. sing. masc. fem. came to do duty for the neuter 
is a doubtful point. We may refer to J. Schmidt's theories 
(Pluralb. 82 ff. and 117 ff.), remarking at the same time that 
this *-2n is identical in form with the loc. sing, in *-2n (§§ 256, 
257; similarly Skr. nom. ace. dhdma: loc. k§dma, § 257 c); nor 
should it be forgotten that Johansson believes -» to have ori- 
ginally been a locative suffix (§ 186 p. 63). — 

Another formation is used for the nom. ace. sing. neut. 
in Vedic Sanskrit, adjectives ending in -fl; e. g. pur& in purd 
vdsu 'much goods'. This lengthening of the -w was merely 
rhythmical (Lanman, Noun Inflection p. 406; J. Schmidt, 
Pluralb. 50 f.). Wackernagel (Das Dehnungsgesetz der griech. 
Compp., pp. 12 ff.) gives reason for holding this lengthening to 
be proethnic; hence we must regard the Latin by-forms in -#, 
peed vera genU cornUj as being of the same kind. The latter 
forms may, however, be called plural, as J. Schmidt does call 
them (Pluralb. pp. 49 f., 53; cp. § 339 below). But one very 
doubtful question remains. It is quite conceivable that the 
neuter plural in -$ grew 'out of a collective singular feminine 
(BE § 109 pp. 332 ff.). Was there really, as Schmidt believes, 
an original neuter plural in -U as well, which arose in the 
same way from singular feminine forms in -&? But no such 
forms as these singular feminines in -H seem to have existed at 
all in the proethnic language; and the series of neuter plurals 
in -t? may be nothing more than a re-formation on the analogy 
of those in -T. And if the variation between -w and -& — 
which, as we saw, is a question of rhythm — was to be found 
in the proethnic stage, we have the result that there were 
neuter forms in -tf which were at once singular and plural. 

Along with dhdma we find such forms as dhdma in the 
Yedas (Lanman, p. 531). This lengthening, like the last, is 
probably due to rhythm. If, as we must assume, this too is 
of proethnic origin, the parent language had -$ beside -# as it 
had -& beside -w. Now these forms in -fl are plural as well as 
singular in Vedic. Thus the following question arises. Does 
the plural dhdma, as Schmidt supposes (pp. 82 ff.), represent an 

102 Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. § 223. 

Idg. *dh§md, i. e. a form like the nom. sing. masc. fern. (Lat. 
sermO etc.), being thus related to Avest. ddmqn (§ 340) as Lat. 
sermd to Gr. ax f hop? Is it not more likely that the original 
form was *dh€m$, forms in -# being made on the analogy of 
those in -a; or, it may be, because the relation of -F (in the 
plural) to -i (in the singular) caused a series of singular by- 
forms in -# to be used for the plural as well? 

Remark 1. It seems to me that we are not yet in a position to 
answer this question. It would be decided in favour of dhdmd = *tfA#m$, 
if it could really be proved that Gr. i] ftu^ $ ti^ rj tm-tmiM, Cret. gen. 
ftjuati ^e'ijLiaTOi) and the like were once neuters in -a (cp. ^a, Xv t ua, ttpa). 
This would be the same analogical change of stem which is seen in 
O.Pers. taunta f. 'family' as contrasted with Skr. tdkman- n. and Avest 
taoxman- n. (II § 117 Rem. 2 p. 369); op. also Pol. gen. brzemia instead 
of brzemienia from nom. brzemie 'burden' on the analogy of pola : pole 
(Baudouin de Courtenay, Kuhn-8chL Beitr. VI 61). 

Remark 2. Vedic neuter singular forms in -i -u and -a (= *-^) 
are also used for the plural, but almost always in conjunction with a 
nom. ace. pi. neut.: e. g. bhdri . . . dnna 'abundant food', ydjana puru 
'many yojanas' (a measure of distance), priyd n&ma 'dear names'. See 
Schmidt, op. ciU 276 ff. According to this scholar, the usage began at 
a stage in the proethnio language when qualifying words, unless indeed 
they were o-stems, were added to the nouns which they qualified without 
being inflected, precisely as happens in the case of numeral adjectives 
like *pewqe 'five': ydjana puru will then be the same in principle as 
pafaa kf$ti$u (§ 169 p. 13). The use of a bare stem for the plural, he 
continues, must have spread from adjectives to substantives: puru dhdmd 
(dhdmani), which is correct, suggesting dhdma pur&ni, which is not But 
a simpler explanation would be possible if there were parallel groups of 
forms in the singular: -t* -# (and -t) alongside of -w -# (and -i). Then 
we should have (1) -u -3 (and -i) used for both numbers in proethnio 
Aryan, and consequently (2) the short vowels used for both alike. 

m-stem. *sem 'unum': Gr. %v, Lat. sem-per 'in one un- 
broken sequence, always* (II § 160 p. 479). 

Remark 3. It is not certain whether Gr. <J«J 'house' belongs here. 
Solmsen (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 329) and Schmidt (Plur. 222) postulate 
an Idg. *(?tfm, with a variant *dd related to it as *fc(u)u# = Skr. kd is to 
*i(u)u$n = Gr. xvmv. A different view is taken by Bartholomae (Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXIX 497). One more explanation may be mentioned, due to 
I know not whom, by which S<a is identified with Germ. *to~ 'to', a by-form 
of -St. According to this conjecture, ^ulrfQor Sm = qunspov rh, but the 
meaning of phrases of this kind together with the resemblance of Sto to 
Su/ua gave S«i itself the meaning of 'house'. 

§224 Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 103 

§ 224. 4. r-stems. 

a. No language but Sanskrit has any certain examples of 
neuter forms from noun-stems in -er- -ter- (II § 119 pp. 376 ff.): 
examples are sthatf 'standing Ved. sthatur (I § 285 p. 228). 
Probably we have here a Sanskrit re-formation, as we certainly 
have in the nom. ace. pi. in -fni (§ 341); see Whitney, Sanskrit 
Grammar § 375. In Greek it is doubtless a mere accident that 
no such forms are found as d-udrop from masc. d-ndroip. Pos- 
sibly tJtoq 'heart* is an example in point. 

b. There is a special group of neuter words in -r which 
have had a heteroclite system of declension from the proethnic 
period onwards ; e. g. Skr. ddhar gen. ildhn-as. These shew all 
kinds of different forms, very difficult to explain. In Aryan 
we find -ar, as Skr. Adhar, Avest. karSvar*, the name of the 
seven divisions of the earth. But besides this we find in Sanskrit 
words with two other endings: (1) yakfi 'liver' gen. yakn-ds 
(Avest. yakar*, Gr. rjnap Lat. jecur)^ Mkft 'dirt, stercus' gen. 
£ahi-ds; (2) dsfk (dspy) 'blood' gen. asn-ds (Gr. sap Lat. assir 
asser). Armenian aXbeur 'source, spring* gen. alber (Gr. (pge&p 
for *(fQ7jFaQ, gen. (ppiavoq for *(fgf]furog). Greek -an and more 
rarely -cap, as ov&ap and vfwg 'water' (O.H.G. trajjgar); and 
perhaps we should add -op, r^xop 'heart'. Lat. -er and -wr, a8 
Uber and jecur. Old High German -ariwanar (Gr. vSioq), 
tenar (which has become masc.) 'flat of the hand* (Gr. &svag). 
B alto-Slavonic: possibly Lith. vandu undu (m.) O.C.S1. voda 
(f.) 'water and Lith. keke (f.) 'bunch of grapes', which may be 
related to Gr. vdwp and Lat. cicer as Lith. sesu mote O.C.S1. 
matt to Lat. soror mater (§ 192). 

How this great variety of forms came about it is impossible 
to say with anything like confidence. All that can be done 
at present is to offer conjectures more or less uncertain. 

Remark. See II § 118 pp. 375 f., and de Saussure, Me'm. but le 
Syst. prim. pp. 18, 28, 225 ; the Author, Morph. Unt. II 224 ff., 281 ff. ; J. 
8ehmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXV 22 ff.; Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 196 ff.; 
Noreen, Arkiv IV 110; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr. a pp. 325 f.; Zimmer, Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXX 231; Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XIV 163 ff.; Bartholomae, ibid. 
XV 39 ff.; J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 172 ff. 

104 Nominative and Accusative Singular Neater. §224. 

A few points may be mentioned which it is of the first importance 
to bear in mind. 

1. A comparison of the rowel gradation in Or. r t uaQ : yu^a, ma? : 
nuqo-s etc. makes it probable that Gr. -a$ came from Idg. -f, and not from 
-ar; and this suits Lat jecur femur. Lat uber may contain Idg. *-er; but 
according to I § 97. 3 p. 91 it may also come from *ubar, and -ar, along 
with Avest -ar 9 Gr. -wp O.H.G. -ar, may represent Idg. *-f. 

O.Ioel. ce&r Vein' Ufr 'liver' do not go far to prove that the Idg. 
ending was *-er. 

Aryan -ar (8kr. udhar) may be either *-er or *-or (op. Gr. ?r<^ 
O.H.G. tcaffiar). 

2. But on the other hand it seems natural to place Gr. v6u>q O.H.G. 
tca^ar Lith. vandi keke* on the same level as Gr. pq^tmq O.BLG. bruodar 
Lith. sesi mote* (§ 192 pp. 69 ff.), in whioh case we should have *-6(r) 
*-e\r) as the Idg. endings. There may have been *«f along with these 
(Gr. ov&oq), as •-# along with *-0n *-gn (§ 223. 3 p. 100). If O.C.8L voda 
(f.) was originally a neuter in *-G(r), we may with Schmidt oonneot Skr. 
sdmft f. 'half-year, season, year' and Avest hama 'in summer' directly 
with O.U.G. 8umar A.S. sumor 'summer' ; the pr. Idg. form will then be 
*8mmd(r), i. e. Skr. sdmd will be like data 'dator' (further examples for 
this Ar. -a are given by Schmidt Plur. pp. 212 ff., but they are less certain). 

3. In discussing the nom. aoo, sing. neut. in -o~n -In and -$, we drew 
attention to the same endings in the loo. sing. (pp. 100 f.). Here too the 
locative enters into the question. Johansson and Bartholomae regard the -r 
of these neuter forms as simply and solely a locative suffix, a view whioh is 
indeed supported by Gr. vo'xtmq 'by night' (Avest hama 'in summer') and 
other words of the same kind. Compare too Ved. udhar 'at the udder' 
(Lanman, Noun-Inflection 488) Avest zafar 4 'in the mouth'. Idg. forms 
with -er (8kr. udhar Lat. uberf) are naturally compared with vngg Lat 
super, Idg. loo. *p9ter (§§ 256, 258). Bartholomae assumes that the pa- 
rent language had locative forms with -r and with -it, like Skr. udhar 
and udhan, used indifferently with the same meaning. "The first conse- 
quence was that r-locatives sprang up in tt-stems, and n -locatives in r- 
stems, in addition to the ordinary locative of each class. But this new 
locative could not fail to produoe a transformation of other oases of the 
stem; and thus it is often hardly possible to decide whether any given forms 
come from original nasal or liquid stems. In any case, this apparent 
variety of stems here as elsewhere is not original" (p. 42). 

4. For Gr. faaq Lat. jecur the Idg. ending *-ft might be assumed on 
the strength of Skr. ydkrt. Sohmidt adds to our list Armen. leard 'liver' on 
aocount of its d = t, and he would oonnect Skr. tdkrt and Lat. m&s-(s)cerda, 
postulating for the latter an old form *scerd or **cord (final -d for -*). 
Still, this comparison is very doubtful; the Skr. word seems rather to 
belong to Gr. xonfo-s. But we may follow Schmidt in tracing Gr. <ap Epio 
rjaq (tlaf) back to *TjaQy, and Lat asset- to *a8serg, on the strength of Skr. 
dsf. k (dsrg). 

§225. Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 105 

§ 225. 5. Stems ending in Explosives. 

Participial nJ-stems. 1 ) The original ending was -nt 
or -pL But it is not clear how participles of each particular 
tense stem ended in the original language. In Aryan, -at = -#f 
came to be the regular ending; it is original (e. g.) in Skr. 
dddat (pr. Idg. *di-d-i$t from y/^dd- 'dare*). Cp. Bartholomae, 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XXEK 552, 554. Conversely, in Greek *-a-r, 
the equivalent of *-#*, was dropped, whilst -av(x) = -pt held 
its ground; e. g. Dor. Aeol. nav 'totum' for *fcy-qt (§11 126 
p. 398), dap-v-dy from ddfi-vrj-Lu, and the like, whence the aorist 
gives e. g. nixpav instead of *n€\pa{T). Along with this series, 
Greek has the ending -o-t>(r) = Lith. -q. Lat. neut. -$m for 
pr. Ital. *~ent (see pp. 106 f.) may represent not only Idg. *-#/ 
or *-pt but Idg. *-e~nt, which is actually contained in Lith. 
d&'sq 'iwaov (cp. below, footnote 1). 

Skr. bhdrat from masc. bhdran 'ferens', bfhdt from masc. 
bfk&n projecting, raised, high', sdt = Avest. haj> from masc. 
sdn 'being', dddat from masc. dddat giving'. Gr. yiyov from 
fpigdw 'ferens', hnov from Xmoiv 'leaving', dagx-v-dv from du/Li- 
-p-ag 'subduing', u&& v from nfr&ig 'placing , dyvvv from dyvb<; 
'breaking', yviv for *yvo)-f/(r) from yvovq for *yvovg *yvu>-vr-g 
'perceiving'. Lat. ferGns from masc. fertns; masculine and 
neuter have always the same form in these stems, oriSns 
ab-undans, prae-s$ns (= Idg. *s-yt?). Lith. veiq from vezqs 
'vehens', duse from d&'ses 'Swoiov. 

1) In the light of Schmidt's shewing (Plur. 422 ff.), I see that I was 
right in my former representation of the ablaut in the Idg. case system of 
n/-stems (II § 125 p. 395); I should not hare given up this view, as I 
did in my Or. Gr. 8 p. 108, in favour of that of Bartholomae, who holds 
that in participial forms with a thematic vowel preceding, the original 
suffix was always -nt- with consonant n (Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 548 ff.). 
But I still think, Schmidt notwithstanding, that the thematic vowel in the 
participle was sometimes -o- and sometimes -e-. I hold to the belief that 
Lith. du8$8 represents an original *d6-8Je-t\U (8kr. dtey&tit-), until 8ohmidt, 
who explains the form as an aorist participle, has shewn how this view 
can be justified by usage. This he tries to do on page 427 of his work; 
but dUsime is not, as he imagines, an optative form; rather, as titr-iii : t&r- 
-i-me shews, it contains the weak grade of the suffix -jo-, and so it is a 
future indicative. Hence his attempt is quite unsatisfactory. 

106 Nominatiye and Accusative Singular Neuter. §225. 

uent-atems have the same rules as nl-participles. Skr. dma- 
-vat Avest. atna-vap from ama-vant- 'acting with violence, power- 
ful' (cp. Bartholomae , Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 544). Gr. zaglev 
from yapi-(f)svT- graceful'; oxiosiv in Ap. Rhod. following the 
ma8c. in -bsic, (see the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 119). For neut. ttjqq 
Tews, formed like Skr. Ved. neut. gnd-vas rich in women or 
wives' (perhaps also like kft-vas, see Bartholomae Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXIX 536), see II § 127 p. 405. 

Remark 1. J. Schmidt is mistaken in his explanation of rtjoq as being 
for *Ta-J-ar (Plur. 356 f.). See Bartholomae, Stud, zor idg. Spr. I 17 f. 
Schmidt imagines that Idg. -t becomes -; in Greek; but see § 241 Rem. 1. 

Other Stems ending in Explosives. 

Aryan. Skr. vi&va-ji-t all-conquering* tri-vft threefold', 
dvi-pdd *bipes\ Skr. post-Vedic A^d *cor, Avest. zar e s-ca 'cor- 
-que' for *zar e t-ca i. e. *zar*d + ca (I § 473. 2 p. 349). Avest. 
as-ca '5s-que', as for *ast, cp. pi. ast-i. Skr. praty-dk 'turned 
backwards, westerly' (stem praty-dftc-), su-ytlg adv. 'well 
equipped or furnished'. 

Greek, ftifo 'honey' for *fieXtr, gen. ftiXir-og, Latin tnel 
perhaps for *mel(i)d (gen. meUis for *meld-es according to I § 369 
p. 280) and this for *melit, doubtless also O.Ir. mil 'honey' (stem 
melt-) for *melit; see W.Meyer, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 171; 
J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 248 f. Gr. ydla 'milk' for *y«Aaxr, gen. 
ydXaxr-og y Lat. lac for *lact, gen. lact-is (Varro's lact is doubtless 
the grammarian's own invention). Gr. xtjq 'heart' for *xi]Qd (II § 160 
p. 479), Lat. cor for *cord, gen. cord-is. Gr. vno-doa adv. 'looking 
from under' for *<Jpax ; perhaps dsvgo 'hither' for *de-J : Qon or *Sbv- 
-fpon (II § 163 p. 493, and the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 116). Lat. 
allec hallec (beside m. f. allex hallex), gen. (h)aU8c-is. Umbr. 
tu-plak *Wxpow %vXov vel SixQavov according to Biicheler, 
Umbrica p. 154. 

Latin adjectival stems ending in explosives show the 
form of the masculine, not only classes of words like ferens 
bi-d8ns, but also bi-p€s auddx prlnceps and so forth. The forms 
in -ns may be regarded as genuine neuters with pr. Ital. -ns 
for -wf, and so may quotiSns: Skr. klyat 'how much, how far'. 

§§225,226. Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 107 

This view is proposed by Thurneysen (Archiv fur lat. Lex., 
V 575 f.), who holds that bi-pte aud&x etc. were used for the 
neuter simply because in westerns there was a confluence of 
neuter and masculine. 

Remark 2. In Kuan's Zeitschr., XXIV 42 f., I offered a conjecture 
with which J. Schmidt agrees (Plur. 89, 403). I suggested that in such 
phrases as ferrum bidens, the second word may have been originally a. 
substantive masculine or feminine (cp. domus vetus), which in becoming 
an adjective did not adopt the neuter form when used as neuter, but retained 
its own. J. Schmidt (pp. 87 ff.) supports this hypothesis by a referenoe to 
the same kind of thing in the Veda, where such forms as raksO-hd 'killing 
the Rakshas' dvi-pdd 'bipes* (neut dvipdd) tata-sd-8 'gaining .hundred-fold 
wealth', which are masculine, are used for the neuter as well. May not both 
causes have worked together to develope the regular Latin usage — both 
the change of ~nt to -/?$, and some such idiom as that suggested here ? 

Old Irish, traig 'foot' for *traget or Hragit, cp. dat. pi. 

Old Church Slavonic, telq 'calf (gen. telH-e) is pro- 
bably not a real but an apparent example ; its nom. ace. seems 
to be an original n-stera, see § 244. 

§ 226. 6. s- stems. 

a. Pr. Idg. *menos c mind\ Skr. mdnas; Avest. mano> 
O.Pers. rauta 'stream' = Skr. srdtas (cp. O.Pers. hara § 194. 1 
p. 73). Gr. tuvog; an exceptional form showing -eg instead 
of -og (s perhaps from the other cases) is reuevsg on an Inscr. 
of Megalopolis (Le Bas-Foucart no. 331. 31 and 42). Lat. opos 
opus, genus; Umbr. mefs mers 'ius, fas' for *med(o)s (I § 633 
p. 474), cp. Lat. modes-tu-s. O.Ir. tech teg 'house* = Gr. ariyog 
rsyog 'roof (cp. fer for *uiro-S) § 194.1 p. 73), transformed 
to tech w-, a re-formation like muir ;i- § 223 p. 99; Gall. 
Oiivdo-fiayoq = O.Ir. mag n. plain*. O.H.G. lamb 'lamb' A.S. 
hrdw 'corpse' (cp. next page). Lith. dkas c ice-hole', which like all 
similar forms has become an o-stem (cp. § 403) ; O.C.S1. slovo 
'word* = Skr. Srdvas Gr. xkffog 'report, fame'. 1 ) 

1) Whilst this volume was in the press, I received Wiedemann's work 
Das litauisohe Prftteritum, in whioh (I 14) he assumes that O.C.S1. -o does 
not come from *-o«, which he says became -u, but that it answers to the 
Greek -«?. His arguments do not oonvince me. 

108 Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. §226. 

Lat. aes instead of older *a(i)-os (= Skr. dyas metal, 
bronze') on the analogy of aer-is etc., see II § 132 p. 418. 

For Germanic see II § 132 pp. 419 ff. We find two 
forms for the nom. ace. sing, neuter, one the old ending *-os 
(cp. the Finnic loan-words lammas mallas = O.H.G. lamb malz), 
the other *-*> = *-es, as in A.S. lemb (beside lomb) = lammi 
Lex Sal., and possibly in (masc.) forms with a short root- 
syllable like O.H.G. sigi A.S. size victory (cp. II § 132 p. 421). 
This *-e$ instead of *-os doubtless came from the other cases 
of the substantive, not from adjectives (cp. Gr. iptvdig), compare 
Gr. re/uevsg above (conversely, -os alone in Lat. tetnpor-is etc. 
II § 132 pp. 418 f.). Another factor in the change from s-stem 
to f-stem (O.H.G. gen. siges etc., like quites) was perhaps an 
instr. pi. in -tmfmj for *-es-mi (§ 387). Cp. Michels, Zum 
Wechsel des Nominalgeschl. I 13 ff. 

b. Pr. Idg. *dus-menes 'ill-disposed'. Skr. durmanas, 
Avest. duSmand. Gr. dva/nsvSg. Lat. de-gener (-r instead of -s 
from the other cases). 

The difference of the vowels in the final syllable of psvog 
ysvdog: dvo/utrtg tysvdig here, as elsewhere, doubtless went with 
some difference in the word-accent; compare Skr. dpas 'work* 
dv6$as 'enmity': apds active' a~dvۤds 'without enmity'. 

Vedic Sanskrit has some forms in -0s instead of -as, as 
dQvd-vyacds 'having room for gods'. These were probably a 
re-formation following the analogy of a group of forms used 
for the neuter mentioned in § 225 Rem. 2, of which Sata-sds 
is an example (cp. Lanman, Noun Infl. 560; J. Schmidt, 
Plur. 132 ff). 

c. Pr. Idg. *qreu9S 'flesh': Skr. kravi$ Gr. xg£(f)ag. 
Compare II § 134 p. 425. 

d. Pr. Idg. comparative *oJc(i)ios ocius'. Skr. dMyas, Avest. 
dsyd. Lat. dcius. Goth, hduh-is adv. 'higher' for pr. Germ. *-iaz. 
O.C.S1. slazde 'sweeter' for pr. Slav. *sold-io(s) (I § 84 pp. 79 f., 
§ 665. 4 p. 525). 

In Greek, this formation may be represented by IIA02 
(nlog or nXwg?) in the sense of nXeov, found in one Arcadian 

§§226,227. Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 109 

inscription. Meister transliterates the word nXwg y and derives 
this from *7rXa}-t i og (Ber. der sachs. Ges. der Wiss., 1889 pp. 89 f.). 
But see Danielsson's Epigraphica, Upsala 1890, pp. 51 sqq. 

In Old Latin we meet with phrases like posterior helium. 
There are two alternatives, and the choice is doubtful. The r 
of the other cases may have taken the place of -s in the nom. 
ace. neut. in -&, as it did in the nom. masc. in *-<?#; or this 
posterior may be the masculine form. 

Along with the forms . in *-%os were used others in *- i s r 
which served as adverbs. This formation is earlier than the 
time when the branches of the language began to develope on 
their own account. Gr. ngsTo- 'earlier' in Cret. -ngbTo-yv-g Thess. 
nptio-pv-g beside Ion. npto-pv-g (see II § 135 p. 433, and the 
Author in Ber. der sachs. Ges. der Wiss., 1889 pp. 53 f.). Lat. 
magis, nimis; Osc. mats 'magis* = Goth, tndis. Goth, mm 
O.H.G. row 'less' for *roiw#-te, Goth, vairs O.H.G. wirs worse* 
for *fftr*-fc. See II § 135 pp. 428 ff. Johansson (De der. verb, 
contr. 177) and Streitberg (Die germ. Comp. auf -ftz-, 30) would 
place here Lat. plus, which they derive from *pldis (for d cp. 
Arc. HA02 above) ; plus is differently explained by the Author,. 
Gr. Gr. 2 p. 96 footnote 2, and Danielsson, Epigraphica p. 52. 

e. Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *ueid-yos 'knowing': Gr. tliog. 
For Skr. vid-vdt, Lith. mlr-% and O.C.S1. nom. mir-& ace. 
mlrUSe see II § 136 pp. 440 ff. 

§ 227. II. The ending -o-ro in o-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *jugo-m yoke*. Skr. yugd-m, Avest. xSapre-m 
O.Pers. zsasa-tn 'lordship, realm* = Skr. ksatrd*m. Gr. £t>yo'-v. 
Lat. jugu-m, nGn = O.Lat. n'oenum (ndn comes from this word 
used before vowels); Umbr. ortom 'ortum* kuratu 'curatum', 
Osc. sakaraklum 'sacellum' comonom comitium*. O.Ir. dliged n- 
'law', nemed n- = Gall, ysfitjvo-y 'temple', O.Ir. orbe n- orpe «- 
'heritage, inheritance' = Goth, arbi O.H.G. arbi erbi 'inheri- 
tance' (II § 63 p. 129). Qotti. juk OM.Qt.joh. Pruss. luiika-n 
'bast, inside bark'; O.C.S1. polje 'field' (P see below). 

*-t-w beside *-i6'tn: Umbr. tertim terti 'tertium' Osc. 
medicim 'magisterium'. See § 194 p. 74, § 212 pp. 89, 90. 

110 Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. §227. 

In Baltic, the only traces of *-o-m which are now left 
are one or two examples from Prussian (see last page, and 
Pauli in Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. VII 201 f.). Substantival 
stems have become masculine in Lithuanian and Lettic; e. g. 
Lith. lUnka-s = Pruss. lunka-n O.C.S1. lyko 'bast, inner bark* 
(§ 403). Neuter forms of the Lithuanian adjectives, such as 
gera good' (cp. graeb 'beautiful' § 223. 2 p. 100), can only be 
used under certain conditions. These cannot be explained as 
standing for -# = -<Hn 1 since dialects which change the -q of 
the ace. sing. masc. into -u have gera, like the others, and not 
*geru. Bopp assumed that gera has been re-modelled on the 
analogy of grazU (Vergl. Gr. I s p. 321), which would be a 
re-formation the reverse of that which gives us Avest. neut. 
tohum instead of vohu (§ 223. 2 p. 99). But a more obvious 
suggestion is that the ending -a comes from the pronominal 
ending *-o-d (§ 406). 

Remark. Some, however, of the Lithuanian "neuters" in -o are in 
all probability really abstract feminine substantives ; e. g. szefiden szaltd 
means 'there is oold to-day', not 'it is oold* (szaltd : szdUa-s = geltd 'yel- 
lowness' : gelta-a 'yellow', II § 158 p. 474). 

In Slavonic this neuter *-o-m (*-tt) is perhaps as hope- 
lessly lost. 

It is not quite clear how we are to regard forms such as 
igo 'iugum* novo 'novum', whose ending cannot represent *-ow. 
It is natural to suppose that adjectives of this kind have 
taken over -o from the pronouns, cp. to 'that* = Skr. td-d. 
Thus it is possible that -o first obtained foothold in adjectives, 
and was then extended to substantives by association with 
.substantives in -o = *-os (e. g. slovo = Gr. xA«/o$ § 226). 

But it is quite possible that polje 'field has a different 
origin. The ending of this word may come from *-i*-n *-%o-n 
according to the principles laid down in Vol. I § 219 p. 187 
{and compare Leskien Handb. 2 p. 19); for the gen. pi. polpt 
kraji see § 345. polje would be related to a supposed *igu 
as the ace. pi. masc. krajq to vlUky (§ 326). Still, it is 
.also possible to assume an older *poljo parallel to igo. I 

§§ 227,228. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 1 1 1 

prefer the latter view, since we have the ace. sing. masc. hraji 
konjt with the suffix -(£)/- instead of -io- (§ 212 p. 90), and 
consequently we should expect a neuter polft (cp. p. 109 
08C. neut. medicim). 

Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 1 ) 

§ 228. Two suffixes have been transmitted from the parent 
language to its several branches, -es -os -s and -sio (so). 

1. It is probable that -es -os and -s were ablaut- variants 
of one suffix. In the separate branches of Indo-Germanic, even 
in historical times, may be observed a variation between -es 
and -os, as Lat. aer-is and aer-us ; this seems to depend upon 
a difference of proethnic accentuation , similar to that in Skr. 

1) Kozlovski, Sur l'origine du ge'nitif singulier, Techner's Internat. 
Ztschr. fQr allg. Spr. Ill 286. Ben fey, tfber die indog. Endongen des 
Gen. Sing, tan 3, ias, ia, Abhandl. der G5tt. Ges. der Wiss. XIX (1874) 
p. 3 ff. Henry, L'affixe sya du g£n. des themes demons tratifs, Le Muslon 
IV (1885) p. 211 sq. A. Kuhn, fiber einige Genetiv- und Dativbildungen, 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XV 420 ff. Bartholomae, Zur Bildung des gen. sing. 
8tud. zur idg. Spraehg. I 77 ft. Idem, Der gen. sing, der ar-Stfimme, 
Ar. Forsoh. II 109 ff. Havet, Les genetifs indiens des themes en r 
yoyelle, Mem. de la 8oc. de ling. Ill 414 sq. £. A. Fritsch, De casuum 
obliquorum origine et natura deque gen. singularis numeri et abl. Graeoae 
Latinaeque declinationis oonformatione, Giessen 1 845. L u g e b i 1 , Der Gen. 
Sing in der sogen. zweiten altgr. Declination, Leipz. 1880. Leskien, Die 
Genetiv form auf -ou> in den horn. Gediohten, Fleckeisen's Jahrb. B. 95 
(1867), Iff. G. Boldt, Der Gen. 8ing. der o-Deolination bei Homer, 
Tauberbisohofsheim 1881. Cavallin, De Homerica forma genetivi in -oto, 
Melanges Graux p. 557 sqq. Beohtel, Ionisohe Genitive singularis auf 
-«/, Bezz. Beitr. X 280 ff. Nfike, De Latinorum gen. in at (1830), Opuso. 
I 181 sqq. A. Petermann, De genetivo substantivorum in ius et turn 
exeuntium forma aliquot observations, Grossglogau 1863. Gandino, Del 
genitivo -5* dei temi feminili in -& nella lingua latina e speoialmente nella 
lingua di Plauto, Riyista di filol. IV (1876) p. 101 sqq. 8towasser, fiber 
den Genetiv der -4-8tamme bei Luoiiius, Arch, far lat Lex. I 195 ff. 
Arbois de Jubainyille, Le gfoitif sing, des themes teminina en a 
dans l'ancien irlandais, Mem. de la Soe. de ling. Ill 79 sq. Idem, Le 
genitif des themes en i et en u en vieil irlandais, ibid. VI 54 sq. 
F5rstemann, Zur gesoh. altdeutscher Declination: der gen. sing., 
Kuhn's Ztschr. XVI 321 ff. 8chleicher, Der gotische gen. sing, der 
h- und i-Stamme, ibid. X 80. 

112 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §228. 

tudat-ds 'tudentis* pad-ds pedis* (Idg. -is) in contrast with 
bhdrat-as 'ferentis* jdnas-as generis* (Idg. -os), just as the two 
forms of the suffix of the 1st. pi. act., *-mes and *-mos, may 
be explained as arising from two several modes of accentuation 
which are exemplified in Skr. i-mds 'imus' and bhdra-mas 
'ferimus\ See I § 311 ff. pp. 247 ff. 

Idg. -es is found in Italic, Germanic, and Balto-Slavonic, 1 ) 
-os in Greek, Italic, Keltic (and possibly Germanic). Aryan 
-as may of course represent either Idg. -es or -os ; we have not 
enough evidence from the historical period to shew how far the 
various forms are to be referred to this or that. No theory can 
be based upon forms which have a palatal instead of a guttural, 
like Skr. vdc-ds vocis* (cp. I § 445 p. 331), since it is always 
possible to suppose that the palatal is due to analogy. 

Where -os drove -es out of the field (in Greek, that is, 
and Keltic), there may have been an instinctive desire to make 
some clearer distinction between the genitive singular and the 
nominative plural in -es (§313); for where all ablaut-variations 
in the stem disappeared, the two cases would become identical 
in form. The same desire after clearness may have had a 
different effect in Latin, by helping to drive out -& from the 
nom. pi., replacing it by *-eies -£s, the ending of f-stems (see 
§ 319). 

-s is perhaps the same element which is found in such 
particles as Gr. atp Lat. abs. It is most commonly seen in t- 
and u-stems. More rarely it is added to consonant stems; as 
Skr. ddn Gr. foo(-n6rqg) for *dem-s 1 O.Ir. an-me for *-men-s 
(§ 234). It may be contained in -as and -#&, the endings of 
stems in -a- and -j$- (§§ 229, 230) ; but it is also possible that 
in these the stem-final has been contracted with -es -o$. 

Genitive forms in -es -os -s were also used for the ablative 
in the parent language and later ; thus Skr. ndv-ds Gr. vtj-6g 

1) ti^s in Troto-yv-; Trgtn^/Sv; is possibly a relio of the form -es 
in Greek. It many have been a by-form of rraQ-og Skr. pnr-&8. 8ee 
II p. 433 Footnote 1. 

§228. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 113 

vs-ioq means *of a ship' and 'from a ship'. It can no longer 
be determined how this double use arose. 

2. -$io is found with noun-stems, but only those in -o-. 
It is the proper form of the genitive of these stems in 
Aryan, Armenian (but cp. § 239), and Greek as we have 
them; cp. also Lycian -ha -A, Messapian -At -he -A, Venetian 
-A (Deecke, Bezz. Beitr. XII 153). It belonged originally to 
the pronouns, whence it spread to noun stems; see Benfey, 
Uber die idg. Endungen des Gen. Sing. 22 ff., and Leskien, 
Die Decl. 37 f. 

In the Latin and Keltic noun we find the ending -z (-ei? 
-oi?) This will be discussed in § 239 b. The question is — 
does it represent the old nominal genitive ending which gave 
way to the pronominal ending -e-sjp -o-*jo? To this no decisive 
answer can be given, since another possibility has to be taken 
into account. In other points than this a close connexion may 
be observed between Italic and Keltic (the latest contribution 
to this subject is that of Yon Bradke, in his Beitrage zur Kennt- 
niss der vorhistorischen Entwickelung unseres Sprachstammes, 
1888, pp. 31 ff.) It is therefore possible that this -f is an 
Italo-Keltic formation, beginning at some period later than 
the break-up of the parent speech. 

In Germanic we have -so, which we may assume, with 
even more confidence than in the case of -*jo, to have been 
borrowed from the pronouns. 

In Balto-Slavonic , noun stems in -o- have a form which 
we cannot but take to be the Indo-Germanic ablative in -#rf: 
Lith. viiko O.C.S1. vluka 1upi' (§ 241). Beside these there are 
also pronominal endings: Pruss. ste-sse ste-ssei (nom, sta-8 
'duo) O.C.SL cUso de-so (nom. €i-to quid 1 ). The reason why 
the ablative did the work of genitive and ablative both was 
that forms in Idg. -es -s CO.C.8L mater-€ 'matris' nosti noctis'j 
had originaDy both these functions. The same reason produced 
the opposite effect in Greek, where the genitive in -ajo had 
die meaning of an ablative as well as its own. 

AD thii$ makes it probable, that when the parent speech 

Brifatii, DaacMa. ITL 8 

114 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §§228,229. 

branched off in different directions, the genitive singular of noun 
stems in -o- was not represented by any one invariable formation. 
Even then the pronominal ending had begun to pass over to 
nouns, although perhaps not to the same extent in all districts 
of the Indo-Germanic area. It is just possible that Italic and 
Keltic -I (-ei -ojj was the ending with which the pronominal 
ending came into conflict. Then the latter will have been 
wholly driven out of the noun system in Italic and Keltic, where 
-f won the day; in Balto-Slavonic, both disappeared together. 
Cp. § 239, b. In Germanic, *-so passed over to the nouns, which 
is in all probability a peculiarity of the Germanic branch; cp. 
§ 239, a. If the "genitives" Goth, meina peina seina O.H.G. mm 
etc. are ablative forms like the similar forms in Lithuanian, 
mano keno (§ 452), then before *-so passed on to noun stems 
there may have been a period in Germanic, as there was in 
Balto-Slavonic, when the ablative in *-dd *-€d had, at least to 
some extent, the function of the genitive besides its own. 

§ 229. I. The Endings -es -o$ -s (cp. § 228 
pp. Ill f.). 

1. d-stems. Pr. Idg. *e&ud8 c equae\ Gr. xcigag. O.Lat. 
vide, fortUnds (pater familids survives in the classical period) ; 
Umbr. tutas totar 'civitatis', Osc. eituas pecuniae 1 . O.Ir. tnnd 
'mulieris' Idg. *gnfis y an isolated survival (cp. the article inna 
§ 420). Goth, gibds O.Icel. gjafar. Lith. raftkos. 

Idg. -tfs, if it carried the word-accent, was circumflexed : 
cp. Gr. Tljtfjg 'honoris* Lith. mergos puellae* (I § 671 p. 536). 

Sanskrit, gnds-pdti-i? 'husband of a divine wife* (stem 
gn&-) is a dubious survival of this formation; it may be a re- 
formate following jds-pdti-§ (§ 233) and nouns in -as-pati-§ 
(cp. II § 24 pp. 39 f.). The same may be said of Avest. vairyd 
(stem vairyd- f. 'desirable'), since it may have come from 
*vairyay& by syllabic dissimilation (cp. I § 643 p. 482). The 
regular endings were Skr. -ayas Avest. -ay& (= -*ajfl8) O.Pers. 
-flya (= *-djfls) , as Skr. dSvdyOs 'equae* Avest. ha^nayd of a 
hostile army' O.Pers. taumdya 'of a family', -ids came from 
stems in -T- -%8- (Skr. bfhatyds, dSviyds dtvyds, § 230), as did 

§229. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. .115 

the dative Skr. -dyai Avest. -ayOt instead of -ai (§ 247); the 
Avest. -ay& and -ayai have -cr- instead of -fl- doubtless because 
the instr. in -aya = Skr. -aya had the short vowel (§ 276). 
The starting point for these re-formations was the loc. sing.; 
in pr. Ar. the loc. sing, of fl-stems ended in *-<Xifl, and that of 
interns in *-ia (see § 264). Another factor in transforming 
the old genitive singular in *-<Zs was probably a desire to 
distinguish its form from that of the nom. ace. pi. (Skr. dfaos), 
which was the same. 

Remark 1. With the re-formation d&vd-yas following bfhat-yds, 
compare gen. pi. divO-nUm following the n-stems, § 345; Umbr. porta-ia 
portet' following hab-ia 'habeat' fas-ia 'faciat'; Obo. cen6a-um *censere' 
following ez-um 'esse'; O.Saz. 1st. 2rd. and 3rd. pi. scouuo-iad instead of 
scouuod following ner-iad sok-iad (Danielsson, Stud. Gram. p. 53; the 
Author, Morph. Unt. in 45, 89 f.); Lat. gen. vid-i following equl (see 
the following page). 

Remark 2. A different view of Skr. -SyOs etc. is taken by J. Schmidt 
(Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 381 ff.), who assumes that the endings have come 
from oj-stems. First, he thinks, were formed the gen. *-aj-a8 and dat. 
*-ai-ai Then these forms gave way to *-ajtf* *-«*#* for one of two 
reasons : either they were influenced by stems in -i-, which made bfhaty&s 
bjrhatyai; or there was a contamination of two pairs of original forms, gen. 
*-aj(a* and *-08 together producing Ar. *-«#**, and dat. *-ai<ni and *-ai 
producing Ar. *-aj(£r, each with the quantity of the £-stem ending. The 
a of the penultimate, he continues, was kept short in Avestic, whilst in 
Sanskrit and Old Persian the long yowel of the strong cases crept into 
the weak. Two remarks may be offered on this. First, the forms here 
assumed as types are questionable enough in themselves; and secondly, 
not to dwell upon that, we may well ask why the instr. Skr. aivaycL did 
not become *a&v&y& if the -0- of the penultimate came from the strong 
cases. It cannot be shewn that this alleged re-formation was earlier than 
the time when the pronominal -aya had invaded the instrumental (the 
same form is seen in Avest. hafnaya). 

In Sanskrit, the BrShmanas give us examples of the 
dative in -aydi used in place of a genitive, as yajydydi 'of 
the sacrificial formula'; cp. striydi used as gen. § 230. 
This reformation seems hardly likely to be due to syntax 

In Greek, 0-stems which had become masculine took the 

ending of stems in -o- (§ 239) ; cp. the nom. sing, in -5-s § 190. 

Horn. (Aeol.) 'AxQudao Boeot. Ts \s6x6o like Ep. AioXoo. Lesb. 


116 Genitiye (-Ablative) Singular. §229- 

and Dor. contract to -5. Ion. -bio for *-^o, and -6w is contracted 
to -co; also -sv = -co, see the Author Gr. Or. 2 p. 39. Arcad. 
and Cypr. -at;, which is doubtless to be read -du. Att. -ov 
may have either of two origins. It may be the ov of Innov 
taken over bodily; or else -ffo became -fw (regular), and -sen 
'was transformed to -so on the analogy of ?7nroo, when this 
was the genitive; lastly -so would become -ov. 

In Arcadian -<tv passed into feminine stems, as Itiftiav in 
contrast to Att. f^/tfc, from ij f^«« 'loss, punishment'. On 
the other hand, the fem. ending -6g returns to masc. stems in 
Megarian and Thessalian, as 'Agates Nuietg as opposed to Att. 
-iov; this re-formation was due to the fact that genitive and 
nominative had each the same ending (the gen. -a contracted 
from -tfo), cp. § 190 p. 67. 

Att. KaXXtddovg (nom. -uidrj-g) follows the analogy of the 
genitive of stems in -acx-, as ^coxpdrovg. Cp. voc. Svpsipiafeg 
§ 202 p. 85. The Rhodian genitive of proper nouns of this 
kind, JSctfiiddsvg for example, followed naturally enough from 
the nom. in -rjq borrowed from the Ionic dialect; a nom. 
^a/Luddijg has been found in Rhodes (C.I.G. 2534). As to ev 
for bo cp. I § 603 pp. 456 f. 

In Latin the ending -df, as in 0tO7, was early framed on 
the analogy of the genitive of stems in -o- (equi and the like). 
It may be conjectured that -el* first found place in masculine el- 
stems, whence it afterwards spread to the feminine; cp. Arcad. 
-at; mentioned above, which was first masculine and then 
feminine too. Whether the ordinary classical forms scribae y 
equae etc. come from this -Wt by regular phonetic change, un- 
touched by side influences, or whether the analogy of the loc- 
dat. ~ae had anything to do with it, is hard to say; especially 
as in the forms which are found on inscriptions (as Lavarnai 
CJ.L. I no. 47) we have no means of determining the quantity 
of the two sounds which make up -at, or of knowing whether 
they made one syllable or two. 

Old Irish tuaithe seems to have taken over the ending of 
stems in -ia- and in -J- -i#- (soillse and inse). 

§ 229. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 117 

Remark 3. The gen. Erce (nom. Ere) appears on an Ogam in- 
scription as Ereias (Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. XI 151, op. p. 79). This points to 
*-ids as the older shape of the -e of tuaithe and soillse ; and then inse (i- 
ic-stem) would be parallel, and be a form like Gotb. frijdndjOs from nom. 
frij'Gndi (§ 230). Still, Ereias proves nothing unless we assume masculines 
in -a, as Stokes does. But in an Ogam inscription lately found in Wales 
(see Arch. Cambr, 5 th - Series YI no. 23), there is the genitive Avittoriges, 
whose g is perhaps meant to express the sound of j (Latinised nom. 
Avitoria). What is to be said of this? It is worth considering whether 
-l may not have been regularly kept in pre-Eeltio *-£# (elsewhere in 
Keltic I becomes i), especially as -the (-1ha) y the suffix of the 2nd. person 
sing., seems to answer to Skr. -thas = Gr. Dor. -^;. This would make 
it probable that Keltic also had the Idg. gen. -#« (I- jd-stems), and inse 
must be compared with the Lat. gen. facies. These questions have been 
suggested by certain communications which I have received from Thurn- 
eysen; I leave them for others to deoide. D'Arbois de Jubainville is 
I believe mistaken in his view of the matter (Mem. HI 80). 

O.H.G. geba A.8. 3*0/0, O.H.G. sippe (sippea) A.S. sibbe 
(cp. nom. Goth, sibja 'kindred*), probably with the ending 
pr. Germ. *-£#, i. e. sippe sibbe is an ad-formate of gutinne 
Zf/denne (with Idg. *-#«, § 230) , and carried geba giefe along 
with it. The stem was changed to an 0-stem without i in 
Old High German , before *-i&? became -e (cp. Braune Ahd. 
Gramm. § 58 Anm. 1, § 209 Anm. 3). The ace. sing. (§ 213 
p. 91) and the nom. pi. (§ 315) were modified by analogy in 
the same way. 

Quite early in O.H.G. the dative form gebu gebo is some- 
times found instead of geba\ and in the tenth century it gets 
the upper hand. 

Old Church Slavonic rqjky 'of a hand' and duSq l of a 
soul' pre-suppose a ground-form with *-ans or *-ow$; cp. the 
same form in the ace. pi., where the original ending was *-ans. 
See I § 219 p. 187. Scherer and many others have assumed 
that the gen. sing, rqky really is this ace. pi. form; it is said 
that because the ace. pi. took the place of the nom. pi. in *-fls, 
therefore it also took the place of the gen. sing., which had 
the same form. This is hard to believe. In any case there 
was a connexion between this -y -q and the ending of the gen. 
sing. fem. in the pronominal form toj$ (nom. ta f. 'this') — see 

118 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §229—231. 

§ 420; but it remains uncertain whether this ending properly 
belonged to pronouns alone, and only spread to nouns afterwards. 

§ 230. 2. £■ ie-stems (cp. p. 68 footnote 1). Pr.Idg. 
*bh[§h%t(i)igs 'celsae'. Skr. bf hatyds, dZviy&s dOvyis *deae'; 
Avest. barentyd. Lat. factes, rabtes. O.H.G. gutinne A.S. jy- 
denne 'deae, cp. § 229, last page. Lith. iemes. 

Along with these are forms which follow the jja-class: 
Gr. (ptgovarjg, norviGg; Lat. mdtertae (nom. m&teriZs and ma- 
teria); Goth, frifondjfo (like sibjds, nom. sibja 'kinship'); Lith. 
vezanczids, marczids (nom. martl c bride'). Whether O.Ir. ime, 
Brigte contain Idg. *-i$s or *-i&s is uncertain ; see § 229 Rem. 3 
on the last page. 

In Sanskrit, the Brahmana language has the dative in 
place of the genitive, as striydi instead of striyas (nom. strl 
'woman'). Cp. ydjydyai § 229 p. 115. In Avestic forms are 
occasionally found which have been influenced by the analogy 
of stems in -T- -i#- and in -i-: e. g. haraipjd (haraifc, the 
name of a mountain range). 

In Latin we have -itt beside -i£s, fariSt, aciSl — a re- 
formation of the same kind as viai (§ 229). Further, we find 
-#, /aciF, progenia, lnxwri%; -ft : til = -ae : -dl (cp. § 248). 
Lastly -t£, down to the classical period, as faciS — probably 
the dat.-loc. form (§§ 248, 265). 

The Irish genitive inseo (i. e. ins 9 6) is framed on the 
model of an i-stem. Cp. dat. inis § 248. 

Old Church Slavonic zemljq and vezq$t$ like du§q 
(§ 229). 

§ 281. 3. i-stems. Here we have two types, -ej-s -ots 
and -i-es -i-08 -ii-es -ii-os. Of these the former certainly and 
the latter most probably is proethnic. But at the same time it 
is not clear how the two types were originally distributed. 

a. -e$-s and -oi-8. Which of these was used in a given 
word would be originally determined, as we may conjecture, 
by the accent of the word: say, *m#t4i-s 'mentis', *6uoi-*s 
c ovis\ Ar. *-ai-$ (= *-ei8 or *-o^?) : Skr. dv$-§ ; Avest. aiflt-s, 
O.Pers. framrtai-s 'of Phraortes'. Gr. Pamphyl. NhyonoXug 

§231. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 119 

(= Att. JVeonoksag), if correctly preserved, is the only form 
of this kind in Greek. Umbr. punes 'poscae* ocrer ocris, 
montis', Osc. Herentatefs 'Veneris, Volupiae' 1 ), pointing to 
pr. Ital. *-€i-s. Germanic has only fem. substantives: Goth. 
anstdis for *-oJ8j O.H.G. ensti A.S. Bste for *-***, or for *-#-*$ 
(b.) or *-ei-e8 (cp. Horn, noktog), like the loc. ensti perhaps for 
*-^H (§ 266). Lith. nakth, O.C.S1. nosti, common ground-form 
*~ejs or *-oi$P 

b. -i-es -i-05, -ii-e$ -ijros. Skr. -y-as -ty-as beside -£-# 
in the masc. and neut., as dvyas, ariyds 'of a pious man'. In 
Avestic there are a few examples of the ending -y&i§ } as jainyOiS 
(stem jaini- woman', cp. Bartholomae Ar. Forsch. HI 64). But 
this may well have arisen by contamination of -di& and *-yas; 
cp. Goth, kinndus l of a cheek' i. e. *kinuaus (§ 232). Armen. 
srti, perhaps for *-tjes or *-ijqs (cp. zardu § 232). In all 
dialects of Greek except Ionic and Attic the only type is 6(ptog^ 
ipvoiog, which formation is also found in Ionic beside that 
with pr. Gr. *-ei-os which will be described anon (cp. nom. pK 
o<pug § 317); noXiog may be referred to the nom. noXl-g (§ 233). 
It is a question whether Toranias, found in an Irish Ogam 
inscription, belongs here; cp. Ercias § 229 Rem. 3 p. 117. The 
ending of German masc. t-stems, Goth, gastis O.H.G. gastes 
O.Icel. gests, need not have been borrowed entirely from stems 
in -o-. A pr. Germ. *-i-az or *-i-iz must have become *-iz T 
and this could easily have become perfectly assimilated to 
*-e-s(o) (§ 239), especially if the historic form of the "dative" 
of these t-stems was originally a genuine i-case (§ 260). 

This second formation seems to be related to the first as 
Skr. namn-as to O.Ir. anme 'nominis* (for *-mews), Avest. 
hamafstr-d of an antagonist* to sastar-S of a ruler', Gr. 
avdjp-o's to Avest. nar-& of a man', Skr. div-d& to dy6-§ c of 

1) Of course it is a question whether this form belongs to a stem 
with 'tOii' or with -10t- for its suffix (see II § 102 p. 310). It belongs 
here in any case, since the -efs of all consonant-stems came from those 
in -«'-. It so happens that no genitive from an undoubted original t'-stem 
has been preserved. 

120 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 

heaven', Gr. *pog in Boa-nogog for *g&-os to Skr. g6-§ 4 bovis\ 
But even if it be proethnic, it is possible that in one or other 
branch of the original language it is partly due to the analogy 
of T- ii-stems with the Idg. ending *-#-£$ *-*|-os. For Greek, 
in particular, this suggestion can hardly be rejected, in view 
of the other cases of the paradigm in dialects where the 
formation is found. 

c. Feminine forms in Sanskrit have -y(JL$ as well as -££, 
e. g. dvyOs. This is a re-formation on the lines of the F- #- 
class (§ 230), and it becomes more and more common in the 
course of the history of this language. We find a corresponding 
dat. in -yai (§ 249) and loc. in -yam (§ 266). The point of 
contact between these two classes of stems was the instr. sing., 
dvyd : bfhatya (§ 278); hence the re-formation arose. Avest. 
vay-6, contrast Skr. v$-§ (trf- avis'), is a re-formate; the stem 
is monosyllabic, which had something to do with the change. 
Compare (1) gen. pi. vay-qm, pray-qm 'trium* (§ 348), with the 
strong stem, and (2) as monosyllabic stems, gen. sing. Ved. 
ndr-as (following ndr-i): Avest. nar-S (§ 235), Ved. gdv-as 
(following gdv-i): gt-$ (§ 238). 

Skr. pdtyur of a husband* and jdnyur of a wife* follow the 
form of piMr mOtilr (§ 235) ; cp. dat. pdty-B like pitr-t (§ 249), 
instr. pdty-a like pitr-a (§ 278). See Wackernagel, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXV 289 f. 

Attic o(peoQ y tpvosog, noltog (the last, which in found in 
Homer and Theognis too, comes from the stem noh- nom. 
rco'Ar-s, a by-form of the stem noil- nom. nokr-g). These 
cannot rank as regular developements from proethnic Greek 
forms in *-sog for *-si-og, because -*o- is uncontracted. Possibly 
-s(d~°s was affected by the analogy of -s(f)-og in w-stems 
(J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 301 f.). Cp. oq>* § 266, 
otpug § 317, o<pe(ov § 348. 

The loc. noXyi (§ 260) gave rise to Horn, noktjoq; and by 
quantitative metathesis (I § 611 p. 462) -^og became -fo>s, the 
Attic variant, as ndXswgy oq>swg. 

In Latin, no example of the Umbro-Samnitic and pro- 

§§231,232. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 121 

ethnic Italic ending -ei$ can be found. The forms ending in 

-is -us which are found (as om, partis , partus) are due to 

the same confusion of i-stems with consonant stems which we 

saw in ovem, § 214 p. 92. We are not justified by the 

known laws of sound in assuming that ovis stands for *ovjis 

and answers to Skr. dvyas (Froehde, Bezz. Beitr. XTV 114). 

In Old Irish, substantives have -o -a, as fatho fatha, 

which is to be referred in the first instance to *-0s, because 

of Ivacattos (or Evacattos) and Suvattos, which occur in Ogam 

inscriptions. The formation is not clear. 

Remark. It is quite possible that the ending came from u-stems 
(§ 232), as in Old Icelandic the -ar of u-stems passed over to masc. 
stems in -i- (e. g. pular from nom. pulr 'speaker, orator'). But one 
can see no sufficient cause for such a process at so early a stage ; on the 
other hand, it is certain that the gen. pi. bithe n- was built on the analogy 
of f lithe n- (§ 349). A ground-form *-o(i)-08, a transformation of *-o£*, 
would satisfy the phonetic conditions ; but it is in itself hardly probable (in 
spite of d'Arbois de Jubainville, Mem. VI 54). That *-o£* could become 
-as in the regular course of sound-change may be said to be out of the 

§ 232. 4. w-s terns. Pr. Idg. -eu-s -oy-s and -u-es -y-os 
-uy-68 -uu-os, answering to the i-stem types (§ 231). It is 
true that -ejf-s, which is here assumed to be a by-form of 
-o#-s, cannot be definitely shewn to have existed, but it is 
fairly inferred from the analogy of stems in -t- (Osc. castrovs: 

a. -e#-s and -o#-#, the one belonging to original forms ac- 
cented like *8Un6#-s 'filii', the other (say) to *tnidhou-s Wilis*. 
Ar. *-<*#-£ (— *-«Jf-* or *-o#-s?): Skr. sUnS-$; Avest. bdzlu-s 
bdzao-S, O.Pers. kUrau-S 'Cyri'. Lat. mantis; Umbr. trifor 'tribus', 
Osc. castrovs 'fundi*; arguing from the analogy of the Umbr. Osc. 
*-ei-s in t-stems, we may derive Ital. *-o#s from *-e#-s (I § 65 
p. 52). O.Ir. betho -a, Ogam inscr. Trenalugos, Brusccos 
(doubtless with 6) for Idg. *-e%s or *-ojf$; in the -u of Trena- 
giisu, Nettasagru on Ogam inscriptions from Wales (Stokes, 
Bezz. Beitr. XI 145) Thurneysen conjectures a dialectic trans- 
formation of *-#$. Goth. SHndus, O.H.G. fridO frido of 
peace', O.Icel. sonar pr. Norse *sundK, pr. Germ. *-ays — Idg. 

122 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §232. 

*-0U-s. Lith. sUnaus 0.C.S1. synu, common ground-form *-*$M 
or *-o#-s? 

b. -u-es -U-os, -u#-e8 -uu-os. Skr. -v-a& -wp-as beside -0-£ 
in the masculine and neuter, as pa&v-ds pecoris* mddhv-a$ 
mddhuv-as 'mellis'. Similarly in Avest. -t>-0 beside -Zu§ -ao§, as 
xrapw-d (xratu- 'will, power, intent*) = Skr. krdtv-as. Armen. 
zardu, perhaps for *-u&-es or *-w#-o$ (cp. srti § 231 p. 119). 
Greek Ion. yovvog for *yovf-og (from nom. yow genu', cp. the 
Author, Gr. Gr.* § 70 b. Rem. p. 100), yiwoq (from nom. y&w-g 
chin* = Skr. hdnu-§). Lat. sendtuis O.Lat. senatuos, cornuis, 
Falisc. zendtuo (s dropped) may have come from either of two 
groups of forms — (1) from *-u#-es *-uu-08 or *-#-es *-#-os, 
or (2) from *-e$f-*s *-eu-os or *-ou-es *-oy-os; cp. dat. sen<tiu~? 
§ 250. In Germanic are found a few forms in -nn- for -w#- 
(I § 180 p. 158): Goth, mans O.H.G. man of a man for 
*manniz *manu-iz or *mannaz *man%-az = Skr. *mdnv-as 
(assumed by-form of mdn-d§) 1 ); Goth, kinndus of a cheek', 
a composite form arising from contamination of *kinauz = Skr. 
hdnd§ and *Jctnyiz *kinniz = Gr. ydwog (cp. Avest. jainyOiS 
§ 231 p. 119), whence by analogy comes the nom. kwmus 
instead of *kinus = Skr. hdnu-$ etc. 

Here, as with the i-stems (cp. § 231 pp. 119 f.), it is 
doubtful how far the second type represents an original for- 
mation. The analogy of U- westerns, which had the pr. Idg. 
ending -uu-es -uu-os, may have acted in some instances. 

c. Sanskrit. The feminine has a further ending -vOs, as 
dhSnthds from dhernl- 'milch cow* (so also dat. -vai y loc. -ttflm), 
parallel to the -yds in feminine t-stems (§ 231 p. 120). 
Compare § 279. Avest. bdzduS with the same &u as the 
nom. sing, etc., see § 261. 

Greek. Adjectives and some substantives have -*(/)-o£, 
as rjdi (v, Ion. Att. nyxGog, aOrtoq (aorv n. 'city*), Boeot. fdattog 

1) A different explanation of Goth, mans manni manna m etc — 
which, however, does not convince me — is given by Beszenberger in the 
Deutsche Literatarzeitung 1890 p. 14. He assumes two forms of the 
stem, man' and manan-. 

{282,238. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 123 

for *fa0Tsog (I § 64 p. 51), Cret. vlsog (vtv-g 'son'). Also Att. 
mi/sag, aorsiog on the analogy of oq>€<o<; -notewq (§ 231 p. 120). 
Latin has from its earliest stage another set of forms 
such as quaestl sutnptl. Later on the other cases were often 
formed as though from o-stems, and in the end this declension 
absorbed all u-stems. It seems to me a dubious point whether 
the genitive in -l was first suggested by the change of -o$ 
to -us in the nominative of o-stems (cp. dZnsu-s torru-s 
declined as o-stems, whilst Gr. tiaov-q Skr. ty§ii-$ are stems 
in -w-, Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 78). 

§ 238. 5. J- ijr and #- w^-stems and stems in -f, -J, -#. 
Pr. Idg. -ijces -ijcos, -uu-es -u#-os, e. g. *bhru#-es -os (nom. 
*bhrQ-s 'brow'). Skr. dhiy-ds of thought', Ved. nadiy-as 'of a 
river, bhruv-ds, Ved. iva&niv-as 'socrus', Avest. tati(u)-vd 'of a 
body\ There is a second group of forms with the sign of 
the feminine, Skr. dhiyds nadiyds bhruvds hairuvds (like the 
dat. in -fli and loc. in -dm); this is analogous to what we 
see in fem. stems in -?- and -m- (§ 231 p. 120, § 232 last 
page). The point of contact with $- te-stems where this series 
of forms began was the instr. sing., dhiy-d as compared with 
dSciyd and so forth; see § 280. Gr. y.iog y Tiofaoq from nom. 
noXl-g (cp. § 231 p. 119), idg 'suis', oypvog, vixvog (from 
nom. vexv-g). Lat. suis socruis (also socrUs as though a 
u-stem) ; it is not probable that vis came from *vii-es by 
simple phonetic change (the view of Stolz, Lat. Gr. 2 p. 337) ; 
it is better to explain vis by proportional analogy, as being 
related to nom. vis ace. vim as dies faciSs (gen.): diSs 
(nom.): diem. OJcel. gen. sgr 'suis* doubtless for *sQ-iz (cp. 
gen. pi. sQa), having taken sU- instead of sun- from cases 
whose suffix began with a consonant. Another explanation 
of Lat. vis O.Icel. sgr will be given in the next paragraph. 
O.C.81. krUv-e of blood', svekruv-e 'socrus'. 

Stems ending in a long sonant liquid or nasal (II § 160. 4 
pp. 485 f.) are treated in a similar way. Skr. gir-ds 'of praise* 
= *gf -es -os, pur-ds of a stronghold' = *pH-es -o$, gd-$dn-as 

124 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §§233,234. 

(nom. gd-$d-s gaining cattle*) for *-s#n-e8 -os. If an old in- 
dependent gen. jd8 be contained in jd8-pdti-§ master of the 
house or family , this would be a formation with -s for the sign 
of the genitive; and we should then perhaps compare Lat. vis 
O.Icel. 8ifr directly with jCLs. 

§ 234. 6. Stems ending in a Nasal. Most of these 
have -es -os. -$ is seen in Irish neuters formed with -en- and 
-men-, in Avest. xtcfog of the sun', and in the root-noun *dem- 

Remark. Polysyllabic *w-stems thus show the genitive in -ens only 
in one branch of the Indo-Germanio languages. This is not really so 
strange as it might seem ; we have but to remember in how many languages 
-ns was bound to change in accordance with their phonetic laws, and how 
easy it was for the forms thus changed to be sacrificed to the feeling for 
uniformity which causes case- systems to be levelled down to one type. — 
J. Schmidt (Pluralb. 100) thinks that Avest. ay an is a genitive in -w«; 
which is not very probable, because of the long vowel in the last syllable 
(-qn — -5ft). I believe the form to be a locative singular used for other 
coses (§ 257). Bartholomae is more likely to be right in calling the Vedic 
phrase trir dhan(n) 'thrice in the day* a genitive (Stud, zur idg. Spraohg. 
I 104). 

a. Stems in -w. Pr. Idg. *J«n-«« -os 'canis* (*htn-£s, cp. 
§ 228 pp. Ill f.). 

8kr. &un-as (for the accent see p. 70 footnote 2) Avest. 
sdn-dj Skr. aryamn-ds (arya-mdn- 'comrade, friend*) Avest. 
airyamn-8 {airya-man- obedient'), Skr. d$man-as Avest. o«- 
man-Q (d&tnan- astnan- 'stone, heaven'). Sometimes this or 
that dialect would show preference for strong forms of the 
stem, as Ved. vf?an-as beside vf$n-a8 'of a bull', Avest. airya- 
man-d beside airyamn-d, and cp. II § 117 Rem. 1 p. 366, and 
III § 251. With -* we have Avest. xwBng 'of the sun = 
pr. Ar. *suan-S) a by-form of hvar- = Yed. suvar-, cp. II § 118 
pp. 375 f., in § 224 pp. 103 f. 

Armen. akan (nom. akn eye') , eUn (nom. ekn 'stag') , like 
O.C.S1. jelen-e 'of a stag* Gr. adiv-og. The original weak stem 
is seen in arn 'of a man', like Avest. arSn-d. 

Greek y.w-6g, agv-oq, and with the strong stem tsy.tov-o$, 
not t utv-og, ayiZv-og, nsvd-fjv-og. 

{234,235. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 125 

Lat. cam-is, and, with the strong stem, homin-is homin-us, 
eddn-is, Sab. nerilfn-is (II § 115 p. 360); the old ending -es 
occurs in Apolones 'Apollinis', C.LL. vol. I no. 187. In Umbro- 
Samnitic all consonantal stems took the ending of /-stems in 
the genitive, doubtless owing to a confluence of the nom. and 
gen. sing, in a certain number of words. So here we find the 
-e|S of i-stems : Umbr. nomner 'nominis', Osc. carneis 'partis'. 

O.Ir. con 'canis' for *cun-os, and similarly dercon 
(nom. derucc 'acorn*) , CLran (nom. aru 'kidney*), toimten (nom. 
toimtiu opinion*); in Ogam inscriptions Segamon-as , Inission- 
-as. On the other hand, neuter n-stems show in Old Irish 
the ending *-en-8 (*-ens *-$s -e, cp. I § 657. 6 p. 509), as 
imbe (nom. imb n- 'butter'), antne (nom. ainm n- name'); 
*-en-s : *-n-«s *-n-os = *-e%-8 : *-i-es *'i-os, see § 231 p. 119. 

Goth, gumin-s O.H.G. gomen gomin of a man* (as to -en 
-in see Bremer, Ztschr. fur deutsche Phil., XXII 249 f.), Goth. 
tuggUn-s O.H.G. zungiln of a tongue' (cp. § 218 p. 95). With 
the weak stem Goth, managein-s of a crowd* (II § 115 p. 362). 
It cannot be determined to what extent *-iz = Idg. *-es was 
the ending, and whether such an ending as *-az = Idg. *-o$ 
was or was not used along with it. 

Lith. szuii-s, and, with the strong stem, aktnefi-s, besides 
other examples ; -8 stands for *-es according to vol. I § 664. 2 
p. 522. O.C.S1. din-e of a day' (II § 114 p. 356), and, with 
the strong stem, katnen-e } with other examples; -e is for *-es 
according to I § 665. 4 p. 525. 

b. Root-nouns in -m. Pr. Idg. *dem-8 "of a house': 
Skr. dan Avest. d&ng, Gr. <fe<r-, for *Jtfig *fcvg, in dBo-novrj^ 
master of the house (I § 204 p. 171, II § 160 p. 483). 
Skr. Jc$m-d8 gm-ds jm-d$ Avest. 2*w-3, Gr. x&ovog transformed 
from *x&o l wo<; of the earth* (II § 160 p. 482). 

§ 236. 7. Stems with suffixes in -r. Most of these 
have -e« -os, along with which -$ is found in Aryan, and as it 
would seem in Germanic too. 

Skr. regularly has -Mr, as mOtur ddtur, probably for *-tf-s y 

126 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §235. 

see I § 288 p. 230 J ); in Avestic, to correspond, we find tier's 
for *nf-s, stem n-ar- man'. With the strong stem and -s, Avest. 
nar-$, sOstar-S of a ruler, cp. atar'-car-s 'of him who produces 
fire'. Two Sanskrit words have been supposed to contain a 
genitive of this latter kind — Yed. matar-ifaan- 'he who is lord 
over his mother', by Bartholomae (Bezz. Beitr. XIII 92), and 
Yed. svhr (siivar) 'of light' for *suuar-s (I § 647. 7 pp. 493 f.) 
according to the conjecture of J. Schmidt (Pluralb. 223). The 
usual Avestic type is weak stem + -as -3, as brapr-d 'fratris', 
hama&tr-d of an opponent' ; similarly in O.Pers. ptisa patois' 
(I § 558. 4 p. 415). Avest. sdstar-S : hamaestr-d = Skr. dv$-§: 
dcy-as and the like, see § 231 p. 119. The re-formate ndr-as 
of a man' is due partly to its being from a monosyllabic stem 
n-ar-; cp. § 231 p. 120. 

Armen. tnaur 'matris' for *matr-es or *rnatr-08 1 Xer Woris' 
for *suesr-e$ or *suesr-os (I § 360 p. 276, § 561 p. 417). But 
dster of a daughter* has the strong stem, like Gr. Horn. d-vyaxsQ- 
-og beside SvyaxQ-og. 

Gr. jLtrjTQ'OQi Homer uses forms such as /nfjrsgog nartQoc 
dv&Qog as well, which follow the strong cases (cp. Skr. ndr-as 
following ndr-i, § 231 p. 120). oWop-o$ instead of *d«iTQ-og 
follows dalrop-a, and Sot^g-oq instead of *Jioro-og follows doryg. 

Lat. patr-is patr-us, matr-is, frOtr-is; dator-is instead of 
*datr-is follows the nominative. In Umbro-Samnitic these stems 
have borrowed -eis from the t-stems (cp. § 234 p. 125) : Umbr. 
matrer Osc. maatreis 'matris*. 

O.Ir. mathar for *tnatr-os or *mater-os (I § 77 p. 67). 

Goth, brdpr-s fadr-s, O.Icel. brB&r fedr; the "mutated" 
vowel in the latter forms points to original *-tr-es. Secondly, 
A.S. brddor feadur, O.Icel. fqdor fqdur, whose ending, like 
Skr. -ur, may be derived from *-f-s. Thirdly, A.S. feeder 
O.H.G. fater have taken -er from the strong cases, like 
Gr. Horn. naxbQ-og. 

1) In this view of the forms in -ur I follow Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. 
II 110. Others are mentioned by Collitz in Bezzenberger's Beitr&ge X 10 ; 
bat they all have less to recommend them than this. 

|235,236. Genitire (Ablatire) Singular. 127 

Other forms of the same kind as these last are Lith. moter-8 
and 0.C.S1. mater-e. 

§ 236. 8. Stems ending in Explosives. These 
regularly have -es -os. 

Remark. There is no trustworthy ground for adding -« as another 
ending of these stems. In Vftj.-Sah. 20. 2 the form vidydt is used as an 
ablative (= vidyuf-as); and this is supposed to represent *vidydt-s by 
J. Schmidt (Plur. 223), see however Weber, Kuhn-Schl. Beitr. Ill 389, 
Bdhtlingk and Roth's Sanskrit Diet. s. v., Lanman, Noun-Inflection 468» 
Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. Spr. I 77. The Latin genitive nox (XII Tables) 
is supposed by Stolz, Lai Gr. s 337, to contain this ending. 

Pr. Idg. *bhr§hyt-es -os (*bhr§h#t-6s , cp. § 228 
pp. Ill f.). Skr. bphat-ds, Avest. bet^zat-S and with the 
strong stem ber*zant-d; Skr. bhdrat-as 'ferentis*. Gr. Idovr-og 
<ptQovr-og, with strong stem. Lat. rudent-is, ferent-is, prae- 
-sent-is; it is doubtful to what extent -ent- is a simple 
phonetic developement from Idg. -#f- (II § 125 pp. 395 f., 
Ill p. 105 footnote 1). O.Ir. Idchet of lightning, carat of a 
friend', pr. Kelt. *-os. — In Germanic, this is the ending of o- 
stems : Goth. frij6ndi-8 O.H.G. friunt-es. Balto-Slavonic has 
a jo- suffix: Lith. vezanczio, O.C.S1. vezqsta. 

Skr. sarvdtat-as 'of completeness', Avest. haurvatat-d 'of 
safety'. Gr. oXorTjr-og 'of wholeness. Lat. novit&t-is juventiH-is, 
cp. O.Lat. inscr. Salut-e$. O.Ir. bethad of life', pr. Kelt. *-o$. 
Goth, mitap-s of measure*. 

Skr. karaiL-as 'of autumn*. Gr. (pvydti-og 'fugacis'. Lat. lapid- 
-w. O.Ir. druad of a Druid' pr. Kelt. *-os ; Irish Ogam inscr. 
Deccedd-as. Skr. pad-ds Gr. nod-og Lat. ped~is 'of a foot*. 

Skr. u$ij-as, stem uMj- 'desiring*. Gr. /utigux-og of a girl', 
$QTvx-og oprvy-og 'of a quail*. Lat. bibac-is. O.Ir. nathrach 'of 
a water-snake' pr. Kelt. *-os, Irish Ogam Lugudecc-as = O.Ir. 
Luigdech (nom. Lugaid). Skr. vdc-ds Gr. 6n-6g Lat. vdc-is 'of 
a voice , speech'. Skr. -rOj-as Lat. rSg-is O.Ir. rig (pr. Kelt. 
*-os) 'of a ruler'. 

Skr. ap-ds Avest. ap-6 ap-6 of water . Gr. xXion-og 'of a 
thief. Lat. dap-is. 

In Germanic, genitives of this kind are on the whole 

128 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §§236,237. 

rare; most of those which occur belong to monosyllabic stems. 
We may cite as further examples the following: Goth, naht-s 
O.H.G. naht A.S. niht OJcel. ricet-r € of night* for pr. Germ. 
*naxt-iz = Lat. noct-is; Goth, batirgs O.H.G. burg A.S. byr% 
'of a stronghold, city* for *burz-iz = Avest. ber e z-d (bar'2-d) 
*alti* O.Ir. breg (*kig-os) of a mountain'; Goth, vaiht-s 'of a 
thing'; A.S. b€c 'of a book* for *bok-iz. Paul, in his Beitrage 
VI 550, has put forth a conjecture which is worth considering 
although quite uncertain. He suggests that the Idg. ending 
*-es has been preserved by the acute accent in such forms as 
O.H.G. nahtes adv. 'by night, of a night*. The e of -es would 
then be due to the influence of the o-stem ending (§ 239; 
and cp. Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 354, 361, 385). 

For O.C.S1. telqte from nom. ace. telq 'calf, see § 244. 

§ 237. 9. Stems in -$. The regular ending is -es -os. 

Remark. Here, as in the preceding class (see § 236 Rem.), 
there are only uncertain traces of -s. The Vedic gen. ufas 'of dawn', 
which we took to represent 't^-jf-a* 1 ), is regarded by J. Schmidt as 
standing for *u§ct8-8 y and in the same way he refers dhas Rig-Y. VI. 3. 1 
to *qha8-s (Plur. 223). Against this explanation, see Bartholomae Stud, 
zur idg. Spr. 77 ff., and cp. § 356 Rem. below. 

a. Pr. Idg. *menes-es -os of a mind'; *mtnes-os according 
to § 228 pp. Ill f.; for the ablaut grade of the formative 
suffix, see II § 132 p. 413. Skr. mdnas-as, durmana$-as ; 
Avest. manaidh-6 du&manaidh-d. Gr. Ion. fuvt-og Att. ftevovg; 
Ion. dvo/uevi-og Att. Jva/usvovg. Lat. gener-is, Vener-i$ Vener-us; 
degener-is ; tempor-is with -0- from the nom. ace. sing. neut. 
(II § 132 pp. 418 f.). O.Ir. tige (nom. tech teg 'house') = Gr. 
arsyeog xiysoq. Goth, hatis 'of hatred', see below. O.C.S1. 
sloves-e 'of a word* = Skr. £rdvas-a$. 

Other forms have a weak grade of formative suffix, as 
*fw£tt-$-e$ -08 'mensis': Gr. Lesb. (.ifjw-og Att. ft-qv-dg, Lat. 
*w£ns-*«, O.Ir. mis. Cp. II § 132 p. 415. 

Greek Att. JZayxgdrov beside JSmgdrovg and the like, 
following noXtroV) cp. ace. 2Zw*quttiv instead of StoxQarrj § 220 

1) Above, II § 133 p. 423. And compare Bartholomae Stud, zur 
idg. Spr. I 20, 55. 

§237. Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. 129 

p. 97, dat. ^wxparrj § 272. Also Lesb. QeoyevTj on the model 
of stems in tf, like voc. -yivs (§ 209), ace. -yiv*)v (§ 220), dat. 
-&„ (§ 272). 

Gothic, hatis is once found, Ephes. 2. 3 barna hatis 
\ixva ogyijs in Ambr. B., whilst Ambr. A. has barna hatizt. 
The forms hatiz-is, agis-is' (agis 'fear) etc. follow the o-stems. 
So also O.H.G. ahir-es (ahir ear of corn); beside which are 
found kalbes (cp. Kelbiris-bach) lambes, which were made on 
the model of worte-s after the nom. ace. kalb lamb etc. 
had come, in the regular course of sound-change, to belong 
apparently to the same class as wort. 

Perhaps Goth, lambis and like forms are to be classed 
with hatis. Because these words, like neuter o-stems, made 
their gen. sing, in -i#, they came to be declined like them 
in other cases: nom. lamb etc. (Michels, Zum Wechsel des 
Nominalgeschlechts, I 17). To this one other factor may have 
contributed; namely, the practice of representing ^s-stems in 
composition by a corresponding form in -o- (Goth, hrdiva-, 
Norse Run. hlewa- = xfco-, see Burg, Runeninschr. 19, 
O.West.Germ. requa-, cp. II § 12 p. 28, § 40 Rem. 5 pp. 73 f.). 

Old Church Slavonic, slova beside sloves-e, a re- 
formation like O.H.G. kalbes, see II § 132 p. 422. 

b. The gen. sing, belonging to the nom. in Idg. *-ds has 
this ending. Skr. u$ds-as Gr. jjovg for *y6(o)-og of dawn*. 
Lat. hondr-is with d taken from the nom., like datfr-is § 235 
p. 126. 

c. Pr. Idg. *qre#9S-e$ -os n. of flesh': Skr. kravt$-as y 
Gr. Att. xqswq for *xpfa(a)-o$. 

d. Pr.Idg. comparative *dlis-es -os 'ocioris 3 (cp. II § 135 
p. 429): Skr. dMyas-as Avest. asyanh-d, Lat. dcidr-is (like 
honor-is, in b. above). In Greek we have tjiiw-og with -$$n-. 
O.C.S1. slazdtia, extended by the suffix -ip-. 

e. Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *#e%dus-es -os c of him who 
knows': Skr. vidti$-as Avest. vldui-d. Greek el$6r-o$, with 
-yet-. Balto-Slavonic : Lith. mlrusio O.C.S1. fwTrfiJa, extended 
by -io-. 

BrafmiDn, Element*. ILf. 9 

130 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §237—239. 

f. Root-Nouns. Skr. nas-ds of a nose', Lat. n&r-is. Skr. 
OS-ds Avest. Atdh-d 'oris', Lat. dr-is. Skr. mii§-as (inferred 
from the nom. pi. m6$-a8) Gr. fivog (instead of the strictly 
regular Vwg, see IE § 160 p. 485) Lat. mUr-is c of a mouse'. 

§ 288. 10. Lastly, the genitive of certain root-nouns 
whose root ends in # or i may be cited. 

Skr. nav-ds Gr. vrj-og vttoq (I § 611 p. 462) Lat. nOv-is 
"of a ship*. 

Skr. ray-ds from rd-s goods, wealth', Lat. rft (cp. dat. 
rH) a re-formate like factel § 230 p. 118. 

Skr. div-ds dy6-$ } Gr. Ji/-o'c, Lat. Jov-i&, from nom. 
Skr. dyOti-$ 'daylight', Zsvg; O.H.G. Zios perhaps for *d(i)eu-s 
= Skr. dyt-§ (cp. nom. Zio § 199 p. 80) and A.S. Ttwes = 
*di(x)ey-e8. Skr. gi-§, and in the Veda gdv-as as well, Avest. 
g$u-s gao-§, Gr. /5o(/>o'c and a by-form (tog in Botf-nog-og for 
*3#-0S, Lat. bov-t8 } O.Ir. ftow (later 65) for *fto#-os, from 
*ge#- *&<>#- 'head of cattle'; O.H.G. iwo, and possibly A.S. 
<# (p. 80 footnote 1) from a form of the stem to be inferred 
from the ace. sing, and perhaps from the nom. sing, too (H.G. 
km- A.S. c«-), see § 199 p. 80, § 221 p. 98. Skr. div-ds Gr. 
Jif-6g Boa-: Skr. dy6-§ g6-§ = Avest. hama$str-d : sdstar-s, 
see § 231 pp. 119 f. Later re-formates are Lat. Jov-is A.S. 
Tfw-es Ved. gdv-as Gr. po(f)-6g Lat. 600-fe O.Ir. ftow, cp. Avest. 
«?ay-5 and like forms p. 120. 

§ 289. II. Formation of the Genitive in o-stems 
(cp. § 228 pp. 113 f.). 

a. The Pronominal Endings -8%o and -so. Pr.Idg. 
*V&%o-8io c lupi' (had nouns *-e-siq beside *-o-sj,o, as pronouns 
had? see §§ 418, 450). Skr. vfka-sya; Avest. vehrka-hf, 
Gathic vehrka-hya (I § 125 p. 115), O.Pers. kara-hya 'of a 
people, host'. Armen. gailo-y (I § 561 p. 417); the ending 
-ay in proper names, as Trdatay (nom. Trdat) Maremay 
(nom. Mariam) is perhaps the Iran. -a-Aia borrowed ; however, 
it is not quite certain that Armen. -oy -ay have the origin here 
suggested; see below. Gr. Horn. Xvxow; and, side by side with 

§239. Genitive (-Ablatire) Singular). 131 

this kind, forms like Aloh>o are shewn by the metre to be 
necessary (the MSS. have AloXov), Horn. nrpsXswo (nom. 
IIijvfXea>-$) for *-ijoo (I § 611 p. 462), Ion. Att. kvxov, Dor. kvxu). 

Armen. -oy may or may not be one of these endings. 
What makes it uncertain is this. The ablative -oy can be 
referred to *-o-t<>8 (cp. Skr. mukha-tds), and it might then be 
assumed that the ablative form was used as genitive owing to 
the relation between pairs of forms like abl. % zardu: gen. 
zardu. Cp. § 244 p. 142. 

In the Cyprian dialect of Greek occurs the ending -co*, 
as agyvpwv = Att. agyvgov. It is usual to connect this with 
Arcad. ra-vt Indus', in which case the ending will have been 
borrowed from the pronoun. But there are difficulties in the 
way of this view. Some assume that the ending -o* which is 
found in some parts of Thessaly (e. g. xpovot, xdt) comes from 
-oio. This is hardly likely; it is far more probable that these 
were locatives used in the genitive sense (§ 263); see below, b. 

*-e-so *-o-so in Germanic. Examples of its use with 
pronouns are Goth, pi-8 'of this* hvi-s of which P* (§ 419). It 
doubtless did not pass on to the noun until the independent 
growth of Germanic had begun. The position of the word 
accent in the pronominal forms, *jp£-so, *xu£-80 } explains the 
breathed 8 (O.H.G. undfes OJcel. ulfs) and the e (not i) of 
the ending -es in West Germanic (the % of Goth, -is did not 
arise until Gothic had split off and become independent). In 
Goth, and O.H.G. *-*-*>, Goth, vulfis O.H.G. wclfes. Old 
Norse *-o-«o, Norse Run. Oddagas OJcel. tdfs (beside pess of 
the, of this*). In the oldest documents of A.S., and still later 
dialectically, we find -ees = *-o-so, as dce^ces 'of a day', else- 
where -es = *-e-so y dcBges; so also in pronouns, dees and des. 

b. Latin and Keltic -f. Lat. lupi. The oldest 

specimens of the language have -f ; later we find both -F and 

-«, but the latter may be nothing more than another mode of 

writing the sound of -T, as it is in veivos (I § 41 p. 38). The 

ending -T in jo-stems dates back to the prehistoric period; 

©• ?• ft* (nom. feliu-s), so also Falisc. -I, as C$sT 'Caesii' 


132 Genitive (-Ablative) Singular. §239. 

(Deecke, Die Fal., p. 264). The ending -il is later, and due 
to -t- passing into the genitive from the other cases; it first 
appeared in adjectives, afterwards in substantives. O.Ir. fir 
viri', make 'filii', Irish Ogam inscr. maqi (-f?) = maicc, Gall. 
Ategnati (nom. Ategnato-s), and like forms, io-stems: O.Ir. 
cgft 'socii' for *-*(iX la Umbro-Samnitic o-stems show the 
ending -ejs: Umbr. popler populf, Osc. sakarakleis sacellT. 

Two considerations make it not improbable a priori that 
this noun-genitive is a locative formation. These are (1) that 
in pronouns the Idg. locative in -i (-e-i -o-jQ is used from 
the proethnic stage onwards not only as a locative, but as a 
genitive (Skr. tn$ Gr. pol etc., see § 447), and in particular 
the genitives Lat. isttus Osc. eizeis can be shewn to be trans- 
formations of original forms in e-i (§ 419) ; (2) Thessal. /povoi 
is a locative (see last page). It is quite permissible to refer 
Kelt, -i, i. e. -4, to *-ej, especially as examples of Gall, -t (-f), 
for *-ai, have been preserved (§ 247). This may perhaps 
explain the phonetic difficulties of the Latin forms, ftll, a 
genitive in function, is locative in form, the suffix being Idg. 
-T (-F- is the weak grade form of -io- -*io-, as in the voc. fill 
and elsewhere, see § 201 p. 83); this formation would give 
an easy explanation of Lith. -yje in iSdyje (nom. &ddi-8 'word'). 
At the same time proethnic Latin had *lupej, in use, and the 
-e$ of this, by association with /Wl, became -f earlier than the 
same change took place elsewhere in the language; hence it 
is that -t is the regular mode of writing this termination in 
the earliest records of Latin. But in the Umbro-Samnitic 
branch -ej was kept, although it was extended, as it was in 
pronouns, by adding -$, and thus became -eis (cp. O.Lat. gen. 
mJ-8 ft-* § 447); the result was that there was a confluence 
of o- and t-stems here (cp. Lottner, Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. 
n 311 f.). 

Remark. Not much stress must be laid on the form Zextoi *8exti' 
found in a Faliscan inscription (Deecke, Die Fal, p. 180). In the two 
other proper names found in this inscription, Voltio 'Voltius' and Folcozeo 
'Folcosius', 8 has dropped; and the same may have happened to Zextoi. 
*Zextot8 would be parallel to Ctises 'Caesii' Calitenes 'Calitenii*. Or it 

§§239,240. Ablative Singular. 133 

is quite conceivable that -oi is formed on the analogy of the -at in 5- 
stems, as Vcltai 'Voltae', in the same way as Lat. cquOrum follows the 
analogy of equ&rutn (§ 345), and loc. pi. Lat. Sabell. -ds follows -ds 
(§ 357). Lastly, there is the possibility that the engraver has made a 

c. Lith. w?io, O.C.S1. vluka, doubtless an ablative form 
(§ 241). Side by side with this occur the following pronominal 
forms, Pruss. ste-sse 0.C.S1. de-so (§ 418). 

Ablative Singular. 1 ) 

§ 240. This case had no form proper to itself in the 
parent language, except with o-stems. In these the ablative 
ended in -Id and -dd ; in other stems the genitive and ablative 
had the same ending (§ 228 pp. 112 f.). 

-Zd and -dd are related in the same way as -e-sio and osjp 
in the genitive singular, -ei and -eg in the locative singular, and 
-£ and -0 in the instrumental singular. Probably the e-vowel 
was originally used where the syllable carried the chief word 
accent (I § 311 pp. 248 f.). Oxytone ablative adverbs of the 
parent language ending in -Id (lat. facillime, cp. Skr. apakdd 
'from afar* from apdka- 'distant') kept the i-vowel and its accent 
down to the time when the languages had begun to develope 
independently, just as in Greek we find the loc. adv. dfia^sl 
beside a^tax^g^ in Armenian the instr. adv. ardare*v 'akijd-dSg 9 

1) DelbrHok, Ablatiy, Localis, Instrumen talis im Altind., Lat, 
Orieoh. nnd Dentsohen, 1867. Zeyss, tfber die in Ablatirform er- 
soheinenden italisehen Prftpositionen, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XVI 371 ff. 
Bit so hi, Neue plautinisohe Exourse: Auslautendes d im alten Lat., 
1869. Bergk, Beitr&ge zur lat. Gramm. I, Auslautendes d im alten 
Lat, 1870. Max M Ciller, t)*ber Ablatire aof d mit Looativbedeutung, 
Fleokeisen's Jahrbb. B. 113 (1876) S. 689 ff. M. Ruge, De ablatiyi in 
veteribus Unguis Italiois forma et usu locali, Curtius' Stud. X 383 ff. 
Ha vet, L'ablatif des radieaux consonantiqnes (en latin), Mlm. de la 
Soo. de lingu. YI 105 sqq. J. Sohmidt, Die lat Adverbia auf e von 
o-Stftmmen nnd die Singulardative der germanisohen Pronomina, Fest- 
gruss an BShtlingk, 1888, S. 100 ff. Paul, Der Ablatiy im German., in 
8. Beitr. II 339 ff. Bezzenberger, Lettisohe Ablative, in s. Beitr. IX 
248 ff. 

134 AblatWe Singular. §§240,241. 

beside the living instrumental ardaro-v from the stem ardaro- 
just, right 9 (cp. J. Schmidt, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, pp. 100 ff.). 
But the case was different where the forms were not adverbs. 
Then -Ed and -dd may have become independent of the 
difference in accent, which was originally the condition of the 
double form, even before the parent language split up at all. 

In such pronominal forms as Skr. ma-d c a me', -d is the 
ablative suffix ; so it is possible to analyse thus — *vfaG-d) 
and to regard -£ as the third form of the strong grade (I § 311 
p. 247). (Note that Johansson calls the formation in -€d -dd 
an instrumental in -8 -8 to which a further suffix -d has been 
added, Bezz. Beitr. XVI 136.) But it is also possible that 
-Si -dd first came about by contraction of the stem-final -e -o 
with -a x d, whatever that may have been; and that -a x d and 
-d were parallel forms bearing much the same relation to one 
another as -es -os and -a in the genitive singular (I § 115 p. 108). 

The ablative of o-stems, as a noun-case proper, is fertile 
in Aryan and Italic; and also in Germanic and Balto-Slavonic, 
if Goth, vulfa and Lith. v&ko O.C.S1. vlUka are really ablative 
forms. In Greek the only forms which preserve it are adverbs. 
In Armenian and Keltic it seems to have vanished utterly at 
the beginning of the historical period. 

In Avestic and in Italic, the ablatives in -id -3d which 
belonged to stems in -o- gave rise by analogy to d-ablativee in 
the other stems. This made it possible to make a distinction 
in form between the genitive and ablative of these stems, 
which had come down from the original language having the 
same suffix (-es -08 -$). 

In some languages the ablatival -to*, which belonged to 
adverbs, made its way into the noun system and became a 
fertile case suffix. This happened in Sanskrit, Armenian, and 
Greek, perhaps also in Slavonic. Cp. § 189 p. 66. 

§ 241. I. Original ablatives of o-stems ending 
in -Id -dd. 

PrJdg. *u(qdd (*u(qBd) from *#/jo- wolf*, *jugid 
(*;u-g#d) from *>grf- 'yoke', cp. § 240. Skr. vfkad yugdd; 

§241. Ablatiye Singular. 135 

Avest. vehrkap O.Pers. kard (I § 649. 6 p. 496) from kara- people, 
host'. The ending -dd (not -€d) is indicated by Avest. paskajt 
'behind, along after* with k as compared with instr. pasca = Skr. 
paScd with c, which therefore contains the Idg. ending -£ (§ 275). 
Greek: pronominal adverbs, Locr. io onw Cret. c5 onw € unde\ 
Latin : old inscr. GnaivOd meritOd, in the later language Onaed 
meritd lupd jugd, and many adverbs in -5; Umbr. pihaclu'j>iacvlo* 
somo 'summo', Osc. sakaraklud 'sacello'; -Id in Italic only occurs 
in adverbs (cp. § 240) , Lat. older inscr. facilutned i. e. facil- 
luntid, later facillumZ recte Falisc. rected, TJmbr. rehte reote' 
Osc. amprufid 'improbe' (B becoming 7 as in tigud lege licitud 
'liceto*). The following Germanic words may quite regularly 
represent ablative forms (see below): Goth, vulfa juka, O.Icel. 
ulfe ulfi, O.H.G. wblfu -o; and possibly we should class along 
with these ablatives Goth, meina O.H.G. ntfn 'mine, my' (from 
the pos8. meina-), which is genitive in use; see § 452. Lith. 
viiko O.C.S1. vWka, see below. 

In Avestic occurs -ada as well as -^£, as xiapr&Sa from 
xiapra- n. 'lordship'; this was produced by accretion of the 
postposition a = Skr. rf, cp. the loc. pi. in -hv-a § 356. -0$ 
has been superseded by the ending of consonant stems (§ 242) 
in yimajt (ytma-, a proper name), cp. Skr. yamdd. 

Two explanations are possible of Greek adverbs of 
manner, such as wig 'thus 9 (cp. Skr. tdd 'thus*), w-<fc, cJ?, ovrw 
ovr&t, xaAo>$, after the analogy of which were built up similar 
adverbs from stems which had another final than -o-, as 
titcupsQovT-toQ , pap£(f)-(Dg , oa(pi(o)-wg ocupwg. They may be 
ablatives of the kind which we are now discussing, or they 
may be the instr. sing, in Idg. -D (§ 275). It is hard to 
choose between these, since the meaning may be explained 
equally well on either supposition. If it were necessary 
to regard the g- which appears in some of these forms as 
derived from Idg. -d, it could only be ablative. But it has 
never yet been proved that in any word -g represents ori- 
ginal -t -d. In all probability, -g is a later addition, identical 
with the -8 of *\p Lat. afo, dfi<ptg beside otfupi, O.Pers. 

136 Ablative Singular. § 241. 

abi-8 beside dbiy 'to 9 , pati-s beside patiy 'against* (cp. § 228 
p. 112). See the Author, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 74 f., XXVH 
417; G. Meyer, Gr. Gr. 2 294; Osthoff, Morph. Unt. II 53 f., 
IV 243. 

Remark 1. I have hitherto been hostile to the view of Curtius 
(Stud. X 218 ff.) that in proethnio Greek *ovrtor (*our»S) beoame ovrtag 
before t- and <r-, and that this form then came to be used regularly, no 
matter what sound followed. My reasons were as follows. (1) ovrtag 
is usual before vowels, but before consonants ovrta, (2) When -r (-3) 
and r- come together in Greek, -Tr- is the result, not -or-, as xottoV. 
Suoh words as &nwno-g lart are no exceptions, since the sounds heard 
in these words would be -t*l-, or something of the kind, even in 
the pre-Greek period (I § 469.4 p. 345, § 490 p. S61), and I did not 
venture to derive (say) rug to from pr. Idg. *t6t?t6d, i. e. t6d tdd. 

(3) *ovrtar ooi would become *ovrtaoootj as *naTOao&cu becomes naooao&at, 

and it seems to me incredible that this would be regarded as ovrtag + ooi ; 
since oo for the living language was a lengthened 8 and nothing more. 
But now Joh. Sohmidt takes up the cudgels again for Curtius (Pluralb. 
352 f.) 1 ); And I must onoe more urge, against this theory, that so far 
the change of -r (-<?) to -? has not been made credible in any single 
instance. For Schmidt's own opinion — that Horn, itjog is derived 
regularly from *t«/«$, and so coincides with Skr. tdvat — is indefensible; 
see § 225 Rem. 1 p. 106. I do not deny that it is possible that this 
*t6£t6d y or its like, once existed in the parent language, and that r<ag 
may be derived from it. But my own hypothesis still seems to me to 
have far greater probability: namely, that we have here an adverbial 
sign -t, which came down from the original language in certain forms, 
and in Greek overstepped its original limits. Schmidt himself admits 
the high antiquity of this -8 e. g. in at«p(-;, which (following Fiok, 
Wdrterb. I s 18) he oompares with O.Pers. abi-L For our present pur- 
pose, it is all one whether this -8 is called, as Sohmidt calls it, a neuter 
formative suffix, or oompared, as it is in the text, with the sign of the 
gen.-abL case. Tet another attempt to explain this -s has been recently 
made by Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. Spraohgesch., I 75 f. 

It is doubtful whether Gr. ?£ Lat. ex is one of the forms which 
contain this adverbial -«, because it is possible that tx and *c, wherever 
they occur, are simply short forms of ?£ and ex made necessary by the 
sounds which happen to come next them (cp. the Author's Gr. Gr. s 

1) Schmidt says that in Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIV 74 I have "passed over 
in silence the carefully considered view of Curtius". He has not observed 
that my essay is earlier than that of Curtius, since it appeared as early 
as May 1877 (it was the Habilitationsschrift for my appointment as Privat- 
dooent). Sohmidt says that "no one has yet assailed it" : here he is wrong 
again, for I have indicated its weak points in Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVII 417. 

§ 241. Ablative Singular. 137 

pp. 71, 219). Bat in any case I am firmly oonvinced that the analogy 
of % gave rise to frg («fc) aa a by-form of h. Schmidt contests this 
point too; but how he can say, as he does on page 358, that I have not 
explained why there is a difference in meaning between fo; and fc, or 
how he oan speak as if I had given as the origin of erg beside h simply 
and solely the analogy of the relation between ?g and £«, is a mystery to 
me; for in the very passage which he cites (Ber. der s&chs. Gtes. der 
Wise., 1883, pp. 190, 194 f.) I have expressly said that tv; was coined as 
the opposite to «g <** wed with verbs of motion, to which definition only 
lv with the accusative answers. The form of h was affected in only 
one of its meanings, just as Skr. pati-, for example, makes the genitive 
p&tyur when it means 'husband', but not when it means 'lord' (§ 231 
p. 120); and op. Gr. yt&rfa; : veavta § 190 p. 67, and Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXVII 412. hg may have been formed on the analogy of 2£, even if *£ 
had already its sentence-doublet *« in use by its side; and the use of the 
pair of forms, h>; and tr, was not regulated by the use of IS : /*, because 
the newly coined Tr; meant something different from h with the dative. 

Goth, vulfa O.I eel. ulfe tdfi may be derived, without vio- 
lating any ascertained law of sound-change, not only from the abl. 
in *-&*, but from the loc. in *-oi (§ 263), the instr. in *-g (§ 275), 
or the dat. in *-2(i) (§ 246) ; the Icelandic form may also be a 
dative in *-$ (§ 246); and lastly O.H.G. toulfu may be instr. 
in -d (§ 275). In these, and in other cases of the same kind, it 
must not be forgotten that a form may have had more than 
one origin, since as sound-change goes on, there is often a 
confluence of several inflected forms into one. But we can 
hardly doubt that a more thorough examination of the Syntax 
will often narrow the limits of choice, and shew that a given 
form has not so many different origins as we imagined. 

Gothic adverbs in -6a, as ubila-ba 'evilly, ill* hardu-ba 
'hard, very if they belong to the same group as Skr. sthfUa- 
-bhds Tiuge, massive' and the like (II § 78 pp. 216 ff.), are 
either abl. sing, or instr. sing. (§ 275). But it is a question 
whether -6a be not a particle (= Gr. <pq 'how, as*, cp. Hofer's 
Ztschr. II 204, Fick's Worterb. I 8 686), added to the ace. sing, 
neut. used adverbially, and meaning 'somewhat, nag* or some- 
thing of the kind. 

The following pronominal forms are ablative: Goth, hvam- 
ma 'to whom* hvammS-h 'to each* (*-td) and O.H.G. hwemu 

138 Ablative Singular. §241,242. 

(*-dd): Skr. kdsmOd 1 ); the Gothic form may also be regarded 
as an Idg. dat. in *-#*) (§ 246). Cp. § 423. 

The Balto-Slavonic forms vftko and vluka have the 
meaning of a genitive as well as an ablative; see § 228 
p. 113, § 239 p. 133. The derivation of Lith. vfiko (-a in 
some dialects, Lett, -a) from Idg. *ulqOd is not without its 
difficulties. -0 makes us hesitate; -tl would have been ex- 
pected (I § 92 p. 86). But there is no cogent reason for 
deriving it from *y$qad, which would at once satisfy the known 
phonetic laws; and the last word has not yet been said on 
the representation of Idg. in Baltic. As we have also in- 
stances like tvord : tveriu, Sole : &elu, it seems best to put the 
matter provisionally thus: there is a confluence of Idg. d and 
Idg. ft in Lithuanian and Lettic, under certain conditions 

Bern ark 2. Bezzenberger's assumption (Ben. Beitr. IX 248 ff.), 
that Lettic genitives such as tZ beside td (= Lith. t5), tiltu beside ttUa 
(= Lith. tllto) oontain an Idg. ablative in -&Z, is doubtless right. Leskien 
oalls my attention to a double formation in the Lithuanian dialect of 
Velana, whioh should be compared with this: namely tti\ hatru' beside 

§ 242. II. Extended Use of the d-ablative in 
Avestic and Italic. 

1. Avestic. vehrktifi beside instr. vehrka dat. vehrkai 
became the model, in prehistoric times, for the ablatives 
barentyap hxqnayap from the stems which make instr. barentya 
haenaya dat. barentyai ha$nay&%. Now these same stems had 
gen. *barentyah *haenaydh (which appear in the historical 
language as barentyd ha^nayd)^ accordingly, in connexion 
with the genitives *8Qn-ah *ma]>r-ah *ber*zat-ah *manawh-ah 
(in the historical language sUn-d mapr-d etc.) sprang up 
the ablative^ sUna mapraj> ber'zatajt man<mhaP\ in the 
same way bazvaj? and bazaojt were formed beside *bazv-ah 
(bazv-d) and bazao-S, and azOip beside aiW. Cp. Bartho- 
lomae, Ar. Forsch. I 74 f. 

1) For -u in hwemu, op. § 198 Rem. 2 p. 80. 

§242. Ablative Singular. 139 

In these forms too we find -d-a instead of -J>; cp. § 241 
p. 135. 

Remark. It is not clear whether these analogical formations 
existed in Old Persian. In this language both -d and -8 (-A) dropped 
(I § 649 p. 496); thus if there erer were snoh re-formations in -rf, they 
could not be distinguished from gen.-abL forms in -s. taum&yd (taumZ- 
'family')) whioh is used as an ablative, may be derived from either *-HyOd 
or *-&y&8, as far as form goes. The two forms were only distinguished 
in •- and u-stems, whioh made the gen. in -aii and -aui; but in these 
stems no forms occur whioh could decide the question. 

§ 243. 2. In Italic it is probable that at least the 
beginning of the spread of the d-suffix dates from the pro- 
ethnic period. 

-ad: Lat. old inscr. praidad sententiad, later praeda sen- 
tentidy Umbr. iota 'civitate', Osc. tovtad 'civitate* suvad 'sua*. 
-jfii (in Lat. and Umbr. this -j/Bd and the ending -i# of the 
instr. etc. have run together; see § 277): Lat. facte, Umbr. 
nhtretie 'auctoritate', and similarly Lat. rl Umbr. ri re* re- 
-per pro re*, -Td: Lat. marid (it is true that the authority 
for this form is the Columna Rostrata, but the word is 
correctly formed) marl omrif (-ei in the inscr. forms omnei 
partei is merely a way of writing the sound of F, as it is in 
vewos I § 41 p. 88); Umbr. puni poni pone posca' Osc. 
daagid loco, regione' Pelign. fertlid < fertili > . It would seem 
that -id spread from t-stems to consonant-stems in proethnio 
Italic: Lat. e. g. air -id cdventidn-Td bov-ld portidn-%, corporis, 
Falisc. op-Id ope', Umbr. pef-i pers-i pede', Osc. praesent-id 

This re-formation in -ad -Id -fd sprang up in the same 
way as the Latin gen. pi. -drum on the analogy of -drum 
(§ 345), and the Sanskrit nom. ace. pi. neut. -fm -Uni on the 
analogy of -ani (§ 339). At the same time, another circum- 
stance seems to have aided this developement: the ablative 
and instrumental had already run together. In o-stems the 
ablative was used for abl. and instr., e. g. Lat. cum ftiid Osc. 
com preivatud 'cum privato (reo)'; and in consonantal stems 
the instrumental was used for instr. and abl., e. g. Lat. 

140 Ablatire Singular. § 243. 

(Grnaivdd) patre prognOtus, Umbr. pure (in pure-to) *ab igne 
(cp. below). But in the plural also, instrumental and ablative 
had run together, and this may have had some influence — 
how much we cannot tell — upon the use of the singular. 
Suppose then that the -dd of o-stems had added the function 
of the instrumental to its own (the genuine instr. in -3 can no 
longer be traced except in adverbs, Lat. modff and the like, 
§ 275); it was a natural step to a new group of forms in -ad 
-H -H beside the original instrumental in -tf -I -% (§§ 276, 
277, 278), the new forms being used for both ablative and 
instrumental. This hypothesis agrees well with the fact that 
in a-stems as well as in o-stems the genuine instrumental is 
not found except in adverbial forms (§ 276). It was also all 
the easier for this re-formation in -d to spread, because in the 
plural, as well as in the singular, there were distinct forms 
for the genitive and the ablative (abl.-instr.). 

In consonant stems, during the historical period, there was 
a struggle for the mastery between the abl.-instr. re-formation 
in -%d and the instrumental (also used for abl.) in (Lat. Umbr.) 
-i. In Latin, the forms in -i grew gradually rarer, and gave 
place to those in -e (e. g. instead of airld we find later only 
acre); but -e itself quite early came to be used with t-stems, 
as ove parte from the stems ovi~ parti- (cp. ace. ovem following 
ped-em § 214 p. 92 and gen. wis following ped-is § 231 
p. 121). By degrees one or other of these two endings 
became regular for certain groups of nouns. But neither in 
consonant stems nor in t-stems did the exceptions quite dis- 
appear; and the rules laid down by Caesar and other gram- 
marians only shew how impossible it is to get at the facts 
of a living language by studying the books of theorists. In 
Umbrian, at the date to which the existing monuments 
belong, the ending -e, which was also a locative suffix 
(§ 269), was the more common of the two; e. g. nomne 
nomine* curnase answering to the Latin 'cornice*. In Oscan, 
on the other hand, beside praesentid there are forms in -&Z, 
lig-ud 'lege' tangin-ud tangin-ud 'sententia, consulto'. This 

§§243,244. Ablative Singular. 141 

is the ending of o-stems, which has spread further; clearly 

because the two stems already agreed in the ace. sing, (-om) 

and gen. sing. (-ets). (See § 218 p. 95, § 231 pp. 118 f., 

§ 239 pp. 131 f.). 

Remark. It oan hardly be that Latin oonsonant stems ever had 
an ablative ending -id (which, if it ever existed, must have been a con- 
tamination of -id and -£). dictatored on the Col. Bostr., may be a false 
archaism (but as to the* language of this inscription reference may now 
be made to Wdlfflin, Sitzungsber. der k. bayer. Akad., 1890 pp. 298 ff.); 
and the length of the ~e in poetry (Bftcheler-Windekilde Grundr. der lat. 
Decl. 97) may be due to metrical reasons. 

As regards t#-8tems, there are wide differences in the 
Italic languages. Lat. -Ud: magistratUd , later magistrate. 
But Umbr.-Samn. has the ending of t-stems: Umbr. trefi 
'tribu' fratrecate 'magisterio', Osc. castrid 'fundo' from the 
stem whose the genitive is castrovs. Or did u become T 
under certain conditions in proethnic Umbro-SamniticP It is 
doubtful how we are to regard Umbr. maronato beside 
maronatei 'magistrate (see Bucheler, Umbr. pp. 173 sq.). 

One more point remains to be noted. In Umbrian, fully 
formed ablatives, both singular and plural, often have -tu -ta 
-to affixed to them: as akru-tu 'ab agro' pure-to ab igne' 
vapersus-to a sellis\ A -tu -ta is also affixed in the 
imperative plural. Both are equally obscure. 

§ 244. III. The Adverbial Ending -tos used as 
a Suffix of the Ablative Case (cp. § 189 pp. 65, 66). 

Sanskrit. Adverbs like td-tas 'thence* i-tds 'hence' gave 
the type first of all for noun forms such aB mukha-tds from 
mukhd-m 'mouth' (cp. Lat. coeli-tus from coelu-m). Now pro- 
nominal adverbs in ~ta8 could be used as an ordinary case, 
e. g. tdtah fafthdd 'from this sixth part'; hence nominal ad- 
verbs such as mukha-tds became part of the case system, and 
were used as ablatives. In Epic poetry they have become 
exactly parallel to the ordinary ablative, and could be used 
for singular and plural alike, as their adverbial origin would 
have led us to expect: e. g. gurur garTydn pitftD mOtftai ca 

142 Ablative Singular. §244. 

'the teacher is more honourable than father or mother', bhayq 
dq&ribhyah Satrutdh 'fear of snakes, of enemies'. In PrSkrit 
the use of this ablative formation (-dd -du = Skr. -td) spread 
still more widely; see Lassen, Inst, linguae Praor. pp. 302 sq. 

Armenian. Examples of the ablative from stems in t, 
w, and consonants are: i srtS (srtp- 'heart*), i zardt (zardu- 
'ornamentf), y akanZ (akan- 'eye'), t mawrl (maur- 'mother. 
The ending of these according to Hubschmann (Armen. Stud. 
I 89) comes from *-e-fos by an intermediate stage of *-ey 
(I § 483 p. 357). In the same way, the -oy of o-stems, as 
t gailoy, may contain *-fo$, -oy being for *-o-fcw. Further, the 
genitive gailoy may have the same origin (cp. Gr. -$ev used 
as a genitive, Rem. 2 below). However, it is possible to 
derive -oy from *-o-sjp } and so the uncertainty does not at 
once disappear. Cp. § 239 p. 131. 

The Greek gen.-abl. oro^arog corresponds to the Sanskrit 
ndtna-tas; but it was attracted to the stem ovo/ia-ro- {ovofiaxo^ 
iyo/HaTwv), which contains the formative suffix -to-, and to- 
gether with it formed a system of r-cases. See II § 82 p. 250. 
ovd-atoq viaxoq ovietvoq etc. are genitives of the same kind, 
see II § 114 p. 350, § 116 p. 365. It also seems that the 
feminine stem &i-(uT- (: Skr. da-mt-, II § 97 p. 289) was produced 
through a false analysis of ^qtu-rog; see Fick, Bezz. Beitr. 
XII 7, Daniel88on, Gramm. und etym. Stud. I 51. There are 
no nominal adverbs in -to?, no such form as (say) *dW-ro£ 
'divinitus'; the explanation is that when -ro? had become a 
case suffix, and was regularly used for that purpose, adverbs 
in -tog gave place to a new series in -d*v (d-to-dsv). 

Remark 1. J. Sohmidt gives an explanation of the r-cases of 
Jvojua whioh seems to me very unlikely (Pluralb. 187 ff.). He denies 
altogether the connexion of these with the suffix -tos and the Idg. to- 
extension of neuter n-stems. He believes that the nom. aoo. sing. 
Svofia = Skr. ndma, and *<p^a (the older form of gwpor) = Skr. bhdrat 
eventually came to have the same ending; and that hence oW/roro? 
Svdfiari etc were coined on the analogy of *tptQaroe. 

Balto-Slavonic. Slavonic neuters in -$, gen. -#$, as td$ 
'calf, may belong to this class, -t- did not originally belong to 

§§244,245. Dative Singular. 143 

the inflexion of these words, as is shewn by certain parallel 
forms such as Russ. tden-ok 'calf = O.C.S1. HelentikU, mladen- 
A&l 'youth, minor (Pruss. mcUden-iki-8 'child*) as compared with 
mladq child'. We should have to assume that *-tos made its 
way into the case system, and that the result was a series of 
/-forms, at some period when there were parallel genitives in 
*-es and *-o*. As the ending *-«« became regular for the 
genitive, *tel$to(s) was transformed to *tel$te(8). Cp. also Pruss. 
smunen-t-8 'human being 9 , ace. pi. smunen-t-ins beside stnunen- 
isku dat. 'human*. 

Be mark 2. In Greek, after the analogy of ablatival adverbs with 
-&t* (-#*), *8 $v-&t* *tl-&tr tx6 -&tv, ablatival adverbs were formed from 
nouns, e. g. ay^o-far, 9to-9e*i ev*ii-9er ; and these drove the older series 
in -ro? (*ayq6-Tot) out of use (see last page). But these noun-adverbs never 
became exaotly equivalent to the corresponding oases (the contrary is not 
proved by Horn. ?g ovqccvo9*y, ano TqoWtv). But the pronouns ip&ev, o?&tv, 
?9tv, whioh were formed on the same analogy, were doubtless fully in- 
corporated into the case system; for in Homer they are used not only as 
ablatives, but as genitives, e. g. B 26 rvv A 1 tyi&er tyres Jxor, v 42 z/*oc 
t# ai&tr t» VxrjTi, Aesoh. Pers. 218 cot re atari rexvtp a€$ev. 

Dative Singular. 1 ) 

§ 246. The suffix of this case was a diphthong con- 
sisting of some short vowel followed by i. With consonant 
stems it appears as -2 in Sanskrit, as -at in Greek (infinitives, 
as idfiBv-at, and we may conjecture in some adverbs with the 
ending -oi, as nag-ai beside loc. nig-i instr. nap-d gen. nag-os)) 
as -i in O.C.S1. (synov-i = Skr. stindv-E, -i standing for *-£, 
cp. I § 84 p. 82, and to the works there cited, add Jagid, 
Archiv fOr slav. Phil X 191). From these we restore *-a% (or 
*-aj? see I § 109 pp. 100 ff.) as the proethnic suffix. It is 

1) Delbrflok, tJber den indogermanisohen, speoiell den vedisohen 
Dativ, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XVIII 81 ff. Bartholomae, Zur Bildung des 
dat. sing, der [ar.] a-Stamme, Bezzenberger's Beitr. XV 221 ff. Gerland, 
"Cher den altgrieoh. Dativ, zun&chst des Singularis, Marburg 1859. 
Hdfer, Der lat. Dat.-Locativ ; in his Zeitschr. far die Wissensohaft der 
Sprache II 192 ff. Fdrstemann, Zur Geschiohte altdeutsoher Declin.: 
der dat. sing., Kuhn's Zeitschr. XVII 54 ff. 

144 Dative Singular. §§245,246. 

not quite so certain that -F in Lat. patr-% represents this 
dative *-<*i (§ 249). It is also doubtful whether the Irish 
dat.-loc.-instr. forms, such as coin 'cani', are datives in *-ai 
(§ 251); perhaps they are all locatives in origin (cp. Gr. xvv-l). 
Lastly, it is uncertain how we should regard the Lith. gerun- 
dive forms in the dative absolute, as mdn be-mSgani(i) 'whilst 
I slept' mdn parejus(i) 'when I came home*. J. Schmidt would 
have them to be Idg. datives (Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVI 260 f.); 
*-a{ would have become *-£, and this -i according to I § 664. 3 
pp. 523 f. 

Stems in o, tf, and jfi in the proethnic period had the 
endings *-$ (*-e£), *-#i, *-i&i y contracted from -o+ai (-e+a£) } 
-0+°i (or -a+ajQ, -j£+ai (cp. I pp. 106 f.). In a-stems and 
j^-stems dat. and loc. sing, had run together even then 
(§§ 264, 265). 

Not all of the forms in Greek, Italic, Keltic, and 
Germanic which are classed as singular datives in the gram- 
mars are really dative. In both form and use there has 
been confusion with the locative, instrumental, or ablative. 
Hence great complications have arisen (cp. § 188); and many 
points in the history of the Indo-Germanic dative, locative, 
and instrumental forms in these languages remain dark for 
the. present. When this is so, care will be taken that as 
complete a list as possible shall be given of all the possible 
ways in which any given form may be explained. 

§ 246. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqDi l ), and doubtless 
*-#i) also, as in the abl. sing, there were both *-0d and *-&, 
in the -loc. sing. *-o$ and *-$, in the instr. sing, both *-d and 

1) I do not consider it proved that a presumed *t*&0* could become 
*#lqd in Idg. Lat. lupO cannot be derived from such a form as *tffcd", if 
only for the reason that the Lat. dative -5 always remained long. I assume 
a loss of -i only for -$y (and that perhaps only at the end of a sentence 
or clause); where the reason was that the two vowels of this diphthong 
were closely connected (op. I § 645. 1 p. 489). But I do not deny that % 
may have dropped in 0% as well in the parent language. These sounds 
may have been differently treated at different periods, or when their 
position in a word was different. See I § 150 pp. 137 f. 

§246. Dative Singular. 145 

*-e (§§ 240, 263, 275). Skr. -ai in the infinitive, e. g. the 
infin. in -dhydi, as bhdra-dhydi, from the stem -dhya- (this 
ending is also pronominal, as tdsmdi dat. of 'this*); Avest. -of 
regularly, as vehrk&i. Sanskrit and Avestic have another 
ending -fl = Idg. *-£(£), as Skr. sakhyd from sakhyd-m 
friendship' Avest. aia from ase-m 'what is just, justice' ; see 
Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. XV 221 ff., J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 
234 f. For Skr. vfkdya see below. Gr. Vnnu>; -o>* later on 
(in Attic in the second century b. c. or thereabouts) became 
-«, Thess. -or (I § 84 p. 84, § 132 p. 120); for the forms in 
-oi used in several dialects for the dative, see § 247. O.Lat. 
NumasiDi inscr., populdi ROmandi mentioned by Marius 
Victorinus; later on -fl£ became -0, lupO jugd (I § 136 p. 123); 
Osc. Abellaniii 'Abellano*, Umbr. Tefre Tefri Tefrei 'Tefro 
(deo)', cp. below. O.H.G. wdfe, OJcel. tUfe xdfi, cp. below. 
Pruss. wirdai Verbo* with -<*i = -oj, for *-fl$; Lith. vdkui, 
cp. below. 

In Sanskrit, nouns usually have -flya, as vfkdya. 
Bartholomae (Handb. p. 95, Ar. Forsch. II 169, m 63) 
regards this as the old dative extended by -a, a byform 
of the postposition rf, cp. Avest. fradapai a 'for assistance*. 
He conjectures that the same -a is contained in the locative 
ending Avest. -hint O.Pers. -wt?-tf, although of course an 
original a may be contained here (§ 356); and it may be the 
same as the affix -e in such locatives as Lith. ra&koj-e 
O.C.S1. kamen-e (§§ 257, 264) *), cp. § 186 p. 62. 

Umbro-Samnitic. Two things are possible. (1) It may 
be that in pr. Ital. -#i became -oi before consonants (cp. Ital. 

1) Bartholomae (loc. cit.) takes a to be aVproolitio' by-form of a in 
Arest. verbal oompounds, such as a-8d&-. In exaotly the same way, 
Wackernagel now holds that a- in S-ytXoc 8-xeUw is the 'weak grade 9 of 
w- in *-<p*l*» (P** Dehnungsgesetz , Basel 1889, p. 50). If so, I- in 
Iteha and words like it might belong to the same class. Are we then to 
postulate that this prefix in Idg. had four forms, e : e and d:o? That 
would doubtless mean e i and u d, i e. four strong-grade forms; for e 
and o oould hardly be the weak grades of I and d. 

Brufmann, BwoenU. in. 10 

146 Datire Singular. §§246,247. 

-ai and -ai in fl-stems, § 247), and that oj became the regular 
ending in Umbr.-Samn. If so, TJmbr. -e -i -e» is related to 
Osc. -ui as the instr. pi. Umbr. -es -tr •eir is to Osc. -uis 
(§ 380). (2) Or -tfi became Umbr. -e -i -et Osc. -ui in the 
Umbr.-Samn. period, and not before; in which connexion it 
should be remembered that u may be read as d or ti. It is 
probable that the Umbr. dative ending did not become 
identical with the locative ending which answered to Osc. ei, 
since the loc. is consistently written -e -e, e. g. uze onse 'in 
umero' (§ 263). 

For the Irish Jiur, used as a dative, see § 275. 

Germanic. O.H.G. wclfe O.Icel. ulfe ulfi for *uulfa%, -ai 
for -oi -0j, as in fl-stems -ai comes from -#i (§ 247). But it is 
possible to explain the O.Icel. form, along with Goth. vulfa, 
as a dative by deriving it from an Idg. -£ for -$. ulfe and 
vnlfa may also be the ablative in *-ed (§ 241 p. 135) or the 
instr. in *-£ (§ 275); wolfe and ulfe, and doubtless Goth. 
vnlfa, may be loc. in *-c% as well (§ 263). 

Goth, hvamtna dat. of 'who* blindamma dat. of 'blind' (cp. 
hvamm$-h dat. 'each*) may contain the Idg. dative ending -8(i) 
(cp. Skr. kdsmai); but they may also be ablative like O.H.G. 
hwemu blintemu (§ 241 pp. 137 f.). 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. -ui in vifkui arose (1) either at 
the end of a clause or sentence and when a sonant was the 
next sound following (cp. vilkals = Idg. *ufadi8 § 380), or 
(2) in accordance with Leskien's Law of Shortening, stated 
in vol. I § 664. 3 pp. 523 f. 

The O.C.S1. dative vluku (pronouns also have -u, as tomu) 
cannot be derived from anything but pr. Slav. *-o# so far 
as we can tell from what is at present known of sound change 
in Slavonic. I do not know what to make of this form. 1 ) It 
recals the adverbs tu 'there* onu-de 'ixsf. 

§ 247. 2. a-s terns. Pr. Idg. *eJcuai. Skr. Ved. suv- 
apaty&i from suv-apatyd- 'a woman who has fair offspring*; but 

1) Wiedemann derives this -m from Idg. -oj (Das litau. Pr8 ten turn 
I 47). How this is to be supported I do not see. 

§246. Dative Singular. 147 

cp. below. Gr. yjoga; the -i of -ai dropped later on, just as 
did that of not (§ 246, last page). O.Lat. MatUta, later equae; 
Umbr. tute tote 'civitati' Osc. defvaf c divae\ O.Ir. mndi from 
nom. ben; tuaith, *-#i becoming first *-a% and then *-f (-t in 
soillsi was previously *-&); it is worth remarking that -* is 
found even in Gallic, BqXrjoafu from nom. Belisama (cp. § 239 
p. 132). Goth, gibdi A.S. git/*, and cp. the pron. Goth, pizdi 
dat. fem. of 'this* as contrasted with Skr. tdsydi (cp. § 263 
Rem.). Lith. rafikai O.C.S1. rqci (I § 84 p. 82, § 664. 4 
p. 524, § 665. 3 p. 525). 

Aryan. The usual ending is Skr. -ayai, Avest. -ay£i, as 
dSvdydi ha$nayai, a re-formation of the same kind as the gen. 
sing. Skr. -ayds Avest. -ay&, see § 229 p. 115, § 264. The 
shorter ending -ai is only found in ifl-stems. In Avest. -ytft, 
gaqpydi from gaePyO- f. 'earthly', there need be no scruple 
whatever in assuming that -yaydi has been shortened by dissi- 
milation ; and the only question is whether in Vedic suvapatyai, 
-y&i has not been shortened from -ydydi in the same way (see 
I § 643 p. 482, and J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 383); 
cp. also gen. loc. du. y6$ beside ydyd$ etc. in § 307 and § 422. 
But in any case the old ending -&{ was kept by pronouns: 
Skr. kdsyai Avest. kahydi (§ 425). 

In Greek we find -at in place of -<S* as we find -or, the 
locative ending, in place of -on. This -oi is found in Boeot. 
(-of, -£, see I § 80 p. 72), Arcad.-Cypr., Elean, and N.-W. 
Greek; -m is certain for Boeotian (HXai'/as, fsXarlrjy see 
I § 96 p. 90), and so it was doubtless found in the other 
dialects which had -<w instead of -a>#; it should be remembered 
that -AI may represent either -a* or £/, as far as the letters 
go. In proethnic Greek, o-stems had -#i (Idg. dat. form) for 
dat. and instr., and -oi (Idg. loc. form) for locative; but Or 
stems had -&i (Idg. dat. and loc.) for both dative and locative 
(the ending of the instr. was doubtless the Idg. form in -d, 
see § 276). -$ and -<Zi became -o£ and -a{ in pr. Greek 
before words beginning with a consonant (I § 611 p. 461); 
and thus in o-stems the dat. (-instr.) form became sometimes 


148 Dative Singular. §§247,248. 

identical with the locative, whilst the O-stems developed a 
form which seemed to be of the same kind as the Idg. 
locative in -og, and this accordingly absorbed the special 
locative uses. 1 ) By this time the boundary line between dat. 
(-instr.) and loc. was partly 'obliterated in o-stems, and in 0- 
stems the state of things was much the same. After this 
both classes of stems moved on side by side in the same 
direction: in one group of dialects, as Ion.-Att., -w and -a 
absorbed -oi and -at in the declensions, so that these 
survived only in adverbs and certain fossil forms (e. g. otxo*, 
017/foi-yfyjfc); while elsewhere, as in Boeotian, -ot and -at 
gained the day. 

Italic. O.Lat. Mdtuta for pr. Ital. -flj, which answers to 
-#i in Numasidi. Whether Menervai and similar forms of the 
oldest inscriptions have preserved this diphthong it is impos- 
sible to decide, because -AI may be differently read. -Si -a& 
the regular ending in classical Latin (e. g. equae), is the ante- 
consonantal form of proethnic Italic (I § 612 p. 462), and was 
also the ending of the locative (§ 264). This form -a* has 
become the regular ending in Umbr.-Samn. also; and here 
too it is impossible to trace any distinction in form between 
dative and the locative (see § 264). 

Ennius has terrdi as a dative (cp. -tf? gen., § 229 
p. 116); apparently in consequence of the use of the same 
form in -& (j^-stems) for both genitive and dative (§ 230 
p. 118, § 248). 

§ 248. 3. ?- v i£-s terns (cp. p." 68 footnote 1). Pr. Idg. 
*bhr§hyt-(i)iGi, and doubtless -(*)i£ at the same time, 'celsae' 
(cp. the locative § 265). Skr. bfhatyal, Avest. barentyai. Lat. 
facte, Umbr. kvestretie 'quaesturae' (and therefore O.Lat. r£ 

1) -a* before sonants, and -£< before oonsonants, survived side by 
side : just as in certain dialeots we find both -org -arc before sonants, and 
-oc -u; before consonants, in the ace. pi. of stems in o and & (§§ 826, 

§§248,249. Dative Singular. 149 

Umbr. ri 'rei) can be explained as coming from Idg. *-(*)#, 
cp. § 265; a second form is facil (as in the gen. sing., § 230 
p. 118), whose -a* may be from pr. Ital. *-(i)iei for *-®J&\ 
just as -ai in d-stems came from -a{ (§ 247, last page); 
for the third form faciei see below. Mid.Ir. Brigti, insi; -t 
for *-tf, and this for -*(i)i£i or *-(*)#; the form may also be 
regarded as locative (§ 265) or instrumental (§ 277). Lith. 
ietnei O.C.S1. zemlji for *-m (I § 68 p. 60, § 147 p. 131), 
and this for *-j£i, just as in 0-stems *-<*i comes from -fli 
(§ 247 pp. 147 f.). 

Italic. Side by side with Lat. facte and facil is the 
form facial, which has got the ending -f from consonant 
stems, perhaps following rU (cp. Skr. rdy-$). Are we to 
regard Osc. Kerri Pelign. Cerri 'Cereri' as the dative of a 
similar stem? 

O.Ir. inis beside insi is an i-stem form (§§ 260, 278), 
like the gen. sing, inseo (§ 230 p. 118). 

Goth, frijdndjai could no doubt be derived from *-i£j 
(cp. anstai § 260); but it must surely be a ia-stem form 
like other cases, e. g. gen. frijdndjds. Greek Att. tpegovarj 
dkrj&sia and Lith. vemncziai must certainly be assumed to 
be ia-forms. Cp. p. 68 footnote 1. 

§ 249. 4. i-s terns. Different endings are found in 
different branches of the language: -ei-ai y -(i)i-a%, -f. But 
how these are historically related is not clear; nor is it clear 
how matters stood in the parent language. Probably -ei-ai : 
~i-ai = -tnen-ai : -mn-ai (§ 251). 

Aryan. Skr. dvay-l Avest. azaya$-ca a$8% (cp. Bartho- 
lomae, Handb. § 93 p. 40, § 224 p. 89); in the infinitive, 
Skr. pT-tdye 'to drink* Avest. ker'-m c to complete' (II § 100 
p. 298), etc. Some exceptional forms have -%-ai: Skr. pdty-B 
'husband* (dat.) Avest. paipya$(-ca) 'lord, ruler' (dat.), an ir- 
regularity which must be explained along with the irregular 
Skr. instr. pdtya loc. pdtydu gen. pdtyur; see § 231 p. 120, 
§§ 260, 278. 

150 Dative Singular. §249. 

In Ved. and Avest. are feminines with -F: Ved. Uti from 
tUi- 'help* Avest. fra-mruiti 'for recitation', obviously the instr. 
form (§ 278). Bartholomae fixes pr. Aryan as the period in 
which this form got a dative meaning (Bezz. Beitr. XV 245 f.) ; 
but it appears to have had this meaning, as well as that of 
the instr., in the parent language. O.C.S1. -I in nosti, pqti 
(pqt% m. way') cannot be explained without violence in any 
other way than by referring it to this -J ; the same may be 
said of O.Lith. vtez-paty (stem v$sz-pati- 'lord*). Again, we 
must doubtless see Idg. -J in such forms as Lesb. Boeot. Dor. 
Ion. puol noil (cp. §§ 266, 278), which are used for the dative 
amongst other things; besides which Lat. ov% and O.Ir. faith 
may have the same (see below). 

In Sanskrit there are feminine forms in -yflt, dvydi, a 
ro-formation like gen. dvyas (§ 231 p. 120), loc. dvydm (§ 260). 
Compare § 278. 

Lastly, we may perhaps add Avest. mrUite ara$-cd instead 
of mmitty araya#-ca, and the like (Geldner, Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXVII 226 ff.). 

Remark. (1) Did this ending arise by syllabic dissimilation before 
words beginning with a sonant (-aj[ for -ajjajQ? (2) Or was it a re- 
formation on the model of consonant stems, dating from some period 
when there were nouns declined both as consonant stems and as t-stems, 
suoh as abstract nouns in -tat(i)- II § 102 p. 309 (cp. Lat. gen. ov~i$ 
tnort-is § 231 p. 121, Lith. gen. knU-U §§ 348, 402, and the like)? (3) Or 
lastly, is Bartholomae right in explaining the forms as locative (Kuhn's 
Ztsohr. XXVIII 21, Bezz. Beitr. XV 241)? Cp. § 260 Rem. 

In Greek, there are no examples of real datives of 
i-stems. For Lesb. etc. pdol see above. 

Italic. In explaining the forms called dative according 
to the traditional classification of the grammars, consonant 
stems and i-stems must be considered together, since no 
lino can now be drawn between them in this respect in any 
Italic dialect. Latin from the earliest period has -ei -f, as 
ovei ovl from the stem ovi-, patrei patrt from the stem patr-. 
Also '$ (quantity doubtful) in the oldest remains of Latin; 
but amongst the examples found — Salute patre etc. — there is 

§249. Dutive Singular. 151 

none which can with certainty be referred to an {-stem. 
Umbr. -e y more rarely -i: Tarsinate 'Tadinati* (stem. Tarsi- 
nati-) patr-e 'patrf, Marti 'Marti* Iuvi-p. lovi patri\ 
08C. -ef, as Herentatei 'Veneri, Volupiae', Diuv-ef 'Jovf; 
but not a word amongst them which can be certainly regarded 
as an i-stem (for Herentatei cp. p. 119, footnote). 

Of these endings the Osc. -ei is the least obscure. It is 
the locative ending of the i-declension, derived from Idg. *-$ 
(§ 260) or *-e(i)-i (§ 266) — the spelling 'AnekXovv-rji 'Apollini' 
does not prove that the e of -ei is long, -ei passed on to con- 
sonant stems in the same way as -efs in the gen. maatr-eis 
(§ 235 p. 126) etc. Umbr. -e -*' may be identified with Osc. 
-ei; and considering the similar genitive formation in the two 
dialects (Umbr. matrer = Osc. maatreis) this view is in itself 
the most probable, although it is possible that -e in karn-e 
'carnf nomn-e nomini' etc. may come from *-ai, the dative 
suffix (for the phonetics of this cp. the loc. sate 'in sancta* 
§§ 247, 264), and -e in ocre-fn ocre 'in ocre' from the loc. *-£ 
(§ 260). And Latin -e* -I may be the same ending as Osc. 
-ei. But if infinitives such as ag-l da-r-i are datives like 
Skr. -dj-3 jir§4 (II § 162 p. 490), and the 2nd. pi. imper. 
legimin-% answers to the Gr. inf. Xeytfiev-ou (II § 117 p. 373), 
then patr-f y sw-f, socru-f cannot be separated from Skr. pitr-£, 
bhruv-e, foa&ruv-e. They would then be datives in Idg. 
*-<*i.*) Now comes the question whether -I has a different 
origin in otH and patrl. Is it the locative of an i-stem in 
oe?f, the dative in patrl; or was ovl an ad-formate of patrl 
as were the gen. sing, ov-is of patr-is and the ace. sing, ov-etn 
of patr-em (§ 231 p. 121)? There is another possibility; -F in 
ovl may be the same as -F in Skr. utf, see p. 150. O.Lat. -e 

1) I prefer to keep to the yiew that Lat ay in final syllables under 
certain conditions beoame i, Torp's protest notwithstanding (Torp, Beitr. 
zur Lehre von den geschlechtlosen Pronomen, 1888, pp. 15 ff.). At the 
same time, I admit that Osthoff 8 statement of the phonetic laws upon 
which this depends may perhaps be incorrect (see Zur Gesch. des Perf., 
193 ff.). 

152 Dative Singular. §249-251. 

may be regarded as Idg. -Hi), the ending of the locative in 
t-stems; a view which is supported by the adverb peregre 
(stem peregri-); see § 260. 

O.Ir. faith, if it is the dative, can be compared only 
with Skr. uti (see p. 150). Cp. §§3260, 278. 

Lith. fern. nSkcziai nakczei certainly has not the Idg. 
dative -i-ay, but here we have a re-formation after the 
analogy of -id-stems, e. g. valdiiai valdzei from nom. valdiia 
valdzh 'government' (§ 247 p. 147), in the same way as the 
ma8C. v&giui (nom. vagls 'thief) followed the model of a stem 
in -$o-. O.Lith. vedz-paty beside Skr. Uti, similarly O.C.S1. 
noSti pqti, see p. 150. 

§ 260. 5. w-s terns. Of these much the same may be 
said as of t-stems, see § 249. The endings are -ey-ai 

Be mark. No probability can be made out for the theory that the 
Idg. instr. in -tf could be used as a dative even in the parent language. 
As to the dative use of Lat manH usu O.Ir. biuth, see §§ 261, 279. 

Aryan. Skr. sQndv-e Avest. bdzav-Z like O.C.S1. synov-i-, 
infin. Ved. irt-tavt 'to hear', and the like (II § 108 p. 327). 
More rarely *-#-ai : Ved. $tfa-B (&l&u- 'child, young creature'), 
8ahdsrabahiW'$ (sahdsrabahti- 'thousand-armed*), Avest. xrapw-$ 
(xratu- 'will, strength') = Ved. krdtv-8. Skr. feminine forms 
in -&-0t, dhSnv-dij a re-formation like gen. dhenv-ds loc. dh&nv- 
-drn (§ 232 p. 122), cp. § 279. 

Lat. manul (inscr. senatuei) for *-e#-ai (pr. Ital. *-w-«i, see 
I § 65 p. 52, § 172. 1 p. 152) or for *-jH*i (see I § 170 
p. 149). Cp. settittu-is § 232 p. 122, manu-um § 349. 

Lith. stinui doubtless follows vilkiri (§ 246 p. 146), as 
the loc. pi. sUn&si follows vMc&sk (§ 326 Rem., and § 360). 
O.C.S1. synon-i Iwith -o#- for -e#- (I § 68 p. 59) = Skr. 

§ 261. Nasal Stems. 

Stems with n-suffixes have usually the weak grade form. 
But the men- and uen-stems from which infinitives are made 

§251. Dative Singular. 153 

seem to have had strong-grade forms even iii the proethnic 
period: Skr. dd-man-8 Gr. do-fitv-ai Lat. 2. pi. imper. da-min-t, 
Skr. vid-rndn-B Gr. tJ-uav-ai, Skr. d(L-vdn-l Gr. Cypr. Jo-/* v-ai 
Att. dovvou, Avest. tftd-van-di Gr. eli-iv-ai; see II § 116 p. 363, 
§ 117 pp. 366, 367, 371, 373, and for the accent, Wheeler Der 
griech. Nominalaccent pp. 57, 58. Compare the Idg. strong- 
grade stem in -e^ai (i-stems) and -e$H*i (ti-stems), §§ 249 
and 250; and -es-ai in $s-stems (§ 254). Observe also that 
these are just the endings which are found in infinitives: Skr. 
pl-tdy-S Avest. ker*-t&, Skr. $r6-tav-8, bhiy-ds-8 ddh-ds-2. The 
strong stem may have come from the locative, which was also 
sometimes used for the infinitive ; e. g. Gr. iousr Skr. &U$dn-i, 
Lat. vfver-e. 

Pr. Idg. *%un-d% 'cam, *uid-m£n-ai 'for learning*. 

Skr. &iin-2 (for the accent, see p. 70 footnote 2), Avest. 
&ftn-?. Skr. tdk^n-l Avest. taSn-% (tdkfan- tasan- 'sculptor, 
carpenter*). Skr. d&man-e Avest. asrnan-? (d&man- asman- 
'stone, heaven'). Skr. inf. vid-mdn-$ 'for learning, for 
knowing', da-vdn-B 'for giving', see above. Sometimes the 
strong stem took the place of the weak, even at a later 
period, e. g. Ved. aryamdn-Z beside the earlier aryamn-i 
(aryamdn- 'friend, comrade'), and similarly Avest. airya- 
-main$ (airya-man- 'tractable*), also Avest. urvdn-$ beside 
urun-? (urvan- 'soul*). Cp. § 234 p. 124. 

In Greek, datives of this kind survived only as infinitives. 
Inf. in -fisv-ai , Epic and Lesbian , as id^iBvai tsvyvvfisvaiy 
II § 117 p. 371. Inf. in -fswu is more general (II § 116 
p. 363): Cypr. dofsvui (accent uncertain) Att. dovvai, also 
Uvai for *l-f€vaty aijvcu for *aj]-f erect: from these -vat was 
detached, as though it were the inflexional ending, and this, 
spreading most widely in Ion.-Att., ended by usurping the place 
of -/it£y(cu); thus arose e. g. iv-vat Stdd-rai rsfrm-vui; slvai 
Afcad. ijvcu is not for *ia^au y but el^isv ijusv (for *ia-/nev) has 
been transformed at one step into tlvai ijvat through the analogy 
of this set of forms, eliivai is doubtless equivalent to Avest. 
v%d-van-di, but the perfect ending -rvai may in some words 

154 Dative Singular. §251—253. 

belong to Idg. -en-stems, say in rixivcu cp. slxaiv (the Author, 
Morph. XJnt.III 19 ff.; Johansson, De der. verb, contr., 202 sq.) 1 ). 

Lat. carn-ij and, with the strong stem, homin-% edGn-f 
mentidn-l. The 2nd. pi. imperative in -mini, as sequimirif, was 
doubtless an infinitival dative; see II § 117 p. 373. It is not 
at all probable that Umbr. karn-e 'carni* and the like have 
this formation; see § 249 p. 151. 

O.Ir. coin 'cani* may come from *ctm-ai, and similarly 
drain (druj 'kidney* etc. But the same forms may be ex- 
plained as locatives (§ 269). 

Lith. szun-iui follows the analogy of stems in -jo- and -i- 
(§ 246 pp. 145 f., § 249 p. 152), and so do akmen-iui etc. 
Whether O.C.S1. kamen-i contains the dative suffix -<*i (cp. 
synov-i § 250 p. 152) or the ending of i-stems (§ 249 pp. 149, 
151), is not clear. 

It so happens that no example of the dative of any root- 
noun in -w has been preserved in Aryan. "We are justified in 
inferring that there were such forms as Skr. gm-S jm-i Avest. 
z 4 m-8 from Skr. k$am- Avest. zam- 'earth', Avest. zim-Z from 
zyam- 'winter* cp. Lat hiem-I; see II § 160 pp. 482 f. 

§ 252. 7. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *mdtr-di matn , *d6tr-ai 
'datori\ Skr. mdtr-t ddtr-8, Avest. tnapr-$ dapr-$. Lat. tnOtr-f 
datdr-l (-Or- comes from the nom. sing.) ; it is not very probable 
that Umbr. ar-fertur-e 'infertori, flamini' belongs to the same 
class, see § 249 p. 151. O.Ir. mathir may be derived either 
from *tndtr-ai or from *m&ter-ai, and it may also be explained 
as locative (§ 269). O.C.S1. mater-i is obscure just as katnen-i 
is; see § 251, above. 

Lith. tnoter-iai m6ter-ei follows the analogy of i#-stems 
(§ 247 p. 147). 

§ 263. 8. Stems ending in Explosives. 

Pr. Idg. *bhf§h^t-di 'ceW. Skr. bfhat-$, Avest. ber'zaitf 
and (with the strong stem) ber'zantg; Skr. bhdrat-8 'fereriti\ 

1) The same dative suffix is found in tp^ta&-ai (-#-<n = 8kr. -dh-c) 
according to Bartholomae's convincing explanation (Rhein. Mus. XLV 
161 ff.). 

§§253,254. Dative Singular. 155 

Lat. rudent-% ferent-l prae-sent-l — but it is not certain how 
far this -ewf- was directly derived from Idg. -#£- (II § 125 
pp. 395 f., HI p. 105 footnote 1). O.Ir. earit 'amico' dat. and 
loc. (§ 269). O.C.S1. tdtf-i (from tdq neut. 'calf', cp. § 244 
pp. 142 f.) like kamen-i, see § 251, last page. 

Skr. sarvdtat-& 'to or for completeness', Avest. haurvatait-? 
'to or for safety*. Lat. novitat-l, juventut-l. O.Ir. lethid (from 
beothu 'life*) dat. and loc. (§ 269). 

Skr. Sardd-B 'to or for autumn', Avest. armaf-sftidf from 
arma$-sad- 'sitting still*. Lat. lapid-t. O.Ir. druid 'to or for 
a Druid* dat. and loc. (§ 269). Skr. pad-e Lat. ped-l. 

Skr. uMj-e, stem u&lj- 'desirous*. Lat. bibdc-%. O.Ir. 
nathraig 'water-snake* dat. and loc. (§ 269). Skr. v&c-e, Lat. 
vdc-%. Skr. -r&j-l Lat. rEg-%, O.Ir. (dat. and loc.) rig. 

§ 264. 9. Stems in -s. 

Pr. Idg. *mene8-ai 'to or for the mind* (for the form of 
the stem, § 251 p. 153): Skr. mdnas-& Avest. manawh-fa Lat. 
gener-%] O.C.S1. sloves-i like Jcamen-i § 251 p. 154. 

For Skr. infinitives like bhiyds-E dohds-$ see II § 132 
pp. 412 f. and III § 251 p. 153. And doubtless the following 
forms, with an original weak grade of the as-suffix, have the same 
formation : Skr. ji$$ 'for victory', Gr. ypdipcu 'to write* (one of the 
forms connected with the tf-aorist) and Lat. darl fer-rf, see 
II § 162 p. 490, and the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 116. An original 
weak stem is also contained in Lat. mgns-l O.Ir. (dat. and loc.) 
mi*, Idg. *me-m-ai (II § 132 p. 415). 

For O.Ir. taig (nom. tech teg 'house*), see § 259 p. 159. 

Pr. Idg. comparative *d1ci8-ai 'ociori' (cp. II § 135 
p. 429): Skr. dSfyas-B Avest. &syat9h~$, Lat. dcidr-T. 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *#eidus-ai 'aJon*: Skr. vidtl$-$ 
Avest. wdus-$. 

Skr. nas-$ 'to the nose* Lat. ndr-l. Skr. fts-e 'ori' Lat. 
dr-l. Skr. mu$'B (inferred from nom. pi. mty-as), Lat. mtir-i. 

156 Locative Singular. §255,256. 

§ 266. 10. Stems in -f -*i, -U -w#, and in -f -J -# t 
and Root-Nouns in -# and -|. 

Pr. Idg. -ti-ai -t*tf-ai, e. g. *iArt*#-ai from nom. *bhtH-8 
"brow*. Skr. dhiy-t € to or for meditation' Ved. nadiy-8 'to a 
river ; bhruv-$, Ved. &va&riiv-8 'socrui', A vest, tanuyf i. e. -ue?-? 
*to a body'. Also, with the feminine marked by the ending, 
Skr. dhiy-al nadiy-al bhruv-ai hairuv-ai, cp. § 233 p. 123, 
% 280. Lat. su-T, socru-l, cp. § 197 p. 76; ttf may be con- 
tracted from *trf|-T. O.C.S1. kriiv-i sanguini', svekrUv4 'socrui'. 

Similarly Skr. gir-t 'for praise' pur-$ 'to a stronghold* = 
*<#*"-«! *pU mQ iy SJ1 ^ i gQ-$Mhl (inferred from gd-$aii-a8, from 
nom. gd-$ds 'gaining cattle*) = *-s#w-<*i. Cp. § 233 p. 123. 

Skr. n&v-$ navi', Lat. nav-l. Skr. r<ly-i from nom. rd-s 
"property, riches', Lat. rft. Skr. div-$ (nom. dydu-$ 'daylight'). 
Lat. Jov-l Diov-t. Skr. gdv-8 A vest. gav-$ y Lat. bov-J; the 
ground-form was *gu#-di *S^i? and the barytone Skr. word 
is an ad-formate of gdv-i like the gen. gdv-as (§ 238 p. 130), 
cp. II § 160 p. 482; O.Ir. boin (dat. and loc.) is an ad-formate 
of coin, see § 221 p. 98. 

Locative Singular. 1 ) 

§ 266. There are two proethnic formations. 

1. In certain consonantal stems, and in i- and w-stems, the 
stem by itself was used for the locative. In such locatives forms 

1) J. Schmidt, Der locativus singularis und die grieoh. t-Deoli- 
nation, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXVII 287 ff. W. Schulze, Zum idg. Looatir 
singuL der oonsonantisohen StAmme, ibid. pp. 546 f. Bezzenberger, 
Die idg. Endung des Loc. Sing, der ft-Deolination, Naohr. v. d. Gott. Ges. 
d. Wiss. 1885 pp. 160 ff. Bartholomae, Zur Bildung des loo. sing, 
der fem. aj- [i-JStamme, Ar. Forsoh. II 100 ff. G. Petroni, Dei casi 
nolle lingue olassiche e partioolarmente del locativo, Neapel 1878. 
Sohneidewind, De casus looativi vestigiis apud Homorum et Hesiodum, 
Halle 1863. Ebel, Ein grieoh. Geneti v-Locativ , Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XIII 
446 ff. Hofer, Der lateinische Dativ-Looativ, in his Zeitsohr. f. die 
Wissensohaft d. jSprache II 192 ff. C. Wagener, De looatiri Latini 
usu, Jena 1871. Deecke, tTber den lat Lokativ, a 'Programm'-essay 
sent in at MQhlhausen i. E., 1890, pp. 31 ff. L. Ha vet, Le locatif 

§256. Locatire Singular. 157 

the formative suffix had an e-grade vowel; sometimes the first 
strong grade -e- (as Horn. do-pav), and sometimes the third,. 
-£- (as Cret. M-fiyv). Forms with the third strong grade 
became indistinguishable from those of the nom. sing. masc. 
fern, and the nom. ace. sing, neuter: compare e. g. io-pijv 
with n(H-Mv O.C.81. i-mq (§ 223 p. 100). As a matter of 
fact, both these formations are doubtless the same, and 
the only difference is in their use in the sentence. 

2. The second is a commoner formation, found in all 
stems. It had the case-ending -i, which seems to have been 
the same as the -t in the loc. pi. -s-i (Gr. -m); see § 356. 
This -i once had a more general local meaning, as is shewn 
by the personal pronouns which contain it, § 447; cp. § 23S> 
p. 132 and § 424. 

-t added to o- and O-stems contracted with their final 
into the diphtongs -o% -ei and -0|'. Elsewhere the sound 
remained a vowel, forming a separate syllable; this happened 
in Aryan (-/), Greek (-*), and Italic (Lat. Umbr. -e), now and 
then in Germanic (A.S. hnyte, § 272), and perhaps in Keltic 
(Gall, -rigi, see § 271); in the two last branches it has left 
behind many traces in the numerous umlaut ("mutated") forms,. 
i. e. those with modified vowels. In Balto-Slavonic it can be 
seen only in the diphthongs of o- and O-stems. 

Along with -i we have -I in Greek and Sanskrit, Horn. 
nartg-l and the like (Hartel, Horn. Stud. I 2 56 ff), Ved. 
vaktdr-T and the like (Lanman, Noun Inflection 411, 426). 
"Wackernagel, however, looks upon this as a rhythmical 
lengthening which dates from the parent language itself (Da* 
Dehnungsgesetz der gr. Compp., 12 ff.). 

In stems which show ablaut variation in their cases, the 
strong stem is found before -i (-i) from the proethnic period 
onwards. Thus it is natural to suppose that -i was added to 

ombrien, M6m. de la Soo. de lingu. II 391 sq. Smith, Litauisohes: fiber 
den Singalarlocativ der Pronomina und Adjeotiya, Kuhn-Schleioher'a 
Beitr. I 506 f. 

158 Locative Singular. §§256,257. 

forms which were used for the locative even without it ; cp. e. g. 
Skr. murdhdn-i beside (mUrdhn-i and) milrdhdn. But it must 
not be forgotten that this theory is not absolutely borne out 
by i- and w-stems. In these stems, -ev-i and -ejf-i are pro- 
ethnic endings; but we cannot say for certain that there were 
parallel endings -ej and -e#, although we do find -ei and -£# 
(§§ 260 Rem. and 261 Rem.). Nor is it clear whether such 
forms as Skr. mUrdhn4 Gr. apv-/, Gr. nary-i Goth. fadr } Skr. 
div-l Gr. Aif-l are older than Skr. mUrdhdn-i Gr. noifxivH, 
Skr. pitdr-i Gr. nars^i, Skr. dydv-i\ or whether they are 
really later (even then they may be proethnic), and followed 
other cases which had a weak grade of vowel, e. g. the dative 
singular. These questions I content myself with suggesting. 

Remark. Bartholomae (Bezz. Beitr. XV 23) attempts to establish 
an Idg. locative suffix -« beside -», e. g. in Skr. muh-u 'immediately'. But 
the forms concerned are only adverbs. Cp. § 356. 

§ 257. I. Stems without any case-suffix used as 
Locative Singular. 

1. n-stems. Cp. § 186 pp. 62 f. 

Forms in -en. Ved. milrdhdn (mQrdh-dn- 'point, head*), 
uddn (ud-dn- 'water*), kdrman (kdr-man- 'work, action*) and 
the like ; O.Pers. xSapa-va 'or at night* i. e. xsapan-vd (stem 
xsapan-), see Bartholomae Handb. § 35 Rem. p. 22. Gr. 
al(f)iv adv. always', from cd(f)(6v 'space of time, eternity'; in 
the same group we place the infinitives in -«/fv, found in 
Homer and in many dialects of Greek, such as So/uev XSpsv 
sftpsv (Cret. El. foe*, N.W. Greek tipsy), which served as 
the model for ogvvpsv, aytfisv, d^/tuv, eaxdfisv. O.C.S1. 
kamen-e (stem kamen- 'stone') probably has the same obscure 
-e which occurs in the Lith. loc. sing, rafflcoj-e zemej-e etc. 
(§§ 264, 265), cp. § 186 p. 62, § 246 p. 145 and § 409. A 
different explanation of kamen-e is offered by J. Schmidt, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 307. 

Forms in -Sn. Avest. casinqn (I § 200 p. 168) stem 
caiman- € a look, eye'. Gr. Cret. inf. tid-fiy. 

§ 257 - 260. Locative Singular. 1 W 

Skr. Ved. k$dma beside Jc^dman 'on the earth' is regarded 
as a form in -# by Bartholomae (Bezz. Beitr. XV 39). 

Lastly, we place here O.Ir. toimte beside toimtin (Zeuss- 
Ebel p. 266), nom. toimtin 'cogitatio' (Thurneysen, Bezz. Beitr. 
YIQ 269); -« stands doubtless for *-ion, and that for *-idn. 

§ 268. 2. r-stems. Two groups of words fall in this 
section. (1) A few forms which stand upon the border line 
between an adverb unconnected with any declined noun, and 
the case of a noun; as Skr. dhar-divi 'day by day', Avest. 
z'mar* 'in the earth', which are naturally associated with non- 
nominal forms such as Skr. antdr 'inside, inwards' (beside 
antdri-k$a~) Lat. inter, Gr. vntQ Lat. s-uper. Gr. w'xtmq 'by 
night', perhaps containing -f, and Skr. miihur 'in an instant', 
containing -fr (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. XV 18, 23). 
(2) Secondly, certain living cases, as Skr. mdtdr-i datdr-i 
ddtar-i Avest. mCUairi d&tairi Gr. ftfjrig-^ if they are really 
extensions of loc. *mater *ddter; see § 256, last page. Cp. 
further § 186 pp. 62 f., § 224 Rem. p. 104. 

§ 269. 3. s-stems. 

W. Schulze (Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 546) cites Skr. sa- 
-divas at once' pUrvt~dy6§ on the day before, early in the 
morning', and with the latter he connects Lat. dim (noctU 
diusque). Another form is doubtless &v-ds 'to-morrow' (cp. 
Avest. s^-ra- adj. 'belonging to the morning'; Geldner, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXVII 253, 261). Gr. Dor. altg 'always' beside ace. 
aiti for *alfo(a)-a (II § 133 p. 423). Lat. penes beside penus 
-oris (II § 132 p. 419). Also O.Ir. dat.-loc. sing, of neut. 
es-stems, as taig Mid.Ir. tig, from nom. tech teg 'house* 
(Thurneysen, Bezz. Beitr. Vlll 269). Lastly, Slav, sloves-e, 
with affixed -0 like kamen-e, see § 257 pp. 158 f. 

§ 260. 4. i-s terns. Pr. Idg. had parallel endings, -#i 
and -S with -* dropped (I § 645 p. 489). 

Skr. has only *-£. Skr. Ved. dvdj agnd (agn{-§ 'fire'); 
the variants dvdu, agntoi, which in the later language were 
used exclusively, took their -<Xu from w-stems, as s&nfltl 
(§ 261). pdtydu (pdti-$ 'husband*) took the place of pdtau 

1U0 Locative 8ingular. §260. 

owing to the influence of pdtyS pdtya (see § 231 p. 120, 
§ 249 p. 149), just as Goth, kinndu instead of *kindu got 
-«w- = *-n%- by analogy (§ 261). Avest. aia, O.Pers. ahi- 
fraSta (ahi-frasti- 'punishment by the sword'). 

In Greek -£j or -8 was extended by the loc. suffix -i, 
and became -8%-i or -5-i, whence Horn, nokt/t Att. nokij from 
the stem noXt-. Cp. ace. sing. Zrjv-a built up on Zrjv § 221 
p. 98, gen. s/ns-to and ace. tj/Lti-ag built up on *ine and *rjfis 
= Dor. &pi §§ 443, 450. noXtp suggested noXrjog noXtjeg and 
other cases of the same kind (cp. § 231 p. 120). 

The Old Latin "dative" in -e, as Salute patre y and the 
adverb peregre may possibly have this Idg. -g ; but -e may also 
be Idg. *-t, the loc. suffix of consonant stems (cp. rQr-e y 
Carth&gin-e) } taken over by i-stems. The ending -$ may 
be contained in the Osc. "dative" in -ei, as Herentatei 
'Veneri, Volupiae, and in the Umbr. in -e -», as Tarsinate 
'Tadinati* Marti ^artf (§ 249 pp. 151 f.); but -ei may be 
derived from -ej-t (§ 266). Lat. otfi peregrl too, and the 
like, may contain Idg. -$, as we saw on pp. 151 f. In the 
same passage it is mentioned that it is quite possible for 
the -e of Umbr. ocre-m ocre 'in ocre' to be the locative 
ending *-£ (cp. Sab. Flusare 'in Floralf). 

O.Ir. faith used as a locative (cp. neut. muir 'in marf) 
may have been either *u<Uei or *y<tt2 originally. Cp. § 249 
pp. 151 f., and § 278. Perhaps Gall. Vcuete belongs to the 
same class (Bezz. Beitr. XI 131, 153). 

Goth, qutna 'for coming', for *kum$? If so, the confluence 
of this case with the "dative" of o-stems (vulfa^ see § 241 
p. 137, § 246 p. 146) was merely one of form, and did not 
extend to use. (In § 231, page 119, we saw that the ending of 
the gen. sing, of masc. i-stems need not depend entirely upon 
borrowing from stems in -0-). However, great doubts as to 
the correctness of this explanation are suggested by O.H.G. 
chume beside tcolfe. 

Goth, anstdi Cfavour', dat.) may come from -$, and 
Streitberg sees the same ending in O.H.G. ensti-, he assumes 

§260,261. Locative Singular. 161 

that the first change of pr. Germ. -d| in West-Germ, was to 
*-# (cp. § 263 Rem. pp. 165 f.), just as he derives Goth, sundu 
O.H.G. suniu from the same ground-form *-£#. But other 
views of ensti and suniu are not excluded (see the Rem. 
below, § 261 and Rem., §§ 266, 267, 278); and in anstdi 
and sundu it is at least possible that a is due to the gen. 
sing, (anstdis sundus) — cp. A.S. gumcm as contrasted with 
Goth, gumin § 269, and the like. 

Old Lithuanian had an infinitive in -t£, which still 
survives in some parts: e. g. <Uk-t8 trans, and intrans. 'to 
burn' (beside nom. dekti-s, seen in ugtid-dekti-s f. 'stinging 
cold', cp. II § 100 pp. 304 ff.). This doubtless comes from 
*-t% : *-% became first *-** (I § 615 p. 465) and then -e? 
(I § 68 p. 60). There is another series of infinitive forms 
ending in -#, which are added to cognate verbs to express 
an intensive meaning, as delete dega 'it burns up clear : -th 
may be derived from *-t$ according to I § 664.3 pp. 523 f. 
Thus both the Idg. endings -$i and -g were kept in use 
together, but they were differentiated in use. "With dekfe 
we may possibly compare the adverbial form szalh at the 
side* (beside nom. szall-s 'side*). As to Lith. naktyjb, see 
§ 264. Slav. -» in the loc. of t-stems, as O.C.S1. nofti, Hti 
(Sift life*), and in the infinitive, as li-ti 'to live (Lith. gy-t& 
gy-ti 'to revive, become well') may be derived either from *-2i 
(*-#, •-*, *-», I § 68 p. 60) or from *-* (I § 76 p. 66). 

Remark. We have already several times assumed a change of -f* 
(before oonsonants) to -*£ in the European languages, in Ose. Herentatef 
Umbr. Tarsinate Lat. peregi% Lith. dlkte O.C.SL no&ti, and op. Streitberg's 
explanation of O.H.G. ensti. Now since in men-stems, -m$n and 'men are 
both proethnio locative endings, it is at least a fair question to ask 
-whether -e\ was not really -$, and not -$(, in Indo-Germanio. Bartho- 
lomae -would regard Aveatio infin. like mrUit$ as forms of this kind with 
-*2, see § 249 p. 150. The same question must be asked with regard to 
tt-8tems (§ 261 Rem.)- Cp. § 256 p. 158. 

§ 261. 5. «-8tem8. Pr. Idg. -g#, *$Un&# 'in filio\ 
Skr. sundu. Avest. bazdu (O Jers. babirauv stem babiru- 
'Babylon, cp. the Remark, below). It may be conjectured 

Brofm*nn, Elements. III. 11 

162 Locative Singular. §261. 

that this ending -au served as a foundation for the Iranian 
nom. sing, in -&u-§, ace. sing, in -flv-am, gen. sing, in -au-s, 
nom. ace. pi. in -av-as, as A vest. bazdu-S O.Pers. dahydu-S etc. 
(§ 196 p. 76, § 215 p. 92, § 232 p. 122, § 318). 

Greek. Perhaps we should place here the locative of 
nouns in -svq, as Innsvq /atestfc, whose connexion with 
Skr. adjectives such as afaayu-$ 'desiring horses' dtvayu-? 
'reverencing the gods' Wackernagel tries to make probable, 
without having fully mastered the phonetic difficulties (see 
II § 105 p. 319 and the Author's Gr. Gr. 2 p. 100). Supposing 
the existence of pr. Gr. *hippe(i)eu = Skr. ahaydu, it might 
have been extended to *hippe(i)$U m i, as in nokqt Idg. *-$ or 
*-e was extended by -*, whence arose -8-t in the Greek form 
(§ 260 p. 160). And as nokyi gave rise to the forms nokijog 
voXrjtq etc., so ^nnsrjf-i gave rise to Hnnsrif-oq *lnnet]f-ec 
etc. (cp. above Avest. bazdu-§ etc. following the loc. bdzau). 
-si]' was everywhere contracted into -17-, whence Innijf-i 
i7T7Tijf'og etc. 1 ) Why this re-formation was confined to nouns 
in -svg and did not affect stems like nrjxv-g and 17'oV-c, I must 
admit that I do not know. But the corresponding re-formation 
in i-stems did not affect all words any more than this did. 
noXt-g is the only word in which it appears; but the reason 
for the limitation is quite obscure. As to the re-formed nom. 
sing, ypaqujg and its like, see Meister, Gr. Dial. IE 110, 272, 
Zum el., arkad., und kypr. Dial. 40 f.; Johansson, Bezz. 
Beitr. XV 178. 

Lat. adv. noctU (cp. Skr. aktati 'by night*) and Umbr. 
manuv-e *in manu' must be placed here; so must doubtless 
the forms, used as datives, Lat. manU Hsu Umbr. trifo 'tribui'. 
*~&U hi pr. Italic became *-«# before consonants, and this 
became -o# (I § 65 p. 52, § 612 p. 462). On maml tlsu 
§ 279 may also be compared. 

Gall. Tagavoov (Taranou) from Taranu- 'god of thunder* 

1) The adjectives in -tffj-io-; may hare been formed directly from 
the old locative, e. g. -#«>-« for *-ei-jp~8 and the like (II § 63 Rem. 2 
p. 128; Johansson, Ben. Beitr. XV 179). 

§§261,262. Locative Singular. 163 

(cp. Taranu-cno-), where too -o# comes from *-e#, *-% (I § 66 
p. 56). The same ground-form may be assumed for O.Ir. 

Goth, sundu may come from -g#, and according to Streit- 
berg so may O.H.G. suniu sitiu, Norse Run. Kunimu(n)diu 
O.IceL syni 'to a son'. But there are other possibilities; see 
§ 260 p. 161. 

O.C.81. synu for *-£# through the intermediate stages 
*-eu -W (I § 68 p. 59, § 615 p. 465). For Lith. sunQji 
see § 264. 

It may be that this same case-ending lurks in many 
adverbial forms: e.g. in Gr. avsv 'without' O.C.S1. vttnu 'forth, 
out* (both of these have -e#, the form assumed by -gff before 
consonants) beside Goth, inu O.H.G. ano 'without* (cp. the 
Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 218). Bartholomae (Bezz. Beitr. XV 16) 
connects Srtv with Skr. sanu-tdr, but he too regards it as the 
loc. of a tt-stem. 

Be mark. In the European languages, we have often assumed a 
change of -£tf (before consonants) to -e#, as in Lat. noetu Umbr. 
manu-ve, Gall. Taprroot/, O.H.G. suniu O.IoeL syni, O.C.S1. synu (Gr. 
artv). Here, as with t-stems (§ 260, Rem.) the question arises whether 
there was not a proethnio ending -*# with short -e. Bartholomae, loc. 
cit., cites, in support of this, Avest. per*W O.Pers. babirauv (Skr. Ved, 
$dn0 prores nothing), to whioh we add Avest. anhav-a gdlav-a (Galand. 
Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXX 539 f.; Jackson, Am. Or. Soc. Proceed., 1889, 
p. cxxv). 

§ 262. 6. All remaining stems. 

Avest. dqtn from the stem dam- 'house', Idg. *dem. Ac- 
cording to a conjecture of Bartholomae's in Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXIX 497 f., there is a similar locative formation contained 
in the adverbs Skr. ham Avest. kqm, whose ground-meaning 
he would have to be at pleasure, for one's pleasure* (cp. Skr. 
kdm-a-8 'desire*). 

Skr. parut adv. 'last year* beside Gr. ntgvat OJcel. fjord 
fjord adv. 'last year' O.Ir. onn-urid ab anno priore'. Is parut 
due to a confusion of *per-uti and *per-uet? In II § 4 p. 9 we 
connected the word with Gr. /*Vo;; but it must be admitted 


164 Locative Singular. §§262,863. 

that this hypothesis is not quite free from doubt. Cp. Feist, 
Grundriss der got. Etym., pp. 30 f. 

l- ijr and &- tig-stems, in addition to -ti-t and -tig-* (§ 268), 
have -I and -fl: 8kr. Ved. gaurt, from gdurt-$ 'the cow of 
the species Bos Gaurus\ cam& from camtJ-£ 'dish, platter 9 . It 
is very unsafe to assume this formation for Greek and Latin 
merely on the strength of Gr. Aeol. Dor. Ion. noXi and 
Lat. ttf; for noXl need not come from no'Ar-s, but may come 
from noils (§ 249 p. 150), and vi may be explained as 
being for *vii-i (§ 268). Nor need we postulate *svekry to 
explain the existence of sveJcruu-e; see § 268. 

Be mark. Bartholomae (Kuhn's Zteohr. XXTX 583) conjectures 
that gduri camu were coined beside the loo. pi. gSuri'fu camti-fu the 
relation between them being suggested by vfla : vfkfr$u. 

In Irish, locatives without -t might be looked for in 
cathir beside cathraig (nom. cathir 'town*), bethu beside 
bethaid (bethu 'life*), and similar words; cp. toimte § 257 
p. 159, taig § 259 p. 159, biuth § 261 p. 160. However, 
many of these short "datives" were doubtless first made 
from words whose nom. and dat. had run together, such as 
athir 'father'. Datives like toimtiu (beside toimte toimtin y 
see Zeuss-Ebel p. 266) give special support to this theory, 
because they can be explained on no other. 

§ 263. II. Locative Forms with the suffix -». 

1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *u{qo-i 'in lupo', and also -£•*, as 
*J u St~h C P- § 240 p. 133. Perhaps this formation served for 
the genitive too even in Idg., see § 239 p. 132. 

Skr. vfkS. Avest. vehrk$ y O.Pers. parsaiy (pdrsa- 'Persian, 
Persia'); with the postposition a (or its unaccented by-form a, 
see § 246 p. 145) Avest. zastay-a 'in manu (cp. § 308 for 
O.Pers. dastay-d). 

Gr. Att. oZxoi at home', *Io& t uoT. Since in Attic the only 
remaining examples of forms in -oi are adverbs (compare the 
pronominal adverbs *or, ol and so forth), similar adverbs were 
made from other stems, as Ktxvw-ol from 17 Kixvwa. But 
in Boeot., Arcad.-Cypr., Elean, and N.W. Greek, -0* did not 

§268. Looatire Singular. 165 

cease to be a living case-ending, and it became completely 
confused with the dative in orig. -# (§ 247 pp. 147 f.). In 
Thessalian the loc. in -o* was used for the genitive as well 
(see § 239 p. 131), for which the use of ftcl ot instead of 
a possessive genitive is primarily responsible (§ 447). The 
ending -«t is never a case-ending in any Greek dialect, but 
it is only found in adverbs; as Att. oIxh, ahi aU (with instr. 
(Ji;, § 275) beside Lat. amo-m, a^a/U beside a/uxfo-t, Cret. 
imXu etc., cp. the pronouns Dor. ntX bnsT and others. 

In Italic, -eg is clear in Osc. miiinikei terei 'in com- 
muni terra* comenei 'in comitio'. Latin has the locative only 
in adverbs, which had doubtless orig. -€$, e. g. belli, domf y 
spelt sometimes with -ei in early Latin; the explanation 
of -*, as in die quint e, is doubtful. As regards Umbr. 
uze onse 'in umero', cp. § 246 p. 146. Falisc. Zextoi 
'Sexti' is a very dubious relic of Idg. -oi, see § 239 Rem. 
pp. 132 f. 

O.Ir. cinn 'at the end, after (nom. cenn 'point, head, end 1 ) 
for *kyennei or *kyennoi (Gall. Penno-). 

Germanic. -€g, pr. Germ, -tj -f (I § 67.2 pp. 57 f.), is 
seen in A.S. dce^x (cfoj 'day*), and, with -» dropped, h&tn 
(ham 'home*), and in O.Swed. cUeghi O.Icel. dege (cp. the 
pronouns pi, hvt), and doubtless, as Kogel says, in O.H.G. 
adverbs like nidari, heimi beside . nidare, heme (Kogel, 
Ztschr. far deutsch. Alt., 1884, pp. 118 f.). -oi is seen 
in O.H.G. tags, uxrtfe A.S. dw^e, O.Icel tdfe, ulfi, and 
doubtless Goth, daga vulfa (cp. Bern.); though tdfe, vulfa 
may be dative in -*(*) (§ 246 p. 146), ablative in -3d (§ 241 
p. 135), or instr. in -£ (§ 275), and the West-Germ, and 
O.Icel. forms may also be the dative in -# (§ 246 p. 146). 

Bern ark. It has been proposed to derive Goth, daga from *dagai. 
Hitherto, in view of Goth, gibdi (I § 659. 8 p. 512), I have felt disinclined to 
believe that in words of more than one syllable -<r| became -a in pro-ethnic 
Gothic — a theory, by the way, which is by no means adequately supported 
eTen by the distinction between -aj with the acute and with the oiroumflex 
(Hanssen, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 612 it; SieYers, Paul's Grnndr. I 403). 
Bat Btreitberg (Germ. Comp. auf -o**-, pp. 22 ft) has made it probable 

166 Locatiye Singular. §$263,264. 

that the shortening of the long rowels in pr. Germ. -£* -£# -d*| -tfjf took 
place not in pr. Germ., but only in the separate dialects of Germanic. If 
this be so, the theory in question is not barred by gibdi for pr. Germ. 
-d£. It must be admitted that Streitherg's view is not certain; for O.H.G. 
ensti auniu O.IceL fundi syni may contain Idg. -«t -e# (not -«j -9^), see 
§ 260 Bern., § 261 Bern. It is quite possible to explain Goth, bairdi 
(3rd. sing, opt) as re-formation of *baira following the other persons. 

Lith. -2, now only adverbial, natnl c at home'; more widely 
used in O.Lith., as d2v$-j) 'with God* (spelt dkwiep). If 
O.Lith. spellings like dieweie paneie (Bezzenberger, Zur Gesch. 
der lit. Spr., 133) are meant to express the sounds -*/>, and 
not -#je r they must contain the ending -e|, to which has been 
affixed the same -e as raiikoj-e has (§ 264). -£ may be the 
same as the first part of -ej-e (see I § 68 pp. 59 f.); but it 
may represent Idg. -oj (I § 84 p. 81). How to dispose of the 
ordinary ending in modern literary Lithuanian, -e (as vilkb), is 
a doubtful question. Leskien (Decl. p. 47) and Bruckner (Arch, 
fur slav. Phil. Ill 277) conjecture that earlier -c was changed 
to -* on the analogy of -je y which I cannot agree with. We 
shall return to vilkh in § 424. At present all jjo-stems have 
-yje, the same ending as those in -i- (§ 264); thus we have 
not only iddyje, gaidyjh from the nom. iSdis 'word', gaidy-8 
'cock', but also svetyjb from nom. sveczia-8. In forms of the 
same kind as this last, -yje is comparatively late; in O.Lith. 
krauieie and krauie are the forms which come from krauja-s 
'blood', and so forth. We have already offered a conjecture 
(§ 239 p. 132) that zodyje is the transformation of an original 
locative in -I (cp. Lat. fill used as gen. sing.). 

O.C.81. vlUc6 for *yfaoi. But it is not clear why the 
ending is -£, and not -i as it is in the nom. pi. vl&ci = Gr. 
Iv'xoi. Little is gained by assuming that vluct is an ad-formate 
of the fem. rqc& (§ 247 p. 147, § 264). Compare I § 84 
pp. 81 f., and to the authorities cited in Rem. 3 add Jagid, 
Arch, filr slav. Phil. X 191. 

264. 2. a-stems. Even in proethnic Idg., locative and 
dative had become the same in form (§ 247 pp. 146 f.). 
Pr. Idg. *e&udi. Skr. dfady-am O.Pers. urbiray-a, stem 

§264. LoeatiTe Singular. 167 

artrirO- 'Arbela*. Gr. Ion. Qfjficwysvtjg 'born in Thebes* 
EI. "OXv(x-niai 'in Olympia. Lat. Bdmae, on early inscr. Bomai; 
Umbr. sate sahate 'in sancta', Osc. viai 'in via', cp. § 247 
p. 148. O.Ir. ronflt, tuaith, see § 247 p. 147. Gotb. gibdi 
A.S. zty* ( C P- § 263 )« Lith - raiticoj-e> O.C.S1. rqct. 

Proethnic Aryan had *-flj-0 with the postposition fl. 
This ending remained in O.Pers., whilst in Sanskrit a further 
affix *em was added to it (see § 186 p. 62), as in bfhatydm 
(§ 265). In Avestic the a of the penultimate was shortened 
after the analogy of the instrumental ending -aya, whence 
hapiaya (cp. § 229 p. 115). The fusion of the particle a 
with this case in pr. Aryan distinguished it from the dative in 
-aj; and we may follow Streitberg in assuming that in the 
same period the resemblance between *a$uaja and *bhf§h$t(i)ia 
(Avest. bcr'zantya O.Pers. harauvatiya, Skr. bfhaty&m) caused 
a-stems to acquire the endings gen. -aja$ dat. -&jai; see § 229 
p. 115, § 247 p. 147. 

In proethnic Greek -ai became -ai before consonants 
(6qp&t-ysvij$ , zojpai nvog), but remained unchanged before 
sonants and at the end of a sentence. For further details 
see § 247 pp. 147 f. 

In Umbr. totem-e 'in civitate* (beside tote), L. Havet 
equates -em with the Skr. ending -di/dm (Mem. de la soc. 
de ling., II 391 foil.). But Bucheler Umbr. p. 185 has a 
more satisfactory explanation of it. He holds that totem = 
tote + en 'in* (I § 209 p. 177); and to this he says -e(n) was 
added again, by assimilation to words in which -e(n) remained 
a distinct syllable, e. g. manuv-e 'in manu'. Cp. Prakrit 
tumam instead of turn 'thou 9 (Skr. tvdm) following aham T; 
Lith. dial, juke-sis 'they mock 9 , because -si and -* are both 
used for this part of the verb (thus it is a contamination of 
ptieesi and jukes)] Skr. Yed. 3rd. pi. mid. duduhriri instead 
of duduhri after the analogy of jagmvrt; and other instances 
of the same kind which I have collected elsewhere (Morph. 
Unt. m 67 ff.). 

lath, ratikoj-e like lem&j-e (§ 265) and perhaps decej-e 

168 Locatiye Singular. § 264-266. 

(§ 263 p. 166) with the same particle of uncertain origin which 
is in the loc. pi. raftko8-e (§ 356) and in the O.C.S1. loc. sing. 
Jeamen-e, possibly the -a of Skr. dat. vfkay-a (§ 186 p. 62, 
§ 246 p. 145, § 257 p. 158, § 409). rafikoje MemSje were 
incorrectly analysed, and the ending was imagined to be -je; 
hence such re-formations as ndldyjh (naktl-s 'night*) and stin&ji 
{silnus 'son*). These forms lost their -e before vowels in pre- 
historic times, and thus arose rafiJcoj raMco, Seine, nakty, sUnul, 

§ 266. 3. f- i£-stem8 (cp. p. 68 footnote 1). Locative 
and dative had become identical in form in proethnic Indo- 
Germanic (§ 248 pp. 148 f.). Pr. Idg. *H^Atft)ft and -(*)# 
'in celsa'. Avest. barentya, O.Pers. harauvatiya 'in Arachosia' 
(as to the nom. harauvatii see § 191 p. 68); Skr. bfhatydm 
with the particle *-em (cp. d&vdyam § 264 pp. 166 f., O.C.8L 
instr. tojq § 276), so also we have Avest. -yqm beside -ya 
(Bartholomae, Ar. Porsch. II 104). Lat. facte, cp. § 248 
pp. 148 f. Mid.L\ Brigti insi; -» for *-#, and this for *-(*)#* 
or *-(*)#) cp« l° Ct <**• kith. Semij-e Ihne, cp. § 264; 
O.C.81. zemlji, cp. § 248 p. 149. 

In proethnic Aryan the dat.-loc. forms *•&% and *-j& 
were differentiated in use: *-jfli was appropriated to the 
dative, *-jfl to the locative. The loc. use of *-# was natural, 
because -0 was the loc. ending of i-stems (§ 260 pp. 161 f.), 
and other loc. forms had the postposition a tacked on to 
them; while -fli recalled the dative ending of 0- and o-stems 
(§ 246 p. 145, § 247 pp. 146 f.). 

Lith. vezanczioj-e follows the ia-stems; so probably Goth. 
frijOndjai (cp. § 248 p. 149). 

§ 266. 4. t-stems. -ej-i beside -%%) (§ 260 pp. 161 ff.), 
cp. dat. -ejrai § 249 p. 149. 

In the Veda, a few forms in -ayt, on the analogy of 
sOndvi, have been restored by conjecture in place of the -&u 
of the texts, which violates the metre: e. g. djdyi (fl/Hr 
"contest 9 ). See Lanman, Noun Inflexion pp. 387 f. As regards 
the fern, dvyam, see § 231 p. 120, § 278 pp. 181 f. 

§§ 266,267. Looati?e Singular. 169 

Greek Horn, noau moist, Att. noast nolst ; it must not be 
forgotten that (1) Att. tj and si expressed the same sound by 
the beginning of the fourth century b. c. (the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 
p. 36), and so (2) we cannot tell whether -bi was not meant to 
express the old formation in -y -17 (§ 260 p. 159). Ion. Dor. 
Lesb. Boeot -r, as pdot, can hardly be contracted from -« 
(cp. xi/)» but contain the Idg. ending -?, see § 249 pp. 149 f., 
§ 278. Cypr. uvohfi doubtless follows paodrjfi, as gen. 
TtfiOxd(Hfos folio ws paotXfjfog; cp. Stolz, Ztschr. fftr dst. Gymn. 
1889, p. 748; Meister, Zum el. ark. und kypr. Dial., 37. 

-ei-i is perhaps contained in Osc. Herentatei Lat. ovi, 
see § 249 p. 150, § 260 p. 160. 

O.H.G. ensU A.S. tote may be derived from pr. Germ. 
*anstei-i -*j-» (I § 67. 2 pp. 57 f.) , as O.H.G. suniu from 
*8une#-i (§ 267). Other possibilities are suggested in § 260 
p. 161, § 278. 

For Lith. naktyji naktg, see § 264 p. 168. 

§ 267. 5. ti-stems. -**-» beside -£# (§ 261 pp. 161 ff.), 
cp. dat. -ey-a* § 250 p. 152. 

Yed. -at?-*, sUndv-i, rarer than -Ou. For the fern, dhfrtvdm 
see § 232 p. 122, § 279. 

Gr. Horn, qUi uoxst Att. ij<fei aavst ntJxBu A non-original 
re-formation in -ff-t is Ion. tiovgl Att. topi (tiogv n. 'wood, shaft, 
spear*) for ^dopfu (I § 166 pp. 146 f.), following the analogy 
of the gen. dovQoe iogog for *<fop/-0£ (see § 2326 p. 122). 
Cp. Germ. *many-i below. 

O.H.G. suniu sitiu Norse Run. Kunimu(n)diu O.Icel. 
syni may belong to the same group (pr. Germ. *-*#-t *-Hf-t, see 
I § 67.3 p. 57); another possible explanation is given in § 260 
p. 161. A non-original formation in -#-»' is Goth, mann O.H.G- 
man A.S. men(n) for *manni earlier *many-i, which follows the 
analogy of the gen. Goth, mans etc. for *man#-iz or *manu-az 
(see § 232 b p. 122). Cp. above, Gr. tovpl iogl. 

For Lith. sOnitfi sunm see § 264 p. 168. — Did the 6 
of dialectic forms in -&je •&, as danguoje Wilnuo y come from 
the loc. pi. in -&se (§ 357)? Other suggestions are offered 

170 Locatiye Singular. §§268,269. 

by Bezzenberger, Nachr. von der Ges. der Wiss. zu Gott., 
1885, pp. 161 f., and lately by Wiedemann on p. 35 of 
his Litauisches Praeteritum. 

§ 268. 6. f- ti- and tl- wi*- stems; stems in «f, -J, -#. 

The ending is -ii-i -w#-i (beside -F -ff, see § 262 
p. 164). Skr. dhiy-i bhruv-i, Ved. Sva&rtlv-i. Also, with 
the fern, endings, dhiy&m bhruvdm Svairuvdm , see § 233 
p. 123, § 280. Gr. ml vi oypvi w'xw (nom. v£xv-g). Lat. 8U-& 
and perhaps vi for *mjri (§ 262 p. 164). O.C.81. svekrUv-e 
may have once been *svekrUv^ and A have given place to 
-e (cp. kamen-e etc. , § 257 p. 158). The forms svekruv-i 
krUv~i follow the analogy of i-stems, § 260 p. 161. 

Similarly, Skr. gir-i put -i gd-$an-i; see § 255 p. 156. 

§ 269. 7. n-stems. Pr. Idg. -en-i -n-i beside -en -&» 
(§ 257 p. 158). Cp. § 256 pp. 156 ff. 

Skr. mtirdhdn-i murdhn-i, diman-i; the forms with a 
weak stem are very rare in Vedic (see Lanman, Noun Infl. 
535). A vest. Gftthic caOmaini from stem caiman- *eye; asn-i 
from azan- 'day' like Skr. dhn-i. 

Gr. noin£v-i, apv-i xw-i (Skr. &6n-i); and with other 
strong grade forms by analogy, rifxrov-*, mv\tfjv-i y ay£v-f. 

Lat. homin-e CarthOgin-e, carn-e; with other strong grade 
forms substituted, eddn-e mentidne. Umbr. menzn-e 'mense', 
cp. nom. ace. neut. sakre *sacre' for *sakri. In Lat. and 
Umbr., locative and instrumental forms had become identical, 
see § 274. 

In Irish there was bound to be a confluence of loc and 
dak, as coin (Gr. xvr-0, arain, see § 251 p. 154. 

Goth, gumm auhsin (Skr. uk$dn-i), O.H.G. gotnen gamin. 
In Anglo-Saxon and Norse, this case has taken -an- = 
Idg. -on- from the other cases: A.S. zutnan, Norse Run. 
-halaiban 'socio' OJcel. gwna; along with this, there are 
traces in Norse of -in- = Idg. -en-; see Noreen, Paul's 
Grundr. I 494. Goth. gOdem (nom. gOdei 'kindness*), cp. Gr. 
iiitv-t* Goth, tuggdn rapjdn like Gr. ay&v-i Lat. ratidn-e. 

§§ 269—271. Locative Singular. 1 7 1 

Lith. 8zun-yj& ahnen-yjb follow the analogy of *-stems 
(§ 266 p. 169). 

§ 270. 8. r-steras. Pr. Idg. -er-t -r-i, cp. § 256 
pp. 157 f., § 258 p. 159. 

Skr. matdr-i Avest. matairi, Skr. wrfr-i Avest. nairi = 
Gr. AvkQ-i, Skr. datdr4 ddtar-i Avest. datair-i. 

Gr. Horn, /uf]vigu dng-i Horn. Att. ttijTQ-i av8g-L dwrog-t 
follows dwTOQ-u etc., dotrJQH follows doxijQ. yparto-i belonged 
originally to the same set of forms as (poaropa, as Skr. ddtar-i 
belongs to ddtar-am. Cp. II § 120 p. 379. 

Lat. tnatr-ei dcUdr-e with -3r- following the nom. sing. 

O.Ir. mOthir for *mater-i or *m<Wr-t, which is dative too; 
see § 252 p. 154. 

Goth, fadr = Gr. nattf. OJcel. medr A.S. mSder O.H.G. 
tnuoter = Gr. fitjvpL 

Lith. moter-yjb and 0.C.S1. mater-i are modelled upon the 
♦-stems (§ 260 p. 161, § 266 p. 169). 

§ 271. 9. Stems ending in an Explosive. How far 
there was originally a strong stem in these, analogous to the 
endings -cn*i -er-i, is not clear. In another place we have 
conjecturally restored such forms as *<Mwt-i 'in dente' *#/;-» 
'in voce' (II pp. 395, 480), cp. § 262 pp. 163 f., on Skr. par-ut. 

Skr. bfhat-i; Avest. astvaiti astvainti from ast-vant- 
*having bones'. Gr. iiovt-i (psQovvt, in which the original 
form of the stem has been changed. Lat. rudent-e ferent-e 
prae-8ent-e y where it is doubtful how far -ent- is derived 
directly from -#£- (II § 125 pp. 395 f., and footnote 1 on 
p. 105 of this volume). O.Ir. carit, also dative, see § 253 
p. 155. Goth, frijdnd O.H.G. friunt ; A.S. ttd (= Gr. odoVr-*) 
with the i-mutation, nom. tdd. 

Skr. sarvdtat-i 'in completeness 9 , Gr. bkoxrjr-t. Lat. 
noniUU-e juventQt-e. O.Ir. bethid from nom. beothu 'life', also 
dative, see § 253 p. 155. Goth. m$ndp A.S. mOnad beside 
nom. Goth. menQP-s 'month' (cp. Eluge, Paul's Grundr. I 360); 
Goth. O.H.G. naht beside nom. Goth, naht-s 'night'. 

172 Locatire Singular. §271,272. 

Skr. $ar&d-i 'in autumn. Gr. tpvydiu. Lat. lapid-e. 
O.Ir. druid, also dative, see § 253 p. 155. Skr. pad-i 
O.Pere. nipadiy i. e. nipad-i on the foot, at once', Gr. nod-t, 
Lat ped-e, A.S. fit for */W-t. A.8. Anyfe for *AnwW (nom. 
hnut-u nut*), in which the locative ending has not ceased to 
be a separate syllable, because the stem-syllable is short 
(I § 661. 2 pp. 517 f.). 

Skr. u&lj-ij stem uilj- 'desiring'. Gr. uttpax-i, oqtvk-i 
0QTvy-t. Lat. bibOc-e. Skr. v&c-i Gr. oW Lat. ttffc-^, see 
H § 160 p. 480. Skr. -r*/-j f Lat. rfy-e, Goth, mfc. O.H.G. 
buoh A.S. Wc (with t-mutation) 1ibro\ O.Ir. nathraig (nom. 
tuz*A*r water-snake*), rig 'regi' are also dative; but we cannot 
say that Gall, -rigi, in proper names, contains a loo. in -t, 
because for all we know the dative ending -a* may have 
become -? (-1) in some Gallic dialects (cp. Bykyoafii § 247 
p. 147). 

Skr. ap-i Avest. aipya i. e. aipi + the postposition 0, 
stem ap- 'water*. Gr. xXwn-i. Lat. dap-e. 

§ 272. 10. Stems in -*. 

a. Pr.Idg.*m«iie«-i 'in mente'. Skr. tndnas-i dur-manas-i, 
Avest manah-i du§-manah~i. Gr. Ion. fi/rct' ivo-tuvit Att 
/(mi Svo-(iep$7 (cp. the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 § 17 pp. 36 f.). 
Lat gener-e di-gener-e, rQr-e; infinitives like vTver-e (cp. Skr. 
dat jlvds-g), see II § 132 p. 418; tempor-e with -o- from the 
nom. ace sing, neut, see II § 132 pp. 418 f. Perhaps the 
A.8. dat loo. si^or from nom. «jor, beside Northumbr. eher 
from nom. eher 'ear of corn', is of the same kind as Lat 
tempor-e (cp. Eluge, Paul's Grundr. I 360. 4). 

With a weak grade of the es-suffix, *fn l-ns-i : Gr. Att 
tirpri Lat m^w O.Ir. mi*, cp. II § 132 p. 415. 

In Attic, beside JSwxqJlxh there are found a few examples 
of -*Qarfl following the model of O-stems (cp. ace. -xpaTyr gen. 
•xpa'rot/, § 220 p. 97, § 237 p. 128). It must of course be 
remembered that there was a confluence of jj and & in 
Attic as early as the 4 th century B.C. (see the Author's 

§272-274. Instrumental Singular. 173 

Gr. Gr.* p. 36). This fact may have done a great deal 
to help the constant spread of the forms -xQavtjv -xparov 
(Meisterhans, Gr. der att. Inschr. 2 pp. 105 ff.). Lesb. Q$oyt*ij 
too follows the a-stems, see § 237 p. 129. 

b. Pr. Idg. comparative *6&(i)ie8-i *in ociore': Skr. 
d&yas-i, Lat. dci6r-e (-ids- from the nom. sing.). In Greek, 
with the suffix -iew-, tjdiov-t. 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *yeid-ue8-i (stem *ueid-ue$- 
'knowing'). Skr. vidil$-i. In Greek, with the suffix -yet-, 

c. Root Nouns. Skr. OsA Lat. 6r~e. Skr. m££-» (inferred 
from nom. pi. m&§-as), Gr. ftvt instead of *f4v4, which would 
have been the regular form (see II § 160 p. 485), Lat. mUr-e> 
A.S. mgs. 

§ 278. 11. Certain Root Nouns. 

Skr. nav-l, Gr. vrjt, Lat. n<Xv-e. *d(i)##-t *di#-l 'in 
daylight': Skr. dy&v-i Lat. Jov-e, Skr. div-i, Gr. Aif4 Ju, 
cp. II § 160 p. 481. *g^t*-t c in bove*: Skr. gdv-% Lat. bov-e; 
— Gr. po-t O.Ir. boin are re-formates (§ 255 p. 156). Skr. 
k$&m-i 'in terra, Idg. *#*Wro-i, see II § 160 pp. 482 f. Avest. 
bar'z-i ber'z-i 'in alto* (not actually found, but inferred from 
cases of the word which are), O.Ir. brig, Goth, baurg O.H.G. 
burg, see II § 160 p. 479. 

Instrumental Singular. 1 ) 

§ 274. There are two distinct methods of forming the 

1. All noun-stems from the proethnic period onwards have 
had a suffix, whose original form may have been -a or -e y 
but which, is a vexed question. In considering what form to 

1) Schleicher, Die beiden Instrumentale des Indogermanisohen, 
Kuhn-Sohleieher's Beitr. II 454 ff. (= Compendium 4 pp. 560 fL). 
Moller, tfber den Instr. im Heliand and das homer. Suffix -?i, Danzig 
1874. L issuer, Zur Erkl&rung des Gebrauches des Casussuffixes <f»r p* 
bei Homer, Olmfltz 1865. J. Grimm, Der deutsohe Instrumental!*, 
Germania UI 151 ff. 

174 Instrumental Singular. §274. 

restore as original, the following have to be taken into ac- 
count: Skr. gerund prati-bhidy-a 'with splitting (§ 278), Gr. 
ns&-d nag-d afi-a and the like (§ 280), Lat. ped-e Umbr. pure 
'igne' (Iguvine Tables, I. b. 20). In the present state of the 
question I consider -a the more likely of the two. 

Remark, -a is supported by Osthoff, Zur Gesch. des Perf., 574 ff. ; 
-< by J. Sohmidt, Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVU 292 f., Pluralb. 41 f. Schmidt 
thinks that he has proved that the Idg. form of the suffix was -t and 
not -a; but here he makes a mistake. He says that the Idg. feminine 
formative suffix -0- arose by contraction of the ending of o-stem* with 
a certain a whioh forms feminine stems. He infers that -2 -o", the instr. 
ending of o-stems , cannot contain a oase suffix -a. But this supposed 
feminine a is an entirely imaginary quantity. And even supposing that 
-ta in Ttory-ut is the same as the sound-group from which comes -i 
in Skr. pdtn-i, whioh I deny (see § 191 p. 68, and Morph. Unt V 29), 
even then, before refusing to admit an instr. suffix -a, a scholar would 
hare to prove that the a of -m represents Idg. a and not 9. By far 
the simplest explanation of the above named Greek adverbs ntS-d naQ-a 
fitr-cl is to suppose them to be instrumental (ntta = Mid.H.G. bet- 
aooording to Bugge, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XII 419 f.); and if Dor. *&*?£ 
Att MQvf*!* hke narrtji are to be classed with the instr. Att ittj ravrtj 
(§ 276), whioh has more to say for itself then Schmidt's view that they 
are nom.-aco. pL neut (Pluralb., pp. 40 f.), then u^wps too will be 
instrumental. No hesitation need be felt in deriving Lat ped-e from 
*ped-a; it is quite possible phonetically (see I § 97 p. 91). There would 
be more cause for doubt in deriving Umbr. -a from *-a, because of 
words in whioh a has not been weakened, as tu-plak (see § 225 p. 106) 
proeanurent **procinuerint* prehabia 'praehibeat'. But these forms 
prove nothing for final -a. No other examples are found whioh can ex- 
plain the treatment of pr. Ital. unaccented final *-a ; but it is important to 
notice that *-o becomes -e, in ere 'is* = Skr. ifd Idg. *t*-*o (§ 413) and 
in este for *esto f *estod = Lat istu-d (§ 417). When we remember, too, 
that *-» becomes -e when final, but not otherwise, as in the nom. ace. 
neut sakre and in ote (Oso. avti), we see that there is no need to 
hesitate in assuming that *-a became -t in Umbr., and that pure comes 
from *pura. This is not the only instance of special laws affecting the 
vowels of final syllables in Umbrian; others are the fluctuation between 
(u) and a (I § 105 p. 98), and between a and e in ocar pacer, from 
the stems ocri- pacri-. 

Perhaps Keltio may throw some light on the question. As far as I can 
see, -e in Gall, are' ande- ate- may oomo from i, notwithstanding amW-. 
What is the relation of the O.Ir. proclitic ar and ad- at- to air and 
aith-f Are we to gather that pretonio -« has beoome -a (*ara- *ata-)f 

With the final -o and -« of o-steras this ending became 

§274. Instrumental 8ingular. 175 

-0 or -2 in the parent language; with the ending of fl-stems it 
contracted to -0, with that of i£-stems to -jfi. t- and tt-stems 
show -S and -fl; Osthoff (Morph. Unt. II 139 f., Perf. 573) 
explains these as due to "proportional analogy", following the 
endings ~d -£, -0; that is, that given -o -* : -fl -5, and a : 0, 
it was natural to suppose that i and -w would have -f and 
-u for the corresponding ending. 

2. Secondly, the suffixes *-bhi and *-mi are used for 
the instrumental of nouns in various Idg. languages; *-bhi in 
Armenian and Greek, *-mi in Aryan, Balto-Slavonic, and 
doubtless in Germanic; besides which one example of each is 
found in Keltic. The same suffixes are used in pronouns. 
They are connected etymologically with other bh- and 
m-8uffixes which from the proethnic period onwards have 
formed various cases of nouns and pronouns in all three 
numbers. Examples are: Skr. dat.-abl.-instr. dual d&vd-bhyam 
dat.-abl. pi. diva-bhyas instr. pi. dha-bhi§ from aha- 'equa', 
dat. tu-bhyam 'tibi' amd-bhyam 'nobis', O.C.81. dat.-instr. dual 
pqtf-ma dat. pi. pqtt-mu instr. pi. pqtt-mi from pqfi 'way' 
(instr. sing, pqtffc-nil), dat. loc. te-b6 instr. to-bojq from ty 'thou*. 

A number of words contain elements which remind us of 
the suffixes with bh, but have nothing to do with forming 
cases; and I would offer the conjecture that the two groups 
are etymologically connected. The -q* in <T-yi' ox gar 6 -(pi is 
the same as in aitecpi, and with this are connected a/u-ff«> 
Lat. am -bd Skr. u-bhftu Goth, bdi, and perhaps Skr. sa-bhd 
'assembly, place of assembly, court* Goth, si-b-ja 'kin', Gr. 
rfi-Xo-$ and some other words. Cp. Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XIII 
122 f. Since bh belonged specially to the instrumental, 
whose original meaning was sociative and comitative, one 
would be inclined to suggest that the original meaning of 
this root was that of being paired or together (this has 
been put forward already, § 186 pp. 61 f.). There will 
have been parallel forms *bho- and *bhi-, related somewhat 
iu the same way as *jo- and *gi- (§ 410). Then bh 
spread from the instrumental to other cases, as in pronouns 

176 Instrumental Singular. §§274,275. 

-sm- (c. g. Skr. tdsmin) and -*g- (e. g. Skr. tdst/Os) spread 
from one case to the others which show them (§§ 424, 425). 
The m-suffixes, -mi etc., are to be set down to another root. 
It may be conjectured that in the parent language these two 
elements came in contact at some point, and had some one 
use in common, which made them influence each other in 
form. But what the exact forms and uses of each were to 
begin with can no longer be made out. Generally speaking, 
the JA-forms are preferred in Aryan, Armenian, Greek, Italic, 
and Keltic, and the m-forms in Germanic, Baltic, and Slavonic. 
For a general discussion of these suffixes the following 
references may be given: Sievers, Paul-Braune's Beitr. 
IY 391; Bartholomae, Handb. der altiran. Dial. p. 68 foot- 
note 1 ; the Author, Techmer's Internat. Zeitschr. fiir allgem. 
Sprachwiss., I 241 f.; Henry, M6m. de la Soc. de ling., VI 
102 ff.; Strachan, Bezz. Beitr. XIV 174 f. 

§ 275. I. Instrumental forms with the Suffix -a 

1. o-s terns. Pr. Idg. *ulqd with a wolf*; and side by 
side with -0 is -£, as *juqi with a yoke'; cp. § 240 p. 133. 

8kr. Ved. vfka, Avest. vehrka O.Pers. kdra 'with a people 
or host*. In Greek only adverbs are left: -0, the pronominal 
no) in ov irn etc. (O.Sax. hurt 'how, in what degree*), whilst 
it is doubtful whether any adverbs like ovrat xaAroc fall in 
this class, and if so, which of them (see § 241 p. 135); 
-£, Tarent. alij beside loc. aUi (§ 263 p. 165) *), and in 
adverbs from pronoun-stems such as Lac. ntj-no*a (cp. Att. 
TrcJ-Trorfc), Gort. 17 0-71*7 (cp. Goth. hvB 'with whioh, for how 
much, perhaps*), Cret. Heracl. Cypr. Att. 17 'if beside (loc.) tl 
'if 2 ). In Latin, certain adverbs come into this class, as quG 

1) The old grammarians aocent the word wrongly «y, on the 
analogy of attC 

2) In Attic, ij is contained in wr and or for 17-aV, whilst *2~ar 
became }(j}ar V v - However, l(i)<*r may possibly have become «r after 
xal and like words, op. v/m beside oarf for -*(o)a (the Author, Or. Or.* 
§ 10 p. 27). 

§275. Instrumental Singular. 177 

(cp. Umbr. sei-podruh-pei 'utroque' ulo ulu 'illo, illuc*) cito 
modo, bene male; and it seems best to add arl are in arl- 
-bam are~facio (facit are), sue- in suS-bam sue-facio and the 
like (Wiedemann, Beitr. zur altbulg. Conj. 125 f., and Bartho- 
lomae, Bezz. Beitr. XII 91). O.Ir. fiur for *firu, cffiu, see 
below. O.H.G. tagu, later tago\ from words with a ldng initial 
syllable regular forms are only occasionally met with, e. g. Ms 
(I § 661.2 pp. 517 f.), for they usually have the ending of 
forms with a short initial syllable as toolfu wolfo (cp. gebu : 
wte : erdu § 276); D is kept in O.Sax. hwd Tiow'; in Gothic we 
find -£, h&! = Gr. Lac. ntj-noxa' y see below. Lith. vUkU, cp. 
gerH-ju beside gerb, I § 664.3 pp. 523 f. In Slavonic, the 
instr. in -2 is contained in comparatives in -£^S, as O.C.S1. 
nov&fi (II § 135 p. 437) and in the first part of the 
periphrastic imperfect, as nes6-achii from nis-ti 'to carry* (see 
Wiedemann, loc. cit.). 

In Aryan, the ending Idg. -£ (not -d) seems to be 
vouched for by Skr. paicd 'behind' A vest, pasca 'after, after- 
wards' with c, as compared with the abl. Avest. paskajt 
'behind, afterwards' with A: (I § 445 p. 331); the latter form 
therefore has Idg. -dd (§ 241 pp. 134 f.). 

In Sanskrit the ending -&na as vfkSna is commoner than 
-fl in the Yeda, and is universal in the classical language; 
This is a re-formation following the pronouns, see § 421. 
Yedic has also -€na instead of -efca, as dtiriyfya, thtfl, 
which is probably due to the influence of the older 
instrumental formation in -ff, as vfka (J. Schmidt, Kuhn's 
Ztschr. XXVII 292; Wackernagel, Das Dehnungsgesetz der 
gr. Compp., 13). 

Keltic. Forms like fiur cllxu (Gall. e. g. Alisanu) must 
be instrumental. This is proved by the way in which they 
are used. Without a preposition, they always have the in- 
strumental meaning (for even with comparatives they are 
doubtless instr. and not abl.). 

Remark, fiur has often [been taken for a dative in orig. -tfj. 
This assumption can hardly be made good, beoause the dat. of tf-stems, 

Braymann, Elements. III. 12 

. , $§ 275,27^- 

' ' „,.„,, ^^-•'•^•'rTj:.*s,ir5 1 — 

' ' ' ••' ' r «.__ <* XIII 181. 

„, . o (Mi »■.</« n«y »1* b* expUuned « «b- 


, , .. A--> V- -- ^ - - .. , .. 

«* ^* 


«^-^ * 

- •- » 

rf^% t 

§ 276. Instrumental Singular. 1 79 

later gebo; with -u dropped after a long initial syllable uns 
(*manner, wise'), and with the ending assimilated to gebu we 
have erdu ('earth') slahtu (kind, species') etc.; cp. tagu : hus : 
wolfu § 275 p. 177; OJcel. drotningo (queen) fiqdr (feather'), 
cp. Noreen, Paul's Grundr. I 491. On Lith. rankd, O.C.S1. 
rqkq, see below. 

Aryan. In Yedic -ayCL is found with nouns, but more 
rarely than -0, e. g. dhayCt; and this became universal in the 
later language. In Avestic hafnaya is far commoner than 
Juifna. -<*y& came from the pronouns (tdya, see § 422), 
and was doubtless intended to avoid the same ending in the 
instr. and nom. sing. Cp. O.C.81. rqkojq (beside rqfcq), also 
an adformate of the pronouns (tojq); see below. 

Be mark 1. There is a group of Sanskrit adverbial forms from 
o-stems, ending in -ay& % as ftayd 'rightly' (stem fta-") svapnayd In a 
dream' (svapna-). Perhaps these are modelled upon the pronominal ad- 
verb ayd 'in this way'. See J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 212 ff., where however 
only those adverbs whioh are built up on adjective stems, as ftayd, are 
so explained. Another explanation is offered by Bartholomew in Bezz. 
Beitr. XV 20 t Cp. § 279 Rem. 

Greek. In Cyprian the old form in -fl seems to have 
remained in use as an ordinary case, and the dative forms 
in -ai (-&) seem to have lacked the instrumental meaning 
(Meister, Gr. Dial. II 295 f.). In the other dialects, in- 
strumental uses had all passed over to the dative form, and 
the instr. form in -<? survived only as fossilised in adverbs. 
But in time these very adverbs in -6, and the dative in 
-tfj, ran together into one form. In Attic inscriptions of the 
classical period they have almost always the ending of the 
dative, as W/a, ij, and similarly in Gortynian «, aXXa. Forms 
in -tf are related to these in the same way as e. g. adv. oixot 
to adv. xvxho, adv. Jlhtvoudoi to adv. Il\axuucu$ (the Author, 
Gr. Gr. 2 p. 210). Later on -fit and -tf ran together in the 
regular course of things, see I § 132 p. 120. In Homer Aa'd^ 
TrdvTTj^ the true instrumental, are still used; which is proved 
by the fact that in thesis before vowels tj is always shortened, 

but fl as a rule is not (J. Schmidt, Plur. 40). 


1 S2 Instrumental Singular. § 278. 

T- j^-stems (bfhatyd). But since the same ending -y# is found 
in fem. F- i^-stems, it was - gradually Testricted to feminines 
among the i-stems; and the point of contact thus gained 
betwen these two classes of stems doubtless suggested the 
further step of coining gen. dvyOs dat. dmjdi loc. dvyam 
(§ 231 p. 120, § 249 p. 150, § 266 p. 168); compare the 
re-formates dhiy-ds dhiy-dt dhiy-dm beside dhiy-d (§ 280). 
The only masc. in yd which held its ground in later Sanskrit 
is pdtydy which was preserved by the dat. pdtyS see § 231 
p. 120, § 249 p. 149. 

2. -y-a in "gerunds" from verbs compounded with a prefix; 
as prati-bhld-y-a (orig. 'with splitting*): Germ. *Wtf- 'bite, bit' 
O.Sax. biti O.H.G. big; a-gam-y-a (*with approaching 1 ): Germ. 
*fcwmi- 'a coming* O.Sax. kumi O.H.G. chumi; a-ga-ty-a (Vith 
approaching*) beside gd-ti-$ Gr. (ta-oi-g. When this formation 
was produced, consonantal stems must still have had -a, not yet 
changed to -fl (§ 280). It is therefore very closely connected 
with (1) -y-0; -a being kept because the ordinary case 
meaning had sunk out of sight in these verbal nouns (on the 
same principle, old case-endings remain in the Greek in- 
finitives id-fitv § 257 p. 158 and do-fisp-at § 251 p. 135). 
In the Veda, gerunds often end in -yfl as well as -ya; the 
reason being not so much the analogy of the living in- 
strumental case, as that of gerunds in -tv& (§ 279). 

3. -W0, dvina. This formation is due to the analogy of 
n-stems (cp. § 393). Even in the Veda, it is the commonest 
instr. for the masc.-neut., and is found in a few feminine 
words; in later Sanskrit it is the regular ending of the masc.- 
neut. instrumental. 

Old Irish faith is probably instrumental, simply because 
has the form without a preposition only the instr. meaning 
(cp. § 275 p. 177). But as far as form goes, it might be 
locative, cp. § 260 p. 160. 

Old High German feminines, such as ensti (anst 'favour*), 
which may be loc in orig. *-ai or *ej-» (§ 260 pp. 160 f., 
§ 266 p. 169), may also be the instr. in -£ -i is regular only 

} 278,279. Instrumental Singular. 183 

in words whose first syllable is short, as steti\ although most 
forms with a long first syllable, as ensti, have -t too, yet a 
few remain in which developement has been regular, as anst 
(mit dlnera anst 'with thy favour*). Compare von Bahder, Die 
Verbalabstracta, pp. 19 f. ; Osthoff, Paul-Braune's Beitr., VIII 
262. -» is found in a very few masculine words, as quidi 
('law-suit*); see Kogel, Uber das Keron. Gloss, p. 158, and 
Osthoff, loc. cit. The usual masc. ending is -it*, which follows 
the io-stems (hirtiu hirtu), e. g. gastiu gastu; cp. the pronoun 
hiu in hiu-tu 'to-day* beside Goth, hi-mtna as compared with 
din from the stem dia- (II § 4 p. 10, III §§ 409, 421). 

In Lithuanian, the original formation is perhaps re- 
presented by dialectic forms such as akl from afci-a 'eye*. 
Elsewhere the ending is -wi, as naJcti-ml aki-ml (§ 282); 
compare the pronoun manl beside manitnl § 449. In 
Slavonic, the datives pqti noSti are specimens of the old 
type, if we were right in conjecturing that they are in- 
strumental (§ 249 p. 150); compare pron. instr. ii (Mod.Slov. 
'if* Czech, whether') beside Si-to quid' (§ 421). With instr. 
meaning we have masc. pqft-ml (§ 282), fem. nosfijq noitijq, 
the latter of which is an ad-fbrmate of rqkojq (§ 276 p. 180). 

§ 279. 5. tt-stems. Pr.Idg. *8UnU from *sUnu-s 'son*. 
Avest. bdzu. Lat. manU, in which there has been a confluence 
of the instr. and the ablative in -«d (§ 243 p. 141). O.Ir. biuth. 

Aryan. In both branches of Aryan we meet with a 
formation which is modelled upon consonant stems. Vedic: 
fem. and masc.-neut.: hdnv-a hdnuv-a (hdnu- f. 'jawbone') 
krdtv-a krdtuv-a Qcrdtu- m. 'strength, will, understanding*), 
mddhv-a (m&dhu- n. 'sweetness*). Of the same kind are instr. 
from masc. ta-stems which are used as gerunds, e. g. Sru-tvd 
orig. 'with the hearing', see II § 108 p. 327. In Avestic, we 
find not only bOzu but bazv-d, G&thic xrqpw-d. 

In later Sanskrit the ending -t?0, like -yfl in i-stems, is 
confined to the feminine and the gerunds; and corresponding 
to the re-formates dvyds dvy&i dvydm in t-stems there is 

184 Instrumental Singular. §§279.280. 

a similar set of w- forms, as dhZnv&s dh&tvdi dtenv&m from 

dhSnt- milch cow* (§ 232 p. 122, § 250 p. 152, § 267 p. 169); 

compare the re-formates bhruv-ds bhruv-ai bhruv-dm beside 

bhruv-d (§ 280). An ending -una, produced by the analogy 

of n-stems (§ 393) , is the only one used with masculine and 

neuter words in later Sanskrit, e. g. s&nuna. Even in the 

Yeda this is by far the commonest ending for masc. and 

neut. instr. 

Remark. As regards the Aryan adverbs in -uy&, as Skr. a&uyd 
Avest 08uya(-ca) 'quickly* (from fijii- cisu- 'quick'), the student may 
consult J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 213. Perhaps, as he suggests, these are ad- 
formates of amuyd 'in that wise*. A different view is taken by Bartho- 
lomae, Bezz. Beitr. XT 21. Gp. § 276 Bern. 1. 

Germanic. Perhaps we should place here O.Icel. suffixless 
datives which have suffered a ^-modification or "umlaut" of the 
root vowel, as vqnd from nom. vqndr "branch*. O.H.G. instr. 
in -iu -tt, as sitiu situ, are really locative forms (§ 267 p. 169) 
which have added the instrumental meaning to their own 
through being associated with the instr. sing, of i-stems (gastiu 
gastu, (see § 278 p. 183). 

§ 280. 6. All remaining Stems. 

Aryan. In Sanskrit the regular ending is -fl, the stem 
having usually the same weak form as the dative singular. 
This -0 came originally from stems in -o-, also the source 
of the ending of the nom. -ace. dual, -au -fl (§ 289). Why 
the original short -a (cp. -bhldy-a) was altered cannot be 
made out. However, it is not by any means clear whether 
the Iranian endings Avest. -3 O.Pers. Or represent pr.Ar. -a 
or *-fl; if the latter, the change of -o to -a will be proethnio 
Aryan; cp. I § 21 p. 25, § 649 p. 495. A consideration 
of the Sanskrit gerund in -ya would incline one to believe 
that it is only in Sanskrit that this ending was borrowed from 

Skr. Sun-a diman-a Avest. sUn-a asman-a; on Ved. 
prZnd from prtondn- 'love', bhUnd from bhUmdn- 'plenty, 
crowd' see Streitberg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 205 f. 
Skr. tnOtr-d ddtr-a Avest. mapr-a dapr-a. Skr. bfhat-d 

§280. Instrumental Singular. 18.) 

Avest. ber*zat-a ber'zant-a. Skr. mdnas-a Avest. manawh~a; 
Skr. dMya&-a Avest. Osyaidh-a; Skr. vidu$-a Avest. vldus-a. 
Skr. dhiy-d bhruv-ti; the likeness of dhiy-d to dlviyd etc. 
(§ 277 p. 180) produced a new set of forms, dhiyds dhiyai 
dhiydm beside dhiy-ds dhiy-S dhiy-i, bhruv&s bhruvai bhruv-dm 
beside bhruv-ds bhrw-t bhruv-i (§ 233 p. 123, § 255 p. 156, 
§ 268 p. 170), cp. dvyOs dhbivds and similar words § 278 
p. 182, § 279 p. 184. Skr. tanuv-a Avest tan(u)v-d. 
Skr. ndv-d, gdv-a Avest. gav-a. Skr. viS-d (t?U- 'settlement, 
house, community, stock, family*), Avest. vte-a O.Pers. vXp-a 
(tfi$t$p- 'village community, clan'). 

In Greek stems such as we are now discussing, locative 
forms took over the instrumental uses. Only fossil instr. 
forms survive in certain adverbs, as neti-d ap-a; see § 274 
p. 174. There were sufficient reasons for the disuse of such 
instrumental forms. The accusative singular masc. fern, had 
come to have the same ending -a (= -$t); and besides, the 
original difference in stem between these two cases had 
disappeared long before in proethnic Greek, ned-d, used in 
Aeolic and Doric with the same meaning as /uer-d, meant 
originally 'with one's foot' = 'at one's foot, immediately 
behind or with one', cp. Armen. het yet 'behind, after, with' 
from the same root-noun, nag-d beside dat. nag-ai gen. abl. 
ndp-og and loo. nig-i. a/u-a from slg for *sem-& 'turns', cp. Dor. 
a/ud which follows the analogy of instr. adverbs from fl-stems 
(§ 276 p. 178). */«*-<* in elvexa %vsxu 'on account of (for 
svf$xa y I § 166 p. 146) and in exd-tgyo-g 'working at one's 
own will, with unhampered judgement* beside O.Pers. loc. 
vas-iy 'much, very', properly 'in choice or liking, at pleasure' 
(unless we are to read vasaiy, loc. from a stem vasa- = Skr. 
«&*-). Cp. Osthoff, Zur Gesch. der Perf., 334 ff. and 574 ff. 

Italic. In Latin the ending is -6; there has been a 
confluence of the instr. and the locative in Idg. *-t: carn-e 
homin-e, matr»e datdr-e, ferent-e praesent-e, gener-e dciGr-e, 
8u-e, nOv-e, bov-e. These forms added the ablative function 
to their own, and are consequently called ablative in the 

186 Instrumental Singular. §§280,281. 

grammars; cp. § 243 pp. 140 f. Umbrian too seems to possess 
the instr. with the ending -e, see § 274 with the Rem. p. 174. 

From Keltic no undoubted examples can be cited. But 
it must be observed, that if the Idg. ending was really -e and 
not -a, there is no phonetic difficulty in regarding as instr. 
the forms which we have already explained as dat. or loc. 
(§§ 251 ff. and 269 ff.), e. g. coin, tnathir, carit. 

Neither can any certain examples be found in Germanic. 
But, as in Keltic, some or all of the forms which we regarded 
as loc. in *-* may be instrumental too: all, if *-* was the Idg. 
ending (for *-e became *-* in proethnic Germanic, see I § 67. 4 
p. 58), some at least, if it was *-a. Examples of such possible 
instrumentals are Goth. frijOnd O.H.G. friunt. 

§ 281. II. Instrumental Forms with the Suffix 
-bhi or -mi. A general account of these suffixes has been 
given already, in § 274 pp. 175 f. 

a. The Suffix -6 hi. 

Armenian. -£, becoming -v after a vowel (I § 485 
p. 358), cp. instr. pi. -6# -vR § 379. o-stems: gatto-v from 
nom. gail 'wolf, cp. Gr. &sd-<pt. Proper names have -a-v, 
as Trdata-v, compare what is said on the gen. Trdatay in 
§ 239 p. 130. t -stems: srti-v from nom. sirt 'heart*, w-stems: 
zardu for *zardu-v (cp. instr. pi. zarduS for *zardu-vK) from 
nom. zard 'adornment*, akatnb from nom. akn *eye', -atnb = 
*-Q-bhi, cp. Ir. anrnimm antnaimm below, mar-b from mair 
mother', dater-b from dustr 'daughter*. 

Old Irish. Neuter n-stems have *-6W, as an-mitnm 
an-matmm, if we are to take *-m#-Ww as the ground-form 
(I § 243 p. 201, § 520 p. 378, § 657.1 p. 506); cp. -6 n- 
and -6 in the instr. dual and plural (§§ 296 and 379). But 
the ground-form may be *-m^-iwf; cp. what is said in § 379 
on the Avestic instr. sing, ndm&il. 

Greek. Beside -7* we find -tptv (as 0-qptV beside 0-94, 
§ 449), which may represent an Idg. *-6W-m (§ 186 p. 62; 
Leskien, Ber. der sachs. Ges. der Wiss., 1884, p. 102; and 

§§281,282. Instrumental Singular. 187 

the Author's Gr. Gr. 2 p. 134). o-stems: &to-<pi(v). 0-stems: 
ayikrj-(pi(v). easterns: opso-<pt(v). f- ig-stems: ?-y*. vav-(pi(v). 
xpaT~€G(pt(v) is a re-formate like ipsgovT-sooi, KoxvXrjdov-oqv, 
another like (pegovt-oig (§ 360). Then there are the adverbs 
svrq-<pt(p) , voo(pi(v), hxpi-cpi-Q, the last extended by the same 
-g which is seen in a/t-qr^s (§ 241 pp. 135 f.); afi-tpi-g too 
must be added to the list. 

Such of these forms as are not adverbs were living cases 
in the language of Homer and his imitators, but now here else. 
They were used for the instrumental, locative, or ablative; and 
no difference at all was felt between them and the other forms 
which were used for these cases, as is clear from phrases like 
«y yoT <pcuvoftivt](pt. Now and then Homer has them in the sense 
of dative or genitive; but this was because they had by that 
time become archaisms, and the linguistic instinct of those who 
then used them could not clearly distinguish the meanings which 
they might legitimately have. To extend their applicability 
thus was an easy matter. In their instrumental use they were 
associated with the instr. Innm ywga etc., which might also be 
dative; and in their ablative use with the abl. tnnov zcogdg etc., 
which might be genitive (cp. ifis-9ev used as gen., § 244 Rem. 2 
p. 143). How these forms came to be used for instrumental, 
locative, and ablative (no distinction is made between -<piv and 
-<pt as case-suffixes) is uncertain. The yi-cases could be either 
singular or plural; e. g. & 474 nagd vavtpt 'beside the ships', 
et saepe (for details see Kuhner, Ausf. Gr. I 2 pp. 380 f.). So, 
too, in Gallic, -6o is used in the sense of Lat. -bos -btt8 y and 
in Germanic -m for *-wt (or *-wto) can be used for the 
plural, on which matter see § 367; and be it remembered 
that <r-q>i(v) is not restricted to one number. It appears that 
in Indo-Germanic itself the instr. -6W, -m>, and the cor- 
responding suffix of the dat.-abl., were not yet completely 
pluralised by the addition of -s. 

§ 282. b. The Suffix -m*. 

Sanskrit and Germanic afford but scanty materials 
for tracing this suffix. Skr. sanZ-tni adv. 'from olden days* 

188 Instrumental Singular. §282. 

from sdna- 'old', formed like O.C.S1. J£-mT from to- 'the, that'; 
with the stem final cp. instr. pi. 8<in$-bhi$ (§ 380). In Germanic 
-mi is conjectured to be the suffix of O.H.G. sA houbitan 
ModlLG. zu hatipten, O.Ieel. at hqfdum, A.S. miolcum beside 
mioluc dat. of miduc 'milk' (see Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 386) ; 
a safer example is O.Ieel. pei-tn A.S. (Ee-m (§ 421). Of Irish 
words, antnimm may possibly contain -mi, see § 281 p. 186. 

Remark, -mt is said to be the suffix of the Latin pronominal adverbs 
tf/tm, interim, titim istin-c, hin-c and so forth; the orig. ending is supposed 
to be *-e-w> (op. Armen. ardare-c adv. beside ardaro-v, pp. 13d f.), which 
became *-imi -im. But all this is thoroughly uncertain. 

-m* is a living case suffix only in Balto-Slavonic, where 
from the proethnic Balto-Slavonic period onwards it has made 
the instr. sing, of t- and w-stems. Lith. ndkti-m\ (diaL nakt\, 
see § 278 p. 183), O.C.81. masc. pqtt-trif (while feminine 
words have the re-formation -fjq following -ojq, as noHttjq 
tioStijq, see § 276 p. 180). Lith. s&nu-ml, O.C.81. synorrii for 
*8ynU-ml) which by a mere chance is not actually found (I § 52 
p. 44). In the proethnic stage of Balto-Slav. the ending -i-mi 
was borrowed from i-stems by stems in n, r, and s (the same 
thing happened to the corresponding endings of the dual and 
plural m-cases, § 402): Lith. akmen-Urii O.C.S1. kamen-Zml; 
Lith. m&ter-iml, but Slav., instead of *mater-$ml> has mater-Xjq 
mater-ijq, just as it has noHXjq noityq instead of *no6tihnX 
for the feminine (see above); Lith. debes-iml (cp. II § 132 
p. 422) O.C.S1. sloves-Jnft. In Slavonic -mi is found with 
o-stems as well, as vluko-wX, also vluku-ml on the analogy 
of w-stems (cp. Vetter, Zur Gesch. der nom. DecL im Buss., 
pp. 22 f.); z&lo-d&ptmX (beside -dtijemf) with the old weak 
grade form of the suffix ~io- y see § 368. Compare further 
Lith. dial, vilkuml and kalbumi, § 275 p. 178, § 276 
p. 180. 

§ 283. Nominative and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fern. 1 89 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Masculine and Feminine. 1 ) 

§ 283. The Indo-Germanic system of dual oases was 
probably fuller than any of those which have been preserved 
in separate offshoots of the original language. It is true, there 
is reason to believe that there was only one form for the 
nominative, accusative, and vocative dual in each class of stems; 
but it is improbable that there were no more than two besides 
— one for dative, ablative, and instrumental, and one for 
genitive and locative. For one thing, the genitive and locative 
have different forms in Avestic (gen. -d, loc. -0); but if there 
were no other reason, it would be improbable simply because 
in the different languages we find the same meaning given to 
endings which can neither be connected phonetically, nor be 
so manipulated as to suggest that one of them is original, and 
one due to analogy. No single ground-form can be given for 
these endings of the dat. (abl.) instr.: Sfcr. -bhydm Avest. 
-byqm, Avest. -Jy#, O.Ir. -i w- (in dib n-), Lith. -m (after 
which something must have dropped) and O.C.S1. -ma, even 
if we disregard the different initial of the suffix, now bh and 
now m, and take off the affix *em (see § 296). So we are 
drawn to conjecture that there was originally a different 
ending for the dat. (abl.) and the instr. But here we meet 

1) For the Dual, see the following authorities : "W. von Humboldt, 
Ober den Dualis, Berl. 1828 (Ges. Werke VI 562 ff.). 8ilberstein, tfber 
den Dualis in dem idg. Spraehstamm etc., Jahn's Jahrbb. 8uppL XY (1849) 
pp. 372 ff. Fr. Mailer, Der Dual im indogerm. und semit. Spraohgebiet, 
Wien 1860. Me ringer, Cber den indogerm. Dual der o-St&mme, Kuhn's 
Ztsohr. XXVIII 217 ff. Osthoff, fiber den nom.-aoo.-TOo. dual, der t- 
und ti-St&mme, Morph. Unt. II 182 ff. Fritzsohe, Do formis quibusdam 
numeri dualis in lingua Graeoa, Rostock 1837. Biebei, De duali numero 
apud epieos, lyrioos, Attieos, Jena 1864. Ohler, tJber den Gebraueh des 
Dual bei Homer, Mainz 1884. Keek, fiber den Dual bei den grieoh. 
Rednern mit Berttoksiohtigung der att Insohr., Wflrzburg 1882 (M. 8ehanz' 
Beitr. zur hist 8ynt. der gr. 8pr. I J). Doerwald, De duali numero in 
dtalectis Aeoliois et Doricis quae dieuntur, Rostock 1881. Danielsson, 
Alte Dualformen im Latein, Pauli's Altital. Stud. Ill 187 ff. Ebel, ttber 
den celtisohen Dualis, Kuhn-Schleicher'a Beitr. II 70 ff. 

190 NominatiYe and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fem. §§ 283,284. 

with a fresh difficulty. It is always possible that a given case 
had different endings in different stems, one of which was kept 
in one language, another in another. Thus we are as far from 
certainty as ever. 

Remark. Following Benfey (Abh. der Gdtt. Ges. der Wise., XIX 
142 ff.), Mahlow and Meringer assume that Sanskrit has inherited from 
the parent language a speoial dual vocative in -a (Mahlow, Die langen 
Too. 130; Meringer, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXVIII 283). Meringer thinks 
that Or. dvo may be an example of this formation. I believe that these 
forms must be otherwise explained; see § 289 Bern., § 293. 

We shall see anon (§§ 285 and 311) that some dual forms 
have the look of singular cases, and that the dual idea is 
conveyed not by the case ending, but by the part of the word 
immediately preceding it, that is, by the stem. 

A fairly large variety of dual noun forms may be seen in 
the oldest stages of Aryan, Greek, and Irish; and the dual is 
still living in some Lithuanian dialects, and in some Slavonic 
languages. Very few traces, if any, are to be found in 
Armenian, Italic, or Germanic, even in the earliest remains of 
these languages. In Italic and Germanic, the only words 
which can be so regarded are a few dual inflexions of the 
words two and both, and several noun forms which are ex- 
plained, more or less hypothetically, as dual cases (see 
Danielsson's essay cited in the footnote to the preceding page, 
Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 384, and Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. 
Sprachgesch. I 61). Of Armenian words, erku 'two* and uf 
'eight' (cp. Skr. dvOu afy&ii) may perhaps have dual endings 
which have undergone only regular change (cp. § 166 p. 7, 
§ 172 p. 20). i) 

§ 284. Let us now turn to a special consideration of the 
nominative and accusative masculine and feminine. 
The first thing to notice is that this form, like the noin. pi., 

1) The gradual decay of the dual, and the way in which it is 
absorbed into the plural, oan be best traced in Lithuanian and 8Iavonio. 
But this very instructive piece of study cannot be gone into here. For 
the Lithuanian, see Brfiokner, Arohiv fur slav. Phil., Ill 262 f. ; for 
Polish, Baudouin de Courtenay, Kuhn-Sehl. Beitr., VI 63 ff. 

§§ 284,285. Nominative and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fem. 191 

could be used for the vocative; and when it was so used, like 
the nom. pi., the first syllable carried the accent in Sanskrit. 
Cp. § 200 pp. 82, 83. 

Five proethnic types of formation may be distinguished, 
each belonging to a special stem or stems. (I) -## -0 in 
o-stems: (II) -ai in 0-stems: (IH) -F in f- #-stems: (IV) -£ 
and -m in t- and w-stems: (V) -e in consonant stems, stems in 
-I- -*$-, and stems in -tJ- -wjf-. 

§ 285. I. Masculine o-stems have the endings -fl# 
and -tf, *ulqdu *ulqO- Different explanations are given of 
these doublet forms. 

Remark. Osthoff (Morph. Unt. IV 259), supported by Torp (Beitr. 
zur Lehre yon den gesohleohtlosen Pronomen, pp. 45 f.), holds that -o 
was the original case-ending (-o for -o + e, the ending of Gr. narte-t, 
or merely the suffix o lengthened, compare the -i and -a of stems in -t- 
and -t*-, § 288) ; -d# he believes to he this -o + a partiole u. Both these 
endings, the older -o* and the later -otf, be regards as having originated 
during the separate growth of separate languages; the former being used 
in Yedio by preference before consonants, and the latter before sonants, 
merely because it was easier to pronounce them so. Quite another view 
is taken by Meringer (Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVIII 217 ff.). Taking his stand 
upon the use of -8 and -Qu in Yedio (see I § 645 p. 488), he assumes 
that the original case ending was -ot*, which became -o" before consonants 
in the parent language. Perhaps both these explanations may beoombined 
as foUows. We may suppose u to have really been an independent partiole 
which became attached to the case ending -o; but that the historical -6 
(Skr. whioh we have -3 Gr. -w etc.) is not direotly descended from the 
unextended -0 which became -ot* in the manner suggested, but is the 
shape assumed by -d# before oonsonants, as Meringer holds (-0 for -ov 
like -g for -g|, see § 246 pp. 144 f.). u may be oompared with u 'two' 
in *tH- *&*- (seen in Lat. vi-ginli etc, see § 177, and Morph. Unt. V 
23 ff.) and Skr. u-Mft* 'both* (op. Goth. Mi); 1 ) and then we might 
compare e. g. *«H* (= Skr. tOu) with Lith. tSrdu, the dual of tds 'the, 
that*. If the proethnic ending of the gen. dual of o-stems was *-og* or 
*-*#£ (Skr. -o? O.C.SL -m), the same u might be contained in the 

1) If the u- of u-bhuu once meant 'two* or something of the kind, 
it is natural to connect the first part of Gr. a/u-<p<a Lat. am-bO with Goth. 
an-par Lith. aft-f 1*0-0, and to compare as follows: Skr. u-bh5u: Gr. a>-g>w 
= vu~torU: Goth, an-par. 

1 92 Nominative and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fern. § 286. 

genitive and we might regard -a as the singular genitive suffix. The 
Avegtic loo. dual in -o~ = Idg. *-otf or *-*# would be a form without 
any case suffix, just like, say, Gr. loo. So-jutr beside nom. not-ju^r 
Compare Meringer, as cited, p. 233, and § 311 of this volume. We must, 
however, be careful not to infer from these facts that all dual cases 
were once formed by adding singular case endings to a dual stem. To 
explain such suffixes as O.O.S1. -ma Skr. -bhyam as originally belonging 
to the singular would be an arbitrary assumption. It is quite likely 
that the cases of the dual are formed upon more than one principle. 

Aryan. Skr. Ved. vfkdu vfkd; in the later language 
only vfkau, although the ending -a is kept in compounds, 
as dvd~da&a 'duodecim'. A vest, vehrka (-#w cannot be found, 
see Bartholomae in Bezz. Beitr. IX 307); O.Pers. gauia from 
gausa- 4 ear\ 

In Armenian, erku 'two' and uf c octo' may be isolated 
examples of this case ending; see § 283, page 190. 

Greek Xvxw y Jv'co; on 6vo see § 293 pp. 197 f. 

Latin has no dual form left except ambdj odd, duo 
(I § 655. 2 p. 502). Umbr. dur 'duo' has the plural flexion 
throughout; cp. § 166 p. 7. 

Both endings are shwon in Irish. OJr. dau dd, older 
ddUj O.Cymr. Mid.Bret. dou 'two* = Skr. dvtoi, and O.Ir. da 
(before substantives) = Skr. dvd (I § 90 p. 85). In the un- 
accented final syllables of other dual words no trace can be 
found of the two endings side by side. O.Ir. has da fer, 
whose origin is not quite clear (one would expect *da fiur 
like the instr. sing, fiur = *ff»rff); the form looks like a 
nom. sing. It is true that there was a confluence of the 
nom. dual and the nom. plural in i- and w-stems and r-stems 
(faith, bith, see § 288 ; mOthir, see § 289) ; but it seems to me 
not at all probable that the form of the nom. sing, was used for 
the dual in masc. o-stems simply on this analogy. I may be 
allowed to suggest that the -fl of *dud in *d#d uird prevented 
*#ird from becoming *yiru, or changed it by backward assimi- 
lation, so that the phrase became *d#a yira and then da fer; 
while, conversely, in the feminine, di was assimilated forwards 
to the ending of the substantive (§ 286). Thus the nom. 
sing, and nom. ace. dual came to have the same form in 

§§ 285,286. Nominative and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fern. 193 

o-stems, which had happened before in all other stems in the 
regular course of phonetic change; and it was in this way 
that the sing. masc. tene ffire') and the sing. neut. dliged, 
tech, ainm came by the dual meaning which they have (as 
in da thene, and so forth). 

It is a question whether Gall. verco-breto y cited by Stokes, 
Bezz. Beitr. XI 142, 152, is to be translated 'the two judges', 
and to be regarded as an instance of the old dual formation. 
See Ernault, M6m. de la Soc. de ling., VI 158 ff. 

Germanic. The only clear survivals of this dual form are 
O.Icel. tvau 'two' (which has become neut., see Streitberg Die 
germ. Compar. auf -fts- p. 33) = Skr. dvau, tottogo 'twenty' = 
*tO-tugu = Skr. dvd, and Goth, ahtdu O.H.G. ahto = Skr. 
aftOii. Eluge, in Paul-Braune's Beitr. Yin 506 ff., conjectures 
that a few Germanic substantival forms contain Idg. -#, as 
A.S. (nom. ace. sing.) nosu 'nose' (gen. nosa), compare Paul's 
Grundr. I 334 and 609; this change from dual to singular, if 
correctly assumed, should be compared with the change of the 
Skr. dual forms nds-a ridas-% to fern. sing. Bartholomae 
would explain Goth, bajtips 'both' as a dual derived from 
*baj6 pd 'both these 9 (Stud, zur idg. Sprachgesch., I 61). 

Balto-Slavonic shows only Idg. *-0: Lith. vilku, ger&'-ju 
beside geru (I § 664. 3 p. 523), O.C.S1. vWca. 

§ 286. U. ft-stems had pr.Idg. *-ai, *efcuai. The 
formative suffix appears as -a-, which may be compared with 
that of the pronominal nom. sing, in -ai (§ 414), and the voc. 
sing, in -a (I § 318 p. 257, II § 59 p. 108). The case suffix 
is apparently the same as in the ending -oi of neuter o-stems 
(§ 293), and this cannot be separated from -i in the neuter 
*fcqU*i 'two tens' (§ 294). This -i- has become part of the 
stem in Avest. dvat-ibya O.C.S1. dvt-tna, Skr. dv&y-G$ 
O.C.S1. dvej-u (see §§ 297 and 311). 

Aryan. Skr. d&v8; Avest. ha$n$. In Avestic there are 
a few scattered examples with -a, the masculine ending; see 
Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. IX 303. Skr. a&flti afyd 'eight' is 
also used for the feminine, in all periods. 

BrQfDinn, H»m#nU. II L 13 

194 Nominative and Accusative Dual Masc. and Fern. §§ 286,287. 

Greek, z&qcu, used for the nom. pi., seems to represent 
the Idg. dual, and to have been misunderstood and regarded 
as a plural owing to the ending -o* in the nom. pi. masculine; 
see the Author, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 199 ff. 1 ) But the 
dual forms Att. xolgG, vv(xq>& follow the analogy of the 
masc. in -co; Homer has no duals in -£ except those coming 
from masculine a-stems. 

The Latin equae, duae (cp. Ved. duvi), like Gr. x^Qw, 
seem to represent the Idg. dual ending -ai; see the Author, 
loc. cit. 

Old Irish tuaith, and beside it dT 'duae' = Skr. due, see 
I § 657. 4 p. 508. d$, instead of *dai *dae, has been assimilated 
to *tm (cp. § 285 p. 192). 

Germanic. A dubious survival of this formation is Goth. 
tva pusundja 'two thousand', which is usually regarded as 
neut. pi. (on -a for pr. Goth, -ai, see § 263 Rem. pp. 165 f.). 
Compare Noreen on Norse Run. ^at-a/f, in Paul's Grundr. 
I 501 f. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. rankl, gert-ji beside geri, see 
I § 664. 3 p. 523. O.C.S1. rqc&, but zmiji (zmija 'snake*) with 
*-# for *-&i, earlier *-ioh Idg. *-%<*%, see I § 100 p. 95. 

§ 287. HI. f- i#-8tems (cp. footnote 1 on page 68) 
probably had pr. Idg. -f, *bhf§hyt-l, which may be explained 
like -a% in a-stems, and derived from -T-». 

This may be legitimately regarded as the ground-form of 
Skr. tyhat-t, Avest. GSthic harmUl, O.Ir. twig, Lith. iem\ 
(L § 664. 3 p. 523). 

In Vedic Sanskrit these forms were assimilated to I- ii- 
stems (§ 291), whence bfhatydh, the only form used in the 
later language (cp. nom. pi. bfhatyhs § 316). 

1) Something just like this has happened in Polish. When the dual 
number fell out of use, the loo. dual r$ku 'in both hands' (§ 311) was 
regarded as loc. sing. masc. by mistake, so that there arose phrases like 
v? mqjim r$hu 'in my hand*. 8ee Baudouin de Courtenay, Kuhn-Sohleicher's 
Beitr. VI 77, 81. 

§ 287—269. Nominative and Accusative Dual Maso. and Fern. 195 

Gr. ytpovoa follows the ifl-stems (§ 286). So also O.C.S1. 
zemlji (§ 286), but zemlji may be a transformation of *zemi 
with Idg. -f, cp. nom. sing, vezqsti instead of *ve2(fti § 191 
p. 68. 

§ 288. IV. t- and w-stems had pr. Idg. -f and -w, 
*ouf and *8&nU. If Idg. -0# is an extension of -0 (§ 285 
Rem. p. 191), it is natural to assume that this -d and the above 
-? -t? were related in the same way as the corresponding endings 
of the instr. sing.; cp. § 274 pp. 174 f., Osthoff, Morph. Unt. 
II 132 ff., and J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 291 f. 

Skr. dm, Avest. aii. O.Ir. faith for %OR. Lith. naktl 
(I § 664. 3 p. 523), O.C.S1. nosti. 

Skr. s&nii, Avest. bazu } beside bdzv-a which follows the 
consonant stems (§ 289). O.Ir. bith. Lith. s&nu for *sUnU 
(I § 664. 3 p. 523), O.C.S1. syny. 

In Greek nothing is to be found but re-formations which 
follow the consonant stems (§ 289). t-stems: Att. inscr. dXvaet 
with -a for *-«(*)-*, MSS. nolet and noXts (woAr-^), the latter 
of which should be compared with nolsog, which apparently 
remained uncontracted (§ 231 p. 120). w-stems: Horn. nriyjB{J-)-s 
raxi(f)-Sy Att. inscr. vlsi. 

§ 289. V. All other stems had pr. Idg. -e preceded 
by the strong stem, as *patir-e = Gr. naTsg-f. This type 
remained in Greek and Irish, and there are a few 
questionable traces of it in Sanskrit, Germanic, and 

Remark 1. In the Yedas, instead of -d, whioh must be assumed for 
the Idg. ending of o-stems, we often meet with the shortened termination 
-a; and mStara-pitarOu (instead of mOtara-pitarOu) is cited from later 
Sanskrit. See Benfey, 8ftmavSda p. Lxm; Abhandl. der G5tt Ges. der 
Wiss., XIX 142 if.; Mahlow, Die 1. Voc 130; Lanman, Nom.-Infl. p. 342. 
It is quite possible (op. Osthoff Morph. Unt. I 226 f.) that this -a was 
the -a = Gr. -# whioh belonged originally to oonsonant stems only; that 
it was kept in certain instanoes, and was then, by a mistake, extended to 
other stems ; and in particular, by a reminiscence of the Tocative singular 
in -a, was used for the vooative; e. g. R.-V. I 151 4 asura. I hare no 
belief in the view held by Meringer (Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVIII 233) that 


196 Nominative and Accusative Dual Maso. and Fern. §§ 289,290. 

there was an Idg. dual too. in *-o = Star, -a; Meringer would even call 
Gr. Svo an example of this! But oompare what he says on pp. 280 t 

A dual form *kun&n-e is eonjeoturally restored by E. Brate as the 
origin of Old Swedish hunu 'two women 9 (Bess. Beitr. XIII 42 £). 

J. Sohmidt (Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVI 860) believes that he has found 
this suffix -t in Lithuanian dialectic participial forms suoh as itz-gtruse 
instead of isM-gtrusiu (Uz-geriu *1 drink up*). But in my opinion it is 
quite possible, in spite of Schmidt's assurance to the oontrary, that here 
-tu has become -e regularly. 

In Sanskrit, -du y -a, the ending of o-stems, was borrowed 
in the prehistoric period by consonant stems, just as the instr. 
sing, -£ spread from o-stems to consonant stems (§ 280 p. 184). 
It is impossible to make out whether the Iranian endings of 
consonant stems, A vest. -£ O.Pers. -tf, represent pr. Iran. *-£ 
= Skr. -a, or pr. Iran. *-a = Gr. -* — whether, for example, 
Avest. nar-a = Skr. ndr-a or Gr. avig-t. If the former, the 
ending of o-stems became universal in the proethnic stage of 
Aryan. The same doubt meets us in considering the endings 
of the instr. sing. Avest. -4 O.Pers. -0 § 280 p. 184. 

§ 290. 1. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *£(w)ff on-e. Gr. xvv-« instead 
of *xvov-s *nov-* y and similarly xvV-a xvv-eg have adopted the 
weak stem; liaro?-*, noi/uev-s y aywvt. Mid.Ir. coin, drain. — 
Skr. fa&n-Ou -A, Avest. spdn-a. Lith. szun-iu (ikmen-iu fol- 
lowing the jo-stems, O.C.S1. hatnen-i following the t-stems. 

2. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *mfl^r-*, *dttor-e. Gr. ttqriQ-f, 
tciroQ-t; avdg-s (Horn, has also avig-t) like avig-a § 218 
pp. 94 f., iorijp-e following dortjg. Mid.Ir. mitthir, Mid.Ir. stair 
(cp. II § 120 p. 379). — Skr. m<Udr-au -a, ddtor-Ou -a; 
Avest. mOtar-a and by re-formation iwflfr-a, datar-a. Lith. 
moter-i O.C.S1. mater-i follow the t-stems. 

3. Stems ending in explosives. Pr.Idg. *bhf§hont-e. 
Gr. <peQOYT-e, O.Ir. carit. — Skr. tyhdnt-Gu -fl, Avest. ber'zant-a. 
Lith. vezancziu{-du) O.C.81. vezqjbta following the jo-flexion. 

Gr. yvydi-e, usipax-s. OJr. druid Druids' rig 'kings'. 

4. s-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *dus-tnene8-e. Gr. ivopsvs7 y to be explained in 
the same way as uo oxiXet (§ 294). — Skr. durmanas-au -0, 
Avest. duiman<U9h-a. 

§290—293. Nominatire and Aocusatire Dual Neater. 197 

Pr. Idg. compar. *dfc(i)io8 -e, modified by analogy in all 
languages. Skr. d&yfy-au -fl like the ace. d&y%8-am (§ 220 
p. 97), Avest. asyatdh-a instead of *a$ydtdh-a, cp. ace. sing. 
asydtdh-em (loc. cit.). O.C.S1. daZdtia, declined as a jo-stem. 
Or. y&or-s with the formative suffix -&n-. 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *ueidyos-e, modified by analogy 
in all languages. Skr. vidvfo-au -tf like ace. sing, vidvqs-am 
(§ 220 pp. 97 f.). Lith. tnlru8tu(-du) O.C.S1. tritrtiSa, declined 
as io-stems. Or. tlSors with the formative suffix -Met-. 

§ 281. 5. Stems in -F -ij, -tf -u#, and certain 
Root Nouns. 

Or. xl-t, otppv'-t 6v-s; Skr. dhty-flu -3, bhruv-du -fl. 

Or. vfjs (inferred , but not actually found) for *r&F-*; 
Skr. n&v-Bu -a. Pr. Idg. *gog-e: Or. /fo'-s; Skr. g&v-Hu -0; 
O.Ir. boin following coin (§ 290 p. 196), cp. § 221 pp. 98. 

Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 1 ) 

§ 282. o-stems had -ot, and doubtless -ei also; consonant 
stems had -t or -F, and t-stems had -f. It is a doubtful point 
whether or no -¥ was the original suffix for all stems; see 

Consonant stems which admitted of vowel gradation had 
always a weak grade of stem. 

§ 283. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. -o% and doubtless -£i also; 
for the difference between these cp. § 240 p. 133. 

Skr. yugt, dvt; Avest. xsaprf from nom. ace. sing. x§apre-m 
'lordship, realm'. Skr. a$f&u afyd may always be neuter. 

The Oreek /*#- *two\ in fsl*axt sl-xotii 'two tens', is 
probably the dual of a stem *#o-; according to a guess of 
Thurneysen's, we should recognise the same *yei in the w- of 
O.Cymr. u-ceint (Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVI 310). I add another 
guess, that dvo (beside Svu>) is the old neuter, and is the form 
assumed by *dvoi when the next word began with a sonant; 

1) References are giren in the footnote on page 189. 

198 Nominatire and Accusative Dual Neater. §§293,294. 

perhaps Lac. tv* comes from *<Jv«* in the same way, cp. Att. 
dvsTv, which seems to point to *dvsi-tv (§ 312). Cp. the Author, 
Gr. Gr.» p. 79 footnote 1, p. 124; Morph. Unt. V 23 ff. 
Similarly we find Boeot. oxro beside oxrcJ in the other Greek 
dialects. Elsewhere in Greek the masc. ending -o has taken 
the place of the neuter, as to* Cvyai like to; urnw. 

Lat. vt-ginti may contain in both parts the neuter ending 
*-«* or *-o%. 8ee the Author, Morph. Unt. V 22 f., 24, and 
below, § 294 of this volume. The masc. forms duo ambd octd y 
like Gr. dv'cu, are used for the neuter as well as masculine. 

There seems to be no trace left in Irish of this formation. 
da, the masc. form, is used with neuter substantives; but 
when so used -n is added, as da n-gruad 'duae genae', which 
can hardly be due to any cause except the analogy of the 
nom. ace. sing, neuter (cp. Windisch, Paul-Braune's Beitr. IV 
223). dliged is probably a singular form used as dual, see 
§ 285 p. 193 (sing, dliged n- Taw 1 ). 

Germanic examples are doubtless to be recognised in the 
following neuter words: O.Sax. twS A.8. twd = 0.C.S1. dv$ 
Idg. *dffo£, while Goth, tva, as well as masc. tvdi and fern. tvds, 
is plural in form. But it is possible to regard tvdi as the neuter 
form, turned into a masculine by association with pdi etc. 

0.C.81. iz& = Idg. *juQoi, from igo 'iugum* (I § 84 
pp. 81 f.). Also polji (from polje 'field') for *-#$, earlier *«#>* 
(I § 84 pp. 80 and 82). 

§ 294. 2. Consonant stems. The case-suffix -i with the 
weak stem is found in Idg. *hpt-i 'two tens 9 (§ 176 pp. 29 f.): 
Gr. fet-xan, Armen. Ssan for *gi-8anti just as beren 'they carry* 
= Skr. bhdranti (§ 177 p. 34), Avest. vlsaUi, but Skr. v\&atl-$ y 
which arose as follows: *vj£ati became indeclinable, and was 
then attracted by the analogy of $a$ti-$ '60' etc., and became 
fern. sing. 

Elsewhere the Sanskrit consonantal and u-stems regularly 
show not -» but -F, as dhdmn-% dhdman-l, bfhat-iy mdnas-l 
ya8-T vidu$-i y mddhv-% (mddhtm-T, see § 393). Now Old 

§§294,295. Nominative and Accusative Dual Neuter. 199 

Church Slavonic has -i (side by side with the commoner -I), 
as imen-i sloves-i. Putting this and that together, we may 
allow ourselves to believe that -? as well as -i was used for 
a suffix of the nom. ace. dual neuter in the parent language. 
If so, it is not necessary to derive the final -f of vlgintl from 
-eg or -oi (see § 293, last page). But can -f in Skr. and 
0.C.81. have been borrowed from the case-system of i-stems? 
(see § 295). 

The A vest a seems to give us but one form, vlsaiti, which 
belongs to this class. 

Just so in Greek the only trace of the formation is fi-xart. 
In all other instances, -e has been borrowed from masc. and 
fern, nouns, just as neuter o-stems borrowed -co from the 
masculine (§ 293 p. 198). Att. inscr. dxitei for *<xx*A*(o>*; MS. 
forms in -«*, as y*W, found in Attic writers, are a re-formation 
following those words in which -€ has not been contracted. 
Compare the adoption of * by the neuter oaat § 295. yivTj in 
phrases like yivrj ivo is the plural, as is aorrj in clott) J Jo 
(§ 295). 

Irish, ctinm and tech, like dliged (§ 293), are probably 
singular forms used for the dual; see § 285 p. 193. 

Remark. J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 52, would apparently derive ainm from 
*an-tnn-i\ against which there is a great deal to be said. Nor should we 
admit Stokes's derivation from a pr. Kelt *an-men-e (Bezz. Beitr. XI 166). 

Old Church Slavonic -£, borrowed from o-stems (§ 293, 
last page): irnen-$, sloves-S. Also -i, whose origin has just 
been discussed. 

§ 295. 3. i- and w-stems. 

In i-stems the proethnic Idg. termination was -?. Skr. 
ak$t Avest. aSi 'the eyes', &ic$ from stem &Aci- pure, clean*. 
0.C.S1. o<H (oho 'eye') and u§i (ucho ear*); Lith. aJA awrf, 
which hare become feminine. If there was an Idg. *#%-hpti 
'twenty', *#f was nom. ace. dual neut. of the stem *#*'- (§ 177 
p. 33). Re-formates: Skr. $ucin-l (§ 393) and Gr. ooae 'the 
eyes' for *ox*-* (other cases are o66wv otiooioi, with plural 

200 Datire, Ablatire, and Instrumental Dual. §§ 295,296. 

This Idg. -F was doubtless a contraction of the stem-final 
-t- with the case-ending -» (or -I). 

Ved. mddhv-i is either (1) the regular descendant of the 
Idg, ground-form, or (2) *madhv-i re-formed, -i having been 
replaced by the ending of t-s terns; cp. § 294. Gr. aarrj in 
phrases like aottj Jv'o is really plural, cp. yertj § 294. 

Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental Dual. 1 ) 

§ 286. The different languages hare such diverse modes 
of formation that it is impossible to restore the Indo-Germanic 
flexion with any certainty. Compare § 283, page 189. Skr. 
-bhyOm, and -bhiyam very rarely in the Yedas. The Avesta 
has one example of -byqm, in the word brvad-lyqm from the 
stem brvat- 'eyebrow', elsewhere -bya, Gfithic -Jyfl, with the 
variant -tie (the difference is merely phonetic, and quite regular 
see I § 125 p. 115, § 481 p. 355). O.Ir. gives dib n- (from 
da 'duo*), for *d(u)o-btn, for whose suffix more than one 
ground-form is possible, for instance *-bh&n or *-bh8n. 
O.C.81. -ma, the -a of which (= pr. Slav, -tf) must represent 
Idg. -0 or -a, and may have lost a final -s. Lith. -m, after 
which something must have dropped; if the last syllable is 
accented, the form has the incisive accent when it is dative, 
and the gliding accent when instrumental (I § 691 pp. 558 ff., 
and II § 90 p. 274 with the footnote); e. g. (Mm vilkdm 'to both 
wolves', but «6 abSm vUkarh Vith both wolves', dat. nakiim 
instr. naktim. This variation of accent — given by Eurschat, 
though nothing definite is known as to how widely it is 
recognised in the Lithuanian dialects — has come in through 
association of these forms with the corresponding plural cases 
(e. g. dat. nak&tns instr. naktims); and in the same way other 
dual forms have been assimilated to the plural in this language. 

The affix *em may have become attached to Skr. -bhy&m 
Avest. -byqm and O.Ir. -6 n~, cp. Skr. tti-bhyam beside tu-bhya 

1) References are giren in the footnote on p. 189. 

§296,297. Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental Dual. 201 

Avert. Gfith. taibya c tibi% and the like, § 186 p. 62. The 
agreement of Aryan with Keltic in having iA- deems to make 
it certain that initial bh- is older than the Balto-Slav. initial 
m- (cp. § 274 pp. 175 f.). But be it observed that the -m of 
Goth, tvdi-m O.H.G. zwci-m may possibly represent the old 
dual suffix (although there can be no mistake about the plural 
suffix in O.Icel. tvei-mr), and perhaps *0i-m, implied in Skr. 
v\-ScUl- '20 1 , is another dual case belonging to this class, so 
that we should have to compare O.H.G. zwein-zug, with a 
crystallised dative dual for its first part (§ 177 p. 35). 

-6 n- seems to have disappeared from Irish, except in 
dib n-; elsewhere we find -ft, as in the plural (§ 380), cp. in 
dib n-uarib deac 'duodecim horis 9 instead of *uarib n-deac. 
The reason why -6 n- gave place to -ft is that some of the 
dual endings had been worn down into the same sounds 
as the plural (Windisch, Paul-Braune's Beitr. IV 225 f.). 
Compare § 297. 

For the Greek endings -ouv -out -cuv etc. see § 312. 

§ 297. 1. o- stems. Skr. vfkO-bhyam, yugd-bhyam y dvA- 
-bhyam, pronom. td-bhyam; Avest. vehrJcat-ibya vehrkac-w$, 
dvaf-ibya : no pronominal forms found. O.Ir. feraib may be 
derived from pr. Kelt. *yiro-bh!tn, cp. § 296; dib n- (once 
written deib) for *duo-bfn, with i in the first syllable because 
of the word's being proclitic. Lith. dat. vitkd-m instr. vilka-m, 
O.C.S1. vl&ko-ma igo-ma (on ztilo-cUfi-ma see § 368), but Lith. 
dat. dve-m instr. dv$-m dat. t$-m(-dv$m) instr. t$-m(-dvSm), 
O.C.81. dv€-ma tt-ma. 

The stem-final -oj- or -#- is certainly original here in the 
numeral 'two' and in pronouns, as it is in the gen. loc. dual, 
e.g. Skr. dvdy-d$ tdy-1% O.C.S1. dvoj-u toj-u (§ 311). I con- 
jecture that it was also used in the dat. abl. instr. of substantives 
— we actually find it in Avest. vehrtef-ibya — and that this 
stem in -oi -e§ was the ending of the ace. dual neuter of 
the word, which similarly belonged to both nouns and 
pronouns originally. Cp. e. g. O.C.S1. dvi-ma : dvi (§ 293 
pp. 197 f.), and Skr. aktf-bhyam O.C.S1. oti-tna beside dk$t 

202 Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental Dual. § 297—299. 

oti (§ 300). In Sanskrit the diphthong (*vfi&-bhyatn) was 
exchanged for the ending of the nom. ace. masc, vfka = 
Or. Xvxu> (cp. Bartholomae , Kuhn's Ztschr. XXIX 582 and 
Bezz. Beitr. XY 38, where A vest, nd&ha-bya is taken to be 
another such form); in the European languages the dual 
was influenced by the corresponding cases of the plural: O.Ir. 
feraib like dat. pi. feraib for *uiro-bis (cp. § 296 p. 201, 
§ 380), Lith. vilkd-m like dat. pi. vWed-ms, O.C.SL vluko-ma 
like dat. pi. vltiko-mik. 

Remark 1. Meringer's assumption that this dual form ended in 
Idg. 'u-ibhyam?/ or *ou-(bhyOm?/ I hold to be unfounded (Meringer, 
Zeitsohr. fur d. Ssterr. Gymn., 1889, p. 1017). The forms of the dual 
oases, as I have already insisted in § 285 Rem., page 192, need not 
all be of the same kind. 

Remark 2. The way in which the form of the nom. aoo. dual 
becomes a base for the other dual oases is well illustrated by what 
happens in the Lithuanian dialects, as described by Bruckner, Arohir fttr 
slay. Phil., Ill 308 f. 

§ 298. 2. a-stems. -0- was the stem-final in pr. Idg. 
Skr. d&a-bhyam dvd-bhyam, pron. td-bhy&m. O.Ir. tuathaib, 
and, with the length of the stem-final kept, mn&ib from ben, 
gen. iwwa, woman* (cp. § 296 p. 201, § 381). Lith. rafiko-m 
(dat. mergo-m instr. mergd-m from mergd 'girl*), pron. dat 
to-m(-dv$m) instr. to-m(-dv2tn), O.C.SL rqka-ma. 

Is it possible that the numeral two originally had no 
special feminine form in -fl-P O.Ir. dib n-, Lith. dvt-m dvl-m, 
O.C.Sl. dvi-ma are both masc. and fern., and so are the gen. 
loc. O.C.Sl. dvoj»u Skr. dvdy-0§ (cp. too Lith. dvSju used for 
the feminine). Compare § 311 p. 209. Skr. dvd-bhydtn would 
in that case be an Aryan re-formate. The fem. use of O.C.S1. 
ti-ma may be a consequence of that of the pi. ti-mu t6-mi, 
and of the fact that toju, gen. loc. du., could be used from 
early times to express all genders (§§ 310 and 311). 

§ 299. 3. f- jd-stems (cp. p. 68, footnote 1). -f- was 
the pr. Idg. stem-final. Skr. bfhatf-bhyam, A vest barenti-bhya 
(i = f). O.Ir. insi-b (cp. § 296 p. 201, § 382). 

In Balto-Slavonic we find -#- instead of -$- (cp. dat. 
instr. pi. §§ 370, 382): Lith. zemt-m (dat. katt-m instr. kate-tn 

§ 299—303. Dative, Ablative, and Instrumental Dual. 203 

from kate W), 0.C.81. zemlja-ma. Following stems in -j&-: 
Lith. dat. vesanczi6-m(-dv8tn) instr. vezanczid-m{-dvem), O.C.SL 

§ 300. 4. t-stems. 8kr. dvi-bhyam, Skr. ati-bya. O.Ir. 
faithi-b (cp. § 296 p. 201, § 383). Lith. dat. nakt\-m instr. 
nakti-m, O.C.SL noStt-ma. 

With neuter t-stems it would appear that as far back as 
pr. Idg. the form of the nom. ace. dual in -f was used for the 
stem in this form: Skr. ak§t-bhy&m O.C.Sl. oti-ma beside ak$f 
oii 'the two eyes', and so also O.C.Sl. u&i-ma from u$i 'the 
two ears* (cp. Osthoff, Morph. Unt. II 132 f.; J. Schmidt, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVI 17). Of o-stems, O.C.Sl. dv&-ma y for 
example, bears the same relation to dv6\ see § 297 p. 201. 

§ 301. 5. u- stems. Skr. mnu-bhyam, Avest. bazu-bya. 
Lith. dat. sunii-m instr. #tfrm-m, O.C.Sl. synu-ma. 

O.Ir. bethaib like instr. pi. bethaib (cp. § 296 p. 201, 
§ 383). 

§ 302. 6. Stems ending in -n and -r. 

The stem was weak in pr. Idg., as it was in the same 
cases of the plural (§§ 373, 374, 384, 385). It remains weak 
in Skr. Svd-bhyOm tdk§a-bhyam, matf-bhydm ddtf-bhyOm, Arest. 
ner'-bya (nom. nar-a = Gr. avtg-e). 

In Irish and Balto-Slavonic, these cases of the dual, like 
the same cases in the plural, have taken the forms of the 
vowel-declensions (§§ 356. 2 and 402). O.Ir. conaib fiadnaib, 
mathr-ib (cp. § 296 p. 201, §§ 384 and 385). Lith. dat. 
&un-\-m akmen-l-m moter-l-m instr. szun-i-m akmen-i-ni 
moter-i-tH; O.C.Sl. kamen-t-ma moter-\-ma. 

§ 803. 7. Stems ending in an Explosive. These 
had the weak stem in pr. Idg., as also in the corresponding 
plural cases (§§ 367. 2 and 379. 2). Skr. bfhdd-bhyam, Avest. 
ber'za(t-bya ber* zap-by a and (with a change to the strong 
stem) ber'zan-bya ; for the stem-final see the sections just 
cited, and § 356.2. Avest. brvad-byqm, as has been said 
already (§ 296), is the only form with -byqm in the Avesta. 

204 Dartre, Ablative, and Instrumental Dual. § 803—805. 

O.Ir. cairt-ib and O.C.S1. tety-f-ma (from tel$ n. 'calf, cp. 
% 225 p. 107, § 244 pp. 142 f.), may be understood by 
referring to § 302. 

§ 804. 8. Stems in -*. 

Aryan. Skr. rndnd-bhy&m should regularly be *manad- 
bhyOm, but it has been influenced by the nom. ace. sing. 
mdnd fmind, thought'), like the pi. mdnd-bhi$; see § 856.2. 
Hence durmand-bhyam and the compar. dSlyd-bhyam from 
nom. sing. masc. dur-manOs d&tyOn neut. dur-tnand d&fyd. 
Similarly, havir-bhyam cdk$ur-bhydm hare been affected by 
the nom. ace. sing, havir (havig) 'libation' cdk$ur (cdk$u$) 
*eye', and hare -r6A- instead of the strictly regular -dbh- 
(I § 591 p. 448). But the regular -d- is found in the part, 
perf. act vidvad-bhyam like vidvdd-bhi$j only in these the 
formative suffix is strong, and the weak -us- is gone, see 
I § 591 p. 448, II § 136 pp. 440 f.>. Other regular forms 
are Avest. snaipii-bya from snaipig n. Word', and the part, 
perf. act. tititai-bya to be inferred from vtitai-bi$. No form 
from any **-stem is found; but reasoning from the pi. man€- 
-bi§, which is built up on the form of the nom. ace. sing, neut 
in -^ (in the G&thSs manZ), we may venture to restore *mari&- 
-bya *asyt-bya (see §§ 376, 387). 

O.Lr. tigib (tech n. 'house' for *(8)tegos) perhaps for *tege$- 
-o-W-, cp. instr. pi. § 387. 

Balto-Slavonic again shows a change to the i-flexion 
(cp. §§ 302, 303): Lith. dat dsbes-l-m instr. debes-i-ih (nom. 
sing, debes-l-s 'cloud', II § 132 p. 422), O.C.81. sloves-l-ma. 

§ 805. 9. ?- |t-, t?- tiff-stems and Boot Nouns 
in -u. 

Skr. dhf-bhydm bhrU-bhy&m (similarly pQr-bhydm gtir- 
-bhydm, see II § 160. 4 pp. 485 f.). In Old Church Slavonic 
the corresponding form of svekry and the like is not recorded. 

Skr. ndu-bhydm, g6-bhydm. 

§306 -308. Genitire and Locative Dual. 205 

Genitive and Locative Dual. 1 ) 

§ 806. With these cases as with the others, it is difficult 
to make out what forms the parent language had. It is 
probable that the two cases were not expressed by one form, 
but that they were regularly distinguished. 

First of all will be given the facts gathered from each 
branch of the parent speech; this will be followed in § 311 
by an examination of the previous history of the recorded 
forms, as far as it can be made out. Lastly, in § 312 the 
Greek forms for the genitive, locative, and other cases of the 
dual will be described. 

§ 307. Sanskrit. Both cases have the same ending,. 
-#£ = pr. Ar. *-a#$. 

Stems in -0- and -0- end in -ayO§, e. g. vfkaydf from 
vfka-s 'wolf, yugdyOf from yugd-m 'yoke', d&vayd$ from dhd 
'mare'. Side by side with this formation are Yed. 8nd$ (also 
§nayO§) from 8na~ 'he' and av6$ from avd- 'this', as in O.C.SU 
vliticu from vlitico- (§ 310). 

Remark. No trustworthy evidence for the shorter formation is to- 
be got from Ted. y6f beside yayO$ from ydr 'qui', niniy6j from ntntyd- 
'inside, hidden', pastiyOf from paztiya- n. "habitation, lodging', pBflyOf 
from pdfiya- n. 'pressing-stone'. In all these -ay- may have dropped out 
by syllabic dissimilation (I § 643 p. 482), as -fly- seems to have done in. 
suvapatyai § 247 p. 147. 

%- l^-stems: bfhaty-6$. 

i- and u-s terns: dvy-0§, 8tinv-6§. 

Consonant stems (with the weak form of the stem): Stin-d? 
(for the accent see p. 70 footnote 2), r&jfrdf from rdjan- 
'Iring', matr-6§ ddtr-d$, bfhat-6$, mdna$-d§ dhyas-d§ vid6§-d§. 

dhiy-6? bhruv-S^ nav>6$, gdv-d§ (cp. gen. sing. Ved. gdv- 
-as § 231 p. 120). 

§ 808. Iranian. 

In the Avesta, the genitive dual ends in -& -&s(-ca) = 
pr. Ar. *-0$, the loc. dual in -fl, which may be derived. 

1) For references on this subject, see the footnote on page 189. 

206 Genitive and Locative Dual. §308,309 

regularly from either pr. Ar. *-as or pr. Ar. *-a# (cp. Bartho- 
lomae in Bezz. Beitr. IX 208, 312 f., Xm 83). 

Stems in -o- and -fl- have gen. -ayd, as in Sanskrit both 
stems have -ayfl? (§ 307): vehrkayd from vehrka- m. 'wolf, 
haenayd from haqna- f. 'hostile host', and similarly in pronouns 
yayd from ya-, a$tayd from a$ta~, ayd from a-. This case 
is found without the syllable -ay- in Dvandva phrases, e. g. 
fratlrd batfatastfrd of F. and B.', a pair of brothers (stem 
fratira- and bat&atasfira-) ; fraftrd : vehrkayd = Skr. 8nd$ : 
2nayd$. Of the locative ending -ayd, examples are only found 
with o-stems: vehrkayd, ubayd from vba 'both*. 

w-stems: gen. bdzv-d loc. b&zv-d. 

n- and r-stems: gen. sfln-d, nar-d; the strong stem of 
nar-d is not original. 

trt-stems: gen. ber e zant-d y with non-original strong stem. 

tat-stems: gen. amar*tat-d from atnar't[a-t]fit- (I § 643 
p. 482) 'genius of immortality'. 0-stem: hvar e z-d from hvar'z- 
i. e. hu-var'z- 'doing good*. 

Old Persian. Spiegel and Osthoff regard dastaycL (from 
dasta- 'hand) and duvaraya (from duvara- 'door, gate, court') 
as loc. dual. They may of course be regarded, if we please, 
as loc. sing, with the postposition 5, dastay-a = Avest. 
zastay-a (§ 263 p. 164); this notwithstanding OsthofTs ob- 
jections set forth in Morph. Unt. II 100 f. 

§ 300. In Irish the genitive dual has a special form. 
Several classes of stems furnish no examples earlier than 
Middle Irish. 

o-stems: da fduoruin), fer, cSle. fl-stems: tuath, ban. 
t-stems: fdtho ftitha. u-stems: betho -a. n-stems: con, (Iran. 
r-stems: m&thar. titf-stems: carat, es-stems: tige. bd 'of two 

The "aspiration" of the initial of a following word (I § 658. 1 
pp. 510 f.) has no very strong support in Old Irish; in 
Middle Irish, the practice varies apparently without reason, 
and sounds are sometimes aspirated, sometimes left alone. 

§309-311. Genitive and Locative DuaL 207 

The original ending of the formation therefore still remains 
to be discovered. In some instances the gen. loc. dual seems 
to have been affected by the analogy of the genitive singular. 
Compare further Ascoli, Note Irlandesi p. 32. 

§ 310. Lithuanian dialects use a form in -wis with the 
meaning of a gen. dual, as zodiu-ms sunu-ms dukteri-ms tu- 
-du>-tns (of both*), fern. an$-dvi-ms (*of those two*). See 
Geitler, Lit. Stud. 56, Beitr. zur lit. Dialektologie 38; and 
Bruckner, Arch, fur slav. Phil. Ill 309 f. With Bruckner, 
we must regard the form as an extension of the dat. instr. in 
-m by the gen. sing. -$; compare these genitive forms built 
up on mu-m ju-m: — muma juma (the ending doubtless 
assimilated to mana tava = mdno tavo) and O.Lith. mumu 
jumu (-#, gen. pi.), cp. § 458. 

Slavonic gives -u as the ending of gen. and loc; this 
brings as back to *-ou in the first instance; after it -s may 
have dropped (I § 185 p. 161, § 588.7 p. 445). o-stems: 
vluku, but dvoju toju. ^-sterns: rqku, but dvoju tqju. *-stems: 
pqtiju pqtiju (-$/- -«/- as in the gen. pi. pqttj-t pqti-fi, § 348). 
w-stems: synov-u (-ov~ as in the gen. pi. synov-u, § 349). 
w-stems: kamen-u. ^-sterns: telet-u. «-stems: sloves-u. 

§ 311. We may now take a general view of the forms 
which have been given in the last four sections, for the 
purpose of comparison. At two points we are on firm 
ground: (1) Skr. -8$ : O.C.S1. -w; and (2) the t-diphthong 
before the suffix in o-stems, as Skr. tdy-d§, Avest. aftay-d 
ubay-d: O.C.S1. toj-u. . 

1. The proethnic ending of the genitive dual may have 
been *-o-#-s or *-$-#-$, consisting of the ending of the o-stems, 
the u of the nom. ace. masc. in -fy (Idg. *d#du = Skr. 
dvdii), and -5, the suffix of the genitive singular (§ 228 
pp. Ill f.). The Avestic locative ending -8, if derived from 
Idg. *-ou or *-0# 1 ), would be the dual stem without any case- 

1) It may be that this case is to be recognised in the Sanskrit word 
*dur6-na8 'within our (two) doors, at home with us\ which is inferred 
from durond- by Bartholomae Bezz. Beitr. XV 198 f. 

208 Genitive and Locative Dual §311. 

suffix, to be compared with singular locatives like Skr. kdrman 
Gr. doftsv (§ 285 Rem. p. 191). Some form of this kind might 
be used to explain -o/- in the Greek oydo(f)-o-s 6y8o(f)-ij- 
-xoira, although there are other possible explanations of it 
(the Author, Morph. Unt. V 36 ff.). 1 ) O.C.81. vltiku as a 
genitive may be derived from *-ous *-*jf$, and as a locative 
from *-o# *-€#. These proethnic endings spread beyond their 
own proper sphere in two directions: they passed (1) into the 
d-class (O.C.81. rqku, certainly not containing Idg. *-a#, cp. 
gen. pi. rqku like vluku)-, and (2) into the consonant, »-, and 
tt-classes (Skr. rdjft-d$ dvy-d§ etc., O.C.S1. kamen-u pqftj-u etc.). 
The absence of -s final from the original form of O.C.S1. loc. 
rqku is established, as Leskien points out to me, by Litb. 
pusiau Tialf, in twain* (beside the subst. piise 'half*), cp. 
O.C.S1. meidu 'between', lit. 'within the bounds', loc. dual of 
mezda 'middle, boundary'. 

Remark 1. Danielsson, starting from this assumed pr. Idg. *-o#s 
C*~*w)i has made an attempt to shew how certain nouns in Italic have 
been absorbed into the u-olass (Pauii's Altital. Stud., Ill 187 ff.). He 
supposes that e. g. the gen. cornite was originally a genitive dual from 
the stem corno- = Goth, hatirna-i and gen. mantis the same case of a 
stem man' (man-ceps); it would then be possible to see original locatives 
of the dual in cornu manu. Similarly Kluge (Paul-Braune's Beitr. VIII 
509) identifies the A.S. gen. sing. no$a (nom. now 'nose') with the Skr. 
gen. loo. dual nas-6$; if this were correct, *-otf* and not *-ej$s must 
have been the original ending. These and other like conjectures and 
comparisons, ingenious though they be, are not to be trusted, as any 
one may see; the ti-flezion of such stems oan be always explained in 
other ways. 

As regards Avest. & = pr. Ar. *-as, two questions offer 
themselves for consideration. (1) Was it properly the ending 
of £-stems, which spread at some later period to those in -©-; 
(2) does its 5-vowel represent the Idg. -d of the nom. ace. 
masc. of o-stems (Avest. vehrka)? OsthofFs conjecture (Morph. 

1) This would offer a possible means of connecting Scvtsqos directly 
with Svw, by deriving both from *£/tv-. All the same, I hold fast to 
my own explanation of the ordinal as by far the more probable (§ 166 
p. 8). 

§311. Genitive and Locative Dual. 200 

Unt. II 93) that Avest. -ay& is a re-formation of *-ayao§ on 
the analogy of the gen. sing, ha^nayd (§ 229 p. 114) I cannot 
accept. O.Pers. -ay-a, locative in meaning, if indeed we are 
to allow the form at all (§ 308), is also obscure. It is quite 
possible to compare -ay& with the Avest. gen. -ayd. 

2. The *-diphthong of Skr. dvdy-d§ tdy-d$ etc. is without 
doubt connected with that of Avest dvae-ibya Lith. dv'6-m 
dvl-m O.C.S1. dvt-ma (§ 297 p. 201). Not only these 
languages, but apparently Germanic and Baltic, have it in 
this same case; for there are certain forms which seem to 
have taken a plural case-ending instead of the dual, but 
to have kept the dual type in the stem to which the suffixes 
were attached. These forms are Goth. tvaddjS O.Icel. tveggja 
O.H.G. zweijo 'duorum* O.Icel. beggja 'amborum* (for the 
treatment of -$- between sonants in these Germanic forms see 
I § 142 p. 127), and Lith. dvSja abSju (cp. Skr. uhh&y-0$ 
O.C.81. oboj~u)\ the Lith. words were doubtless previously 
*dvaj-a *abaj-Q or *dvej-Q *abej-u, which became dvSj-u 
ablj-Q because influenced by the analogy of dtt-m dvl-m. 
This same original i-diphthong of the dual is doubtless to be 
traced in O.Sax. tw€-ne from *d#oj-no- (cp. Meringer as cited, 
p. 235), in Gr. 8om from *<2#of»i0-, and in Skr. dvG-dhd 
'twofold, on two occasions*. 

It is very probable indeed that the i-diphthong of the 
gen. loc. was used with 0-stems in the parent language itself; 
and it is therefore hard to make out whether these did 
not have -ai- (cp. nom. dual fem. *fai), so that it would 
be necessary to derive e. g. the O.C.S1. masc. toju from 
*fofcO#(s), but the fem. toju from *tojo%(8)y cp. Gr. xogatv beside 
Innoiv (§ 312). It may also be asked whether Skr. tay- in 
the masculine may not represent Idg. *tei~ (cp. Att. ivsiv and 
the rest, § 293 pp. 197 f.). 

Remark 2. If Idg. o in open syllables became a in pr. Ar. (I § 78 

p. 69), the maso. Skr. *tay6i^ not tdy6$, would answer to O.C.SL toju. 

Then what would tay6$ be : the feminine form, with Idg. *-aj- (op. § 422 

Rem., on the instr. sing. Skr. tdyd O.C.SL lojq) or a maso. form with 

Bruf mann, Iltmnti. I1L 14 

210 GenitiTe and Locative Dual. §§311,312. 

**«*-? Compare Meringer, Zeitschr. fur dsterr. Gymn. 1889, pp. 1017 f. 
Merioger's conjecture, that the stem *<7#t- in Skr. dvi-pdd- etc was 
onoe closely connected with the nom. dual fern. *d#aj, neut. *dyoi and 
with Skr. dvay-ds etc, seems to me improbable, because the /-diphthong 
was most certainly not peculiar to the word two, nor can it be shewn that 
it first appeared in this word, and afterwards spread to all other stems. 
On *rf*i\ see § 16$ p. 7, § 177 p. 33. 

Keltic genitives such as da, fer y tuath and so forth (§ 309 
pp. 206 f.), remain obscure. 

§ 31* Gen. Abl. Dat. Loc. Instr. Dual in Greek. 

Horn. -o*#*, Att. -otv (contracted from -o**v), found in all 
$tem& but the fl-class, Iwnouv "nnotv from i7mo-, nodouv noSotv 
from TtoJ- etc. A variant found on Attic inscriptions is -o*, 
tte *-«a > as &av6woi, and similarly in inscr. from Argos, as 
to* /u*oxo4. Elean -ototg, dvolotg, avtoiotg (for this -p see 
I § £33 p. 500). Attic fl-stems have -aiv, xopcuv. 

Attempts to explain the suffixes have been made by 
Kiok, Beai. Beitr. I 67 f.; J. Baunack, Mem. de la Soc. 
\W ling., V 25 ff., Die Inschrift von Gortyn 70 f., Stud, auf 
tloiu Uobiote des Gr. und der ar. Sprachen, I 174 f.; 
Tluimoywn, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 177; Torp, Zur Lehre 
\uu don goschlcchtl. Pron. 47 f.; and the Author in his Greek 
Uvmtmwr, ed. 2, p. 124. 

No doubt the relation of r innoi-iv "nnoiv to vqj-iv o<pul-iv, vwv 
\^\Jv (nom. vol atpw) is the same as that of Avest. vehrkaq- 
ibjlit to Hkr. vfka-bhydm. Then we have in Greek the same 
tlljOtthong (-*i- beside -0£- is seen in Att. dvsTw) as we saw in 
tin* tint, ubl. instr. and gen. loc. of the other languages, which 
wo rogunlod as identical with the ending of the nom. ace. 
noulot' (88 297 and 311). If the fern. Skr. %{$ O.C.S1. toju 
oomon from Idg. *tai-ou$ (§ 311, last page), xopatv for *xoput-iv 
would bo parallel to it. In considering these comparisons, it 
rthottld bo borne in mind that apparently forms are found 
In (I rook which retain the endings «o< (-*i) and -«i, for the 
nom, uoo. neuter of o-stems and the nom. ace. of O-stems; see 
$ 2NU p. 194 and § 293 pp. 197 f. 

§§312,313. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 211 

Elean -oi-otg is without doubt a late re-formation following 
the dative plural, which in this dialect has -otg in place of -01, 
as aywv-oip (§§ 360, 361). The change perhaps belongs to a 
time when -ou had become -o#, so as to cause confusion 
between this case and the loc.-dat. singular in -01 (§ 263 
pp. 164 f.). Similarly the Polish loc. dual dwu 'duobus' obu 
'ambobus' were changed into dwuch obuch by adding the -ch 
of the loc. plural, trzech 'tribus' etc. (Baudouin de Courtenay* 
Kuhn-Schleicher's Beitr. VI 79 f.). 

The doublets -01-iv and *-o*-« recal Lesb. dp/u-iv v/up-ir 
and a/uft-i ififi-i (compare too Gort. 6-xifu) , also a-cpiv and 
o-<pi, xot'Oiv and rdt-oi. But how are we to proceed? Does -*v 
-1 represent a pr. Idg. dual case-ending, say *-ffi(m), which Greek 
alone retained; or is it a special Greek formation? This 
question has not yet been answered. In any case one hypo- 
thesis deserves mention. According to this, some dual suffix, 
which began with a consonant, but of which nothing further 
is known, gave place to the plural locative suffix -m -ow; 
hence arose *vw-oiv like dud-bus, *xoT-oi(v) like OJcel. tvei-mr 
(compare too gen. Goth, tmddj-% Lith. dvlj-u § 311 p. 209); 
-tf- dropped according to rule (I § 564 p. 420), but in the 
corresponding plural forms it was preserved, or restored, by 
the analogy of qrv\ax-ci(v) and the like. This hypothesis 
certainly does not explain why the final nasal is differently 
treated in dual and plural. Of course xoquiv might be a late 
formation following the analogy 7nnoi : xogut. Of vmv something 
more will be said in § 458. 

Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 1 ) 

§ 313. Consonantal stems, and those in -1- and -w-, had 
in the parent language the case-suffix -e#, which was perhaps 

1) W. Sohulze, Das Suffix des nom. pi. masc. und fern* Kuhn's 
Zeitsohr. XXVIII 275 ff. The Author, Der nom. pi. der a-St&mme im 
Griech. und Lat, ibid. XXVII 199 ff. Zeyss, tJber den nom. plur. 
der oonsonantUehen Deolin. im Umbr,, ibid. XVII 42 Iff. Fdrstemann, 
Zur Oesch. altdeuteoher Deolin.: der nom. plur., ibid. XIV 161 ff. 


212 Nominfttire Plural Maaouline and Feminine. §§313,314. 

originally only a sign of the plural (§ 186 p. 60). There is 
no reason why we should not see the same suffix in -to, -#a, 
and -#*, the Idg. endings of the o-, #-, and T- iS-classes 
respectively; see I § 115 pp. 107 f., II § 185 p. 57. 

o-stems have in Aryan, beside pr. Ar. -as = Idg. -<fc, 
pr. Ar. -teas, which we may conjecture to be an Aryan 

Armenian has -R for the case-sign, e. g. dster-R 'daughters', 
undoubtedly the same as -5 in the suffix of the instr. plural, 
-bR -vR; compare the terminations of the 1st. and 2nd. plural 
present of verbs, -tnR and ~yR. Bugge (Beitr. zur etym. Erl. 
der arm. Spr., 43 f.) explains -R as follows. He supposes that 
the particle u attached itself to the inflexional -s (cp. Gr. nd*-v 
Skr. bhdrat-u etc.), making *-sw, pronounced *-$# before 
sonants; *-s-# became #, as initial sy- does (I § 560 
pp. 416 f.), and R was then adopted universally. The 
hypothesis at least deserves consideration. 

The nom. plural, like the nom. dual (§ 284 pp. 190 f.), 
served in all periods for the vocative, and in Sanskrit both 
numbers when so used were accented upon the first syllable 
(§ 200 p. 83). 

§ 314. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqds lupf. Skr. vfkds; 
Avest. -# very rare, amesd = Skr. amftds 'immortales'; on 
O.Pers. martiya "homines see below. Armen. gailR, see § 313. 
Umbr. prinuvatus prinuvatu prinvatur legati* screihtor 
'scripti', 08C. Niivlanus. O.Ir. voc. a firu, cp. below. 
Goth, vtdfds O.Icel. ulfar with pr. Germ. *-cfe, O.Sax. dagos 
A.S. da%as 'days' with pr. Germ. *-#s, see I § 581 p. 434, 
§ 661. 5 p. 519, and Paul in Paul-Braune's Beitr. VI 550 f. 

Bern ark 1. There is no sure foundation for an Idg. -is beside -tf* 
(cp. abL sing. -H : 6d and the like, § 240 p. 133). Lat magistrte is 
doubtless an ad-formate of the t-class, and O.H.G. tcolfa -a of the a- 
class; see below p. 214. 

1. Aryan. Pr.Ar. -asas beside -Os: Skr. Ved. vfkOsas 
(Psli -Ose); Avest. vehrk&whd, O.Pers. bagaha gods'. Outside 
of the Aryan languages no credible proof has been given of 

§ 314. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 213 

the existence of this ending. We are accordingly drawn to 
conjecture, with Bopp (Vergl. Gr. I 8 450), that the Idg. suffix 
-#s has been extended by the -as of the consonant-class. 

Be mark 2. It is a very common thing to find a second case-suffix 
added to a fully formed case. The most obvious comparison is that of 
Pali nom. pi. kaHMyo beside kaftfia = Skr. kanySs 'maidens': from 
rattiyo (sing, rattt) and vadhuyo (sing, vadhu) it was imagined that -yo 
was a nom. pi. suffix, and this was used to extend katiiioL In § 812 
p. 211 we noticed £1. Svot-oi; Pol. dwu-ch. Again, nom. pi. masc. O.IoeL 
pei-r 'the, these* (Runic pai-x) = Goth, pdi Gr. rot has taken -r (for -z) 
from substantives. Gr. aoc. ZT^-a (§ 221 p. 98). Gen. Dor. <>/<»-$, § 450. 
Lith. inBtr. tu-mh Mod.ELG. den-en in place of (fen, and the like (the 
Author, Morph. Unt. Ill 70). ! ) Examples from Russian are collected by 
Yetter zur Gesoh. der nom. Deol. im Russ. pp. 36, 37. 

Since Soberer, it has often been maintained that O.Sax. dagos A.S. 
dagas contain a suffix which answers to Skr. -dsas; see, for example, Mahlow 
Die 1. Voc. 128, W. Sohulze in Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXVIII 275. But this 
cannot be proved. It would be preferable to assume this suffix for O.Fris. 
dagar (see Mdller, Paul-Braune's Beitr. VII 505), but the ending of dagar 
may equally well be derived from *~dz (op. O.H.G. ir I § 661. 5 p. 519). 
To say that forms corresponding to the Skr. -dsas are to be found in the 
O.Ir. plurals in -a from the pret. pass, in -f, such as do-bretha (sing, do- 
-breth, II § 79 p. 232) is conjecture run wild. To support it we should at 
least need to show -at used side by side with -a. 

If, in spite of all considerations to the contrary, Skr. -dsas should 
prove to be proethnic, I would connect Idg. *-ds, in Skr. vfkds etc., with 
8kr. -dsas in the following manner: I would assume a pr. Idg. termination 
*~688 side by side with *~o~ses or *-$808 (cp. the gen. sing, -s beside -e* 
-os), whose- 88 would in all languages be treated just like Idg. -s (op. 
§ 356 Rem.). 

In Avestic, -a (Q&th. -0), as vehrka, is very common 
beside ~d and -dwhd. The form is also used for the ace. 
plural. Its origin is doubtful. 

Remark 3. Since Bopp, soholars have usually regarded this -a 
as the ending of the nom. ace. neuter. J. Schmidt, who agrees, compares 
Gr. to aira from 6 otro-?, Lat. loca from locus, eto. (Pluralb. 7 f.). 
Osthofrs view has at least as much in its favour (Morph. Unt. II 93 f.). 
He regards these forms as dual (cp. nom. dual Gr. x s Q at ^ at e<&iat used 
for the plural, § 315). On this view, forms in -a from oonsonantal stems, 
as nar-a 'men' vac-a 'voices', oan be understood at once; Bopp's ex- 
planation makes it necessary to suppose that -a spread to these stems 
from the nom. pi. vehrka, 

1) The oonjeoture offered in this place — that Skr. -&sas was first 
used with S-stems — oan hardly be right (cp. § 315). 

• 14 Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §314. 

Whether O.Pers. forms like martiyQ (see above) are to 
be compared with A vest. -A (Skr. -tfs), or with Avest. -a, 
cannot be decided. 

Old Irish. The form in *-fls, which became -u (I § 657. 6 
p. 509) held its ground only in the vocative use, and its place 
in the nominative was taken by the pronominal ending *-o» 
(see below, under 2); cp. Gr. voc-nom. 'Epfut'6 beside 'Epn*ta-s 
§ 190 p. 67. The confluence in form of the nom. in -tf*, used 
for the voc., and the ace plural (§ 326) caused the ace pi. of 
other stems to be used as a vocative, e. g. cahriea ace voc. 
beside nom. carit (§ 334). 

Old High German. I regard troifd -a and hirtt 
'herdsmen* (jo-stem) as adformates of feminine forms like 
geba -a and sunte (§ 315). 

2. In five groups of languages the pronominal aiding 
*-oj has spread to nouns (the reverse is found in Fmbro- 
Samnitic, as Osc. pus qui*): these are — 

Greek. Xrnm like rm\ 

Latin. O.Lat. poploe^ pT^mttot^ later ivy*.X \r* (1 § SI 
p. 74). An ending found on inscriptions of the sixth and 

seventh century of the city, in Flautus. and eisewbere, ft* 

(-tig -I*), as imayistTrs — W taken fr»=i th^ ^-jwj |§ 317). 
It was susr^ested by variant forrcs i^ tb? rr^c-:c^t^ .-»" 7 # (stem 
yui-) and qui (stem ?«<>-), i^i# *rd »^ A-so Fib*r> m**jistrti** 

Reaark 4. <&*wk. m ts* rHm*fr 3nrr*70.-m. »•* Ws gg p fttd hr 
«Trpl*jB«4 a* bob. pforal «tk* kswt aemt.74 » W C«or. m the 
Aavmcaa Jovra. of PViU X 4o£ v It » wff >i^> *t V* jMacrf* p»*Jil, 

tm % 357. 

Old Irish, nr Nirf % **% V:*". * ". >vt.-*>*s y-^cems) 
U* *-it: Gallic retjiss -v»\ T-v-'ct* S»^ >*■* I $ >« pc 77, 
% V>7 m 4 p- -V**- 

or.!r; Gorf^ Vsrnt LI O.H. 1 ,-, V t-r ?.\ * V v: «T I ^ *>>!. 6 
p, 520,: Gvci. *il ; m'LL L.^z\"?$& * f ^ % »> *-^i .v *\~'* r * -c the 
ztiAs&j r '{ the 3i» a>;^7 \\f :^: >•*• i iN ; V t. "?«•* " *-~ *" *. 

R*I:o-SIat , a: ». Li~r. r*V'~ ^-* *■-* .» — „ >^?i«:e 

§§314,315. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 21i) 

which we have t$, see I § 84 pp. 80 f., § 664.3 p. 523, 
§ 671 p. 536, II § 406, Morph. Unt. V 57 footnote 1. 
O.C.S1. vtiki, novi novi*, ti (I § 84 p. 82). 

§ 316. 2. fl-stems. Pr. Idg. *e1c#as. Skr. d&vOs, 
Avest. ha$n&. Umbr. urtas 'ortae* iuvengar 'iuvencae', Osc. 
scriftas 'scriptae', Marruc. asignas 'hostiae' (or some meaning 
of the kind); Latin seems to have preserved this type in 
the form matrona found on two inscriptions of Pisaurum 
(C. I. L. I 173, 177; cp. I § 655.9 p. 505). OJr. nom. voc. 
tuaiha, mna women (I § 106 p. 99, § 657. 6 p. 509). Goth. 
gibdSj O.H.G. Alemann. kebo (on O.H.G. geba -a, see below) 
A.8. giefa, O.Icel. gjafar, pr. Ger. *-dz. Lith. raiikos. 

Sanskrit. The Veda has not only -Os but -flsas, dfaasas, 
as with the o-class (§ 314). It is much rarer with a- them 
with o-stems, and in Iranian it is never found with fl-stems at 
all ; hence it would seem to have spread from o-stems to those 
in -0-. Now and then -dsas from an 0-stem has the meaning 
of the accusative (Lanman, Noun Infl. p. 363); the reason 
being that in this class nom. and ace. have always had the 
same ending, -##. 

Greek and Latin have -ai both in nouns and pronouns: 
Gr. x***qm, raij Lat. equae, istae (O.Lat. inscr. tabelai datai 
and the like). These forms are probably not a re-formation 
following the -oi of the o-class, but the Idg. dual, whose value 
was changed to match them with -oi\ see § 286 p. 194. 

Old High German geba -a and sippe sippea sippia -a 
(ifl-stem) took their ending, we may conjecture, from the %- 
iS-class (as gutinne, gutinna -a), which had *-#$ as their 
original ending (§ 316). Before *-%a (*-ia) = pr. West Germ. 
*-j&z became -e (Braune, Ahd. Gr. § 58 Anm. 1), -a (-a) 
spread to 5-stems which had no -i-, and afterwards was restored 
from these to the i-stems again (cp. Braune, op. cit. § 209 
Anm. 3). There is the same form-transference in the accusative 
singular, § 213 p. 91, and in the genitive singular, § 229 
p. 117. In Anglo-Saxon levelling took place in the opposite 

216 Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. § 315—317. 

direction, and zydenna was due to the analogy of j&/a sibba 
= Goth, gibds sibjQs. The Idg. ending -as is preserved in 
pronouns, deo dio = Skr. tyds. 

Old Church Slavonic rqky and zmijq {zmija 'snake*) 
are accusative plural (§ 327). The use of this form was perhaps 
caused by the fact that the old form of the nom. pi. *ronk&s, 
when the -s dropped (I § 588. 7 p. 445) became identical with 
the nom. sing. (rqJca); and it was helped on by the singular 
nominative and accusative having so frequently the same form 
(in Russian, the masc. ace. in -y is found used as nom. from 
the 13 th or 14 th century onwards). 

§ 316. 3. f- i^-stems (cp. p. 68, footnote 1). The 
Pr. Idg. form was doubtless *bhf§h#t(i)i8s. Lat. factes. It 
is doubtful whether O.Ir. insi is of this class (-i for *-il(s) with 
-T for -£), see § 229 Rem. 3 p. 117. O.H.G. gutinne, later 
-inna -a, see § 315. Lith. zemis. 

In Aryan there has been a twofold re-formation. (1) Skr. 
Ved. bfhatf} Avest. barentfy with a weak stem, like the ace. 
pi. (§ 328), whence arose a symmetrical group bfhati : bfhattm 
: bfhatf§ matching with divd : dham : nom. ace. dSvlls. (2) Skr. 
bfhatyhs Ved. -lyas (only bfhatyds in post-Vedic Sanskrit) 
and Avest. barentyd, da$vyd (read daqviyd) 'she-devils', following 
the I- u-class (§ 323), cp. nom. ace. dual Skr. bfhatyaii § 287 
p. 194. Once in the Avesta occurs -y#, bdminyd 'lucidae', 
certainly not the direct representative of pre- Aryan *-i#s, but 
following the ffl-class (§ 315). 

Greek too has the formation which follows the ifl-class, 
<ptpovoat; and so have Germanic — Goth, frijdndjds A.S. 
Zydenna (see § 315) — and Lithuanian, vezanczios. 
Compare p. 68, footnote 1. 

Old Church Slavonic, zemljq vezqst$ are accusative 
forms like rqky zmife (§ 315). 

§ 317. 4. i-stems. Pr. Idg. *ouei-e8. Skr. dvay-as, 
trdy-as 'three*; Avest. a$ay-d y trdy-d with non-original a. 
Armen. ereR 'three' for *tre(i)-es, see § 313 p. 212. Greek Att. 
4>(pHQ for *-s(i)-eg'y Ion. Att. rgstg Lesb. rpfjg Cret. rgicg. 

§317. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 217 

Lat. ovEs turrte tr&, Umbr. puntes "pontes' pacrer 'propitiT, 
-$s for *-*0-ea I § 134 p. 121. OJr. faithi, tr% y see below. 
Goth, ansteis preis, O.H.G. ensti drt (I § 142 pp. 125 f.). 
O.C.S1. pqfij-e pqtij-e m. (I § 68 p. 60, § 146 p. 131). 

Aryan. Isolated examples of -i-as are found. Ved. ary- 
-a$ (ari- active, eager, pious*), cp. ace. pi. and gen. sing, ary- 
-ds; also t>r§ty-a$ (M.Bh.) from «#■$*- rain', Avest. fravaSyd 
beside fravaiayd, female genii. 

The ending contained in Armenian sirtil is doubtful 
(cp. § 313 p. 212). 

Greek. All dialects have *-e{-e& in rgsTg (see above), but 
Heracl. ace. xgiiq (§ 330) is used for the nom. and ace. both. 
Substantives, except in Attic, have -ieg, o^if^ pdoteg, on the 
analogy of U fi-stems such as nokieg (§ 323), cp. the gen. sing. 
oyiog § 231 p. 119. As regards Horn, noktjsg see § 260 
p. 160. 

Italic. Lat. has -is beside -&, ovls oveis, which I regard 
as the form of the ace. pi. (§ 330). The use of -& and -fa 
together was natural when once -£s had found its way into 
the accusative plural on the analogy of ped-es, and was used 
along with -is for the accusative. The explanation of Osc. 
aidilis 'aediles, with -is = -l-s, is uncertain, owing to the 
scanty remains of the language. 

Old Irish, trl (Cymr. tri) may be derived from *tre(i)es 
by supposing that -ee- became -2- in proethnic Keltic; *tr$$ 
thus formed would become regularly tr% (I § 74 p. 64) ; or we 
might assume that *-ees became *-#&, *-«*, *-& and lastly -?. 
I think it not so probable that the ending contained in it is 
*-»i-e$, or that the form should be the accusative plural. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. n&ktys trps may be derived from 
*-**-(«)*> as sinUs from *-wjK«)«; but whence came these 
assumed endings? They can hardly be original. Did i and 
u come from the other cases of the plural, and take the place 
of e and a (for *-eu-es would have become -a#-(*)$, I § 68 
p. 59)? O.C.81. noiti (fern.) is the form of the ace. pi., like 
fern, rqky § 315 p. 216. 

218 Nominatire Plural Masculine and Feminine. §§318,319. 

§ 318. 5. w-stems. Pr. Idg. *suneu-es. Skr. sUndv-as, 
Avest. bazav-d. Gr. Ion. nrgse*; y$seg Att. ntjxetg ijdsTg. Lat. 
mantis can be explained as *man<w-(e)s (-o#- for -e#- according 
to I § 65 p. 52) *) ; but see below. O.Ir. mog*i (mug 'servant*), 
O.Corn. lichou 'swamps', Gall. Lugoves; *-ey-e8 first became 
*-of*-e* according to I § 66 p. 56, and then Irish *-o(u)*(s) y 
British -ou. Goth, sun jus O.Icel. syner synir for pr. Germ. 
*-tV** (I § 179 p. 156, § 660.1 p. 516). O.C.S1. spiov-e 
(I § 68 pp. 59 f.). 

Aryan. Sometimes -v-as in the Veda, as &ata-kratv~as 
.effecting an hundredfold', similarly Avest. yatv-o magicians'; 
cp. ace. pi. Skr. -0-as Avest. -v~0 beside -Un -u§, -U§ (§ 331), 
and gen. sing. Skr. -v-as Avest. -v-0 beside -0£ -aos (§ 232 
p. 122). As to the re-formation Avest. dahh&v*d = O.Pers. 
dahydv-a 'lands, regions' see § 261 pp. 161 f. 

It is a question what termination we are to see in 
Armenian zardK (cp. § 313 p. 212). 

Lat. manUs (see above) may also be the form of the 
accusative plural. This use of the accusative would have 
resulted from the relation between nom. ov^s : ace. ovte, nom. 
ped-$s : ace. ped-$s. manus in Plautus is shortened metrically, 
like can& and similar words (§ 319). 

Germ. Goth, mans O.H.G. man A.8. men 'men' for 
*manu-izj like the gen. sing. Goth, mans (§ 232 p. 122). 
O.H.G. siti follows the i-flexion. 

Lith. siinU8 like naktys, see § 317, last page. 

§ 319. 6. Nasal stems. 

a. w-stems. Pr. Idg. *Jc(u)uon-es 'canes'. Skr. &vdn-as, 
Avest. spdn-d; with the weak stem substituted Ved. magh6n-as 
beside tnaghdvan»as 'dispensers, givers, offerers', Avest. asftun-0 
beside aSavan-o pi. 'holy, pious'. Armen. $wn#, akanH akunK, 
ekinlt 'stags' (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. X 294), see § 313 

1) The syncope of the e of the final syllable would be later than 
the contraction of the two e 'b in *oue(i)-e8 (§ 317). 

[319. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 219 

p. 212. Gr. xvv-eg. instead of *xvov-tg *-nw-eg (cp. xvva § 218 
p. 94), rixrov-sg not t uEv-€g, aytov-ig 7i€v&t]v-eg; apv-sg like xvv-sg. 
Osc. humun-8 (tl in the last syllable) 'homines', cp. Lat. 
homdn-8s and Umbr. homon-tis 'hominibus' with -ffn-, II § 114 
p. 351. O.Ir. coin, drain. Goth, guman-s, O.H.G. gotnon 
gomuti; A.S. cexen exen O.Icel. yxn oxen for *uxsn-iz (Skr. 
utydn-a$) like Norse Run. dohtr-ix § 320; Goth. tuggGn-s 
O.H.G. zungun; on the formative suffix in O.H.G. gomon 
gomun, zungUn cp. Streitberg Paul-Braune's Beitr. XTV 218 ff. 
Lith. szbn-s like Gr. xvv-tg, dkmen-s. O.C.S1. jelen-e stags', 
dine 'days' with weak stem (n § 114 p. 356), zemljan-e 
•countrymen* (H § 115 p. 362). 

Avestic has also -a instead of -5, xSafn-a nights', see 
§ 314 p. 213. 

Latin. With this as with all the classes which follow, 
the old ending *-& gave place to -88 (the ending of i-stems, 
§ 317) before the Latin tradition begins: can-Zs homin-Zs 
eddn-$s. This gave the means of distinguishing nom. pi. from 
gen. sing., but caused confusion with the ace. pi., but perhaps 
-gg = *-e(i)-es and -& = *-#$ were still distinct at the time 
when this change of ending took place. Survivals of Idg. -%s 
are seen in quattuor and perhaps foris (§ 320). Plautine 
scansions like cante turbines are due to metrical shortening, as 
also is mantis, § 318 (see A. Spengel, Reformvorschlage zur 
Metrik der lyr. Versarten bei Plautus, 309 ff.); original *-& 
must needs have become -is, as it did in the genitive singular. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. ssftn-ys, following the i-flexion 
(§ 317), beside szim-s. Similarly O.C.S1. kamen-Xje -ije 
(hamen-e is not found) and cKn-tje -ije beside <Kn-e. 

b. w-s terns. Skr. k$dm-as from k$am- 'earth'; Gr. should 
have x9<> v -£Q instead of *x&°t*-fQ (I § 204 p. 172), but it is 
hardly likely that the form ever occurs. Avest. zim-a from 
zy& winter frost' (weak stem instead of strong, and -a instead 
of- fl, § 314 p. 213), Gr. yjov-tq 'falls of snow' instead of 
*X«>n-*g (I § 204 p. 172), Lat. hiem-Zs {~8s instead of -&, see 
above). Compare n § 160 pp. 482 f. 

220 Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §320. 

§ 320. 7. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *mat6r-es y *dotor-es, 
*qetuor-es quattuor'. Skr. matdr-as d&tar-as, Avest. m(Uar-# 
datGr-d; Skr. catvdr-as Avest. capwQr-d; the feminine of this 
is Skr. cdtasr-as Avest. catawr-d, with non-original weak stem 
like Skr. tisr-ds f. 'three'; that the weak stem is not original 
is clear from Avest. ti§ar-G and O.Ir. teoir, cetheoira cetheora 
(with -a following inna etc.); see § 167 pp. 8 f. 1 ). Armen. 
marXj dsterU 'daughters', 6orR 'quattuor, durU 'doors', see § 313 
p. 212. Gr. nqTSQ-€$ &vyaT€Q-€$ Horn, dvep-eg (Horn. dvyaTp- 
-sg Horn. Att. avdg-eg are re-formates), Swtop-sg; iovjjp-sg; 
Dor. TeroQ-eg Ion. xiootQ-fg, with weak stem Att. TiTTctp-sg 
Lesb. neavp-eg. Lat. quattuor, Osc. keenzstur censtur 'censores* 
Umbr. f rater 'fratres* (cp. the Remark) with -r for -r(e)s 
according to I § 655. 9 p. 506. O.Ir. tnathir, cethir, fern, teoir 
(I § 657.5 p. 508). O.H.G. muoter, Norse Run. dohtr-tR 
OJcel. dMr A.S. dehter 'daughters' like Horn. dvyarp^g; Goth. 
fidvVr (d doubtless from the neuter) O.H.G. fior 'quattuor 
(§ 168 pp. 9 — 11); O.H.G. turi f. 'door was perhaps originally 
nom. pi. = Skr. dur-as, -i = *-ts *-es according to I § 661. 2 
p. 517. Lith. mdter-si O.C.S1. datd-e Matores* (II § 122 
p. 389), 6etyr-e m. 'quattuor*. 

Avest. nar-a beside nar-d *av*Q6g and the like, see § 314 
p. 213. 

Italic. Perhaps Lat. forts f. 'door', since the word may 
really be a nom. pi. from for-, like O.H.G. turi above. In 
any other case it will be needful to assume that a singular 
for-is was coined at some period to correspond to the plural 
for-to, on the analogy of ovte : ovis. matr-te datdr-28 follow 
the i-class, see § 319 p. 219. 

Be mark. Beside f rater /rater in Umbrian, /rate er is found onoe, 
Tab. Y. b 16. It should hardly be compared with Gr. <p^or^-t; (beside 
<poarot*; warfQtt) SotiIq^ (II § 120 p. 379), although the word, in 
Umbrian as in Greek, bears only the sense of 'comrades'. The reasons 

1) The change of stem from strong to weak in the nominatire was 
due to the absence of singular and dual oases, so that the nominative 
was the only case which had the strong stem at all. 

§§320,321. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 221 

for not allowing this form are: (1) In line 11 we read f rater y with 
the fifth letter erased. It was doubtless e; and if so it seems 
that we have here a mistake made twice, and only corrected once. 
(2) Along with this nominative the gen. fratrom and dat. fratrus are in 
use. But a stem frOfcr- would doubtless hare been carried through all 
the cases, as are those in -tdr- (ars-fertur- 'flamen*). Nor do I see any 
means of supporting the view that an older Umbr. nom. pL fr&ter has 
lengthened its e in order to draw a line between nom. pi. and nom. sing. 
(Bfioheler, Umbr. pp. 180 and 191). I therefore consider frateer to be 
nothing but an oversight. The form frOter may be explained as 
*/r£/r-(2> (cp. Lat. fratr-l8) y compare ager for *agr(o)-8 y I § 655.9 
p. 506. 

Germanic. Goth, brdprjus follows sunjus because of the 
resemblance between brdprum and sunum (II § 122 p. 388). 
O.H.G. bruoderd -a and tohtera -a (cp. Braune, Ahd. Gr. 
pp. 171 f.), following o- and a-stems (§§ 314, 315). 

Old Church Slavonic materi follows the t-class (§ 317 
p. 217). 

§ 321. 8. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

Pr. Idg. *bhf§hont-es. Skr. bfh&nt-as, Avest. ber e zant-d. 
Gr. (pigovT-sf;. O.Ir. carit. Goth, frijdnd-s O.H.G. friunt. 
O.C.S1. vezqste instead of *vezqte, the § coming from cases 
which had -$o-, cp. vezqgtt § 219 p. 96. 

The wf-participles in Lithuanian show a double formation. 
One group of dialects has vezantys after the analogy of i-stems 
(cp. dial, ahnenys beside akmens^ and the like); the other 
group (High Lithuanian) has vezq, which can hardly be 
anything else but the form of the nom. ace. neuter (cp. § 225 
p. 105, and § 342); but how it came to be so used is still 
unknown (cp. Joh. Schmidt in Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVI 362 f., 
and Pluralb. 162 f.). 

Gr. vvxr-sg, Goth, naht-8 A.S. niht nights'. Skr. daSdt-as 
Lith. deszimt-s O.C.S1. destf-e 'tens* (cp. § 174 p. 23). 

Skr. iarddr-as autumns'. . Gr. yvyad-sq. O.Ir. druid 
'Druids'. A.S. hnit-e (-e = pr. Germ. *-iz) beside ace. sing. 
hnit-u nit, louse's egg* (§ 219 p. 96), similarly A.S. hnyt-e 
nuts' = O.Icel. hnet-r. Pr. Idg. *pod-es 'feet': Skr. pdd-as, 

222 Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §321,322. 

Armen. ot-H (cp. § 313 p. 212), Gr. nod-eg, A.S. /» O.Icel. 
fBt-r pr. Germ. */Jtf-fe, cp. II § 160 p. 480. 

Skr. u&ij-as 'those who are desirous', Avest. tniprd-druj-& 
they who deceive Mithra'. Gr. f-ieiQax-eg , opxvx-tq oQwy-sg. 
O.Ir. na-thraig water-snakes'. Skr. spdi-as Avest. spas-d 
'spies, inspectors' (Lat. au-spic-gs). Skr. vdc-as Avest. pflc-o, 
Gr. *on-&g (Lat. vdc-€s). Skr. rdj-as O.Ir. rty (Lat. rBg-$s) 
Goth, mi-s (I § 74 p. 64), Idg. *re§-es rulers'. Osc. medix 
'meddices' for *tned-dik-es , cp. Lat. ju-dic-€s and Skr. dfi-as 
'directions, indications, instructions'. O.Ir. brig 'mountains', 
Goth, baurg-s O.H.G. burg A.S. byr% 'fortresses, cities', 
Avest. bar'z-d or ber*z-G (inferred from the other cases which 
are found), cp. II § 160 p. 479. O.H.G. buoh A.S. Uc 
'books', pr. Germ. *bdk-fc. 

Skr. dp-as Avest. ap-d waters'. Gr. xkwn-sg 'thieves'. 

Avestic also has -a instead of -5, as vac-a beside vOc-Oj 
see § 314 p. 214. 

Lat. -£s, ferent-Bs lapid-88 ped-&s bib&c-Bs vdc-e$ rBg-es 
dap-Bs, following the i-class, see § 319 p. 219. 

§ 322. 9. s-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *dus'tnene8-es. Skr. durmanas-as , Avest. 
dusmanatdh-d. Gr. dvofieveeg -e7g. — Skr. u$ds-as n$ds-as, 
cp. § 220 p. 97. — Gr. /wqv-tg Lesb. ^w-*s, (Lat. mBns-€8,) 
O.Ir. mis, cp. II § 132 p. 415; Skr. tnds-as Avest. mdnh-d 
months', cp. II § 134 pp. 424 f. 

Pr. Idg. comparative *0£(t)ios-es 'ociores'. Skr. d&yq-as, 
for the nasalised formative suffix see II § 135 p. 430; in the 
post-Vedic language rarely -lyas-as, like the ace. sing, -lyas- 
-am § 220 p. 97. Gr. rjdtovg for *-?o(ff>*£; with the weak 
stem, Horn. nXitg Cret. nkieg for *nl^ k o^g (II § 135 pp. 429 
and 432). O.C.S1. slazdtse perhaps for *-fcAe, earlier *-iS'e$ 
according to I § 588. 2 p. 443 ; S may also have come from 
-si-, with -i- from the cases which had -40-, cp. vezq&te § 321 
p. 221. 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *ueiduos-es. Skr. vidvfc-as (for 
4, see II § 136 p. 441); in the Veda and later we sometimes 

§ 322—324. Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 223 

meet with the weak formative suffifix -ti$-as, vidu$-as (cp. ace. 
sing. § 220 p. 97); Avest. vldv&nh-d. O.C.S1. mSrft§e, to be 
explained in the same way as slazdXise, above; and compare 
the ace. sing. tnXruSi (§ 220 p. 97). In regard to Gr. hS6t-s$, 
see II § 136 p. 440. Lith. mlrq following vezq (§ 321 p. 221), 
compare the nom. sing, mirqs : vezqs (II § 136 p. 441, III § 193 
p. 73); a dialectic variant is -w*ys, like -antys. 

Pr. Idg. *mus-es 'mures': Skr. tnA$-as; Gr. /liv-€$ and 
fitv-t^ the latter following stems in -u- -w#- (II § 160 p. 485); 
A.8. tngs OJcel. mgs-s. 

Latin. -&, <tegener-Bs hondr-€s tn8ns-e$, dcidr-€$, tnur-te, 
following the i-class, see § 319 p. 219. 

§ 323. 10. J- t'i- and a- fjtf- stems, and stems 
ending in -f, -J, -#. 

Pr. Idg. *-ii-£$, *-t*jf-0S, e. g. *bhruu~es (nom. sing. *bhrU-s 
'brow*). Skr. dhiy-as 'thoughts, meditations' Ved. nadiy-as 
'rivers', Ihnbv-as Ved. &va&ruv-as mothers-in-law'. In Avestic 
*-*i-es is represented by certain forms of F- i^-stems, which 
follow the analogy of this class, e. g. daevyd i. e. daeviy-d 
(§ 316 p. 216); and *-w#-e$ by tan(u)v-d 'bodies'. Gr. xw$ 
nofo-eg (from nokl-g), 0(/>pu-«c v~*$ vexv-*g (from v£xv-g). 

Lat. £u-&, with t-flexion, see § 319 p. 219; ms (beside 
vir€$), to be explained like the gen. sing, vis § 233 p. 123. 
OJcel. sgr 'sues' like gen. sing. s#r, see § 233 p. 123. 
O.C.81. kruv-i f., svekruv-i f. following the i-class (§ 317 
p. 217). 

Skr. gir-as 'songs of praise' = *sjr-es, piiras 'strongholds' 
= *pll-es y gd$dn-as pi. 'gaining kine' = *-*pfi-es. Compare 
II § 160. 4 pp. 485 f. 

§ 324. Certain Root Nouns in -# and -$. 

Pr. Idg. *ndu-e8 'naves': Skr. ndv-aSj Gr. va-*^ vfj-et; 
vi-sg (I § 610 p. 461); Lat. ndv-Es follows the i-class, see 
§ 319 p. 219. 

Pr. Idg. *gou-es: Skr. gdv-as, Gr. /fo'-eg, and perhaps 
Mid.Ir. bai (ai and oi are confused in Middle Irish); 

224 Aeeusatire Plural Masculine and Feminine. § 824,325. 

Lat. bov-8s like ndv-te; O.H.G. kuo A.S. eg OJcel. kgr are 
re-formates, see § 199 p. 80, § 221 p. 98, § 238 p. 130. 

Skr. rdy-as 'treasures, goods', Avest. rdy-d. Lat. r$s for 
*r£(£)-&, or an Italic re-formate. 

Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 1 ) 

§ 325. The general ending in the parent language for 
this case was -ns. The view which assumes -ms as the 
ending is opposed by what we find in Baltic; see § 186, 
page 61. 

1. -ns was pronounced -#s after stems ending with a 
consonant. Prom -#* come Ar. -as, Armen. -s, Gr. -a$, Lat. -Bs 
Umbr. -/, Goth, -tins, Lith. -&. (See I § 224 p. 192, § 232 
p. 197, § 233 p. 197, § 238 p. 200, § 244 p. 202, § 249 
p. 204; as to Armen. -s for -*a(n)Sj see further I § 202 p. 169, 
§ 651.3 p. 497; for Umbr. -/, I § 209 p. 177 and Duvau's 
essay (see footnote 1) ; as regards Lith. -is for *-\s, I § 664. 3 
p. 523. 

O.Ir. shows the ending -a, as con-a 'canes' aithr'a. The 
ending is -as in Gallic, Lingon-as Bitwing-as (it is true we 
know the forms only as Roman authors have preserved them), 
and Windisch (Paul-Braune's Beitr., IV 215) would have it 
that -a has come from the a-class. But so long as the history 
of # in Irish has not been made clear in all points, we shall 
have to regard -a provisionally as directly representing *-#s. 
Perhaps -#s, becoming first *-ans, passed very early into *-fi"s 
*-fis; for in tracing the suffix of the ace. pi. of o-stems, 
-w (§ 326), we come to *-ws at the first step, and this brings 

1) Bartholomae, Der arische aoo. plur. masc. der $-, #- und r- 
Stftmme, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXIX 483 ff. Curtius, Der grieoh. aoo. plur., 
ibid. I 258 f. O. Keller, Der Aoo. auf is der 3. Deol. bei den august. 
Diohtern, Rhein. Mus. XXI 241 ff. L. Durau, Le group final *-$« a 
l'aoe. plur. des themes consonantiques de Tombrien, M6m. de la Soo. de 
lingu. YI 223 ff. 8tokes, Der aoc. plur. in den britisohen Spraohen, 
Kuhn-Sohleicher's Beitr. VII 69 ff. 

§325. Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 225 

us to *-ds and lastly to *-flha, which points to a very early 
loss of the nasal. Cp. Lat. pedis for *~ens as contrasted with 
tnsi-s (earlier &nsi-s), I § 208 p. 175. 

Stems that show vowel gradation, such as Skr. uk$dn- 
Goth. auhsan- W, have generally a weak stem in Sanskrit, 
and a strong stem in Greek. As to which of the two re- 
produces the older form, probability is on the side of Sanskrit 
(cp. cattir-as = Lith. ketur-is Gr. Aeol. ntavp-ctg); but the 
matter is still an open question. Since # in Aryan and Greek 
became an av (I § 226 p. 193), it must be provisionally 
assumed that Ar. -as is regular only in such forms as Skr. 
tdk$n-as bhdrat-as bhriv-as, and spread thence to ukfo-ds 
tyhat-ds etc. 

2. Whether or not o-, i-, and it-stems had -o-ns, i-ns, 
and -u-ns respectively in pr. Idg., is uncertain; not that Lith. 
gerus-ius makes it so (see § 326), but because of Skr. 
-qs -an, -fr -fn, -t(r -tin, whose long vowel we must doubtless 
regard as belong to the proethnic period of Aryan at the 
latest (§ 327). 

Remark. If we take Idg. -on* as our starting point (cp. Hanssen 
in Kuhn'8 Ztschr. XXVII 615, and Bremer, Berl. phil. Woohensohr. 1887 
p. 502), we should hare to assume a shortening of the rowel for the 
European languages, according to the principles laid down in I §§ 611 £ 
-Otis would be related to -9* as abL sing. -6d to the ~d of Skr. tnd-d 
'a me' (§ 240 p. 134) : Hns -uns might be regarded as an Aryan re-formation 
following -on* — Skr. -f r -fn and Arest -trqi in r-stems certainly are 
an Aryan re-formation; or if they were held to be original, -0n* would 
bear the same relation to -ins -uns as the instr. sing. Skr. vfkd to 
Skr. matt Avest. Mzu (§§ 274 ff.), or as the nom. aco. dual Skr. vfkd to 
dv% 8unu (§§ 284 ff.) But it is quite possible to regard the Aryan forms 
with a long rowel 'as an Aryan analogical formation: it may be supposed 
that *-utt8 followed the nom. pi. in -09, being influenced by the fern. ace. 
nom. pL '08, and that the long rowel thus produced in o-stems influenced 
those in -1- and -><-, and finally those in -r-. Compare Bartholomae, 
Stud, zur idg. Sprachg., I 37 f. 

3. 0-stems had pr. Idg. -tfs, as in the nominative plural. 
J. Schmidt's theory that this ending came from -dns (see 
I § 220 p. 188) is unsafe enough. 

BrufntAnn, Elements. HI. 15 

226 Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. § 326. 

§ 326. 1. o-atems. Pr. Idg. *ulqo-ns i^ufaOns? see 
§ 325). Skr. vfkqs vfkan for *-dm (see I § 647.7 p. 494); 
vfkdnt before $-, as we must assume with Whitney, is simply 
-dn s- with parasitic t serving as a transition sound, or 
glide 1 ). Avest. vehrkqn vehrkcp(-ca) , cp. below. Armen. 
gail-s. Gr. Cret. Xvxovg Dor. Boeot. -cog Ion. Att. Dor. -ovg 
Lesb. -oi$, with the variant (pr. Greek and onwards) -og for 
-ovg, see I § 204 p. 171, § 205 p. 172. Lat. lupte (I § 208 
p. 175); Umbr. abrof apros' Osc. feihuss 'fines 1 (I § 209 
p. 177). O.Ir./rw, ctliu 'socios* (I § 212 pp. 178 f., § 657.6 
and 10, pp. 509, 510, III § 325 p. 224); also inna (the article, 
from *sen + to-\ for *-ctas, earlier *-#te, when used before an 
accented syllable (cp. inna n- § 429). Goth, vulfans OJcel. 
ulfa. Pruss. deiwans 'deos', O.C.S1. vluky, krajq from kraft 
'edge, rim' (I § 84 p. 80, § 219. 4 p. 187, § 665. 4 p. 525). 

Aryan. Seeing that Avestic q represents nasalised a 
both long and short (I § 21 p. 24, § 200 pp. 168 f.), it is 
impossible to say whether *-an$ or *-&ns is to be assumed as 
the parent form. An attempt will be made in § 330, Remark, 
page 231, to shew that it is more likely to have been *-««$. 

The Avestic variants vehrka Gath. vehrk& are to be 
explained like the same forms used for the nominative plural, 
see § 314 p. 213. We further find Avest. -#, e. g. atnesd 
*immortaW, which we conjecture to be the nom. form (= Skr. 
atnftfts, § 314 p. 212); its use as an accusative grew up from 
the use of acc.-nom. vehrka (cp. Skr. ace. fem. -asas, § 315 
p. 215); yet be it observed that the nom. ace. pi. neuter also 
had variants -& and -a (§ 338). 

The Old Persian martiyd 'homines' cannot be accurately 
estimated. In this dialect, sounds are most inadequately 
represented in writing; it should be noted in particular that 
nasalised vowels are not distinguished from others in writing 
(I § 200 p. 168). Moreover, the record of Old Persian is too 

1) Compare the Author, Litan. Volksl. und March., 289; Bartholomae, 
Stud, zur idg. Spr., I 36 f. The conjecture offered in voL I of this work, 
§ 557. 1 p. 412, cannot hold water. 

§ 326. Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 227 

scanty to give any satisfactory knowledge of the laws for final 
syllables. Compare what is said in § 314, p. 214, on nom. pi. 

In West-German ic the nominative did duty as accusative: 
O.H.G. taga -a O.Sax. dagos A.S. da^as (§ 314 pp. 212, 214). 
The same is true of the other classes of stems, and in some 
degree of all Germanic languages. The cause of this syn- 
cretism may have been that from a very early period ace. and 
nom. pi. had been represented by the same form in 0- and 
I- ^-sterns (§§ 327, 328). 

Lith. vilkus (dial. viUcum), ger&'s-ius (dial, gerum-im) and 
gerbs, t&'s and tus (cp. instr. sing. fern, td and ta, on which 
variation of accent Bezzenberger offers a conjecture which 
deserves consideration, Bezz. Beitr. X 204); similarly Lett. 
wi'lkus and tds (o = u with the 'lengthened' or 'drawled* accent). 
It cannot be shewn that the Lith.-Lettic group am (Idg. *&ns) 
became High Lith. tta; and to take as a starting point Lith.- 
Lettic *-&m *-dns = Idg. *-0ws is out of the question, 
because Idg. *-dm becomes -am (I § 615 p. 465). I therefore 
assume that the A of the ending *-&m *-dns (for the 
shortening to Lith. -il(n)s see I § 664. 3 p. 523) came from other 
cases, first of all from the loc. plural in -usu -tlse (Lett. -tls). 

Remark. Before going on it may be well to follow out this matter 
to the end. In the locative plural, then, the old ending *-aisu *-esu = 
O.C.81. -echU Skr. -efti (see § 357) was transformed to -tto* by proportional 
analogy, to matoh *-Osu -Osu in the 3-olass and *-tesu -esu in the i- id- 
class, and similarly *-iw = O.C.81. -fcfcu Skr. -i$u (/-stems) beoame -isu 
(nakty-su -*£); compare loo. pL Ital. -08 following -Qs (§ 357), Lat. 
isWrum, equOrum following istSrum, eguarum (§ 345), Gr. dual rvpya 
(instead of vvptpai) following lvxa> (§ 286 p. 194). This ohange was very 
old, as we know from Lett -us -is (beside -ds -4s) 1 ). The adoption of 
u o into the aoo. pi. was all the easier beoause there was a close 
similarity of meaning between the aco. pi. with -na affixed (e. g. natnus-nd 
'homewards') and the loo. pi., and the fern, accusative endings -ds -6s 
{-ds-na -es-na) had always had a long rowel. Onoe the re-formation 
*-uns was established, its influence was felt in three ways. (1) A dialeotio 

1) Lith. vtnli-lika dvy-lika seem also to have been assimilated to 
try-Uka^ keturid-Hka and the rest (compounds with the nom. aoo. pi. 
neuter as first member) by proportional analogy. See § 175 pp. 28 f. 


228 Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §§326,327. 

loc vilkumse appeared, which followed the ace. viVcuns viVcuns-na. (2) The 
confluence of o- and «-stems in ace and gen. plural (ace dangib 'caela*, 
-us = Goth. -u*s etc; gen. dangU for *dang%L-& § 349) produced the 
re-formates dangu*-*<i and dangust. (3) An intrusive n appeared in the 
ace of pronominal a-stems with Lith.-Lett. -as (-<5«) = Idg. -a* (§ 327) : 
OJith. and dial, pirmans-es (Mod-High Lith. -ds-es) 'has primas'. 

The loc pL Lith. -yse Lett, -is at once suggests the conjecture that 
in Lith.-Lett not only *-o*w (o-stems), but *-**« (jf-stems), and it may 
be also *-un* (u-stems) lengthened the voweL No direct evidence for 
prehistoric *-i*« *-uns is forthcoming. 

§ 327. 2. O-stems. Pr. Idg. *e£#a* (cp. § 325.3 
p. 225). Skr. divas, Avest. ha?nd. Lat. eqxiOs, but compare 
(2) below. O.Ir. tuatha, mna 'mulieres', but cp. (2) below. 
Goth, gibds, O.H.G. Alemann. kebo, A.S. j«/a, OJcel. gjafar. 
Lith. rankaSj rankos-na "into the hands, Lett, rukas, cp. (1) 

1. As to Vedic -Osas beside -fls (ara&gamdsas from 
ara&gamd- expectant, offering oneself), see § 315 p. 215. 

O.H.G. geba -a and sippe sipped sippid -a are to be 
explained in the same way as the same forms when used for 
the nom., see § 315 p. 215. Compare gtdinne -inna -a § 328. 

Lith. rank&s never contained a nasal, which is proved 
by the use of this form in those modern dialects which show 
-t< us as the o-stem ending. 1 ) -ans-es occurs only in pronouns; 
it is a re-formation, see (2) below, and § 326 Rem. p. 227. 

2. In the following branches, Idg. -Os was driven out by 
some form with -«$, through assimilation to the other classes 
of stems. It is doubtful whether this first took the shape of 
*-tfM«, and the a was then shortened according to I §§ 611 ff., 
or whether the ending became *-aws at once. 

Greek. Argive and Cretan -ctv, as Arg. \4lf£arJp*tar<; 
Cret. TioHytvrdvQ (Att. ngtopivrac) , Dor. Boeot. Ion. Att. -a^, 
Lesb. -aig. A variant dating from proethnic Greek was -d s * 
for -criv, as -<v for -osy (§ 326 p. 226). See I § 204 p. 171, 
§ 205 p. 172. 

1) Moreover, if *-ans were the parent ending, the Lettic form must 
have been *nM»«*. 

§§327,328. Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 229 

Italic. Umbr. vittaf vitulas', Osc. viass vias' (I § 209 
p. 177). Since there is no question that these forms come 
from *-ati8) the equation Lat. equas = Skr. divds (see preceding 
page) is at least doubtful (see I § 208 p. 175). 

Old Irish, tuatha, mnd may be derived from either 
*-&> or *-aw* (I § 212 pp. 178 f., § 657. 6 and 10, pp. 509 f.). 
Gall, artvass 'gravestones' (see Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. XI 115) 
would be decisive in favour of *-aw$, if t><], the last symbol 
in the word, is really to be read as ss. 

Balto-Slavonic. Pruss. gentians 'mulieres* like masc. 
deiwans; the similarity here caused the formation of nom. pi. 
gennai after the analogy of the masc. -a* (unless indeed the 
masc. ending -ai instead of -as is simply due to carelessness 
on the part of the translator; see Bruckner, Archiv fur slav. 
Phil., IV 28). O.Lith. and dial. pirmans-eSj see above. 
O.C.SL rqJcy zmij$ (zmija snake) for pr. Slav. *-dhs (I § 219 
pp. 185 f., § 615 p. 465); if the re-formation is later than the 
confluence of Idg. a and o, the endings -y -q were always 
like those of the masc. vluky and krajq. 

§ 328. 3. f- is-stems (cp. p. 68, footnote). The 
original ending is not clear. 

Skr. tyhatfs Avest. barentlSj with rare variants -iyas 
-yds) and Avest. -y#, as with the F- ti-class (§ 329). 

O.H.G. gutinne, later -5 -a, and Lith. zemes-nti (*into the 
countries') zem&s certainly have original -j£s } like the nom. pi. 
gutinne and iemes (§ 316 p. 216). In Lat. facite is the same 
ending, unless it be -ns like Umbr. iome(f) mniores, which 
seems to have developed out of an old abstract noun (as Lat. 
prd-gentes, II § 111 p. 339): a different explanation may be 
found in Bechtel's paper, Bezz. Beitr. VII 4 ff. 

Gr. (pegovoGg, Goth, frijdndjds, Lith. vezanczias, and 
perhaps O.C.S1. zemlfe following the i<J-class. 

O.Ir. insi is ambiguous. 

Remark. If we were right in assuming *-(t'Xp a8 & proethnio 
variant of *-»m in the aoo. sing. (§ 216 p. 93), there may have been Idg. 
*-GH#* in the plural. From this might be derived Lat. factes, Umbr. 

230 Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §§ 828—330. 

iovie(f), O.C.SL zemljr, Ved. -4yas Ayest. -yo. Then the question would 
arise — have not Or. -t&ve -lavs suffered some analogical ohange following 
the icg-stems, their previous form having been -^a; -iSi = Idg. *-ijns 
*-*#« ? Then the older -(»)*«« may be still represented by the pr. Or. 
variant of -(i)*^? used before consonants (cp. -a; beside -5k;, § 327). 

§ 329. 4. %- t'i- and a- t*#-8tems and stems in 

-f -J "?• 

Tr. Idg. *-*i-#s *-w#-#$, e. g. *iArwff-#$ (nom. sing. *bhrU-$ 
eyebrow *). Skr. dhiy-as Ved. nadly-as, bkriiv-as Ved. ira^rtit?- 
-as. Or. x/a$ noXiag (from 7ro7,i-£), otpQvag l/d-vag vixvotg (from 
vixv-g) ; Herod. noXTg from 7ro'A.r-s following the t-class (§ 330), 
Horn . Herod. Att. ocppvg Horn, vixvg following the u-class 
(§ 331). Lat. su-&; Ms (beside vlrBs) like nom. pi. vis (§ 323 
p. 223). Lith. £uv-\s = Ix^vag. 

O.Icel. sgr is the nom. form (§ 323 p. 223). O.C.Sl. 
Jcr Uv-i svekriiv-i follow the t-class (§ 330). 

Skr. gir-as 'hymns' = *gp'-QS, p&r-as 'strongholds' = 
*pjl-#s , gd-$dn-as pi. gaining cattle* = *-s#n-#s. Compare 
II § 160.4 pp. 485 f. 

§ 330. 5. t-stems. Pr. Idg. *o#t-n$, *tri-ns 'tres' 

(*ouTns *trins? see § 325 p. 225). Skr. masc. dvfr dvxn, 

dvTnt *- like vfkdnt s- § 326 p. 226; Avest. masc. a&s*), see 

below. Armen. sirts; and eris, which retains the i (I § 202 

p. 169) . Gr. Horn, oig Ion. ngjjolg Dor. Boeot. rgTg. Lat. 

turrls ovls tris y also written turreis etc.; Umbr. avif aveif 

aves* tri f treif 'tres*. O.Ir. faithi, tri. Goth, gastins anstins 

prins, O.Icel. geste. Lith. naktls tris perhaps representing a 

re-formation in *-tns y see § 326 Rem. p. 227; O.C.Sl. pqti 

no§H tri (I § 219. 4 p. 187). 

Aryan. In Sanskrit, answering to -tn and -tin, the 

endings of masc. t- and w-stems, feminines have -i$ (dvi$) 

and -U$ (dAgwtf?), which are re-formations following dhas 

§ 327) and bfhati? (§ 328); but in Avestic both genders 

1) There seems to hare been no Avestic variant in -#\ as there was 
no varia nt -u beside -&$ in u-stems. See Bartholomae , Kuhn's Ztschr. 
XXIX 496 f. 

§330. Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 231 

show the endings -tt and -w£ (fern. $§&& 'riches', bar e snu$ 

Be mark. Skr. -ir, -i{r, -fr from *-, w-, and r-stems, for earlier 
*-iw«, *-uw£, * m fni. In toI. I of this work, § 647. 7. p. 494, it was con- 
jectured that -s was due to the influence of the t- u- and r-sounds, in 
spite of the preceding nasal; we assumed that a nasal, coming before -8 
when it did not stand at the end of a clause, and following a long sonant, 
was reduced to a mere nasalising of the sonant earlier than when it followed 
a short sonant, namely in proethnic Aryan (op. I § 199 Rem. 1 p. 167). 
Now -s in Avest. tierqs cannot be separated from the ending of Skr. nfr\ 
so the Avestic form must be derived from *nfns, and not *nfti8. On the 
same reasoning Avest. azis and bdzus, if they have or ever had a nasal 
sound in the last syllable, come from *-inS and *-£»£, not *-in§ *-un§. 
This would prove that these various classes had a long vowel in the 
aoo. plural in pr. Aryan. 

But Avest. -is and us in fern, i- and u-stems may be phonetically 
identified with Skr. -is and -i*£ in the same stems, and it is possible to 
assume that -s* first belonged to these endings -ii and -t*8, whence in 
pr. Aryan it spread to the masculine forms (ending with -ns); op. 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXIX 483 ff., and Stud, zur idg. Spr., I 37 ff. 
In that case we should have no proof that the Skr. -ir -t$r -fr had a 
long sonant as early as the proethnic Aryan period. But considering that 
Skr. fern, matfs has in Avestic the nasalised mOterqs answering to it 1 ), 
it becomes more probable that the Avestic fern, endings -Is -US also 
contained a nasal, and that the Skr. fern, -is -us -f? are Sanskrit re- 
formations. But if these endings -is -Hi are not so old as pr. Aryan, 
pr. Ar. -ns could not have obtained its 8 by analogy ; and then our 
supposition that s is phonetic and nothing more gains in probability. 

If then we are to postulate for proethnic Aryan *-iws *-wws, or, to 
write the sounds more exactly, *-»*« *-t**a, the o-stems too most certainly 
had a long vowel at this period, and their ending was *-fi*«. 

Skr. aryds like nom. aryds, see § 317 p. 217. Avest. 
garayd 'hills' is clearly nom., like the ace. gatav-d § 331 
(compare further Th. Baunack, Stud, auf dem Qebiet des 
Gr. etc., I 456 footnote 1). 

Greek. Horn, nooiag Lesb. x-njotag following the t- %%- 
class (§ 329). Att. rpug 6<petg paaug are nom. So too the 

1) R.-Y. X 352 mcUfn does not oome into consideration in this place, 
because it is joined with masculine substantives in apposition, something 
like an adjective: tn&tfnt aindhun p&rvat&n 'motherly streams and hills' 
The form has often suggested wrong inferences. 

232 Aocusatiye Plural Masculine and Feminine. §§ 330—332. 

Latin forms in -eta, as turrBs, and those of West Germanic 
like O.H.G. gesti ensti dri. See § 317 pp. 216 f. 

§ 331. 6. it-stems. Pr. Idg. *8Unu-ns (*$Ununs? see 
§ 325 p. 225). Skr. masc. sUn4r suntin, sundnt s- like 
vfkant 5- § 326 p. 226; Avest. masc. bazds. Armen. zard-s. 
Gr. Cret. vlvvg 'Alios', Horn. xXhtvq yivvg. Lat. manUs. O.Ir. 
bithu. Goth, sununs, O.Icel. sunu suno. Lith. s&nus, dangus 
*caela', perhaps containing a re-formation *-tfos, see § 326 
Rem. p. 227; O.C.S1. syny (I § 219.4 p. 187). 

Aryan. Fem. Skr. -tf$, dh8n&$ y like fern. dv$§ y similarly 
Avest. -t#, bar'SnUi •heights', like fem. titls, see § 330 with 
the Remark. 

Vedic also shows -v-as (m. and f.), as pa&v-ds pecora', 
and in Avestic there is -v-6 to correspond, e. g. paw-0, as in 
the nom. plural, see § 318 p. 218. Avest. gatav-d places, 
seats, thrones' is a clear nom., like garay-d just above 
(§ 330); and so also Avest. dahhav-d = O.Pers. dahydv-a, 
see § 318 p. 218. 

Greek. Horn. yXvxtug Herod, njjxeag^ a re-formation 
following the nom. in -ee$. Att. r\ SsTg nfj/ttg are nom. (§318 
p. 218) like o<psig (§ 330). 

Umbr. kastruvuf castruo 'fundos' from kastru- (cp. 
Osc. castrotSj § 232 p. 121) following o-stems, perhaps because 
of the nom. ace. pi. neut. in -uva -wo and the gen. pi. in 

Germanic. Goth, mans O.H.G. man 'men', the nom. form 
(§ 318 p. 218). 

§ 332. 7. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *Jcun-$s or *fc(u)uon-#s 
'dogs'. Skr. Sun-as, in Veda uk§n~ds with a variant 
formation uk$dn-as and the like; Avest. x§afn-d nights', 
wrtm-fl and urvdn-6 'souls', spdn-d (also -a instead of -0, see 
§ 314 p. 213). Armen. akan-s akuns. Gr. xvV-«c <*pr-a$, 
t&ctok-os 7ro#/«fVa^, uyvSr-ag nevfrfjv-ag. Lat. carn-2$ y homines, 
eddn-€s; Umbr. maw-/ 'manus' beside Lat. man-ceps (see 
Duvau, Mem. de la Soc. de ling., VI 226). O.Ir. con-a 

§§ 332,333. Accusative Plural Masouline and Feminine. 233 

dro-a, see § 325 p. 224. Joel. Qrn-u 'eagles* bjqrn-u 'bears' 
(owing to this form and to the dat. instr. pi., § 384, these nouns 
eame to be declined as u-stems) beside nom. sing. O.H.G. aro 
hero (O.Icel. Are O.Swed. Bjari survive as proper names); 
with these we should probably compare Goth, aiihsnuns, since 
the form auhsunnSj recorded in 1st Cor. 9. 9, seems to need 
emendation, see I p. 203, footnote. 1 ) Lith. zzunAz aktnen-is. 

Greek. Cret. -avg as well as -ag } e. g. xaprov-avg (Att. 
xpsirTovag), a re-formation caused by the existance of doublets 
-avg and -ag in 0-stems (§ 327 p. 228). 

Germanic. Goth, gumans O.H.G. gomon -un are nom. 
forms (§ 319 p. 219). 

O.C.Slav, kamen-i following the a-class (§ 330 p. 230). 

§ 333. 8. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *matr-Q8 *ddtr-ys or 
*mater-#8 ddtor-qs. Skr. usr-ds from u§dr- 'dawn', 
cat&r-as m. cdtasr-as f. 'four'; Avest. tnatar-d datar-G 
GSth. fdr-d patres' (also -a instead of -0, § 314 p. 213). 
Armen. mars dster-s. Gr. tiyrsQ-ag, Horn, dvyarp-ag and 
dvyarig-ug, Horn. Att. avdpag beside Horn, avig-ag; iuirop-ag, 
ioTfjp-ag. Lat. tnatr-es, datdr-$s; Umbr. ner-f 'avdpag, proceres' 
(cp. twan-/ § 332). O.Ir. aithr e a } § 325 p. 224. Goth, brdpr- 
-uns 'fratres', vintr-uns 'winters' (declined as a u-stem), and 
perhaps A.8. brddr-u wintr-u (beside brddor winter); cp. nom. 
Norse Run. dohtr-iR § 320 p. 220. Lith. m6ter-is (dial.), 
ketur-is 'four* (cp. Skr. cattir-as Gr. Aeol. ntovQ-ag), durAs 
'door* (cp. gen. dUr-U § 351, anp Skr. ace. dtir-as dur-ds). 

Aryan. In pr. Aryan the analogy of stems in -o-, -*-, 
and -u- caused the ending *-fns to be used with r-stems, 
Skr. -fr -fn and Avest. -erqi (monosyllabic), whose pro- 

1) If we read auhsuns (op. Bernhardt Yulfila p. Lvn, Braune Got 
Gr. 8 § 80 Anm. l t § 108 Anm. 1), this must be regarded as a re-formate 
following a form *uhsum = uh^-mi (see § 384). But even though this 
instrumental formation must once have existed, it oan hardly have lasted 
out the pr. Germ, period, but it will doubtless have given way to a new 
one with -u- inserted; see loc. cit. 

234 Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. §§333,334. 

nunciation cannot be exactly defined (cp. Bartholomae, 
Kuhn's Zeitechr. XXIX 483): Skr. pitfn, nfn, Avest. mdterq§ 
nerqs (cp. Jackson, Amer. Journ. of Phil., X 346 f.). Skr. has 
-f? for the fem., matfa like -J$ -«£. See § 330 Rem. p. 231. 
pitaras, found in the Mahfi-BhSrata (12924) is a re- 
formate due to the likeness of nom. and ace. pi. in other stems. 

Greek. Cret. frvyurep-avg like xapvov-avg, § 332 p. 233. 

West-Germanic. O.H.G. muoter faterd -a and the 
like, O.Sax. wintar A.S. winter etc., are nom., see § 320 
pp. 220 f. 

Balto-Slavonic. High Lith. moteres following *- #- 
stems; and so too we have in the dialects nom. pi. mdter-es 
(beside mdters), instr. sing, moter-e (beside moter-itni), and 
the like. O.C.S1. materi follows i-stems, § 330 p. 230. 

§ 884. 9. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

Pr. Idg. *bh?§hQt-#s or *bhf§hont-%s. Skr. bfhat-ds, 
Avest. ber'zat-d ber zant-d. Gr. (pipovc-ag (Cret. paXXovr-arg 
like xapxov-avg, § 332 p. 233). Lat. ferent-€s. O.Ir. cairfa, 
see § 325. Goth, tunp-uns 'dentes* (declined as a u-stem), 
Lith. dant-ls (cp. gen. dant-U). — Lith. vezanczius O.C.S1. 
vezq&tq following the io-declension (§ 326). 

Skr. £ardd-as 'autumns'. Gr. (pvydS-ag. Lat. /aptd-es, 
Urabr. capif kapi 'capides* for *capid-f, like man-f (§ 332 
p. 232). Mid.Ir. druide (-e = - # a), see § 325 p. 224. 
Skr. pad-ds Avest. pad-G Gr. noti-ag Lat. ped-l& Goth, fdt- 
-uns 'feet' (II § 160 p. 480). 

Skr. u&ij-as pi. of 'desirous*. Gr. /ueipax-ag opvvy-ac. 
Lat. bibde-gs frug-€s y Umbr. frif fri 'fruges, frumenta for 
*frfg-f (* = #, see I § 57 p. 46) , unless we follow Pauli in 
connecting it with Lat. frit and deriving it from *frit-f 
(cp. II § 161 p. 488). O.Ir. nathrach-a, see § 325 p. 224. 
Skr. vdc-as Avest. vac-d vOc-8, Gr. *6n-ag J Lat. vdc-£s 
(II § 160 p. 480). Skr. rdj-a* Lat. rtg-es, O.Ir. rig-a (§ 325 
p. 224). 

§§334—336. Accusative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 235 

Skr. ap-ds, Ved. also dp-as, Avest. ap-d dp-d waters'. 
Gr. xXwn-ag. Lat. dap-Bs. 

Avestic has also -a instead of -5, as vdc-a Voces', see 
§ 314 p. 213. 

Germanic. Goth, frijdnd-s O.H.G. /rt'tmf, Goth. mSndp-s 
'months' reiks 'rulers', baiirg-s O.H.G. burg A.S. Jyrj are 
nom., see § 321 p. 222. 

§ 335. 10. s-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *dus-tnenes-%s: Skr. durmanas-as, Avest. du§- 
tnanawli-d; Gr. Ion. dva^tviug (Att. dvo/tuvtig is nom. in form, 
§ 322 p. 222) ; Lat. dBgener-Bs. — Skr. u$ds-as. Lat. hondr-Bs. 
— Gr. fiTjv-ug Lesb. {ti]vv-ag, Lat. m&ns-es, O.Ir. mi8-a (see 
§ 325 p. 224), cp. II § 132 p. 415; Skr. mOs-ds Avest. m&nh-d 
'menses, cp. II § 134 p. 425. 

Pr. Idg. compar. *dlci8-'#s or *dfc(i)ios-#8. Skr. dilyas- 
-as. Gr. Horn. nXsag (Cret. nXlavg like xagrov-avg § 332 
p. 233) for *nXrH<j-as (II § 135 pp. 429 and 432); Att. -qilovg 
is nom. (§ 322 p. 222). Lat. dcidr-ts. O.C.S1. slazdVsq, as 
if from a jo-stem (§ 326). 

Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *yeidus-ys or *#ejd#o«-ps: 
Skr. tridti§-as Avest. vtdtts-d. Lith. mlrus-ius O.C.S1. ntfrusq 
following the jo-class (§ 326). As to Gr. sidov-ag see II § 136 
p. 440. 

Pr. Idg. *mus-tys mures': Skr. tntZ£-a*, inferred from nom. 
*wii£-as, Lat. tn&r-Bs. Gr. /uvag pvg, a re-formate following 
offgiag orfptg (§ 329 p. 230). A.S. tn§s O.C.S1. mgs-s are 
nom. (§ 322 p. 223). 

§ 336. 11. Certain Root Nouns. 

Pr. Idg. *na#-#s 'naves': Skr. ndv-as, Gr. Horn, vfjag 
Herod, viag (Att. vavg a re-formate like vavv, § 221 p. 98), 
Lat. nav-Ss. 

Gr. Horn, po-ac, Lat. bov-88; in Skr., the regular form is 
gds^ beside which occur gdvas in the Rig- Veda (the text has 
gds, which will not scan), and gdv-as in the Taittirtya 
Brahmana. I hold it probable that Skr. gds Avest. gd and 

236 Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. §§336,337. 

Gr. pu!g (Theocr.) do not represent an Idg. *gds } but are re- 
formates in these languages following the ace. sing. (Skr. 
gdm etc., § 221 p. 98), like Att. povq following povv : and this 
in spite of W. Schulze, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 429, and 
Meringer, Zeitschr. fiir ost. Gymn., 1889, p. 1019; compare the 
footnote on page 428 of volume II. On Mid.Ir. bu Thurneysen 
says: "If the nom. bai comes from *6ot, which would stand for 
*bou-es n — see § 324 p. 223 — "bu = *bOs may have been 
formed on the analogy of *tnogoues : mogUs (mog"i : mogu) n . 

Skr. rdy-ds and ray-as 'goods, treasures', Avest. rfly-(J; 
also Skr. ran following rdm; Lat. rSs for *r2(i)-g« -ens? 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter.*) 

§ 837. The ending as shown in consonant stems is -d = 
Skr. -i Gr. -a (I § 110 p. 105, Morph. Unt. V 52 ff.) The 
Idg. endings -F and -U (f- and w-stems) might also be analysed 
into -i-\-9 and -u+0. 

The o-stem ending -fi is identified, rightly in all 
probability, with -0 in the nom. sing, fern. 2 ) ; then such a word 
as *juq(l (= Lat. juga) would originally mean, if we may 
coin a word, 'y !^ 0111 ' or something of the sort. Compare 
II § 158 pp. 473 ff. In favour of this view much evidence 
may be adduced; for example, the use of the singular of the 
predicative verb with a nom. pi. neuter as subject, an idiom 
which is as old as the parent language: e. g. R.-V. I 162 8 

1) L. Ha yet, La desinence des pluriels neutres, Mem. de laSoo. de 
lingu. IV 275 f. Y. Henry, Le nominatif-accusatif pluriel neutre dans les 
langues indo-europ., Le Museon VI 558 ff, J. Schmidt, Die Plural- 
bildungen der idg. Neutra, 1889. The Author, Zur Bildung des nom. 
aoc. plur. neutr., MorphoL Unters. Y 52 ff. Bartholomae, Zur Bildung 
des nom.-acc plur. der as-Stfimme, Ar. Forsch. II 105 ff. W. Meyer, 
Die Sohioksale des lat Neutrums im Roman., 1883. 

2) In addition to J. Schmidt, Pluralb. p. 10 footnote 1, see 
Windisoh, Curtius 1 Stud. II 265; de Saussure, M^m. sur le syst prim., 
p. 92; Johansson, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXX 400; und Hanssen, Com- 
mentationes in honorem Guilelmi Studemund, 1889 pp. 116 f. 

§§837,338. Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 237 

sdrva td . . . astu 'omnia haec sunto', Horn, i 438 iliaavto agtitvu 
fiijka. If the o-class got its neuter plural thus from stems in 
-0-, it would be possible that the t-class got its neuter plural 
with the ending -J from the nominative singular of I- j£-stems 
(II § 109 p. 332). 

Before the use of this form as a plural case, which was 
soon followed by a re-formation of the gen. into *jugdm 
'iugorum', and the loc. into *jugpi8(u) jugis', and so forth, 
there must have been a real neuter plural haying -9 in the 
nominative and accusative. 

In consonant stems, along with the forms in -3, there is 
used the bare stem, with a formative suffix of the 3rd. or 4th. 
strong grade as its case-sign, e. g. *dhBm6n = A vest, ddmqn 
from the stem *dhhnen-. This *dh&ndn in formation resembles 
a nom.-acc. neuter singular of which we have an example in 
Goth. namU nomen' for *-m0n (§ 223 p. 100), and the nom. 
sing. masc. fern. Gr. tsq/uidv Goth, tuggd and the like (§ 192 
p. 70). Hence J. Schmidt assumes that this neuter plural 
series, like the last, was once a series of feminine collective 

It is a fair conjecture that -a at first belonged to some 
one group of consonant stems, and that it afterwards spread 
to others. Between Avest. datnqn and Skr. dhdmdn-i Avest. 
aiaon-i there was, we may suppose, much the same relation 
as between certain variant forms of the locative singular, Skr. 
mardhdn and mUrdhdn-i mUrdhn-i (§ 256 pp. 156 ff.); and in 
the parent language there will have been not only -(hi (-#*) 
and -On-d (-£»-d) but also forms with a weak grade of stem. 

§ 338. 1. o-stems. Pr.Idg. *juQa niga*, cp. § 337. 
Skr. Ved. yugd; Avest. x§apra O.Pers. hamarana 'battles'. 
Lat juga; Umbr. veskla vesklu 'vascula supa sopo 'supina' 
Osc. teremenniti 4 termina' cornono comitia' (I § 105 pp. 98 f.). 
O.Ir. trl cm 4 300' = Ved. trt Satd, trath •hours* nert powers' 
and the like, cp. next page; Gall, perhaps huvtsvcl. Goth. 
juka, pd 'the, those* (I § 659.1 p. 512, § 660.2 p. 515); 

238 Nominatire and Accusative Plural Neuter. §338. 

O.H.G. wort verba', whence joh instead of *johhu (-u retained 
in cunniu cunnu 'families', especially in East Frankish, beside 
cunni), O.Sax. A.S. fatu 'casks* (I § 661 p. 518). Lith. 
keturio-lika '14* penkid-lika '15* (§ 175 p. 28), Pruss. slayo 
'sleighs' from sing, slaya-n sleigh, sledge* warto 'door (-o = -0 
as in the nom. sing. fern. e. g. tnergo = Lith. tnergd, 'girl'); 
O.C.S1. iga. 

Aryan. A Sanskrit variant ending is -#m, yug&ni, found 
in Vedic, and exclusively used in the post- Vedic language. It 
is a re-formation following ndmdn-i 'nomina'. So too Avest. 
Gfith. vlspewg (vlspa- all') yqn yqm (yet-, pronoun) have for 
their model *-fln, the n-stem ending, as haxmGwg ndtnqn -qm 
(§ 340); the same re-formation is said to be found in Vedic 
Sanskrit, e. g. tdpH^i patawgdn 'winged flames' R. V. IV 4 2 
(Ludwig, Rig- Veda IV 313; Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. II 157, 
Stud, zur idg. Spr. I 73). The point of contact which was 
the beginning of these changes is the similar ending of the 
plural, Skr. Ved. ndma Avest. nftma (§ 340) and Skr. Ved. 
yugd Avest. xsapra. 

Another termination found in Avestic is -$, the ending of 
es-stems (§ 342), as vispd. There are also forms in -flis, as 
rlspais, which like n&m€nl$ (§ 340) seem to be really in- 
strumental (§§ 379, 380), although it has not yet been made 
clear how they came to be used for the nominative (cp. 
Bartholomae, Stud. I 75). 

Greek, -a, fvya, follows consonantal stems. It is very 
unsafe to say that -a has been kept in adverbs like xgvyij 
Dor. xpwpa; see § 274 Rem. p. 174. But I conjecture that 
we have a real instance of -a in im'-rtjds-g just for this, on 
purpose' (Buttmann compared the word with im route, Lexil. 
I 46). Another piece of evidence for the old ending -fl is 
found in phrases like aOvrard itm 'it is impossible'; see 
J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 32 ff., and § 158 of the vol. II of the 
present work, pp. 473 ff. 

In Old Irish the usual ending is -a, as dligtda, which 
is explained very reasonably by Windisch (Paul-Braune's Beitr. 

§§338,339. Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 239 

IV 214 f. and 231) as a re-formation following the nom. and 
ace. plural of a-stems (§ 315 p. 215, § 327 p. 229); we must 
follow Thurneysen in looking for the point of contact in the 
article, where inna represents both *sen-das and *sen-da 
(§ 428). 

Lithuanian. Besides the forms already given, pikth in 
tat pikth c haec mala (sunt)' and the like may belong to this 
place. The plural form must necessarily have run into one 
with the singular (Idg. *-o-d). 

§ 839. 2. t- and w-s terns. Pr. Idg. *trT 'tria, 
*medhU 'sweetnesses, sweet things', cp. § 337. Skr. Ved. trt y 
&icf 'splendida, pura', tnddhU, purti 'multa'; Avest. hu-baodi 
'bene olentia, cf quae* in cF-ca, pouru 'multa', GSth. vohU 
'bona'. Lat. trt(-ginta). O.Ir. trl tri; and perhaps mind 
'insignia', rind 'constellations', see below. Lith. trij-lika '13' 
(cp. keturid-lika § 338); O.C.81. tri, and doubtless si 'haec' 
from nom. sing. masc. st. 

Aryan. A Sanskrit variant is -f>*i -flwi, tftirii Silcfni, 
mddhUni purdni, found in Vedic and exclusively used in later 
Sanskrit; compare -am § 338. In the Avesta we might 
expect to find forms in *-fn *-Un y *-f *-t{, parallel to vnsp&ng 
(§ 338); and since the Avestic language had no means of 
writing nasalised i- and w-vowels, it is quite possible that 
such forms are really there, though disguised by being 
written with -t and -fl (Bartholomae, Stud. I 73 f.). 

In Greek there are re-formations with the suffix -a: 
rp/a, tigia; Horn, yovva Lesb. yo'vva for *yovf-a Horn. Att. 
ijdiu, Att. aartj TJ/utot) (for the contraction see Wackernagel, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXV 272). 

Italic. Re-formations with the o-stem ending; Lat. tria 
maria, genua cornua; Umbr. triia 'tria' triiu-per trio-per 
W, berva Verua' vatuva vatuvu vatuo (meaning unknown). 

In Old Irish *-ifl -e (cp. the Italic) was perhaps the 
regular ending of substantives, mure 'maria'. 

240 Nominatire and Accusative Plural Neater. §§339,340. 

Be mark. "Three formations are found. (1) Without any termination, 
mind rind (the latter was perhaps originally a neuter w-stem, to judge from 
rendaib). (2) With -e : mure. (3) With -a (esp. in MicLIr.) : mora, retina. 
It is unfortunate that all three agree with some plural form of the two 
chief neuter classes, the o- and s-stems. The ending -a is certainly due 
to the analogy of the o-class, and mora is a direct imitation of dligeda. 
mind may represent an old form with -i, like tri; but it may equally 
well be an ad-formate of o-stems, ep. dliged beside the later dligeda. 
-e may be either *-ia or *-ia, and also a re-formation following the 
9-olass (§ 343). I should prefer to regard -e as the genuine ending of 
neuter t- stems". Thurneysen. 

Adjectives have dropped the neuter form altogether; for 
the nom. ace. the masc.-fem. form is used, e. g. mathi (maith 
good 1 ). 

Germanic. Goth, prija O.H.G. driu follows the o-class 
(§ 338). Of the same kind is perhaps Goth, kniv-a O.H.G. 
kneo knees' (J. Schmidt, Plur. 49). O.H.G. fihiu pecora*, if 
there was such a word (see Braune, Ahd. Gr. p. 171), admits 
of different explanations. 

§ 340. 3. n-stems, cp. § 337. 

a. -(hi (-Zn): Avest. ddmqn ndmqn, haxmfrdg (hazman- 
'friendship'). In Sanskrit, such a form as patangdn would be 
indirect evidence for pr. Ar. -0n; see § 338 p. 238. 

Ved. dhdma ndma, Avest. dqma show a pr. Ar. -mfl, 
whether from Idg. *-tnd (*-iw2) or Idg. *-m# (cp. *quetyf- 
'four* in § 341) is a doubtful matter; if from Idg. *-mo (?-m£), 
then pr. Ar. *dhama : *dhaman as Lat. termd: Gr. tfq^cov. See 
§ 223 pp. 101 f. 

Remark 1. O.H.G. herza and auga (§ 223 p. 100) are used now 
and then for the plural. The plural use of these words is certainly not 
old, but, as in the case oi feho y arose because singular and plural had 
run into one in the o-class, e. g. wort. 

b. -fi-a -dn-9 (-&!-?) remain only in Sanskrit and 
Germanic: Skr. dhdmdn-i dhfin-i, Goth, hairtdn-a O.H.G. 
Upper-G. herzon 'hearts' (O.H.G. Frank, herzun, cp. Streit- 
berg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 218 ff.) with the o-stem 
ending taken in place of a = Idg. -3. Weaker forms of 

§§340,341. Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 241 

stem are seen in Avest. ndm&n-l (£ = Ar. a, see I § 94 Rem. 
p. 89, and Bartholomae Stud, zur idg. Spr. I 76 f.) aiaan-i 
'sacra, pia', Gr. ntov-a agptv-a, and with the -0 of o-stems 
Avest. da^man-a 'eyes' (like manowih-a § 343), Lat. ndmin-a y 
Goth, namn-a O.H.G. Upper-G. herzon O.C.S1. imen-a. 

O.Ir. anmann 'nomina' may have lost -5 = Idg. -a, or -fl, 
the o-steni ending; but its double n, which recals that of goba 
'father gen. gobann (Gall. Oobannitio } Old British place-name 
Gobannium), has not yet been explained. 

Remark 2. Thurneysen throws out the question whether gobann' 
was not originally *gobamn- and the nom. goba modelled upon it; and 
whether anmann- may not be a transformation of *anann- = *anamn-, m 
haying been restored to it Compare Skr. bhumnd instead of bh&nd, 
Gr. aqraai instead of *aQaat and the like (II § 117 Bern. 1 p. 366, 
in § 361, Streitberg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 205 f.). 

Avest. naming is the instr. form, like vTsp&i$ (§ 338), 
see § 379. 

§ 341. 4. r-stems. *qetu&r-d l xexxaQa may be the form 
from which come Skr. catvar-i Lat. quattuor Goth, fidvdr, 
but the last two may come from *qetudr, cp. § 168 pp. 10 
and 11; perhaps we should add to this list Osc. petora 
(quantity of o unknown). Weaker forms of the stem are seen 
in Gr. Dor. xixop-a Ion. xioatg-a Att. xixrag-a Boeot. nix- 
rag-a Lesb. ni&vp-a , Osc. petiro-pert (petiru-pert) ; this Osc. 
word has the o-stem ending. O.Ir. cethir is doubtless the 
masc. form; the word which follows suffers "aspiration" {cethir 
chU '400') after the fashion of real neuter forms, as tr% cb&t 
etc. (compare the feminine gender marked by "aspiration" after 
the nom. sing, of fem. i-stems, e. g. s&tt chairech oculus ovis', 
following the rule of ft-stems). It is also conceivable that the 
neuter tr% caused *qetrT to be coined, and that from this comes 

Idg. *qetuf- is represented in Gr. Dor. rsTpw-xovxu 'forty* 
etc., see § 176 p. 29 and § 178 pp. 35 ff. 

A Sanskrit re-formation, following -ani -ini -urn, is -f»i, 

Brugmann, Elements III. 16 

242 Nominatire and Accusative Plural Neuter. §§ 341,342. 

e.g. bhartfni from bhartdr- 'upholder, upholding'. Compare 
§ 224 a pp. 102 f. 

§ 342. 5. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

a. nJ-stems. 

(a) -nt: Avest. mlzdavqn pi. possessed of reward* 
afsmanivq pi. 'containing verses', -qn -q = pr. Ar. *-&n(t). 
Perhaps another example is Lith. vezq, which is used for the 
nom. pi. masc, see § 321 p. 221; it should be remembered 
that, according to I § 615 p. 465, Idg. *-dnt and *-8nt would 
necessarily run into one if the practice of shortening vowels is 
older than the loss of the -t. 

(0) -n*-3. Skr. R.-V. ghft&vdnt-i ('fatty') sattii ("being}, in 
later portions of the Vedas and in the post-Vedic language 
ghjidvant-i sdnt-i bfhdnt-i, post-Vedic dddant-i beside dddaUi 
("giving*). Gr. yoQUvx-a (ptgovr-a. Lat. silent-a with the 
ending of o-stems, ferent-ia following the t-class, like 
ferentium § 352. O.C.S1. vezq&ta as though from a io-stem. 

The Aryan endings -&nt -Ont-i may have lengthened the 
vowel on the analogy of -An -<Zn-i and -&8 -fls-t. We may 
provisionally regard this lengthening as derived from the 
parent language, and in that case sdnti may be regarded 
as = *8#ti. Compare *qetuf- *pemfi- following *trl 'tria', 
§ 176 p. 29. 

Avest. savardhaitiS (useful*) sarascantls Ctrickling*) like 
namenis § 340 p. 241, § 379. 

b. Skr. praty-dflc-i 'retroversa'. Avest. ast-i ossa'. From 
the time of the BrShmanas we meet with Sanskrit forms with 
a nasal in the penult, where there should have strictly been 
none, as tri-vfnti from trirvft- 'threefold', -hunti from -Attf- 
'offering*, -bhMji from -bhaj- 'sharing, having a share', hfndi 
from hfd- 'heart*. The same thing is seen in s-stems, and 
here even the Rig- Veda has it: tndnqsi havifr dyu$i (§ 343). 
The nasal first appeared in nl-stems, which had the ending 
-nft', and in dMyqsi and vidvqsi, although even here it was 
not earlier than the proethnic period of Sanskrit (II § 135 

§§ 342,343. Nominatire and Accasatiye Plural Neater. 243 

p. 430, § 136 p. 441). From these it spread by analogy 
(perhaps even in dddanti the n is due to a similar cause), 
and produced a feeling that there was some natural connexion 
between -»' and a preceding nasal. Last of all, it came about 
that no ~i was to be found at all without a nasal (compare 
-am -%ni -Uni -fp*)> with the single exception of catvdri. In 
considering the intrusion of a nasal into *tnana$i it must be 
remembered that this alone of all cases of the word had its 
suffix in the form -as. 

Be mark. A new explanation of the nasal in mdn^si is giren by 
J. Schmidt, Plnralb. 155 ff., 236. It is very far-fetched indeed, and is 
anything bat convincing. 

Gr. nivrfc-O) (pvydi-a^ agnay-a. 

Lat. capit-a cord-a with the -a (= *-fl) of o-stems, 
adjectives teret-ia discord-ia aud&c-ia mctrtc-ia following the 

§ 843. 6. g-stems. 

a. *-0s (*-&): Avest. mand from manah- 'thought, mind'. 
Perhaps A.S. lombor -t*r lambs' calfur 'calves, see J. Schmidt 
Plur. 149 ff. 

b. *-#s-9, quite regularly changed in a unique Gsthic 
form, Y. 32. 14, var e cdh1(-cft) (cp. Skr. vdrcfyst), according to 
Bartholomae's happy conjecture (Ar. Forsch. II 105 ff.). There 
is a nasal due to analogy in Skr. mdnfysi; and the nasal is also 
analogical in the comparative dkyc^si and participle vidvdsi, 
although here it is not restricted to the neuter plural (see 
§ 342). Gr. 7]$-iu) for *-io)(ir>a, notwithstanding i]d-iov$ = 
*-io(a)-€$? And is there a genuine proethnic -tffs- in Lat. Dci6r-a 
(-a from the o-stems)? "Weaker stems are seen in Gr. Ion. 
Htve-a Att. fiivi] and (with the -5 of o-stems) Avest. -<mh-a 
(i. e. *-a$-5), as manawh-a (like da$man-a § 340 p. 241), Lat. 
gener-a, Goth, agis-a *<{>6(loi O.H.G. hdbir (A.S. cealfru) 'calves* 1 ) 
(these Germanic words likewise form the rest of their cases 
after the o-type, cp. Lat. holerOrum from holer-a, and the like), 

1) O.H.G. kelbir for ♦fcd/Wrw, A.S. cealfm for *kdtborb. 


244 Genitire Plural. §§ 343,344. 

0.C.81. sloves-a. Whether O.Ir. tige comes from *(s)teges-9 or 
*($)teges-a cannot be made out. 

Skr. havffr from havi$- 'libation', dyii$i from dyu§- life- 
power*. Gr. Horn, xsga-a Att. tsq6. 

Genitive PluraV) 

§ 344. The suffix of this case was probably *-diw. To 
this view, which I share with Osthoff and others, I shall 
adhere until some tenable hypothesis has been found on which 
-u in O.C.81. mater-U sloves-u etc. may be regarded as 
naturally representing Idg. *-0m. The question of the origin 
of this 'assumed *-#m may be left alone (see Leskien, Ber. der 
sachs. Ges. der "Wiss., 1884, p. 104). 

-dm was contracted with the stem-final of the o-class into 
-dm or -Sm according as that was -o- or -e- (cp. § 240 p. 133). 
These two forms are kept distinct in Germanic; 2 ) elsewhere 
-dm has become the only ending. In Aryan, Greek, Italic, 
Germanic, and Baltic the o-stem ending spreads to consonant 
stems and to those in -t- -*i-, -tf- -t*#-, -t-, and -u-; con- 
versely, in Slavonic, *-#m = -ft spreads to stems in -o-, in 
-a-, and in -$- -#-. With the adoption of -ft as the regular 
ending in Slavonic compare the universal use in Greek of -a 
in the nom. ace. pi. neuter (§§ 337 ff.). The spread of -dm 
(-em) may have begun in the parent language; and varieties 

1) Schleicher, -s-tfm-$, Suffix des gen. plur. in der idg. Urspraohe, 
Kuhn'8 Zeitschr. XI 319 f. Osthoff, Die Bildung des gen. plur. im Idg., 
Morph. Unters. I 207 ff. Bezzenberger, Die GenitWendung -nOm, in 
his Beitr. II 130 ff. Osthoff, Cber den gen. plur. der a-Deolin., Morph. 
Unters. II 111 ff. Bartholomae, Zu den ai. gen. plur. auf -ff*, -iw, -tin, 
■fw, Stud. z. idg. Sprachg. I 117 ff. Bre*al, Le genitif pluriel en latin, 
Melanges Renier, 1887, p. 234. Fftrstemann, Zur Gesch. altdeutscher 
Declination: der gen. plur., Kuhn's Zeitschr. XV 161 ff. (with additional 
matter by Petters, ibid. XVI 385 ff.). Osthoff, Der gen. plur. im 
German., Morph. Unters. I 232 ff. M5hl, Histoire du gen. plur. en serbe, 
Mem. de la Soc. de lingu. VI 187 ff. 

2) Deeoke (Bezz. Beitr. XII 340) says that Lye -he answers to 
Goth, -zt in i-zf. 

§ 344. GeniUre Plural 245 

of dialect during the same period may have had something 
to do with the fact that -ffm held its ground so firmly in 
Balto-Slavonic that afterwards, when Slavonic had begun its 
independent course, it is found without a rival. 

Italic and Keltic have little importance in this controversy. 
Pr. Lat. -#m pr. Ir. *-#>i may quite well have come from either 
Idg. *-ffm or Idg. *-#»; for both languages shortened a long 
vowel before -wt in prehistoric times. Again, in Umbro-Samnitic 
and Gallic -om the quantity of o is unknown. It is possible, 
then, that Slavonic -fi = Idg. *-tfm does not stand alone. 

The proethnic ending of Or and I- jfc-stems cannot be 
made out with any certainty. Osthoff (Morph. Unt. II 126) 
conjectures -flm in both classes. In any case, both will have 
had -m as the final sound, as all other stems had. 

Now as regards the distribution of -Dm and -§m in 
Germanic, it appears that in proethnic Germanic only 
o-stems showed both endings, while all other stems had -dm 
alone. In North and West Germanic -&n gave way, only a 
few traces being left of it (see § 345); while in Gothic -&n 
became the regular ending for o-stems, and furthermore found 
its way into other stems as well, e. g. gastS m. anste f. 
(f-stems), reik-8 m. batirg-€ f., mniv-S m., guman-G m. etc.; 
-tf = *-0m in Gothic was retained only for certain feminine 
classes, e. g. gibd sibjG frijdndjO tuggGn-d. 

The Armenian ending -p (gen., loc, dat., and abl.) has 
not been properly explained: examples are gaUoQ, srtic, 
zardufr ahanc, mar$, aster? and dsterac. Bugge (Beitr. zur 
etym. Erl. der armen. Spr., 47 f.) conjectures that -c re- 
presents the Idg. locative ending -si with the postposition en, 
— thus srtig = -»-#" + **». But if that were so the nasal of -en 
must have been kept; so it is preferable to compare Lith. -e 
(as raftkoj-e raftkos-e, § 264 pp. 167 f.) or Ar. -« (Avest. loc. 
pi. in -hv-&, § 356). 

Consonant stems that admitted of gradation, as *pdter- 
pater*, had their weak form in this case from the parent 
language onwards. 

246 Genitive Plural. § 345. 

§ 845. 1. o-8 terns. Pr. Idg. *ylq1m 'luporuin, *jug$m 
mgorum', cp. § 240 pp. 133 f. In Aryan comparatively few 
instances remain (cp. Hanusz, Sitzungsb. der "Wiener Ak. 
1885 pp. 7 f.; Bartholomae, Stud, zur idg. Spr. I 47 f., 97, 
117 ff.): 8kr. Ved. vfkam, dGvdm 'deorum'; Avest. vehrkqtn. 
Gr. Xvxwv; on Dor. tptXwv (Att. <ptXwv) see the Author, Gr. 
Gr. 9 p. 126. In Latin, -om -urn, but comparatively rare: deum, 
fabrum, modium y inscr. Romanom ; Umbr. pihaklu piaculorum* 
proseseto prosectorum', Osc. Ntivlaniim 'Nolanorum', Volsc. 
Vdestrom 'Veliternorum'; it is not certain that the ending -om 
in the Italic languages was Idg. *-flm, see § 344. O.Ir. fer «-, 
cile n- socioruin for *-ii<m (cp. I § 139 pp. 124 f.), Ogam 
inscr. maqa (before Mailagni) 'filiorum'; it is not certain that 
the Keltic ending *-om is Idg. *-ffm, see § 344. Goth, vtdfc 
hair&jl 'of herdsmen' with *-&n, O.H.G. wolfo hirteo, also 
O.Sax. -o A.S. -a O.Icel. -a for *-0m; *-2w is still seen in 
West-Germ, in O.Sax. kinda, Hrodbertinga and the like 
(Kogel, Paul-Braune's Beitr., XIV 114) and in O.Sax. Usa 
O.Fris. Use of us', and also according to Kogel, loc. cit n in 
place-names which end with -inga etc., where it was no longer 
regarded as a genitive. Lith. vil/cu (I § 92 p. 86). 

Aryan. Usually -anton: Skr. vfkanam dtodnam, the 
sole ending in post-Vedic language; Avest. vehrkanqm (a 
shortening of -A in the penult is indicated by the dissyllabic 
form fnqnqm i. e. /w$n#m 'of murderers') ! ), O.Pers. bagandm 
'deorum*. The same ending, borrowed from n-stems, is shown 
by those in -0- (§ 346), and it seems that these are the stems 
which first used the formation in Aryan, perhaps to distinguish 
the gen. plural from the ace. singular. The forms *atma-bfu§ 
*atma-bhjas *atma-su made it natural to analyse *atman(lm 
into *<Hma-n&m' y on which type were moulded such genitives 
as *sain&-n&m (Skr. sSndnam) instead of *8a%ndm in connexion 
with *sain(l-bhut etc. This view (cp. Hanusz as cited, p. 11) 

1) This shortening may be compared with that in anhanam ace. 
sing. fern, from &&h&na- y d&tarem-ca beside ddiarem^ and the like. 

§ 345. Genitive Plural. 247 

is supported by the following genitives which belong to the 
special Sanskrit period: bhrU-ndm beside bhru-bhiS, g6-n&tn 
beside g6-bhi§, nf-ndm cataqr-ndtn beside nf-bhi§ catasf-bhii, 
catur-ndm beside cattir-bhi§ , $anndm = *§ad-ndtn beside 
$adbM§; and it is also supported by the similar re-formation 
in "West-Germanic: (O.H.G.) gebd-no (Goth, gibti) beside 
gibd-m following zungdn-o beside zungdtn (§ 346). Compare 
further § 229 Rem. 1 p. 115. 

Italic. In Latin the common form from the earliest 
times has been -drum, as lupdrutn, itftfrwro, C.I.L. no. 32 
duonoro = bondrunij a re-formation following -arum (§ 346). 
Osc. Safinim 'Safinorum, Samnitium' Aisernim 'Aeserniorum* 
(but Kluvatiium 'Cluatiorum') , a re-formation following the 
nom. and ace. sing, with $ , see II § 63 p. 122, HI § 194 
p. 74, § 212 p. 90, and Streitberg in Paul-Br. Beitr. XIV 189, 
198; cp. below, O.C.S1. krajt. 

Balto-Slavonic. O.C.S1. vlukU follows the analogy of 
consonant stems, see § 344. Instead of krajl we should have 
expected *Ara/>, to represent Idg. *-i#m (cp. § 227 pp. 110 f.). 
Either -tf was borrowed from vluk&j and then *kraj% became 
krajt, or else perhaps the ending was *-tm, a re-formation 
following the nom. ace. sing, kraji with original *-is *-fm 
(§ 194 pp. 74 f., § 212 p. 90), cp. Osc. Safinim above. If 
the second alternative is true, pqftfi must have borrowed its 
-? from krafi, in order to distinguish the genitive from the 
nom. pqttje. — For the sake of clearness -ovu, the w-stem 
ending (§ 349), was adopted in most of the Slavonic languages 
in place of the -u in o-stems; and -ovu afterwards spread 
over most other stems, to all of them in Lower Sorbian. 

Remark. Lett, to VaJv' (o = w with the gedehnt or drawled 
accent) makes it necessary to ask whether the law laid down in I § 92 
p. 86, stating that *-0m became *-tfm, held good only for words of more 
than one syllable. It is also possible to assume that o (u) was borrowed 
from the accusative (iSi) and the locative (ttfc), precisely as the analogy 
of schi-8 and the like gave rise to a form schim beside scham 'huic' 
(Lith. 8zidtn). The latter supposition has more in its favour. 

248 Genitire Plural. §§346,347. 

§ 846. 2. o-s terns. The proethnic ending is uncertain; 
see § 344 p. 245. 

Pr. Aryan -flm is perhaps preserved in a few Avestic 
genitives, as vanqm of trees* (and compare the pronoun kqm). 
-Ilnatn was in existence in proethnic Aryan: Skr. divdnam; 
Avest. ha$nanqm (for *-0wtfm), O.Pers. parUvzandnnm ("populous", 
gen. pi.). As regards the origin of this ending, see § 345, 
page 246. 

Gr. *-fi(tf)ftrt>, following the pronominal declension (Horn. 
tctiov = Skr. tdsdm § 429). Horn, faacw, Boeot. &gaxnam>< 
Thess. -aow and -av, Dor. Lesb. -av, Ion. -dwv Att. -(j5v. 
Att. adj. (fikwv instead of cpiXwv (Ion. (ptXtwv Dor. (piXav) by 
analogy of the masc. cplXwv, cp. fern, rovrcov in contrast with 

§§ 347,348. Genitive Plural. 249 

quantity of the Avest. i and u is uncertain), an Aryan 
re-formation which must be connected with the parallels (Skr.) 
bfhatti&foa, bfhati-§u : dSvasu etc., cp. §§ 345, 346. Gr. 
(psQovo&v Horn, /uovaacov following the i#-class (§ 346). Lat. 
facfcrum, like -drum (§ 345), is due to the analogy of -arum. 
O.Ir. inse n- (cp. soillse n- § 346). Goth. frijdndjb*, O.H.G. 
gutinnono (kuninginno is isolated), cp. the id-stems, Goth, sib jo 
O.H.G. sippebno, § 346; perhaps we may add O.H.G. digino 
'of prayers' (cp. dat. instr. pi. digf-m § 382). Lith. zemiii 
vezancziu, O.C.S1. zerrUfl vezq&ii, cp. MziU zmiji § 346. 

§ 848. 4. i-stems. Pr. Idg. -(i)j8m, *oui8m ovium' 
Hriiim 'trium', see § 344. Avest. kaoyqm for *kauiam 
(I § 160 p. 144) from kavi-y the name of a demon. Gr. tqmv, 
<hW, see below. Lat. ovium turrium trium; Umbr. peracrio 
(meaning uncertain), Osc. Tiiatium Teatium, Teatinorum' 
a]ittium portionuin (gen. sing, aeteis). O.Ir. fdthe n- for 
*-*#m, Ogam inscr. tria (before maqa) 'trium'; Gall. Brivatiom 
fpontilium' Stokes, Bezz. Beitr. XI 129). Goth, prij-8 (instead 
of -0, § 344) O.H.G. drXo (f following dr%), O.H.G. gesteo -to 
m., ensteo -fo f. , O.Icel. dgja {dgr *elk). Lith. nakcziu-, 
O.C.S1. pqttji nosttfi -iji (see § 345, page 247), but compare 
what is said below. 

Aryan. Avest. vay-qm pray-qm (Ved. vlndm trtn&m) 
with strong stem like gen. sing, vay-d, see § 231 p. 120, and 
compare nar-qm = Ved. nar-dm § 351. Considering that 
Avest. vayanqm is a transformation of vayqm on the analogy 
of o-stems, we may infer from Skr. traydndm an older 
Hray-Qm 1 ), and the same form is indirect evidence for 
*kavyOm = Avest. kaoyqm, and the like. 

Skr. dvlnam Yed. trindm Avest. azinqin, like -an&m, 
see § 345 p. 246. The first formed in pr. Aryan was perhaps 

1) Similarly the Lith. gen. try'U, because of its agreement with the 
-U of o-stems (as keturiti,), called forth the dialectic loc. trijih& instead 
of tri-si. 

250 Genitive Plural. §348. 

*-i-ndm beside *-i-bhi§ and similar cases; and i was lengthened 
partly through the influence of -anatn, but partly, no doubt, 
through that of the nom. ace. pi. neuter (§ 339 p. 239); in 
considering Avest. aiinqm, as with bteunqm (§ 349), it must 
be remembered that the quantity of the Avest. i and u is 
uncertain. In Vedic arose the further ending -fm, analogous 
to -flm, as sUrtm from sUri-$ 'shining', and in a similar way 
-«m and -fm beside -Unam and -fnOm (§§ 349, 351), see 
Bartholomae in Bezz. Beitr. XV 208, and his Stud, zur idg. 
Spr. I 47 f., 97 ff. 

Greek has -ww in substantives in all dialects but Attic, 
as paolwv (noXlwy may come from nokl-g, see § 354); rgmv 
is Attic too. Att. pdoecov ocpeoiv with e from the strong stem, 
and with the accent of pdoso$ pdoewq, see § 231 p. 120; 
compare pdosoi instead of /faW< (§ 360). 

In Latin, •turn has spread widely amongst consonant stems, 
particularly nf-participles (see below). The resulting pairs 
of forms, and an uncertainty as to certain other stems, reaching 
back to the pre-Italic period, by which we have (say) civaUtt- 
-um along with civitat-ium (II § 102 p. 310), combined to 
produce a few instances of -urn in original t-stems, which ought 
to have -itim; e. g. apum vdtum beside api-um vQU-um. -idrum, 
instead of -ftim, in neuter genitives like vecttgCUidrum an&Uidrum 
was called forth by -ia in the nom. ace. 

O.Ir. fathe w-, as far as its form goes, might be derived 
from *-e(i)-$m without difficulty : but I see no sufficient ground 
for doing it. tr% n- 'trium* has not been developed by sound- 
change merely; it has been assimilated to the nom. ace. M 
(cp. above, O.H.Gk drfo, and § 345 p. 247 on Osc. Safinim). 

Goth. masc. gastS of guests* follows tndfi (cp. gastis 
gasta : vulfis vulfa); the fem. anstS is doubtless chiefly due to 
ba&rg-e (O.H.G. burg-o) beside baurgi-m (O.H.G. burgi-n) and 
the like (cp. Lat. apum instead of api-um, Lith. krUtu instead 
of krUcziu). The fem., as nditeinO (nom. sing, ndtiein-s 'reviling, 
blasphemy"), follows managein-d (nom. sing, managei 'crowd*), 
which caused the coining of nom. pi. nditeinOs on the analogy 

§§348-350. Genitive Plural. 251 

of gibfoj once we meet with a dat. pi. -0m, unkaureinOm 
'in all unburdensomeness' (dat. pi.), a mistranslation of h navxl 
a^aQt} (ifuv ifiavrov hijptjaa), II Cor. 11. 9, on the analogy of 

As to Lith. krutu from JcrQtl-s and the like, see § 402. 
O.C.81. pqftfi may be derived from either *-»i-ow or *-ei-om 
(cp. p. 247), compare pcptje § 317 p. 217 and synov-ti, § 349. 

§ 349. 5. u-stems. Pr. Idg. -(u)ufim, *sUn(u)u8m 
'filiorum', see § 344. Avest. ydpw-qm from ydtu- 'magician', 
and the like. Gr. Horn, yovvcov Sovqwv for *yovJ z -G>v ♦JopZ-ow. 
Lat. manuum (also contracted, passUm currUm etc.), more 
likely from *-(uHf-#m than from *-0$f-#m (through the inter- 
mediate stage *-ou~$m). Goth. mannS (instead of -ff, § 344) 
O.H.G. O.Sax. manno = *tnan%-dm. Lith. sU-nU for *8Un#u 
like bz& for *szu& (I § 184 p. 160). 

Aryan. Skr. stinundm, Avest. b&zunqm, OJPers. parUvnam 
'multorum' (cp. Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. XIII 70) ddhyundm 
'regionum', to be explained like -Xnam (§ 348). The Vedas 
have also -flm, dasydm from ddsyu-? unbeliever', like -Tin; 
see § 348. 

Greek, tjdmv and ni]ymv (accented to match tt^ws), 
with strong stem, following tjiisg etc., cp. Att. pdmw § 348. 

Old Irish, bithe «-, a re-formation following i-stems. 
It is not allowable to derive the ending from *-ejf-&n (as 
"Windisch does, Paul-Braune's Beitr. IV 250), since -e%- would 
have become -Off- (I § 66 p. 56). 

Germanic. Goth, suniv-8 following sunjus (*suniu-iz). 
Similarly perhaps O.H.G. siteo, cuniu of the knees' for 
*-eu-d(n), and on account of the likeness to gesteo we have 
the nom. ace. siti and dat. siti-m following the i-flexion. 

O.C.81. synov-u y following nom. synov-e. 

§ 350. 6. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *£wn-#m canum', see 
§ 344. Skr. iun-dm %ik§n-&m d$man-am; Avest. siln-qm 
a$aon-qm (asavan- 'holy, pious*) taoxman-qm (taoxman- 
'kinship 9 ). Gr. xvv-(5v apv-aiv, tsxtovwv noi t uiv-wvj ayciv-wv 
mvfrijv-u>v. Lat. homin-um juven-urn, inscr. poumilion-otn. 

252 Genitire Plural. §§350,351. 

O.Ir. can n-, Oran n-. Goth. atihsn-$ A.S. oxn-a O.Icel. yxn-a 
exn-a 'of oxen', Goth, abn-l c of men', guman-S hairtan-8 of 
hearts' (-£ instead of -5, § 344), tuggdn-d 'of tongues* 
tnanagein-0 'of crowds'; O.H.G. gomdn-o herzdn-o with the 
stem transformed on the analogy of zungQn-o, cp. gomdm 
herzdm (§ 384). Lith. dial, szun-il, aikmen-u; O.C.81. dXn-u of 
days' (II § 114 p. 356), kamen-ti, zemljan-u of countrymen' 
(II § 115 p. 362). 

Latin. Rarely -iwm, following i-stems; as cam-fam. 

Balto-Slavonic. Lith. akmen-u was the starting point 
for other formations of the type of o-stems, akmen-ai etc. 
(the Author, Lit. Volksl. und March., 301). High Lith. has 
only szun-iii akmen-iti, following t-stems. So also O.C.81. d*n- 
-Xj% -iff, beside cftn-fl. 

§ 861. 7. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *matr-8m 'matrum' *d$tr- 
-#m 'datorum*, see § 344. Skr. Ved. svdsr-am (unique), often 
nar-dm = Avest. nar-qm like gen. sing, ndr-as (§ 235 p. 126), 
cp. Avest. vay-qm § 348 p. 249. Avest. rnapr-qm dapr-qm, str-qm 
and stOr-qm from star- 'star*, ti§r-qm f. 'trium\ Gr. Horn, naxgr 
-dh> &vyaTQ-wv Att. avdg-wy, and by re-formation Att. naxig- 
-ow fiyvsp-iov (like t/di-wv and the like); dwxoQ-wv, donjp-iov. 
Lat. nUUr-um, dattr-um; Umbr. fratrum fratrom 'fratrum'. 
08C fratrum 'fratrum' nerum 'principum, nobilium'. O.Ir, 
mOthar «- brOthar n- for *-tr-8m or *-ter-8m. Goth. brdpr-£ 
(instead of -3, § 344), O.H.G. muoter-o. Lith. dial, moter-ti, 
O.C.81. mater-U, datd-U Matorum' (II § 122 p. 389). 

*qet#er- 'four* doubtless had gen. pi. *getur-$m: cp. Skr. 
catur-^&m instead of *catur-am (§ 345 p. 247), Gr. Lesb. 
nsavp-wr, O.Icel. fjugurra with pronominal ending (cp. § 168 
p. 11); O.C.81. 6etyr-Z (y = S). 

Skr. dur-am (d- instead of d*-, see I § 480 p. 354) 
OJLG. dur-o OJcel. dur-a Lith. dbr-H (and diir-iii, Schleicher 
Lit Gr. 188) of doors'. 

Aryan. Special Skr. re-formations are mOtfndm, ddtfndm 
datfndm, more rarely with -fndm; np%dm nfndm 'uvtgtow; 
cataspuim catasfndm f. ccUurpdm m. 'rtrrapctf*' see § 345 

§§ 351,352. Genitive Plural. 253 

p. 247. In Veda we also find wfm, like -ftw, see § 348 p. 250. 
A vest. tiSranqm instead of tiirqtn (which is also used), like 
vayanqm, § 348 p. 249. 

Old Irish, in addition to the old formation, has -thre «-, 
brathre «-, braithre w-, a re-formation following the i-declension, 
cp. braithrib like faithib § 385. The fem. teor-a n- ("three') 
cetheor-a n- (Tour) follows inna n- (§ 429); see Windisch in 
Paul-Br. Beitr. IV 224. 

Balto-Slavonic. High Lith. moter-iH following the t- 
declension, so also O.C.S1. du§ter-1j% y isolated in O.C.S1. 

§ 362. 8. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

Pr. Idg. *bhr§h#t-8tn (see §344). Skr. bfhat-dm, Avest. 
ber € zat-qm ber'zant-qm. Qr. qsQovT-wv. Lat. ferent-um prae- 
sent-um sonant-um, also ferent-ium etc. (Biicheler-Windekilde, 
Grundr. 83) like nom. ace. pi. neut. ferent-ia (§ 342 p. 242). 
O.Ir. carat n-. Goth, frijdnd-8 (instead of -0, see § 344), 
O.H.G. friunUo. With a io-suffix, Lith. vezancziu O.C.S1. 
vezqStt. Skr. dat-dm, Gr. dJoVr-ow, Lat. dent-urn (more com- 
monly dent-ium), A.8. td&-a O.Icel. tann-a y Lith. dant-u 
4 dentium\ — Skr. da£dt-&m Lith. deszimt-ii O.C.S1. desqt-U 
'decadum*. — Osc. liimitu[m 'limitum'. O.C.S1. telqt-u of 
calves' (cp. § 244 pp. 142 f.). 

Skr. &ardd-&m 'of autumns'. Gr. yvydd-wv. Lat. lapid- 
-urn. O.Ir. druad n- 'druidum'. Goth. talhunt-E (instead of 
-0, § 344) in taihunts-hund '100', O.H.G. zehanzo '100* = .Gr. 
Ssxdd-oWj see § 179 p. 43; in Norse, too, there may once have 
been a word *tehunta-hund. 1 ) Skr. pad-dm, Gr. nod-oiv, Lat. 
ped-utn, O.H.G. fuaz-o OJcel. fot-a 'pedum'. 

1) This would explain the unexpected a-vowel in Norse Run. J>ri~ 
-taunia and O.Icel. prettan prettdnde etc. The form *tehutUa-hund may 
have been wrongly analysed into *tehun-tahund; indeed, the analogical 
form taihuntaihund shows that taihuntdhund was misunderstood in 
Gothio. This mistake onoe made, its a might pass over to the 
numbers 13 and so forth, taking the place of their e; even as happened 
when o spread from -xorta in Greek, § 176 Rem. 2 p. 31. In this ease 
Noreen (ArkW fur nord. filol. Ill 26, Paul's Grundr. I 508) would be 

254 Genitive Plural. § 352. 

Skr. uilj-dm ("desirous*). Gr. netpdx-tov, ogxvx-iov ogrvy- 
-oiv. Lat. meretric-unij and with -ium meretrlc-ium fetic-ium 

right in assuming *-tOhund = Goth, -tthund for Norse, but wrong in 
assuming an old ablaut e : I in the first syllable of *defop. 

After the discussion of the Numerals in this volume (pp. 1—52) 
was finished, appeared J. Schmidt's work Die Urheimath der Indogertnanen 
und das europ. Zdhlsystem (Berlin 1890). In this work he discusses 
Goth, taihuntihund O.H.G. zehonzo and all conneoted with them on wholly 
different principles. He analyses talhun-fthund , and explains the West- 
Germanic expressions by a supposed Goth. *hund taihuntiv 'tenfold 
hundred', which he believes to have been levelled with taUiun-tihund 
in different directions. I cannot here thrash out this interesting 
question; but I would say that in my opinion the view suggested above 
(pp. 40 ff.) well bears comparison with Schmidt's. Schmidt (p. 39) sees 
three main difficulties in it (1) That the second part of O.Sax. ant- 
-sibunta cannot be gen. pL, or it must have ended in -o. — This statement 
is disproved by the genitives friunda kinda etc (§ 345 p. 246). (2) That 
O.H.G. zehanzo Goth, taihuntt- do not answer to Skr. datdt'&m Gr. <W<J- 
-iov. — This statement could only be justified were it proved that the 
interchange of tenuis and media in the parent language never took place 
at all, or that the argument could not be used here. To this ohange 
I drew attention in Morph. Unt V 13; compare § 177 p. 34, above. It 
is well known, and attested by many examples at the present day. The 
assertion (p. 27 of Schmidt's work) that the inflexion of which Sexd; 
-aSog instead of *-arog is an example sprang from the analogy of 'BUa; 
-dSog and the like, is a mere assertion, nothing more. (3) That Skr. 
tatdm etc., which I compare with huttd in taMunti-hund, never means 
*dtxati the abstract of 'ten', in any language. — This is very natural, 
sinoe my assumption is that taihunti-hund *StttaStav Sexaf is the very 
phrase whioh has been abbreviated into Skr. tatd-m etc 'a group of ten 
(tens)' etc. Nor is Schmidt the right person to lay stress on a 'difficulty' 
which is inseparable from his own explanation; he assumes a form 
tihunda- = *dcHntfo-, of which not a trace can be found in any other 
Indo-Germanic language; Yriddhi in derivatives is not Germanio, although 
it is Aryan. Which is the simpler of the two explanations? One sup- 
poses an immediate connexion between Goth, talhunti-hund O.Sax. ant- 
sibunta O.H.G. zehanzo, each of them containing a genitive of the same 
kind as Goth. frijSndi O.Sax. friunda O.U.G. friunto; the other — 
Schmidt's — treats the Gothic and West Germanio expressions as 
quite different in principle, and has to regard the ending of O.Sax. ant- 
sibunta as distinot from that of O.H.G. zehanzo. No one can hesitate to 
allow that the first is simpler; whioh of them is correct, or whether 
another be correct and these both wrong, may be left for decision by 
further investigation of those who know the facts. 

j 352—354. Genitire Plural 255 

etc. O.Ir. nathrach n- 'of water-snakes'. Skr. v&c-dm Avest. 
vac-qm, Gr. *6n-wv, Lat. vdc-um. Skr. -rtf/-tfm, Lat. r$g-um, 
O.Ir. rig n-, Goth, reik-8 (instead of -0). O.Ir. breg n- of 
mountains', Goth. baurg-S (instead of -0) O.H.G. burg-o 'of 
strongholds, of towns' (Avest. ber'zqm not found). 

Skr. ap-dm Avest. ap-qm 'aquarum'. Gr. xAam-cJi'. Lat. 
dap-urn, princip-um (also -u*m). 

§ 363. 9. Stems in -5. 

Pr. Idg. *menes-8m (§ 344) from *tnenos n. 'mind'. Skr. 
mdnas-am durmanas-am, Avest. manawh-qm duStnananh-qm. 
Gr. Ion. jutyecov dvo/ueveajy Att. -wv. Lat. gener-utn. O.Ir. 
%* n-. O.H.G. kelbir-o. Lith. deftes-w (beside debes-iu) from 
de6es-i-s 'cloud'; O.C.S1. sloves-u. — *tn8ns-8m of months' (see 
II § 132 p. 415): Gr. /^y-tov, Lat. m€ns-um (and -iwro), 
O.Ir. wis n-. With 8 in the suffix doubtless A.S. jfa-a 
OJcel. $rfls-a Lith. dial. £qs-d Gr. /^v-cUi' 'anserum', cp. II § 160 
p. 485. 

Skr. i^aVflm, Lat. hondr-um (II § 133 p. 423). 

Pr. Idg. comparative *d1ci8-8m 'ociorum' (cp. II § 135 
p. 429). Skr. d&yas-dm Avest. asyatdh-qm^ Lat. dcidr-um. 
With -io- O.C.81. slazdisi. With -%en- instead of -$es-, Gr. 


Pr. Idg. part. perf. act. *#eidu8-8m. Skr. vidu$-am 
Avest. vf3u§-qm. With -%o- Lith. mirus-ia O.C.81. nfir&sl. 
With -#*/- instead of -ues-, Gr. sUot-cqv. 

*m€l8-8m 'of mice : Skr. tnU$-am (nom. pi. mii?-as is found), 
Gr. hvlZv instead of *ftiffip (§ 160 p. 485), Lat. mUr-um (and 
-ffffti), O.H.G. rnite-o OJcel. tnUs-a. 

§ 364. 10. i- ii- and u- u#-stems, and stems 
ending in -f, -J> -#• 

Pr. Idg. *-*i-om, *-u#-#m (§ 344), e. g. *£Arw#-#ro (nom. 
sing. *bhru-s 'brow*). Skr. dhiy-dm bhruv-dm y also dhindm 
bhrundm, and only nadtnam SvaSrAnam (§ 345 pp. 246 f.). 
Gr. x«-a>*>, tJ-aJv oypv-wv, noXl-wv from 7ro'AZ-$, vsxv-wv from vixv-$. 
Lat. $tt-wm (and -tk), socru-ww OJcel. sU-a 'suum' (cp. § 233 

256 Locatire Plural §§354—356. 

p. 123). Lith. dial, zuv-u of fishes' = Gr. Ix&v-wv (cp. zuv-\ 
§ 217 p. 94, zuvAs § 329 p. 230); O.C.S1. svekrZv-U, also 

Skr. gir-dm pur-dm gd-^an-dm like gen. sing, gir-ds etc., 
5} 233 p. 123. 

§ 365. 11. Certain Root Nouns. *nau~8m navium* 
(§ 344): Skr. nHv-dm, Gr. va-wv vtjwv vmv (I § 611 p. 462). 
— Skr. gdv-dm, also go-tMtn (§ 345 p. 247), Gr. /to-cav, 
Lat. bov-om bourn Umbr. 6wo, Mid.Ir. bd n- for *bo(\d-$n 
(once bao in O.Ir., but perhaps by a mistake in writing), OJcel. 
kii-a O.H.G. kuo, cp. II § 160 p. 482. — Skr. r0y-<foi 
Avest. ray-q*n<> Lat. r£rwm like facitrum § 347 p. 249. 

Locative Plural. 1 ) 

§ 356. 1. The Suffix of the Locative Plural. An 
Idg. ending su is indicated for this case by Aryan and 
Dalto-Slavonic, Skr. su Avest. -At*, O.Lith. -su O.C.S1. -chu. 
As regards Gr. /ifrajv, which is generally adduced as an 
argument for the same ending, see the Remark on the next 
page. That Gr. -at is also original is probable on account of 
the Avest. loc. pi. haf-$i and tanu-Si (Bartholomae , Bezz. 
Bcitr. XIII 84 f.); and compare Bugge's explanation of 
Armen. -p as being for *-si (above, page 245). It is also 
very probable that -5 was used as well as -su and si. If so, 
these two will be extensions of -s, the proper case-suffix, by 

1) Osthoff, Die Bildung des loo. plur. im Idg. and Verwandtes, 
Morph. Unt II 1 ff. Gerland, Ober den dat plur. des Altgrieohisohen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. IX 36 ff. Warn eke, De datiro pluralis Graeco, Lips. 
1880. Ceci, II Datiro Plur. greoo, 8critti glottologioi I (1882) pp. 7 ff. 
Week, Der altgriech. Datir Plur., Philologus XLIII 32 ff. To^in^^ 

Athen 1888 pp. 25 ff. Aufreoht, Der dat plur. auf -««*, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. I 117 f. J. Stsohasliwxjew, Cber den grieoh. Dat Plur. 
Journ. d. kais. russ. Min. f. Volksaufklftrung 1885, 3, pp. 417—458 ff. 
(onlj known to me through Ziemer's Jahresberioht fiber Spraohwissen- 
sohaft, Berl. 1889, p. 150). Kogel, Althoohdeutsohe Locatire, Zeitschr. 
f. deutscho AUert XXVIII (1884) 110 ff. 

$ 356. Locative PluraL 257 

accretion of adverbial particles: -w, perhaps meaning there', 
may have been the same as the -u of Skr. muh-u and similar 
words (see § 256 Rem. p. 158) and that of Or. ov(rog) and the 
like (see § 415); -i perhaps meant 'here', and may have been 
the same as -i in the loc. sing. (§ 256 p. 157) and in the 
Lat. nom. sing, qo-i qui (§ 414). See Thurneysen, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXVII 177. 

-5 has been kept unextended in the following instances. 
(1) Lat. devds Corniscds, C.I.L. I no. 814, and with 6 instead 
of o% Lat. Sabell. -ds (§§ 357, 358). >) (2) Gr. Innoig, which 
also represents the Idg. instr. pi. in -#$ (§ 380); the effect of 
"nnoig on the one hand and yvXax-oi etc. on the other was to 
prevent the loss of -tf- in "nnoim^ fidotot, tpgaot tpgeoi etc., or 
perhaps we may say to restore it; -o~- should have dropped 
according to I § 564 p. 420; similarly in later times Att. 
diovoQot, which should properly have become *Jo/roppi, was kept 
safe by q>vXa$i etc. (§ 362). It is not so certain that Lat. 
oloes lupts ()8C. Nuvlanuis, beside Lat. Sabell. loc. -<fo, 
represent Idg. loc. -ois as well as instr. -&js. (3) -s is 
represented in Baltic, and not -s-u alone; it is true, this cannot 
be supported by such forms as Lith. ranko-s szirdy-s Lett. 
rtikd-s st'Vdf-s, as if these had always ended with -s, but it 
may be considered fairly proved by O.Lith. -se -sa beside 
-su. It would be as wrong to suppose that ratikose is ratikosu 
transformed on the analogy of raiticoje, loc. sing., as to suppose 
that *yvAax-0t; became (pvXc&t on the analogy of the loc. sing. 

1) Schmidt (Pluralb. 50) assumes that Lat divas represents *-&su; this 
is opposed by the fact that -os is found in Sabellian. I cannot allow even 
after the attempt of V. Henry (M6m., YI 377) that a loss of -w has 
been proved either for prehistoric Latin or for proethnio Italic. Schmidt 
regards as two other plural locatives eminus and comminus (from manu-). 
But how this is to be reconciled with the meaning I cannot see. We 
must surely derive these from adjective stems g-mtiw- com-minu- or 
-roin-a- (from -maw-, the shorter form of manu-). Cp. ad-versus. Can 
it be that they were originally ace. sing, neuter, *i-ntinu *ad-ver8iti 
afterwards extended by -8 like Gr. tv&v-s /utooq-yv-e #y-yv-?? Compare 
further Breal-Bailly, Diet. e"tym. lat.*, s. v. cominus. 

Brugmann, Element*. III. 17 

"258 Looative Plural. § 356. 

<pvXaxi', the real explanation is that an original *rank&8 (cp. 
d8v08), like original *rankai, had the particle -e attached (see 
§ 264 pp. 167 f.); in the actually found forms rarticos r&kds 
-e has been lost again, just as *-fli-* was shortened, producing 
raiikoj (raftko) rukd. O.Lith. -sa (as nam&sb at home'), if 
its -a be not merely a mistake for -e in the spelling, has 
been transformed from -se in connexion with the forms 
ending with -ma (nam&s-na 'homewards', ace. pi. with the 
postposition -wa); conversely, -sne follows se. 

Remark. A further piece of evidence in support of -« may perhaps 
be found in the forms Skr. Yed. manasu (beside mdnas-su) A rest manahu 
from Ar. manas- n., and the like (§ 364). -*-, and not -«*-, in these 
forms is shewn to be Idg. by Skr. dsi Avest ahi = Gr. « for **(<i)t *thou 
art' from Y^es-. See Hubschmann, Kuhn's Zeitsehr. XXVII 329; 
Bartholomae, Stud, nir idg. Spr., I 20 it, 55 f., 67 f. The thinning 
of 88 to 8 was doubtless proethnie when final, but not otherwise (all 
languages have -s for Idg. *-**, even Skr., as a-ghas 2nd sing, pret 'thou 
-atest' = *a-gha8 + *, see Bartholomae, op. cit. 21 f.) ; and the origin of 
*mtnesu *menesi was that u and i were affixed to *mene8 = menes-s; 
similarly *esi 'thou art* = *es (for ess) + i. Of the examples by which 
Bartholomae seeks to prove a change of Idg. -88- to -«-, apparently the 
only ones which are correct are such as allow of an explanation like 
this. If the view here suggested is right, such forms as Gr. f^enaa Lat 
gtsrt need not be due to re-formation. Skr. mdttas-su Gr. pfrto-oi io-a\ 
have been formed on the analogy of stems which ended in some other 
•consonant than *; and there is nothing to prevent our believing them to 
be proethnio themselves. 

But it is most unsafe to try to support the assumption of the loc. 
pi. -s by reference to Gr. ay mo; beside ayxwr; see J. Schmidt, Kuhn's 
Zeitsohr. XXV 39, and the Author, Morph. Unt III 69. The same may 
be said of adverbs in -s, as Gr. nv$ pay «*«$ Lat max vix OJr. mo 
mo- mo*- Hnox* (for *moks) Skr. hunik hiruk (-ib for *-fc£), notwith- 
standing Skr. mak$u Gr. ^rragv. The -* of these adverbs seems more 
likely to be the same as that of a\i> ampC; Lat cis A vest us (ud + s) 
CPers. obis etc, whioh we are hardly justified in regarding as a plural 
locative suffix, maks-u ^ra$-v moreover prove nothing, because the 
particle u attaches itself to other forms besides plural locatives. Nor 
can any stress be laid on Boeot rvc yovtv; (= to?; yorrt/oi), Collits Gr. 
Dialektinschr. no. 391.5; probably we should read with Fick york; = 

How -«- S'H and -s-t were distributed in the parent 
language (for we can hardly suppose that every word formed 

§856. Locative Plural. 259 

three distinct locatives, all of which were used together) can 
no longer be made out. The general preference for -stt and 
-&*' rather than -* is explained by the fact that these i-forms 
often were exactly the same as the nominative singular. 

In Iranian the postposition a (or its unaccented by-form 
a, see § 246 p. 145) attached itself to locative plurals in -$u: 
in Old Persian there is no other ending but -uv-a -Suv-a, while 
Avestic has -hv-& -sv-& along with -hil -ifl. Compare Skr. 
Ved. nadtyv d 'in the streams' mdrtytyv d 'among mortals' and 
the like; also pr.Ar. *a$udi-a 'in equa* § 264 p. 167. 

In Armenian we find -£, as in the gen., dat., and abl.; 
Bugge sees Idg. *-** in -£, see § 344 p. 245. 

Greek, -aiv beside -en like -(p/v beside -y*. Compare 
§ 186 p. 62, § 281 pp. 186 f., and the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 § 64 
Anm. 3 p. 80. 

In Keltic and Germanic the locative plural had fallen 
out of living use before the date of the earliest remains of 
those languages. Whether it survives in adverbs, still remains 
to be discovered (on O.Ir. md 'mox* see the Remark above). 
As regards alleged locatives like O.H.G. Otingas see § 357. 

2. The Form of the Stem. This was weak, from the 
proethnic period onwards, in consonant stems which had 

In Aryan, the loc. pi. and cases with a M-suffix (Skr. 

-bhyas, -6Ai$, -bhyam) often show the form of the nominative 

singular instead of the stem. The occurrence of such groups 

of words as (Skr.) dhdma : dhdma-su -bhyas etc., dha : d&vO- 

-8u -bhyas etc., bfhatt : bfhatt-§u -bhyas etc. suggested some 

necessary connexion between the form of what are called the 

"Middle Cases" with that of the nominative singular; hence 

Skr. manah-su mdnd-bhyas -bhi§ -bhyam following mdnah 

mdnd instead of mdnassu (tndnasu) *manad-bhyas etc., havfh- 

-$u havir-bhyas following havih havir instead of havi^u 

*havtdbhyas, Avest. ravd-hu instead of ravahu following rattf, 

O.Pers. rauca-biS from rauca, Avest. ber'zaj>-byd instead of 

ber'zadbyd following ber'zap (§§ 303 f. pp. 203 f., §§ 364, 367, 


260 Locative Plural. §§ 356,357. 

375, 376, 386, and 387). Compare Osthoff, Morph. Unt. II 3 f.; 
Wackernagel , Das Dehnungsgesetz der gr. Comp., 7 f.; 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 581 f. 

In Balto-Slavonic, the loc. plural along with the other 
middle cases was attracted into the t-declension, as Lith. akmen- 
-ysh, earlier *-t-s$, O.C.S1. katnen-f-chfy like akmen-\-ms kamen- 
-%-mUj akmen-i-rnis kamen-X-mi, sing, akmen-i-ml kamen-X-nft, 
dual akmmA-m -*-m kamen-f-ma. See § 402. But we still find 
O.Slav, poljachu (O.Czech Polds) poljamu poljami from poljan- 
(see I § 585.3 p. 440, H § 115 p. 362, DI §§ 361, 367, 404), 
with which we should perhaps compare Lith. dial, zmoymis 
(py = A) from nom. sing, zmu (Fortunatov, Bezz. Beitr. 
Ill 72). 

§ 367. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqoi-s -$u -si 'in 
lupis'; the stem-final -oi- is borrowed from the pronoun 
(§ 430). Skr. pfk$-$u; A vest, vehrkae-su -sv-a, O.Pers. 
mddaisuv-a c in Medis\ Armen. gailoc, if -c is Idg. *-si (§ 344 
p. 245); if so, -o- has displaced *-oi~ on the analogy of 
gailo-vR. Gr. k\>xoi-g -at; -tf* in Attic gave way gradually 
before -*• from 450 B. c. onwards. O.C.S1. vluctchU (I § 462 
p. 338). 

Italic. It is a question whether Lat. lupls O.Lat. oloes 
'illis*, Umbr. veskles vesclir Vasculis* alfer albis' Osc. 
Nuvlaniifs 'Nolanis' nesimois 'proximis', and so forth, 
represent the Idg. locative and instrumental, or instrumental 
only; see § 356 p. 257. On the analog}' of -as (fl-stems) was 
coined a loc. pi. series in -tfs, instead of -o^s, which seems to 
be as early as the proethnic stage of Italic (cp. Lat. -drum 
following -arum § 345 p. 247, and Lith. -&su Lett. -&$ 
following -dsu -as, see below): O.Lat. (Dvenos inscription) 
deieds 'deis', 1 ) Marruc. ttisos Mars, esos *deis\ 

1) It should be mentioned that the latest discussion of the Drenos 
inscription, by R. S. Conway (Am. Jonrn. PhiL X 452, 458), explains 
deicos as nom. pL (cp, Umbr.~8amn. -o*). — Written after the abore had 
beet* printed. 

§§357—359. Locative Plural. 261 

Remark. It is doubtful whether we are to agree with Kogel in 
regarding as locative plural the West Germanic place-names in -a*, 
as O.H.G. Otingas (assumed to = *Audinga-m 'among the sons of 6to*). 
See KGgel, Zeitschr. far d. Alt. XXVIII 110 ff., Paul-Braune's Beitr. 
XIV 115 ff. Henning (Deutsche Lit.-Zeit. 1888 p. 16) and Behaghel 
(Paul's Grundr. I 609J regard -as as the Latin accusative ending (ad 
Otingas). If Ktigel is right, the -a- of -as is far more likely to be 
an analogical transformation of Idg. -oj(~, as we have just assumed 
the -o- of Armen. gailoc. to be, than the pr. Idg. ending of noun-stems 
for this case, which must then be assumed to have been exchanged for 
the -oj{- of pronouns in Aryan etc., but at no earlier period: observe 
O.C.S1. techil Lith. tusl : vJUcechU vilh&se* in contrast with dat. (emu terns : 
rldkomu viVc&ms. Compare further Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 387. 

Baltic. Lith. vilk&su -a£ (sa) -us Lett, wi'lkus on the 
analogy of the *-d-su -se of O-stems, like Lat. deivds following 
d$vds (see above). Lith. dial, vilkunse following the ace. pi. 
vilkuns-na. See § 326 Rem. pp. 227 f. 

§ 358. 2. fl-steras. Pr. Idg. *ehud-s -su -si 'in 
equabus'. Skr. divd-su; Avest. hapid-hu -At?-«, O.Pers. 
aniyduv-d 'in aliis' for *-0-A#-a (I § 558 pp. 413 ff.). Gr. inscr. 
Jga/jiijai rafttGot etc., from about 420 B. c. only surviving 
petrified in adverbs, as $vq6oi Idfrijvqot. O.Lat. dBvds, see 
§ 356 p. 257. Lith. raitko-su -se -$ Lett. rOJfccf-s; O.C.S1. 

Greek. Ion. Att. vvfHprjot Att. Lesb. vvfKpatat are re- 
formations on the lines of -oitii. To banish from the text 
of Homer and other authors all forms in -rjg y which happens 
never to occur on inscriptions, and to replace them with 
others in -a**? except only where -#a can be read, is a rather 
arbitrary fiat of modern critics. They may be explained as a 
transformation of *-<xg -/# by analogy; and perhaps -tjg was 
still used in the age of Homer. 

Latin. Besides dSvds, are we to cite fords 'outside, out 
of doors' (fords 'out, outwards' is ace), and alids alterds 
(sc. vicibus or ocedsidnibus)? 

§ 85&. 3. I- i£-8 terns (cp. p. 68, footnote). Pr. Idg. 
probably *bhf§hyt%-8 -su -s*. Skr. bfhatt-$u Avest. barenti- 
-§u -$v-a. Lith. zetm-su -se O.C.S1. zemlja-chn with -#- 
instead of -*-. 

262 Locative Plural. §§359,360. 

Gr. fpspovoqot, -/jot -atat on the lines of id-stems (cp. the 
footnote on page 68). So too Lith. vezanczio-$u -a£ -d-s 
0.C.S1. vezq§ta-ch%. 

§ 360. 4. $- and tt-s terns. 

Pr. Idg. *o#i-8 -aw -at. Skr. dvi-§u. Uncertain: 
Armen. srti-p, see § 344 p. 245. Or. Ion. Att. etc r(*-ot, 
Dor. oyi-ai. Lat. trisu si 'in tribus', 0.C.S1. noStt-chU. • 

Pr. Idg. *sUnu-8 -a« -at. Skr. sUnd-§u, Avest. bteu-iu 
-JtHi. Uncertain: Armen. zardu$\ see § 344 p. 245. Gr. 
yov«7-a«, cp. below. 0.C.S1. synu-chu (not found, but this is a 
mere accident). 

Greek. oqn-<H became oysoi (Horn. Att. Arcad.) by 
association with otpstg (*oyt-$c) oyewv. So *nigcvfn *qSv*H 
became ntj/s-oi rjdi-ot by association with ntjxssg etc. -v-tf* 
remained only in yovtvat for *-axv-<n = Skr. -ayu-£ti, see § 261 
p. 162 ; but later on there were coined sporadically such forms 
as roxfdf following ijdhi, like nom. pi. roxtZ? instead of rorfj^ 
following ijtisYg. 

Horn. o$(J<n (o«*c) and neXixsoot nokiam (ntXexv-g nokv-g) 
owe their aa to the poetic use of doublets like snsaat and 
in tot side by side. 

The ea-stem ending -awi -«a« was adopted not only by 
all consonant stems and by f- tjj- and tl- utf-stems, but by 
stems in -t- and -w- in the Aeolic dialects (in Homeric too), in 
N. W. Greek, and in parts of the Doric area; e. g. Horn. it- 
-«wr« oi-eot Lesb. itaXvai-sooi Horn. raj^-arm. But again, the 
o-stem ending -«$ -o«J« spread in like manner in N. W. Greek 
and in certain divisions of the Peloponnese ; e. g. rpi-of? -out* 
noiJ-Oiq (= noAtat); TQt-oTg : rpi-to* = xaAou; : xaXtov. Each of 
these new departures started from the consonant stems, and 
originated in a wish to have the same stem-ending for the 
locative plural as for the other cases: e. g. yegorr-soot -o# b - 
instead of pr. Gr. (Cret.) <p4gor<n (Ion. Att (ptpovot Lesb. 
*?*'po«ft etc.), following <pfporc-e<; etc. 

Lith. nakty-su -a* -$-a Lett nakti-s and Lith. aitod-att 
-sr -d-a. # -t-an *-M-aM became *-i-at# *-tl-au by association 

§§360—363. Locative Plural. 26$ 

with *-a-su, and *-u-$u then became -ii-su by association 
with stems in -o-. See § 326 Rem. pp. 227 f. 

§ 361. 5. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *Jc(u)u#-s -su -**'. Skr. 
fadsu d&ma-m, Avest. damo-hu -hv-a (daman- 'creature*) = 
Skr. dhdma-su (I § 94 p. 88). Uncertain: Armen. akan$ 
anjanft see § 344 p. 245. Or. Cret. nXla-ot (Att. nXioai, nom. 
sing. nXtwv, cp. § 364 Rem.), Attic and Pindaric (pga-ai (Att. 
usually has <pge-o( y nom. sing, (pen*), Att. etc. bvona-ot (nom. 
sing, ovo/tia) = Skr. ndma-su (II § 82 p. 250). Then Armen. 
anjan-c : anjin-R = Gr. <pga-oi : ^giv-eg. Old Czech Po2os, 
elsewhere O.Slav, poljachft with -cA- on the analogy of the 
other stems, beside nom. pi. O.C.S1. poljan-e, see § 356 p. 260. 

Greek, agvaat instead of *apa-m with v from the other 
cases. 7rAf'o-m (pps-al axpo-<ft 7ioifii-6t ayw-6t have taken o, *, 
or o> instead of a from the other cases, cp. oq>s-6t ijfi-ai § 360 
p. 262. On the analogy of q*ps-ci : <pp*vs$i ax/uo~ct : ax/uovsg 
was coined xvol instead of **v<frot (*na-oi) beside xvvtg. With 
-s6(H: Horn. liysftov-Eotit h^iv-taat xvv-i66i Megar. Xayov-eooi 
etc. With -o*$: N.-W. Gr. /Lt$t6v-oig aywv-oig El. a/cJv-oio, etc.; 
see § 360 p. 262. 

Lith. S2un-y-$u -si ahnen-y-su si and O.C.S1. katnen- 
-l-chu, following the i-class: see § 356 p. 260. 

§ 362. 6. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *matr-s *ddtf-s -su -si. 
Skr. matf-$u d&tf-su. Uncertain: Armen. warp, and with 
strong stem dsterc (or dstera$)\ see § 344 p. 245. Gr. mtqoI- 
-<b, aVJpa'-tft, and with strong stem tWrop-m doxrjp-ai. 

Greek. It is due to the force of association with 
connected forms that 6wxoq6i keeps -per- in later Attic, instead 
of becoming -qq- (I § 563. 3 p. 419). With -soon Horn. Boeot. 
avtip-taoi Horn, &vyaTfg-eooi. With -o*s: N.-W. Gr. ardg-otg 
and so forth, see § 356 p. 262. 

Lith. moter-y-su -si and O.C.S1. mater-UchU following 
the i-class; see § 356 p. 260. 

§ 363. 7. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

Pr. Idg. *bhf§hift-s -su si. Skr. bfh&t-su bhdrat-su, 
Avest. ber'zasu (I § 473. 2 p. 349). Gr. Cret. iXimn pdkXovti 

264 Locative Plural. §§ 363,364. 

vlxaoavoi Att. ikovot pdkkowrt vTxtjoGot. The old ending -aaat 
— *-aT-0i *-#t-si is still seen in Heracl. npaooivv-aoat ivx-aoot^ 
which took the place of *ng6aoao6i *aoot (cp. Skr. sat-su = 
*«-#/-«*), the stem of npiooovx-sq s'vr-eg etc. having been 
substituted for the proper stem in these latter forms; compare 
dpvdot instead of *dga-at 1 § 361, last page, v/jtpoot (Theogn.) 
from njqao *I am sober' instead of *rt}<faai, with o from 
vri<povT-s<; etc., compare /agi-eot following /ao/-€rr-f b » (below). 
With -soot: Horn. axovorr-toot Lesb. (pspow-eom Horn. N.W. 
Gr. ndvvsoot. With -01$: N.-W. Gr. uyyskkovr-otg ovv-oig and 
the like, see § 360, last page. O.C.81. tetyt-fchu following thr 
t-flexion, cp. § 244 pp. 142 f. — Lith. veianczi&su -$e 
O.C.81. vezctSti-chu, as though a io-stem. 

Skr. dpa-vat-su (dpa-vant- watery'), Gr. %api-Bot instead 
of *-/or-<n (cp. vTfyom, above); see II § 127 p. 404. 

Avest. naf§u = pr. Ar. *napt-su from Ar. napat- napt- 
'descendant'; see I § 471 p. 348. 

rf-stems. Skr. iardt-su c in autumns'. Gr. yvydot (rttpdi- 
-toot -oi»?). Skr. patsii, Gr. nooi Horn, noooi {nod-toot 

Skr. uMk$u, stem uMj- desirous', Avest. tuxsv-a, stem 
tuc- 'covering, mat*. Gr. /usipa^t oprvh (oxvkdx-toot nrtpvy- 
-eooty (pvkdx-otg). 

Skr. ap-su 'in waters'. Gr. xkuttin (yin-soot). 

§ 364. 8. s-stems. 

Pr. Idg. *menes -esu -est, -es-su -es-si from nom. 
ace. sing. *tneno$ 'mind', see § 356 Rem. p. 258. Skr. nuinas- 
-5M, Ved. tndnasu also, Avest manahu ~hv-a; on Skr. mdnah- 
~$h see below. Gr. /uivtot Horn, perso-at. Lith. debes-y-sit 
-si O.C.SL sl<we$J-chi% see § 356 p. 260. — Gr. Cret. ttfjroi 
Att. jUJjtH instead of * /m rot Att V*' a 'i which it should have 
been, cp. nom. sing. faCg (I § 611 p. 462, II § 132 p. 415, 
III § 199 p. 81); so -r r came from the other cases; observe 
that Idg. *mfn$i would have become Att *fiyrt. Similarly 
Att. /iy<ji instead of *z&* = *z&pg-<h* — Skr. mOsu, later 
mAs-sk, from mas 'mensis\ see II § 132 p. 415, § 134 p. 425. 

§§364,365. Locative Plural. 265 

Skr. havi$-su (havih-§Uj see below) like mdnas-su. 
Gr. tisnaa Horn. dinart-6i. 

Comparative *dRis -*si* -m, ~is-su -is-si 'in ocioribus'. 
Skr. dMyas-su {oMyah-su, see below). O.C.S1. slazdisi-chu as 
though a io-stem. 

Remark. Or. rjStooi nUooi are not for *-ioo-ai, but have a 
K>» -suffix, like Gret nlta-ai (§ 361 p. 263). The weak cases seem never 
to have had -too- in Greek; see II § 135 Rem. p. 429. Henoe we find 
no *fj$Coaoi like *neo-oi\ and, although 7rXc6r-*mjt /undy-ots do occur, we 
never see *nXto-eaoi -o«; like fn$-taot. -o«j and titnd-toat. 

Part. perf. act. *#eidus -usu -wsi, -us-su -us-si. 
Everywhere we meet with re-formations. Skr. vidvdtsu has t 
from nidvdd-bhyas etc., where -dM- comes regularly from 
*-26A-, see II § 136 p. 441. 1 ) Gr. ntioot doubtless belongs to 
a jf^-stem, and so stands for *-/or-<7* (II § 136 p. 440), cp. 
N.W.Gr. yfyovoT-otg. Lith. Tnlrusi&su -se O.C.S1. trilrusi-chu, 
as though a io-stem. 

Gr. ftvai (preserved by Herodian, and in the Batrachomyo- 
machia 260), with variant /«t5<w, by re-formation; see II § 160 
p. 485. O.C.S1. mystchu following the i-declension. Skr. mii8-§u 
not found. 

Aryan. With nom. sing, form substituted for the stem: 
Skr. mdnah-su d&yah-su havih~$Uj Avest. ravd-hu from ravah- 
'happiness, joy*. See § 356 p. 259. 

Greek, -bohi: Horn, ins-eaat ojnqytg/sooi Lesb. krs-eoot, 
Horn, dend-soot] -otg: N.-W. Gr. ere-oig Messen. evoept-otg, 
see § 360 p. 262. -eooi was of course taken from forms like 
inea-w; and it was not until -soot had become naturalised 
in other consonant stems that such a word as Ini-eooi could 
be coined. 

§ 366. 9. I- ii- and w- w^-stems, stems in -f, -J, 
and -#. 

Pr. Idg. -%-s -su -si, -us -su -si; e.g. *bhru-s -su -si 
from nom. *bhru-s 'brow'. Skr. dhf-$ii nadi-$u, bhr&-$u 

1) In writing this passage I was under the mistake of supposing 
that *-vd8~8u would regularly become -vatsu. Against this see Bartholomae, 
Stud, zur idg. Spr., I 9 if. 

266 Dative-Ablative Plural §§365-867. 

ha&rii-$u. Gr. xl-oi noXl-ot (from noXls), 6<ppv-oi v-oi vixv-ci 
(from vixv-g) with I v following xi-eg etc. It is possible that 
where we now read vixvoai ytwtioi ntxvcat forms ending in 
•tm once stood in the text of Homer, -hrw: Horn. 6v-t<un 
vcxv-ttot, see § 860 p. 262. Lith. zuv-y-su -& O.C.81. kriiv- 
-*-chu (not actually found) following the {-flexion; but svekruv- 
-a-chu follows the O-flexion (cp. gen. pi. svekr&v& : rqku). 

Skr. 0fr-#iJ, pilr-Su, g$-$a-su (the last not actually found) 
like nom. sing, gtr etc., see § 197 p. 76 above. 

§ 866. 10. Pr.Idg. *nOy-s -su -at 'in navibus*: Skr. ndu- 
-§& Or. vav-oi; Homer uses the re-formate vrjv-ot, like vrjvg, 
following vrj-oq etc. (I § 611 p. 462), but he also has the 
regular form in the compound Yovtjt-xXvrog. Skr. g6-$u, Gr. 

Horn, vtj-tooi vesGGi, po-t60i Boeot. /fov'-irtn, N.-W. Gr. /Jo- 
-o/$; see § 360 p. 263. 

Dative-Ablative Plural}) 

§ 367. 1. The Suffix. Since both the Aryan forms in 
-bhias and the Latin in -bus are used for dative and ablative 
alike, we must suppose that this twofold function is as old 
as the parent language. Then the use of the genitive plural 
with ablative sense in Greek and Balto-Slavonic is a later 
developement, due to the use of the singular genitive in -es 
-08 -s with this sense, which was also proethnic. We need 
hardly find a difficulty in the initial of the dative plural suffix 
in Balto-Slavonic, which is m- and not 5A- (Lith. -mus 
O.C.S1. -mu). As the bh- suffix had both meanings, we may 
fairly infer the same of the m-suffix. 

1) V. Henry, Besai de systematisation dot deainenoes en *-M- 
dans la langne Utine, M6m. de L Soo. d. lingn. VI 108 ffi. L. Hayet, 
Datift-ablatifs plnr. en -ibu* [en latin], ibid. JH 412 ff. L. Duvan, 
Datif plnr. de l'ombrien, ibid. VI 104. Ffirstemann Znr Oesehiehte 
altdentsoher Declination: Der dat plnr., Knhn's Zeitsehr. XVI 81 ff. 
Mueh, Germanisohe Datire ane der ROmerieit, Zeitaonr. t dentsch. 
AHert XXXI 854 ff. J. 8ohmidt, Der alrpreass. dat pL anf -ma*$, 
Knhn-8chleicher'8 Beitr. IV 268 ff. 

§367. DatiTe-Ablatire Plural. 267 

The endings which have to be compared in order to 
restore the Indo-Germanic suffix are the following: Skr. -bhyas 
(-bhiyas frequently in Vedic) Avest. -byd = pr. Ar. *-bhias 
(*-WW|7w) ; Lat. -bos -btts Osc. -fs -s* Umbr. -$ = pr. Ital. *-fos 
*-bhos; x ) Gall. -6o;*) O.Lith. -mus, modern -m«, Pruss. -mans 
-mas, O.C.S1. -m&. On the variation between -bh- and -m- 
see § 274 pp. 175 f. We have no right to assume that the i 
which follows the initial of the suffix in Aryan has been dropped 
in the other languages, and to derive (say) Ital. *-fos from 
*-fios. Whence comes the i of -bhyas, or of -bhya -bhyam 
•bhyanty is an obscure point. 

Gall, -bo is related to Lat. -bo-s as Skr. -bhya (tu-bhya 
'tibf) to -bhyas, and as instr. *-bhi (sing, and pi. in Greek, 
elsewhere only sing., § 274 p. 175, § 281 pp. 186 f.) to Skr. 
-bhi-$. This suggests the question whether the wide-spread Lith. 
-m found along with -mus, and Lett, -m (e. g. Lith. raiiko-m 
Lett, r&kd-m beside Lith. ratiko-mus -ms) does not represent 
a form *-mo without s, like Gall, -bo?) This view seems to 
be supported by an instr. pi. -mi instead of -wis, found in 
the Godlewa district of Lithuanian and in Lettic folk-songs 
(e. g. Godl. nakti-ml = nakti-m\s, Lett, kdjd-mi = Lith. kijo- 
-mis); see § 379. Then again the -wt of the Germ, "dative** 
plural has to be considered. It is conceivable that O.W.Germ. 
-ms and Norse -mr (§ 379) represent an instr. suffix *-mis; 
only it must perhaps be granted that *-mz sometimes came 

1) It should be mentioned that the Umbr.-Oso. ending might without 
irregularity be derived from *-fia = 8kr. -bhif (instr. pi.). 

2) Only found in one inscription, which is wrongly denied to be 
Keltic by d'Arboia de JubainYille (Rev. Celt XI 249). — We are not 
justified in seeing this Gall, -bo in O.Ir. na-b, as Windisoh does (Paul- 
Braune's Beitr. IV 221). In this there has doubtless been merely loss of 
the palatal sound, first taking place before non-palatals, as dinab gabalib. 

3) In Lit. Vollcd. und March., pp. 297 f., I explained raHJcom, with 
Brflokner, as the dual form used in the plural. This is unquestionably 
possible; compare the Russian instr. dual in -ma with plural meaning 
(Tetter, Zur Geseh. der nom. Deel. im Russ., 50 f.). 

268 Dative-Ablative Plural. § 367. 

from a dative in *-roos. But no one has proved the existence 
of any sound-law by which the -m of all Germanic dialects — 
even in OJcel. we find e. g. pri-m beside pri-mr 'tribus, and 
others — could be derived from *-mz (there is no manner of 
need to derive the Goth. 1st. pi. balra-m from *-mz). I there- 
fore conjecture that Germanic, like Baltic, inherited from the 
parent speech a plural *-mi (cp. sing. O.H.G. zi houbitun 
A.S. fice-m § 282 p. 188), and perhaps *-mo as well. It follows 
that the pluralising of bh- and m-suffixes by adding -$ was not 
complete in the parent language. 

Remark. It is perhaps allowable to analyse Pruss. -mans into 
*-mdm + s (*-mom beside *-mo like Skr. -bhyam : bhya , Gr. -<piv : -?*), 
notwithstanding amsis 'people 1 yimsenin 'birth', on the strength of 
men 8a menso 'flesh, meat*. This word answers to Goth, mimza-, and 
there is no reason to suppose that it was a Slavonic loan-word 
(m$8o); doubtless in mensd menso m became n by dissimilation, and 
the same process might ohange *-mams to -mans. *-mom might be 
compared with O.C.S1. -miL But doubts are suggested by Lith. -muz 
-ms y whioh cannot be derived from *-mans (on the ace. Lith. devusi 
Pruss. deiwans see § 326 p. 227); and the question arises whether -ma* 
in Prussian (e. g. nou-mas 'nobis') were not the older form. Pruss. -mas 
and Lith. -mus might be oonnected with original *-mds, and -mans may 
really be due to association with the aoc. pi. in -an 8. Lith. -mus, with 
O.C.8L -wfl, may however be derived from Idg. *-mw8. Ergo, non liquet. 
Compare further Osthoff, Morph. Unt. II 31 f.; Leskien, Ber. der sftohs. 
Ges. der Wiss., 1884, pp. 101 f. 

Armenian has -c, as in the gen. and loc, see § 344 
p. 245. In Greek the form ceased to be used at all; its 
dative meaning was expressed by the locative and instrumental, 
and its ablative meaning, as already stated, by the genitive. 
Old Irish dropped it in favour of the instrumental. 

2. Form of the Stem. This was weak, right down from 
the proethnic period, in consonant stems which admitted of 
gradation, as *p$ter- 'pater*. 

Aryan often shews the nom. sing, form where the stem 
should be, as Skr. m&nG-bhyas Avest. tnane-byd. See on this 
point § 356 pp. 259 f. 

In Latin and Oscan consonant stems show the t-stem 
ending, as Lat. matr-ibus ferent-ibus like ovi-bus tri-bus, 

§§367-369. Dartre- Ablative Plural. 269 

Oso. lig-is 'legibus'. But Umbr. -us in fratrus aset-us etc. 
seems to have been taken from M-stems (beru-s Verubus*). 

As regards the stem in Germanic see § 379.2. 

In Balto-Slavonic the t-stem ending has become the 
regular one, as it did in the other m-cases and in the locative 
plural; e. g. Lith. akmeti-i-ms O.C.S1. kamen-t-mu. But we 
still find O.Slav. poljamU = *poljan-±mu, see § 356 p. 260. 

§ 868. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqo-bh- (-m-). Skr. vf\&- 
-bhyas Avest. vehrkafibyd with pr. Ar. -ai- instead of -a- 
following pronouns like te-bhyas ta&byd. (Goth, vtdfa-m 
O.H.G. wolfum beside pdi-m de-m, cp. § 367 p. 267 f. and 
§ 380). Lith. viVxi-mus -d-ms O.C.S1. vluko-mu beside te-ms 

Latin forms in -thus from o-stems, as amicibus suibus 
(see Bucheler-Windekilde , Grundr. pp. 126 f.) are later re- 
formates instead of the forms in -Is (§ 380). But the pronouns 
J-biis eis' (cp. Skr. $-bhyd&), variant \-bus (t-stem like qut-bus), 
and hl-bus 'his', may be regarded as proethnic. 

Remark. In O.C.SL, jo-stems show not only -it-mu but -wwti 
-£imu, as zxdodeftmu, and similarly instr. sing. zuJodcfimx dat instr. dual 
"fima. We may regard l (after sonants -#-) as the weak grade of the 
suffix -jo- (ep. O.H.G. hirti-m § 380), the s of glagoljq&tlmu as taken 
from the other cases, and occasional forms like strazije (nom. pL) 
'watchers' as later re-formates on the lines of the /-declension. Thus 
-dejlmti: -dejemu Lith. g aid zi d-ms {gaidjfs 'cock') = OJLG. hirtim: 
Goth, hairdjam. This would make it easier to see why so many masc 
neat consonant stems became jo-stems in Balto-Slavonic ; for example, 
part gen. Lith. vezanczio O.C.SL rezasta 'vehentis', O.C.SL datelfi Mater'. 
That is to say, if there was an -i- in the m-cases of to-stems in 
pr. Bait. -81a y., their ending was the same as that of consonant stems, 
which already formed these cases after the model of stems in -i- (§ 402) ; 
it was easy enough, for example, to form cases from *#esont-ip- when 
there was a form *y*£ont-i-m-. Another point remains to be investigated. 
What was the cause of the rery common transfer of t-stems to the jo- 
class in older Lithuanian (as kry-ti-8 II § 100 p. 306): may not forms 
analogous to O.H.G. hirtim have helped the change, and not merely the 
similar endiug of the nom. ace singular? 

§36*. 2. O-stems. Pr. Idg. Ulna-bin- (-m-). Skr. d&vd- 

-bhyas, Avest. haen&'byd. Lat. equa-bus; -d-bus was more 

widely spread in the oldest Latin (e. g. manibus dextrdbus), 

270 Datire-AblatiYO Plural. §§369-373. 

but used later only to distinguish genders (as filiis and 
flUdbus), and in the re-formates dudbus ambabus (plural 
suffix instead of dual). Gall. vatiavai%a-$o , used attributively 
with ftottQtfio 'matribus*. (Goth, gibo-tn O.H.G. gebd-m y see 
§ 367 pp. 267 f., § 381). Lith. raftko-mus -ins, O.C.S1. rqka-n&. 

§ 370. 3. f- #-stems (cp. p. 68, footnote). Pr.Idg. 
*bhf§hQrt-bh- (-m-). Skr. bfhatt-bhyas , Avest. barenti-bt/6. 
(O.H.G. digl-m 'to prayers', see § 367 pp. 267 f. and § 382). 
With -j£- instead of -f- : Lat. facte-bus, Umbr. iovies for *-ie-fs 
beside the ace. pi. iovie(f) § 328 p. 229. So also Lith. Seme- 
-mm -tws, O.C.S1. zernlja-mU; but others have inflexion (cp. 
footnote on p. 68), Lith. ve£anczio-ms y O.C.S1. vezq§ta-mu. 

§ 371. 4. t-stems. Pr.Idg. *oui-bh- (-#*-). Skr. aw- 
-bhyas, Avest. aiH-byd. Lat. tri-bus ovi-bus turri-bus\ Umbr. 
tris 'tribus* avis aves aveis 'avibus*, Osc. luisari-fs 
(Bucheler, Rhein. Mus. XLIV 328), cp. teremn-fss 'termini- 
bus' § 373 ; the vowel of the last syllable was long in Umbrian ; 
would this be "compensatory lengthening", or the analogy of 
the accusative plural? (Goth, ansti-m O.H.G. ensli-m, see 
§ 367 pp. 267 f., § 383). Lith. nakti-mus -1-ms, O.C.S1. 

§ 372. 5. w-s terns. Pr. Idg. *sunu-bh- (-m-). Skr. siinu- 
-bhyo8, Avest. bOzu-byO. Lat. manu-bus mani-bus lacu-bus 
laci-bus, see I § 49 pp. 41 f. and Bucheler-Windekilde 
pp. 124 f.; Umbr. beru-s Verubus*. (Goth, sunu-tn, see § 367 
pp. 267 f., § 383). Lith. sUnu-mus -6-m$, O.C.S1. synomu for 
**ynft-mii, which by some chance is never found, nor is *sywtt- 
-m* (§ 282 p. 189). 

§ 373. 6. n-stems. Pr. Idg. *£(w)##-6A- (-m-), possibly 
assimilated *f(tt^ji-6A-, see I § 222 p. 190. Skr. &vd-bhyas 
dSma-bhyas, Avest. d&ma-byd and draome-byd (draoman- 
'assault, onsetf) with -e- from the es-stems (manB-byd } § 376) 
by reason of the identical loc. ending in the two classes 
(d&mohu = *d&mahu like manahu, § 361 p. 263). Lat. homin- 
-i-bus Osc. teremn-i-ss 'terminibus\ but Umbr. karn-u-s 

§§ 373 - 375. Dative- Ablatire Plural. 27 1 

'carnibus', homon-u-s 'hominibus', see § 367, p. 268. 
Lith. 82un-i-mus aktnen-i-mus -1-wts, O.C.S1. kamen-i-mu 
following $-flexion, but O.C.S1. keeps poljamu for *poljfin- 
-m* (I § 219 pp. 185 f.), see § 367 p. 269. 

§ 374. 7. r-stems. Pr. Idg. *mff*f-&A- *ddtf-bh- 
(-m-). Skr. mdtf-bhyas ddtf-bhyas, Avest. mtiter'-byd d&ter'- 
-by 6. Lat. mlUr-i-bu$ datdr-i-bu8j Umbr. fratr-u-s fratr-u-s 
'fratribus' ner-u-s proceribus. Gall. mHtr&-bo (jiajQtpo) 'matri- 
bus; it is not certain whether -re- = Idg. -f- (-re- instead of 
O.Kelt. -ri- I § 298 p. 236, as in vergo-bretu-s beside O.Ir. 
breth f. 'sentence, judgement* = Idg. *bhf-td)j or if the word 
once was *matr-i-bo, and has changed to mcUrebo under the 
influence of i-stems; cp. O.Ir. instr. mftthraib tnftUhrib § 385. 
(Goth, brtipru-m, O.H.G. muoterum, see § 367 pp. 267 f., § 385). 
Lith. moter-i-mus -l-tns O.C.S1. mater-%-mft, following the t-class. 

§ 376. 8. Stems ending in an Explosive. 

Pr. Idg. *bhf§h'gd-bh- (-#£-w-), from the stem *bhf§hont-. 
Skr. bfhdd-bhyas; Avest. ber'zad-byO, ber'zanbyd with sub- 
stitution of the strong stem, and ber'zajtbyd with the nom. 
ace. sing, in place of the stem (§ 356 p. 259). Lat. ferent- 
-t-6ws, Umbr. aset-u-s 'agentibus', see § 367 p. 268. (Goth. 
frijdnd-a-m tunp-u-m etc., see § 386.) Lith. veiant'e-ms (pro- 
nominal ending), O.C.S1. vezq£te-mu like a io-stem; Lith. 
dantA-ms Mentibus, O.C.S1. tetyM-mu (see § 244 pp. 142 f.). 

Skr. Ved. nddbhyas for *nabd-bhyas from ndpCtt- napt- 
Mescendant', cp. Avest. loc. naf§u § 363 p. 264. (Goth, tigum 
'decadibus' for pr. Germ. *Jejtin(#)-m-, see § 386). 

d-s terns. Skr. iardd-bhyas c to autumns'. Skr. pad-bhyds 
Avest. pad?-byd, Lat. ped-i-bus Umbr. du-purs-u-s 'bipedibus' 
(§ 367 p. 268). (Goth. Jtt-tf-m, § 386). 

Skr. vdg-bhyds Vocibus', Avest. vayg'byd from a base not 
found elsewhere, v&c(a)h-, or it may contain the nom. v&xs 
instead of the stem (§ 356 p. 259), Lat. vdc-i-bus following the 
i-declension. Skr. vid-bhyds Avest. v%i-by6 pr. Ar. *uijs-bhjas 
from vii- vis- 'clan, village community* (I § 404 p. 299), but 
contrariwise Skr. dig-bhyds (stem dii- 'direction) instead of 

272 Datire-Ablatire Plural §§375-377. 

*di<lbhya8 follows dikyu and dik (§ 356 p. 259). Lat. Ug-i-bus 
Ohc. lig-i-8 'legibus* following the t-elass. 

Skr. adbhyis Avest. attiyd from the stem ap- 'water, see 
I § 328 p. 285. 

§ 376. 9. s-stems. Pr. Idg. *menez-bh- (-es-m-) from 
iiom. sing. *meno8. Skr. mdnd-bhyas instead of *manadbhyas 
following ttiwrf, similarly Avest. manS-byd instead of *manaz- 
hyO following USthic mane, see § 356 p. 259 and Bartholomac 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 572 f. and 582, Stud, zur idg. Spr. 
I 2 f. Lat. yener-i-bus follows the i-class. (O.H.G. kelbir~um y 
see § 387). Lith. debes-l-ms 0.C.81. doves-X~mU following the 

Skr. suddbhyas Avest. huddbyd (stem su-dds- hu-d&h- 
giving richly'), instead of *sud&dbh- *hud(teb-, following the 
nom. sudd hudd (§ 356 p. 259). But there are some regular 
forms, as Yed. nuldbhyds (later mabhyds) from mas 'mensis', 
and ufddbhyas (later u$6bhyas) from u$ds- 'dawn'. Lat. m€n$- 
-i-Aftf, ep. O.Ir. iwte-t-fl § 387. 

Skr. havir-bhyas instead of *havldbhyas (cp. viprudbhyas 
from vipru$- 'drop, crumb') following the nom. havir 'libation'; 
but Avest. snaipii-byd is regular (inferred from snaipi£~bya 
S 304 p. 204). 

Comparative. Pr. Idg. *d£$*-6A- (-ts-w-). Skr. difyd- 
-bhyas like mdnd-bhyas. Lat. Gcidr-i-bus like an t-stem. 
O.C.81. slaidfse-irif like a io-stem. 

Part, perf. act. Pr. Idg. *tte»<itf.?-ftA- (-t*s-m-). Skr. 
ridvdd-bhyas with the strong suffix -ros-, Avest. vVfczbyo. 
Lith. m\rn$e-ms (pronominal ending), 0.C.S1. mXnise-mu like 
a to-stoni. mCtr-i-bus aud O.C.S1. my$H-mu declined in the 
i-olasss pr. Idg. *w*rtc-M- *w i? *<-!•••• 

§ 377. 10. J- i«- and m« w^-stems, and stems in 
-*\ «/, •». 

IV. Idg. -t-M- -a-M-, -i-m- -*-*♦-. Skr. dfc*-Myas nadi- 
-Mjfi»#% Mrtf-M*<t>* cW&tf-Mvis. Lat. ££-&«$ % also *#-*•«, 
doubflo» luvan>o ^f #t*-fe on\ (op. Or. }<* § 365 pp. 265 f\ 

§§377—379. Instrumental Plural. 273 

and su-i-bus. (O.Icel. sii-m, see § 388.) Lith. guo-l-ms O.C.S1. 
Arik?-l-m# in the i-class, but svekruva-mu in the 0-class (cp. 
svekrtiva-chU § 365 p. 266). 

Skr. gir-bhyds, pHr-bhy&s, gO-$frbhyas (the last not actually 
found) for *gf-W- etc., like nom. sing, git etc., see § 197 p. 76. 

§ 378. 11. Skr. ndu-bhyds, Lat. ndv-i-bus in the i-class. 
Skr. gd-bhyas, Lat. bu-bus bd-bus. Skr. ra-bhyds, Lat. r8-bu$. 

Instrumental Plural. 1 ) 

§ 879. 1. The Suffix. Stems in -o- had for their ending 
-3$$, which may perhaps be analysed -o-f-a^i* (I § 150 
p. 136); on O.C.S1. -y see § 380. The other classes show 
the following endings: Skr. -bhi§ Avest. -68 O.Pers. -biS = 
pr. Ar. *-6Ai£; Armen. -bit -vR (which Bugge conjectures to be 
*-bhis-u, as he supposes -U in the nom. pi. to be *-(e)s-#, see 
§ 313 p. 212); Gr. -yi -yiv; O.Ir. -b = pr. Kelt. *-Ws (-t- has 
left its mark in the palatal vowel of the preceding syllable, 
and -s in the usual absence of any spirant as the initial of 
the following word, see I § 576 p. 432, § 658.1 p. 510; 
Windisch, Paul-Braune's Beitr. IV 221); Germ. *-wie (O.Icel. 
-mr, as pri-mr § 383, O.West-Germ. Vatrt-ms § 382) and 
*~mi; Lith. -mis dial, -iwt, O.C.S1. -mi. Lith. dial. pi. -mi 
beside sing. -*n (see the Author, Lit. Volksl. und March., 
p. 297) and Lett, -mi (§ 367 pp. 267 f.) point to *-ro*; similarly, 
Lett, wita-mis 'here and there* from uAta place' (Bielenstein, 
Die lett. Spr., II 34) doubtless points to *-mf&. 2 ) Consequently 

1) Compare the footnotes on pp. 173, 256, and 266. 

2) The area over which the Lith. pi. -mi extends has yet to be 
determined. It seems to be as early as Bretken, in the form sunumi, see 
Bezzenberger Beitr. zur Gesch. der lit. Spr., 149. The ending cannot be 
the same as the sing, -rot, because the sing, suffix always appears as -m 
in Godlewa. It is not probable that -mi and the Lett. pi. -mi have lost 
s through being used before spirants, and that the forms thus produced 
became the only ones. Lett, -mi, if Lettic alone be taken into 
account, might as a last resort be regarded as the singular form ; oompare 
abbu ruku 'with both hands', in Bielenstein II 23, also singular in form. 
But it may not be separated from the Lith. pi. -mi. Lastly, as to the 

Brugmann, Element*. III. 18 

~'4 IttHrumeuaX PlaraL §379. 

Lith, -n&$ will represent an older *-mi*, and O.CJSL -m an 
older *-ml or *-*wl0. It follows that we may regard as proethnic 
**bhi($) and *-mi(s), perhaps also the same forms with a long -t, 
*-bhK*) *-nO(i). If -mi and -mJ were both proethnic, the 
different quantity has been turned to account in Baltic, and 
possibly in Slavonic (that is, if -mt never had an -s) to 
distinguish singular and plural. On the whole question 
oomparo g 367 pp. 267 f. 

The A vesta contains plural instrumental in -8 from con- 
sonant stoma, as ndmBn-ti a§aon-i8 savanhat-ii (wvatdhant- 
'uftoful'), which, like the instr. in -ate and sporadically those in 
-MS, arc used sometimes as nom. ace. neuter. No trustworthy 
evidonco of those forms has been found in other languages; 
Hartholomae's comparison of Or. uvig akg ywpig is very dubious; 
compare further Curtius Grundr. 5 650, and Strachan in Bezz. Beitr. 
XIV 176. Ho long as this is the case, and their extended use 
has not boon explained, we must hesitate to regard them as 
being original instrumental forms, tempting though it may be 
to suppose that this -13 is related to the ending -$jg = -o-\-a x is 
as the abt, -rf of Skr. mo-d to -dd = -o-\-a x d (§ 240 pp. 133 f.). 
Hoe llartholomae , Bows. Beitr. XV 16 f., Stud, zur idg. Spr., 
I 7ft t Perhaps Bartholomae's comparison of the instrumental 
sing, ndmtn-f takes us a step further. For this suggests the 
obvious conjecture that *&*£*-££ nam€n-i ($ = Ar. a) are 
instead of *Hflma-mU *mlmo-mt (cp. Skr. sane-mi § 282 
pp. 1ST f. % and also O.Ir. nmmimm § 281 p. 186): when the 
#N«*ufR\o» were in course of dying out m might easily be 
replaced by * taken from the other cases, and then n&wbns 
mi^ht be regarded as containing a suffix -is. 

3, Form of the Stem. The remarks made in § 367.2 
Vppv 2tiS t\ above) Apply here. 

^muiv *f * i* U*n. -•» ^fs> tfc* Litk pi. -*•• - *-«w aW O.CJSL -«; 
**W*H tfc* w* tfcat tW nMrtl *«s <mm» W«|r« aai gm* so 

*Wrt • *fcv*M W kvy* *« y *f »W f*>rtrr *$*ts<t tW rvcagMti lev* 

§§379,880. Instrumental Plural. 275 

In Old Irish the consonant-stem ending -it was borrowed 
by some of the t-stems and some of those in -o- or -#-. The 
forms were related to mnaib just as Lat. homin-i-bus matr-i- 
-bus etc. to equfl-bus. 

Germanic. The suffix of consonant stems was *-mt'(s), not 
*-tpmi(8) or *-9mf(i) as assumed by Eluge and others; jrhich 
we are doubtless to infer from tigum for *tezun(d)-mi = Skr. 
da6dd-bhi§ (§ 386). ^ The -tim of Goth. A.S. O.Sax. fdt-utn, 
Goth, mgndp-um etc. arose from A.S. earnu-m (§ 384), Goth. 
br8pru-m (§ 385), sunu-m (§ 383); and the spread of this 
-t*wt, along with the -a-m of o-stems (Goth, frijdnd-am reik-am) 
and the -i-m of t-stems (Goth, batirg-im) was due to the same 
desire after uniformity of stem which produced ytQovT-som -ois 
to take the place of ylgovoi (§ 360 p. 262). -am was naturally 
suggested by the analogy of the gen. pi. ; e. g. frijdnde : vulfe. 

§ 380. 1. o-stems. Pr. Idg. *ulqdis; the European 
languages have -ojs for -Ofa in accordance x with I §§611 ff. 
Skr. vfkai$, Avest. vehrkaiS. Gr. Av'xo/s, also locative (§ 356 
p. 257, § 357 p. 260). Lat. lupls O.Lat. oloes illis' (I § 81 
p. 74), Umbr. veskles vesdir 'vasculis' vereir 'porta' alfer 
albis' (I § 81 p. 75), Osc. Niivlanuis 'Nolanis' nesinwis 
'proximis': cp. § 357 p. 260. Lith. vfflcais. 

1) The comparison of tigum with Skr. da&d-bhi*, which has lately 
found another champion in J. 8ohmidt (Urheimath der Indog., pp. 25 f.), 
is not to my mind convincing; for *dehp was an adjective and not an 
abstraot substantive. Schmidt cites a passage from a Lithuanian tale, in 
which he translates tez trijti devyniu stukeliu 'of three nines of pieces', 
and says the phrase illustrates the transition from the adj. 'ten' to the 
subst. 'ten*. This is not to be admitted, because the expression is something 
quite strange to Lithuanian; and the context, which refers to a super- 
stitious belief, should first itself have been explained. Schmidt scores a 
point against us in remarking that no Germanic /-stem has lost this ex- 
plosive in the dat-instr. pi. as I assume. This is true enough; but 
neither is there any other form in -urn from a nasal stem which Schmidt 
can place by the side of his tigum — daidbhis. From this, then, no 
conclusion can be drawn whioh could be decisive for one or other of 
these two explanations. My view has the support of Kluge (Paul's 
Orundr., I 404). 


276 Instrumental Plural. §380. 

Since o-stems had -bhi and -mi in the instr. singular 
(§§ 281, 282 pp. 186 ff.) it is not surprising that we find bh- 
and m-suffixes in the plural along with -fl$s. Skr. Ved. vfki- 
-bhi$, Avest. vehrkae-ibi§ OJPers. martiyai-biS 'mortalibus'; 
cp. dat. vfH-bhyas vehrlcae-ibyd § 368 p. 269, and instr. sing. 
Skr. san€-mi § 282 pp. 187 f. Armen. gailo-vR, cp. sing, gailo-v. 
Gr. nap avro-yi 'with them', cp. ano arparo-ipi 'from the host 
of ships'. O.Ir. fer"ib for *uiro-bis. Goth, vulfa-m O.H.G. 
xvolfum icolfom O.Icel. tdfum, cp. O.H.G. zi houbitun § 282 
p. 188. Is West-Germ, and Norse -um = Goth, -a-m, or is 
it an extended use of the -urn discussed in § 379 p. 275? 
O.H.G. -tm, as in hirtim beside hirium (Goth, hoirdjam), 
appears to show -$-, the weak-grade form of the suffix -t>- 
(Streitberg, Paul-Br. Beitr. XTV 189), and the same view 
may be taken of i in Jr. cSUb (beside cSle 'comrade*), cp. 
O.C.S1. dat. pi. ModijXmu § 368 Rem. p. 269, and O.H.G. 
digfrn § 382. 

An isolated form is seen in 0.C.S1. vliiky, hraji (IcrajX "border) 
with -jT for *-/y (I § 60 p. 47). The same ending occurs with 
consonant stems, but only in the neuter, as imen-y § 384; 
which suggests a conjecture that in o-stems also it was 
originally peculiar to the neuter. We are still in the dark as 
to the origin of this -y. So far as we can tell from the 
Slavonic sound-laws discovered thus far, it cannot be compared 
with the Idg. ending *-<?& notwithstanding TV. Schulze's paper 
in Kuan's Zeitschr. XXVII 421, and the new discussion of 
Wiedemann, Das libra. Praet., p. 47. We may conjecture that 
*-<&♦> would become first *-<hs and then an -£ or -i. 

Remark. I should tike to throw oat the qaestioa whether the 
adverbial ending \*. as in w**/<r Tittle*, » the *-« of the aoc pL of 
w-«t*au <§ 339 p. 239V. eo that «m.> origiaeJlT Beaut t peaca\ If such 
advert* as this Warn* eqaiTaleat ia mse to those m -aW (cp. MDdosich, 
IT 713K \v misrht eoaie to be added to the instr. pL It woald then 
hare crept into the re^mlar case-«T$teai jast as the adr. eadmg *-*©* 
did ia Sanskrit aad Anaeniaa l§ 244 pp. 141 tX If *-dis finally 
W*Mae •-< or *-*, a desire to di&Vreatiate oace again eases which had 
ma tocetfeer ia forst a%ay hare caased ~jr to b*ccaw the regular eadiag. 

1381-384. Instrumental Plural. 277 

§ 381. 2. 0-stems. Pr. Idg. *e&ua-bhf(s) (-mi-(s)). 
Skr. d&vOrbhi§, Avest. haena-bii. (Gr. dytkq-yi and so forth 
only in the singular.) O.Ir. mnaib tuath'ib. Goth, gibd-m, 
O.H.G. gebd-tn. Lith. raAko-mis dial, -nit, O.C.S1. rqka-mi. 

Gr. /copoij?, Lat. fitfttsto Umbr. anzeriates aseriater 
'observatis* Osc. Di urn pais ("nymphis') are re-formates on the 
model of -ojs, the o-stem ending. 

§ 382. 3. i- j^-stems (cp. footnote to page 68). 
Pr.Idg. *bh r §hQtt-bhf(8) (-roffs)). Skr. bthatt-bhi$, Avest. 
barenti-bii. O.Ir. instt. O. West-Germ, inscr. Vatffi-ms Aftl-ms 
beside the Latinised forms Vatvia-bus Alfia-bus in the period 
shortly after the commencement of our era (Much, Zeitschr. fur 
deutsch. Alt. XXXI 354 ff.); perhaps examples may be found 
in some of the O.H.G. f-abstracts, such as dig%-m 'to prayers', 
cp. the gen. pi. § 347 p. 249. With -#-: Lith. icmc-mis dial, 
-mt, O.C.81. zetnlja-mi. 

Gr. (ftQovonic, Goth, frijdndjd-m O.H.G. kuninginnd-m, 
Lith. vetlanczio-mU -ml O.C.S1. vezq&ta-mi as if fl-stems 
(cp. footnote on page 68). 

§ 383. 4. t- and u-s terns. 

Pr.Idg. *oui-bhf(8) (-mf(8)). Skr. dvi-bhiy. Armen. srti- 
-p#. O.Ir. faithi-b tri-b. Goth. an$ti-m O.H.G. ensti-m; 
OJcel. pri-mr ("three*) — the Runic gestuniR ("guests') follows 
the o-class, cp. Noreen in Paul's Grundr. I 493, Burg, Die 
alt. nord. Runeninschr., 77. Lith. nalcti-mls dial. -*wi, O.C.S1. 

Pr. Idg. *8iinu-bh1(8) (-roffs)). Skr. $Unti-bhi§, Avest. 
bazu-bii. Armen. zardu-R for *-wt?-#. Goth, mnu-m, O.H.G. 
sitim as though an i-stem. Lith. sunu-mls dial, -mi, O.C.S1. 
synfo-mi. How to regard O.Ir. beth'ib is uncertain. 

Remark. In Irish we are struck with the almost universal 'breaking' 
or 'infection' of the vowel of the stem, as fedaib mogaib; sinoe *9idu-bis 
would have become fiduib fidih or something of that kind. Breaking has 
been caused either by the influence of o-stems or by a coincidence of 
"' and a* in unaccented syllables. 

§ 384. 5. tt-stems. Pr.Idg. *fc(u)u#-bhf(s) or *Jc(u)uip- 

-hhi(8) I § 222 p. 190 {-mf(8)). Skr. hd-bhi* dima-bhi§. 

278 Instrumental Plural §§884-386. 

Avest. dama*bt&, damS-bls like draom&byD § 373 p. 270. 
Armen. akam-bX. Or. xorvXt]dov-6-<pi instead of *xovvX?jdo-<pt 
*xoTvXf]fa-<pi like fiswv'Oig instead of fteio-<n *(ASia~oi (§ 361 
p. 263). O.Ir. con a -ib y Jiadn a -ib (fiadu witness'), toimten a -ib, 
see § 379 p. 275. A.S. oxnum O.Icel. yxnum (oxen*) A.S. 
earnum OJcel. qrnum C 6 ^ 08 *) O.Icel. bjqrnum ('bears'): here 
-n- was borrowed from the gen. pi. and ace. pi., but *-tim 
came from -ij»-m- (earlier -tf-m-), cp. § 332 p. 233; thus the 
principle is the same as gave rise to Or. dpmm, earlier *dpa- 
-<j* (§ 361 p. 263). This shews that there once was in 
Germanic an instr. in *-umi from a nom. in *-an-iz y like Armen. 
akamrbR anjam-bR from akun-R anjin-R, Or. (pga-oi from (pgiv-eg 
and so forth. Lith. $zun-i-m\s ahnen-i-m\s dial, -mi, O.C.S1. 
katnen-X-mi as though an t-stem, O.Slav, polja-mi like pclja- 
-mU § 373 p. 271 ; O.C.S1. neut. imm-y like igy § 380 p. 276. 
Ger manic. Ooth. gutnam = *guman-mi, like tuggOm 
manageim O.H.G. zungdm meniglm for *-Qn-mi *-fn-ni$; 
O.H.G. gomOn a re-formate like gorndno § 350 p. 252. The 
old ending is seen varied in another way in Goth, atihsnam 
(oxen') abnam fmen'), neut. vatnam (nom. ace. vatna), cp. gen. 
auhsnB : vtdfB ; similarly frijdndam because of frijOnde, see 
§ 379 p. 275. 

§ 885. 6. r-stems. Pr.Idg. *matf-bM(8) *ddtf-bhf(8) 
(-mf(8). Skr. matf-bhiv d&tf-bhiS, Avest. mOter'-bis dater -bi§ 
(inferred from the dat. plural). Armen. Mar-bR dster-bR. 
O.Ir. ntathr"-ib maithrib is just as ambiguous as Gall, /tfirpt/fo, 
see § 374 p. 271. Goth, brdpru-m, O.H.G. muoterum. 
Lith. tnoter-i-mls -mi, O.C.S1. tnaterJ-mi following the i-class. 

§ 886. 7. Stems ending in an Explosive. 
Pr.Idg. *bhr{jhQd-6M(8) (-*t-**(9)- Skr. bfhdd-bhi$; Avest. 
ber'zad-bis, with strong stem ber'sanbii, and with the nom. 
ace. sing. neut. form in place of the stem ber'zafi-bii (§ 356 
pp. 259 f.). O.Ir. cairti-b y see § 379 p. 275. Goth. frijOnd-am 
O.H.G. /WiwJ-wm, Goth, tunp-um A.8. tdd-um O.Icel. tqnn-um 
(cp. Skr. dad-bhi?, Lith. dant-i-nAs -t-roi), see § 379 p. 275. 

§§386,387. Instrumental Plural. 270 

Lith. vezanczials O.C.S1. vezq&ti as through jo-stems; O.C.S1. 
teltf-y (U&q n. 'calf, see § 244 pp. 142 f.) like igy § 380 p. 276. 

Avest. azd?-fa$ from ast- n. bone*. Goth, tigum 'decadibus' 
for *tezun(d)-mi like Skr. daidd-bhi$, Idg. *dek$d-bh- *cfe£gtf-m-, 
cp. § 379 p. 275. 

d-stems. Skr. $ardd-bhi§. O.Ir. druuH-b, see § 379 
p. 275. Skr. pad-bhfy 1 ) Avest. Gfithic pad*-6#, Goth. O.Sax. 
fdt-um O.H.G. fuaz-um (§ 379 p. 275). 

Skr. vag-bhl§ from vdc- Vox'. As to Skr. vidbhi§ 
-rOdbhif and digbhi$, see § 375 p. 271. Avest. maz-bi& (maz- 
'great 1 ) instead of *ma£-bf& following the dat. sing, maz-di etc. 
Beside Avest. tfii-byd Skr. vid-bhi§ we find O.Pers. vlpibii 
(as we should read, not vlpaibiS), but we know too little of 
the language to pronounce upon it. Goth, reikam, but batirg- 
-im, see § 379 p. 275. 

Skr. adbhi§ from ap- water* like adbhyds § 375 p. 272. 

§ 387. 8. *-8tems. Pr. Idg. *menez-bhf(s) (-e8-mX(8)). 
Skr. tndnfrbhi$, Avest. man€-bii (= Psli man&-(b)hi? vid. 
Bloomfield, Am. Journ. Phil, m 36), see § 376 p. 272; 
similarly O.Pers. rauca-bi$ following the nom. ace. rauca 'day* 
(Avest. raocd). Gr. dpso-cpi. O.Ir. tigib perhaps for *teges-o- 
-Ws, as in the dual, see § 304 p. 204. Goth, agis-am 
O.H.G. kelbir-um, cp. § 343 p. 243; does O.H.G. sigim stand 
for *8eze$-mi? compare § 226 p. 108. Lith. debes-i-mls dial. 
-mi after the i-flexion, O.C.S1. sloves-y like igy § 380 p. 276. 

Skr. sudd-bkif Avest. hudd-btt, Skr. mad-bhi§ ma-bhl§ 
u$dd-bhi$ u$6-bhi$ like the answering dative forms, § 376 
p. 272. O.Ir. mW-%b for *n08-o-bi$ (§ 379 p. 275), cp. Lat. 
dat. m$ns-i~bus. 

Skr. havir-bhi$ Avest. snaipii-bi§, comparative Skr. 6My$- 
-bhi$j participle Skr. vidvdd*bhi$ Avest. vtdtl£-bT§, like the 
dative forms § 376 p. 272. O.C.S1. slaidfii, Lith. mlrusiais 
O.C.S1. meruit as though io-stems. 

1) There never was a form padbhif from pad-, tee Bartholomae, 
Bess. Beitr. XV 3 ff. 

280 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §§387—390. 

A.S. OJcel. mtti-utn O.C.S1. my§i~mi from *mUs- 'mouse', 
see § 376 p. 272, § 379 p. 275. 

§ 888. 9. ?- t'i- and tf- t*#-stems, stems in -f, 

-l -#. 

Skr. dht-bhl§ nadi-bhi? bhru-bhi§ &va&rd-bhi§. (Gr. sing. 
7-qpi.) OJcel. sfl-w fsows*). Lith. £t#t?-j-mto dial, -ml, O.C.S1. 
fcrftr-f-mi after the system of i-stems, but svekruv-a-mi like a 
stem in ~a- (cp. svekruv-a-chti § 365 p. 266). Compare § 377 
pp. 272 f. 

Skr. g%r-bh{§, pUr-bhi§, gd-$a-bhi§ (the last not found), for 
*gf-bh- etc., like the nom. sing, gtr etc., see § 197 p. 74. 

§ 889. 10. Skr. n&u-bhl§, Gr. yav-qpi. Skr. g6~bhi£ 
Avest. gao-bi$; Mid.Ir. buaib doubtless not for *bO-bi$i but 
originally a dissyllable bu-aib for *bo-aib (Thurneysen) ; OJcel. 
ku-m A.S. cU-m O.Low-Prankish cuon. Skr. ra-bhis. Compare 
§ 378 p. 273. 

The Influence of Analogy as seen in the Trans- 
formation of whole Case-Systems in the separate 
languages (Metaplastic series). 

§ 890. In the foregoing paragraphs (§§ 190 to 389) the 
history of each single case has been traced through the separate 
languages of our group; and in so doing we have often come 
across cases, or even whole systems of cases, which have been 
affected by metaplasm. But it was impossible to present a 
sufficiently wide survey of such forms when they were not 
single cases, but groups; and a large number of them have 
not been mentioned at alL Our next task then is to collect 
and supplement these examples. Still, we must give up the 
idea of giving a complete list; mention will be made only of 
what is remarkable or characteristic. 

Remark 1. A more exhaustive study would show, particularly 
if it dealt with later or quite modern periods, 1 ) how often similar 

1) Compare, for example, Torp, die Flexion des Pali, Ghristiania 
1881; Vetter, Zur Gesch. der nomin. Decl. im Rubs., Lps. 1883; Baudoum 

§§390,391. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 281 

causes have produced exactly the same effects in different languages 
for example, the disuse of the consonant flexion and the adoption of 
vowel flexion instead. It is true always, as it is true here, that where 
we can traoe certain principles acting in later periods, we may use 
these as our guides in dealing with prehistorio times. 

Remark 2. The mutations of form which we are now to discuss 
arose chiefly from proportional analogy; that is, the likeness of two 
forms of a form-system caused others, hitherto unlike, to be assimilated 
to each other. To suppose (as certain scholars do) that all arose in 
this way, and could arise in no other, is wrong: one out of many 
proofs that this is a mistake is Ar. nap&t- 'descendant', which takes the 
flexion of kinship names such as bhrlltar- 'brother', e. g. Skr. ndptf- 
-bhyas beside na(b)d-bhyas, Avest. naptar-etn beside napat-em\ the two 
case-groups had had no point of contact before this assimilation took place. 
Compare the general remarks on the principles involved, by the Author, 
Liter. Centralbl. 1880 p. 944; Paul, Principien* 95; Waokernagel, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXV 289 f.; Wheeler, Analogy (Ithaca, N. Y. 1887) pp. 9 ff.; 
Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 524 ff.; Michels, Zum "Weohsel dee 
Nominalgesohlechts , I (1889) pp. 10 f.; Bojunga, Die Entwicklung der 
nhd. Substantivflexion, pp. 1 ff. 

Lastly, we shall give a few systems of declension for 
which no certain connexion has been proved with any Indo- 
Germanic case-system. 

§ 891. I. In proethnic Aryan sprang up a new type of 
inflexion, in which weak and strong cases of im-stems, with the 
suffix -in- y were united into one case-group with cases from 
i-stems, the latter dropping those of their weak cases which had 
a formative suffix beginning in a consonant, and the nom. ace. 
sing, neuter. The model for these groups was found in such 
as vdrtman-8 : vdrtma-bhyas vdrtma. Non-neuter stems then 
evolved a nom. sing, in -f on the model of d&ma. Compare 
Skr. arcin- shining, beaming': arct arci arcln-am arcing 
arci-bhtf08) Avest. kairitn- 'girl': kaini kainin-em kaintn-6 
kaini-byd, O.Pers. vTpin- 'belonging to a clan, native': vipi-biS; 
the nom. ace. sing. neut. in -* is not actually found in Iranian. 
In Sanskrit, nom. ace. pi. neut. arctni, following v&rtmani, 
was added to the list. The pr. Ar. nom. sing, in -jfl -t$fl is 

de Courtenay, Einige F&lle der "Wirkung der Analogic in der poln. Deol., 
Kuhn-Schleioher's Beitr. VI 19 ff.; K. Bojunga, Die Entwicklung der nhd. 
Substantivflexion, Lps. 1890. 

282 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. $ 391. 

perhaps preserved in Skr. kanyd, (kaniyd) Avest. kain$ (-? = 
-ya) 'girl, maiden', which kept its O-flexion because it was 
feminine (cp. below, Skr. y6$a and the like). Compare II § 115 
pp. 357 ff.; Streitberg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 210 ff.; 
Zubaty, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXXI 51 f. 

In the same period began the transfer of consonant stems 
to the o-class, caused by both having the same ending in the 
ace. sing, (-am), gen. pi. (-Am), and possibly the instr. sing, and 
the nom. ace. dual (-# and -du -a § 280 p. 184, § 289 p. 196); 
this went still further in Avestic. Examples: Skr. pdd-as 
pddas Avest. pOdaf-ibya beside the ace. pdd-am pOd-em 'pedem\ 
Skr. Yed. pU$dn-a-s beside ace. pH§dn-am (the name of a 
god), ddnt-a-s beside ace. ddtU-am 'tooth', d&nOi$ beside instr. 
sing, riin-a, stem dian- 'stone', Avest. OtarOiS beside ace. 
dtar-em 'fire'. More examples from the A vesta are given by 
Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. I 94 f., and in his Handbuch, 
pp. 100 f. In India, this process made great strides in the 
popular dialects, and had a great deal to do with the loss of 
consonant declensions in this group; see Lassen, Inst. Ling. 
Pracr., pp. 314 ff.; E. Kuhn, Beitr. zur Pali Gr., pp. 67 ff. 

Again, in Aryan were formed from *uS&8 = Skr. u$&8 
'dawn* (*-stem) the ace. sing. *n§Hm = Skr. uSdtn Avest. uSqm 
and ace. pi. *u$Os = Skr. u§ds Avest. u£&, on the analogy of 
stems with a in the root (cp. e. g. Skr. sihd-s 'standing': 
-sthd-m -sihds). Similarly, we find Skr. jardm jardyOi from 
jards- 'age', and others. Compare further Skr. ace. yS&am 
dual y6§8 from nom. yisd 'maiden', which is an n-stem 
(pi. y6§an-a$), following the stem diva-; O.Pers. tauma- 
'family' beside Avest. taoxman-, and the like, II § 114 Rem. 1 
p. 348, § 117 Rem. 2 p. 369; but conversely the Avest. nom. 
sing. §dipra-pa 'guardian of the land 9 (pr. Ar. -pas and -pa, 
I § 556.3 p. 411), because it had the same ending as the 
nom. sing, of n-stems, was the origin of the nom. pi. -p&n-d. 
* Similarly, rant-stems changed into pan-stems (e. g. Skr. 
fk-vant- and fh-oan- 'singing' Avest. ama-vantr and atna-van- 
'powerful' (see Bartholomae Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 540 f.) 

§§391—393. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 283 

because the pr. Ar. nominative ending *-v&s had a variant 
*-*£, a sentence-doublet. See § 198 pp. 78 f. Again, we 
have Ved. vidv&n-as from nom. sing, vidvqs vidvdn 'knowing* 
because of a prehistoric *vidvd, a sentence doublet of *vidvds 
(§ 193 p. 73), and others of the same sort. 

The pr. Ar. ending *-u§ in the nom. sing. (§ 193 p. 73) 
drew some cases of the perf. part. act. over to the w-flexion; 
e. g. Skr. p&ni-m from p€rus 'pressing through' jigyu-bhis from 
jigyte 'victorious*, Avest. jagaurU-m from jagdurUs 'watchful*. 

The Aryan napdt- 'descendant 9 became gradually more 
and more completely assimilated in flexion to other names of 
kindred, such as bhrOtar- 'brother, see § 390 Rem. 2; with 
this change compare Skr. gen. sing, pdtyur 'of a husband* 
{pdti-) jdnyur 'of a wife* (jdni-), following bhrdtur matur etc. 

§ 802. In Sanskrit, F- ti-stems, fl- tiff-stems, and 
feminine •- and ti-stems followed the track of f- #-stems in 
some of their cases. Sing. gen. dhiyds nadiyds bhruvds 
SvaSruvds, dat. dhiyM etc., loc. dhiydm etc.; and dvyOs dvydi 
dvyam, dtenvds dhtnvoi dhtow&m. See §§ 231—233, 249— 250, 
255, 266 — 268. The cause of these re-formations was that the 
instr. sing, had the same formation in these classes, as dhiyd 
dvya like dtoiyd bfhatyd (nom. dSvt bfhati). Compare further 
the ace. pi. dtnS dten&s like bfhatts (§§ 330—331) and the 
gen. pi. dhfttdm bhrilndm nadtnOm ha&rUnam like bfhaiXndm 
-tnam (§ 354). Thus, by proportional analogy, fem. i- and 
u-stems kept in these cases a sign of their gender. 

Be mark. I give only the §- it-stems as the model for this 
formation because I do not consider it has been proved that the pre- 
Aryan period possessed O- yg-stems made on the same lines. A different 
account is given by J. Sohmidt, Pluralb. 54 if. 

§ 893. A large number of Sanskrit t-, t*-, and r-stems 
inserted between stem and inflexion an -n-, which came from 
Indo-Germanic n-stems. The n-stems had brought about 
in proethnic Indo-Germanic a transformation of the gen. pL of 
0-, o-, and f- i£-stems and of the nom. ace. pi. neuter of 
o-stems, which then spread to the *-, t*-, and r-stems: 

284 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §§ 393,3*4. 

pr. Ar. -Hn&m and -Tnam (#-stems), then -Fwflm (i-stems), 
-Unarn, Skr. -fnam (§§ 345—349, 351); Skr. -am -Fm -«m 
-fm, Avert. -^ (§§ 338—339, 341). Then again, Sanskrit 
i- and it-stems along with their instr. sing, in -y<X and -v& 
adopted another in -twfl and -wwfl, herein following the type 
of forms from jen- and #itt-stems, as the masc. neut. ardn-Q 
neut. dyun-a. This was all the more natural because from an 
early period there had been some few pairs of stems, parallel 
and having the same meaning, one in -t- or -ti- and one in 
-i*»- or -#*n- ; e. g. rfyu- and dyun- (*aivan-). There was a 
reason why the n-ending should gradually take the place of 
-yd -vd in the masculine and neuter instrumental (the 
change is not complete in Vedic, where there is variation 
still; see §§ 278—279 pp. 181 ff.). The reason was that -yfl 
and -rfl, viewed in connexion with forms like dvyOs -yti 
-yarn dtnvds -vai -vdm, was taken to belong to the feminine 
(cp. § 392); and -ihA -una were welcome as distinguishing 
the masculine and neuter from them. The -ft- spread still 
further in the cases of the neuter, and here it included 
r-stems, as sing. gen. abl. £ucin-as cdrun-as dhatfn-as, dat 
£iirin-t etc., loc. iucin-i etc., dual nom. ace. Sucin-l etc., gen. 
loc. SuciH-0§ etc.; this formation is the regular one for 
i- and ti-stems in classical Sanskrit. The reason for this 
mutation of form is to be found in the nom. ace. singular 
and plural: on noticing the parallelism of Suci cdru (dhatf) 
itiefft* cdr*$i (dkatfni) and (e. g.) arci arcing vdrtma vdrtmani, 
what more natural than to supplement instr. neut. Sucind 
cdru^a (dk&tfoa) by the other cases enumerated, on the 
analogy of arctn-as vdrtman-as etc.? Thus in this instance 
the M-flexion becomes a sign of the neuter. Compare J. 
Ilanusi, Cber das allmalige Umsichgreifen der n-Declination 
im Altindischen, Vienna 1885. 

§ 304. II. Armenian. A characteristic of this language 
is die disappearance of the special neuter case-forms and of 
the feminine declensions (such as mm, gen. mmo-jt, 'daughter- 

§§394395. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 285 

in-law* beside Skr. snusd). How these losses came about is 
not clear; and no less obscure are many heteroclite forms, and 
mutations of stem running through whole case-systems: e. g. 

(1) heteroclites: nom. poSr Tittle' gen. potu pi. nom. poCu*-S; 

(2) Stems changed: amis 'month' hur 'fire* are declined in the 
o-class, contrast Gr. fir t *(v)- and nvo. 

§ 305. III. Greek. (1) In *- id-stems, -£t- takes the 
place of -f£- (cp. the footnote on p. 68), as gen. iiGg Ion. it^g 
(nom. Sta), fiidg (nom. ftia) in contrast with Lith. deves; this 
change in later times went further, and caused the nom. ace. 
sing, to be assimilated to jo-stems, Iraipa instead of *hmpa etc. 
(II § 109 p. 333, m § 191 p. 69). (2) We see new paradigms 
like orofia opoftarog etc., rjnap ijnarog etc (II § 82 p. 250, 
§ 144 p. 350, § 116 pp. 364 f., § 117 p. 370, m § 244 p. 142); 
and a wider application of the r- and of the J- and ^-flexion, 
the history of which is not yet fully cleared up, e. g. xipax- 
beeide xipag rtpaai*, yfltox- beside ydXiog y*Aaa-o*a# (II § 134 
p. 425) following ayvtoq -ojr-os, IdgiS- beside iSgi-g wfpi-*, IjpnJ- 
beside spi-g f(w-*, opri&- beside opvl-g. (3) In the comparative, 
iat-cases find favour at the expense of those with -i«s-, as 
tjduor (II § 135 pp. 429 f.). (4) %us- and #**-cases are combined 
to make up the system of the perfect participle active (II § 136 
pp. 439 f. ; 443 f.). (5) In ien-stems, the weak form -i*- becomes 
the only one, as J*AyZ>-, and there are new singular nominatives 
in -Ig and -Fr (II § 115 p. 359). (6) The declension Xiwv -oktoc 
instead of *}Jovoc, following (ptgior -ovrog and the rest (II § 114 
p. 350; compare HI § 198 p. 78). (7) Cases from masc. 
easterns are made like O-stem cases, and vice versa, — due 
to the nom. sing. (-£& : -fls): as Att. ^oxQar^y -xpdxov (JSco- 
-xpaxfg-), Lesb. 'Epjuo-yiyrjg -rj -fl -rjv -e (Egpo-ye vs a-) , like 
'Ooforag etc.; and for the opposite process Att. ^rpttpiddovg 
JSvpstyiaSsc (^Tpeti/ictdCc"), Ion. dtcnoxta (deonoxa-) (see § 209 
p. 88, § 220 p. 97, § 229 pp. 115 f., § 237 pp. 128 f.); and 
the Lesb. Boeot. Dor. feminines in -oi -w (A&xvi) take the 
inflexion -co -&g -co -av under the influence of the same 

286 Metaplastic Systems of Declension, §§395—397. 

O-flcxion f-fi -6g -a -Gv). (8) fteyag and ftdyar beside 
the neut. fttya (whether this be from *meg$ or *megft). 
following ytv-g ijJt/'-* : jiv, l&pi-g itpt-v : id (*. 

The class of feminines in -m -«' mentioned just above 
show very many varieties of flexion (voc. Atjvih, ace Cret 
Aaviiy Ion. Atjtovv Att. AvfiiS). They are regarded by 
some as being originally #g-stems. Hitherto nothing has been 
found outside the Greek language with which they may be 
connected. Compare Danielsson, Om de grekiska substantiverna 
med nominativandelsen -g>, Upsala univ. &rsskrift 1883; J. 
Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 374 ff. 

§ 896. IV. Italic. 1 ) A characteristic of this branch is 
the mixing and confusion of consonantal with i-stems. This 
was caused by ancient doublet stems, as nod- nodi- cmtot- 
civitati- (II § 102 pp. 308 ff.). Beginning in proethnic Italic, 
this confusion went on in Latin for centuries after the Christian 
era. Examples: i-stem forms are abl. sing. Lat. air-ld bov-id 
praesent-* Umbr. pef-i per$-i 'pede' Osc. praesent-id 'praesente', 
dat abl. pi. Lat. fercnt-ibus Osc. lig-is 'legibus*. Lat nom. 
ferent-& ferent-io gen. ferent-ium, nom. cam-i-$ beside caro % 
jucen-i-s, loc. Osc. Diuv-ei (cp. § 249 p. 151), gen. Osc. 
maatr-eis Umbr. matr-er 'matris'; while firom consonant stems 
we have Lat. ace. avem gen. oris abl. oc? beside nom. ort-s, 
gen. opum vOium beside api~um vati-um. See II § 93 p. 281, 
and m §§ 211 ff. under the separate cases. In Latin, abl. -t 
gen. -ium nom. ace. -ia were most favoured by adjectives, but 
even in adjectives there was a good deal of irregularity. 
A clear resume of the most important facts is given in the 
Latin Grammar of Schweizer-Sidler and Surber, I s pp. 105 ff. 

§ 907. Lat. vetus (ace veter-*m). an attribute of masc. 
and fern, substantives, was originally a neuter substantive 
(II § 132 p. 417). A new explanation is given by Thurneysen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXX 485 f., but to my mind not convincing. 
Compare Venus (Venerem) fc, originally neuter, 'charm of love'. 

1) A*b6tfc, Dm Uawaadhuig der Tfceowa ui Lat^ G*tt. 1>T,V 

§ 397. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 287 

There are a number of metaplastic forms which .follow the 
easterns; e. g. su-er-is su-er-e beside su-em, bov-er-um beside 
bov-em, lapid-er-utn nuc-er-um and others, recalling fliw-er- 
and the spread of -es- in Germanic (II § 132 pp. 419 ff.). 

Remark 1. Perhaps the following is the explanation of dns-ev-. 
There may have been in pr. Lat both *hans- and m hanes- used together 
(cp. II § 132 pp. 412 f., § 160 p. 485), and the ace. (h)ati8tr-em may 
hare been made through the influence of (say) a gen. *(h)an8-is and an 
aco. *(h)aner'em. -er- may easily have spread to other words before the 
declension of dnser was fixed as we have it. 

The endings -drum and -cLrutn may have helped to make -*r- a 
favourite suffix in the gen. plural, as it was (boverum etc.). 

The plurals spBr-ts vtr-es (perhaps pre-Italic s-stems; see 
II § 134 p. 424; Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 170; 
J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 385) were coined for the sing. sp8-s ifi-s, 
because the plural nominatives which belonged to these, spBs 
vis, need not be plural, as far as form went, and so often 
failed to convey a clear meaning (cp. Osthoff, M. U. IV 238 f.). 
The heteroclite flexion was supported by fids fldr-$s (stem 
/fo*-), and other like forms. 

jecur, jecinor-is instead of *jecin-is, iter, itiner-is instead 
of *itin-is. Compare II § 114 pp. 346 f., and p. 352. 

No sufficiently clear explanation has yet been found of, 
the origin of sides -i$, pubis -is (es-stem in the nom. sing.), 
as contrasted with CerSs -er-is, pubes -er-is. 

Remark 2. The accusatives pUbem famem, ad-formates of 
aciem, should be noted; see § 220 p. 97. Further, if the Vedio 
genitives usda Aha a have really lost a gen. suffix -s (see § 237 Rem. 
p. 128), the question must needs be asked — is the -is of gen. pubis 
for *-*#-*? Lastly, it must be remembered that the word sldls 
apparently contaminates two stems, shies- and sidi- (the Author, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXIV 44, J. Schmidt, Plur. 146). Compare also Thurneysen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXX 489; he opposes, and rightly, Sohmidt's hypothesis 
that -ibus cames from *-ez-bfu>8, but he can hardly be right in his own 
conjecture that in proethnic Indo-Germanio t*-stems had an ace. in -am 
which had grown up in the same way as *dO')&m grew out of *d(i)jft&+m 
(see § 221 p. 98). 

By degrees the whole ti-declension was absorbed into the 
o-declension; see § 232 p. 123. 

288 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §§ 398,399. 

§ 898, Y. In Irish, JA-cases from consonant stems 
followed the analogy of the vowel inflexion in prehistoric times, 
much as happened in Italic (§ 367 pp. 268 f., § 396 p. 286). 
Compare § 302 p. 203, § 379. 2 pp. 274 f. The original type 
is still preserved only in the instr. sing, anmimm, in which it 
is indeed not certain whether the ending be *-mq-bhi or 
*-fw#-im (§ 281 p. 186). It is also uncertain how we are to 
regard Gall. dat. pi. ^avgs^o (§ 374 p. 271). 

Adjectival and substantival t-stems became separated, 
in as much as the gen. sing, of the adjectives took the form 
of o-stems; e. g. masc. neut. maith 'bonf fem. maithe 'bonae', 
following mairb mairbe from tnarb 'dead*. Adjectival o-stems 
had a tendency to pass into the t-declension ; their plural 
was declined in this fashion throughout, and the change was 
doubtless completed even in Old Irish. Just how it came 
about has yet to be investigated. 

We saw that the "dative* cathir beside cathraig was 
doubtless due to the analogy of aihir (§ 262 p. 164); but 
these guttural stems in their turn influenced the names of 
kindred, so that we find e. g. pi. uasal-athraig 'high fathers, 
patriarchs' instead of -athir. 

§ 889. VI. In the pre-dialect period of Germanic, a 
new type of declension arose by the levelling of i^i-stems 
down to the weak form -fti-; e. g. Goth, gatndim O.H.G. 
(jimeinJ 'community' (cp. Lat commOnid). The nom. sing, 
pr. Germ. *-»* follows the model of *tut9g0n. Compare II § 115 
pp. 361 f.; Streitberg, Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIV 221 ff. This 
l#ft-elass perhaps absorbed old tS-stems in West Germanic, by 
reason of their having some endings in common, e. g. the dat. 
tiigfm geu. digJno (see § 347 p. 249, § 382 p. 277) as 
compared with gimehilm gimeinJno, 

In the same period the I- i< T -stems had not only cases 
with -F- (Goth. nom. sins?. •• etc.), but doubtless cases with 
-t?- a Wo. Gothic dropped these entirely, replacing them by 
forms with «t<J«, as *«*>ri \rirV maujds etc. like Gr. jy<T«« 

§ 399. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 289 

ijdstag etc. (cp. footnote on p. 68). On the other hand, the 
«£-cases were sometimes kept in West Germanic; e. g. O.H.G. 
sing. ace. gen. kuninginne -a pi. nom. ace. -fl, and it is only 
here that the old dat. instr. pi. in -f-wt seems to survive. 
Compare the fluctuation between -#- and -$&- in Latin, as 
intemperies -iem -t£, but gen. dat. sing. -ta*?, pi. -iae -iarutn etc. 
Root Nouns ending in a consonant, and nouns of more than 
one syllable ending in an explosive, have in all dialects their old 
consonantal flexion intermixed with o-, u-, or i-cases; as Goth. 
frijOnd-a-m beside nom. pi. frijdnds 'friends', A.8. O.Sax. 
fdt-u-m O.H.G. fuai-u-m (and O.Sax. fuot-i-n O.H.G. fuai- 
-i-fw) beside nom. pi. A.S. fU O.H.G. foag 'feet*, Goth, bairg- 
-t-wt beside nom. pi. baiirg-s 'fortresses, cities'. Sometimes 
words of this kind will be absorbed entirely into some vowel 
declension, as Goth. fdt-u-Sj whose inflexion in the historic 
period cannot be in any way distinguished from that of 
sums. A great many facts bearing on this point are collected 
by Kahle, Zur Entwickelung der consonantischen Declination, 
Berlin 1887. The point of contact with the o-class was the 
gen. pi., as Goth, frijdnd-8 O.H.G. friimt-o f and perhaps the 
ace. sing, (see § 219 pp. 96 f.), and in West Germanic the 
gen. sing, in -es as well; contact with the w-class took place 
in the ace. sing, and pi. in -u(n) -uns, as Goth, fdt-u fdt-uns. 
But the origin of i-cases which dated from the oldest period 
is doubtless to be sought in the fact that certain nouns had 
always shown double forms of the formative suffix, ~ti- and -t- 
(perhaps Goth, batirgi- is also an original variant of baiirg-, 
cp. Gall, brigi- in Brigiani etc.) ; besides which, in later times 
different cases had come to possess the same ending as t-stems 
had for those cases ; then came in O.H.G. the transfer of w-stems 
to the f-class, which did not except even those w-cases which 
were themselves due to analogy. The earliest change — as 
early as proethnic Germanic — was the transfer of nom. sing, 
and dat. instr. pi. of consonant stem into the vowel class, which 
was caused by a desire to restore the agreement of the stem 
with the other cases after it had become disguised by phonetic 

Brufmann, Elements. III. 19 

290 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §§ 399,400. 

change; compare, for example, Goth, frijdnd-s instead of 
*frij0n8 J reik-s instead of *reihs y tunp-um instead of *tum for 
*tun(d)-tni *tumm(i) (cp. tigum 'decadibus' for *te%un(d)-mi 
§ 879 p. 275). The pr. Germ, re-formation of the instr. pi. in 
-«nt(t) on the analogy of -tw (ace. sing.) and -uns (ace. pi.) was 
natural enough because r-stems had both -rw-wi(t) (= -f-mi) and 
-r-tins in their case-sytem. The systems of cases which were 
produced on the lines here indicated, which had consonant- 
cases and vowel-cases intermixed, sometimes reacted upon 
systems consisting wholly of vowel-cases and caused con- 
sonant-cases to appear amongst them: Goth. gen. pi. anste 
(stem anstu) following baiirg-e naht-2, O.H.G. gen. dat. sing. 
anst (beside ensti) following naht; more of the same kind may 
be found in Anglo-Saxon, as ffli goat' etc. Compare Lith. 
gen. pi. kr&t-u beside hUtl-s and the like, § 402. 

Far fewer metaplastic cases are to be found in polysyllabic 
w« and r-stems; examples are Goth, auhsn-a-m following 
atifan-t : wife vulfa-m (cp. Lith. dial, ahnendm akmenat 
following akmen-$ § 350 p. 252), brSprjus following brdpru-m : 
stmu-m sunjus. 

The nom. sing. Goth. m€na O.H.G. tnHno and O.H.G. nefo, 
which came from forms ending in *-M (§ 198 p. 79) drew all 
the other oases into the it-class. The same kind of thing may 
be seen in Pali; see E. Kuhn, Beitr. zur Pali-Gr. 69, Torp. 
Die Flexion des Pali p. 25: for example, the nom. sing, man* 
— Skr. wanii brought all the cases of this stem into the 
w-class (nom. pi. mora). 

§ 400. Adjectives combine forms from *- and jo-stems. 
Hence the inflexion of Goth, masc fern, krauts neut hrdin, 
masc. gen, krdimis ace. hrdmjano dat krdmjamma etc The 
nom, sing. fern, neuter and gen. sing, masculine are distinct 
i-forms, and hnimjaH* and the rest distinct jo-forms. The 
amalgamation of these two stems was due to the fact that 
in the notu, (aee.) sing. masc. jo-stems like wi-mrf/a- 'useless' 
had the weak farm of the suffix, and the ending *-•-$ (*-»-« 

§§400-402. Metaplastic Systems of Declension* 291 

in the aco.) coincided with that of t-stems. In West Germanic 
the io-declension absorbs the other. 

Side by side with the proethnic Germanic system of adj. 
t-stems developed the adj. «-stems, as Goth, kaurus = Skr. 
gur&-$. In the feminine, *kur#-j6- *kurjd- became Goth. kaurjO- 
(II § 110 pp. 334 f.), and a masc.-neut. *kuria- = Goth, ka&rja- 
was formed as part of the same system (cp. bfy-usj6$ II § 110 
p. 338). Following the masc. nom. hrdins ace. hrdinjana and 
neut. hrdin we have the group kaurus kaurjana kauru, and 
as hrdins could be used for the feminine, kaurus now came 
to be used in the same way instead of *ka6rvi, unless indeed 
this use is proethnic (cp. II § 110 pp. 334 f.). These stems 
too are declined in West-Germanic according to the io-class. 

§ 401. Another characteristic system of West Germanic 
is that exemplified by O.H.G. kalb kalbes pi. kalbir, A.S. 
cealf cealfes pi. cealfru (cp. Russ. iudo pi. (udesa § 404). 
See II § 132 pp. 420 f. 

On certain metaplastic processes connected with change 
of gender, consult V. Michels, Zum Wechsel des Nominal- 
geschlechts im Deutschen, I, Strassb. 1889. 

§ 402. VII. Balto-Slavonic. Here too it is 
remarkable how the consonant declension has been absorbed 
into the vocalic. Even in the earliest records of the language 
this change may be seen already far advanced. Russian, for 
example, has been for centuries without a single case of the 
old consonant declension, with the exception of the s-stem 
nom. ace. in -o, and the n-stem nom. ace. in -ja (O.C.S1. -g). 
And certain Lithuanian dialects in their present state have 
scarcely any consonantal forms left. 

With a few scattered exceptions, the loc. pi., and the cases 
with tn-suffixes, from consonant stems, were inflected as f-stems - 
in proethnic Balto-Slavonic: e.g. Lith. akmen-y-s& (earlier *-•-*«) 
O.C.S1. kamen-i-chu, akmen-i-m\ kamen-X-mt, 4-m -i-m -l-twa, 
-i-ms -T-mu, -i-mls -i-mi. Here, as in so many other re- 
formations (cp. for example § 360 p. 262), something is 


292 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §§ 402,403. 

certainly due to the desire to keep the stem final distinct, and 
the change of consonant stems to t-stems was suggested by the 
occurrence of certain words which had had consonant stems and 
t-stems as variants from an early period, such as Lith. deszimt- 
0.C.S1. </es#- beside deszimti- desqff- Mecas', Lith. nakl- (gen. 
pi. OXith. and in the modern dialect of Godlewa nakt-u) beside 
nakti- nox' (II § 101 p. 306, § 123 p. 390). Starting from 
these cases, the /-flexion next found its way into others, and 
sometimes it included all of them, its progress being aided 
by the identity of ending of the two classes in the ace. 
sing., which was regular, and in Baltic in the ace. plural too 
(Lith. -j -i>, O.C.S1. -I), e. g. Lith. dant4-s 'tooth' O.C.S1. 
jden-% stag (II § 93 pp. 283 f.) Since there were a certain 
number of nouns which made some of their cases from a 
consonant-stem and some from an i-stem, it sometimes 
happened that these caused old i-stems to form consonantal 
cases; e. g. Lith. dial. gen. pi. farutu pazastu from kruti-s 
'mother's breast* pazastl-s 'armpit' (cp. also Bezzenberger, 
Beitr. zur Oesch. der lit. Spr., 143 f.), O.C.S1. nom. pi. peiat-e 
from ptiaft 'signet, seal* (II § 123 Rem. 3 p. 394). Compare 
Goth. gen. pi. anst-$ from the stem ansti, and the like, § 399 
p. 290. 

The -j£- of I- ^-sterns is often interchanged with -#!-, and 
this is especially common in adjectives and participles; e. g. 
ace. Lith. reiancziq O.C.S1. re*/i&a. from nom. Lith. veSanA 
O.C.S1. vezqsti (cp. the footnote on page 68). In connexion 
with these sprang up, in the masculine and neuter, cases ex- 
tended by -*o-, if the stem ended in a consonant, as gen. 
velatwUo O.C.SK vezqsta from nom. velds re^y, tnirusio mU*so 
from mlrqs mtrtt, O.C.SK slasdisa from sfa£(fi/f (n. slalde). 
Compare § 368 Rem. p. 269. 

§ 408. The first characteristic of Lithuanian which should 
be mentioned here is the loss of all neuter substantives, most 
of which became masculine: e. g. titol-as "bast, inner bark* 
= Pruss. lH*ka-n O.C.81. lykox atos f. 'eye = Skr. Alc$i; 
Mftlbs m. 'honey* = Pruss, meddo Gr. u*9v: semi (now 

f 403,404. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 293 

only used in pi.) m. 'seed' = O.C.S1. simq Lat. s&nen; 
vandu undu m. 'water' = Goth. void Gr. viatg; debesA-s 
(gen. pi. still debcs-u) m. f. 'cloud' = O.C.S1. nebo. In a 
certain number of words gender may have changed because 
the ending of the nom. ace. neuter was the same as in 
masculine words. This is the case with setnu vandu m., 
following akmu and words like it (§ 223 p. 100, § 224 p. 103), 
as O.H.G. namo samo became masc. (Goth, namd n.) by the 
influence of masculines that had the same ending. Certain 
masculine words with nom. -«*, gen. -tf, correspond to Idg. 
neuters in *-os : minas 'moon* beside menes-io etc. (II § 132 
p. 415), okas 'ice-hole' = O.C.81. oko, and others (W. Meyer, 
Die Schicksale des lat. Neutr. 31; J. Schmidt, Plur. 195). 
Another is perhaps inedus beside Skr. rnddhu$ (by-form of 
tnddhu) Gr. ns&vo-frijvcu. It is a reasonable conjecture that 
the stock of neuter words first began to thin in this way, 
and that afterwards the similarity of inflexion in most of the 
oblique cases affected the nom. ace. even when they differed in 
masc. and neut, and replaced the neuter form by one which 
was masculine or feminine. 

The agreement of the dat. sing., nom. ace. dual, ace. gen. 
pi. daHgui dangit dangus dangu (u-stem) with vilkui vilku 
vilkiis vilku (o-stem) produced the re-formates dang&s-nb and 
loc. dang&st (§ 326 pp. 227 f.). This change from u- to 
o-declension was carried further in dialects : e. g. siinal s&ndrns 
sunals (cp. Bruckner, Arch, fur slav. Phil. Ill 252 f.; 
the Author, Lit. Volksl. und March. 300). In the same way 
Lettic u-stems came to form their plural in the o-declension. 

r-stems, which had a nom. sing, in -e, followed the analogy 
of I- j£-stems, which has the same ending; e. g. intt 'brother's 
wife' (Skr. yOtar-) gen. inUs. See II § 122 Rem. p. 383. 
Similarly perhaps is to be explained keke -es 'dove', as being 
originally a neuter *kek8(r) (cp. Lat. c%cer\ see § 224 p. 103. 

§ 404. In Slavonic, nomina agentis in -td- (Idg. -ter-) 
have kept to the old consonantal declension only in the nom. and 
gen. plural, and not consistently even there; e. g. datel-e (also 

294 Metaplastic Systems of Declension. §404. 

datdje with j from the other cases which have -(/'-) and datd-u; 
on the analogy of dateUu we then have instr. dateUy in the 
o-declension. Otherwise they are io-stems, nom. sing, -tdfi 
and so forth. Cases like rfatetimu may be regarded as the 
original forms answering to forms like kamen-f-tnU (§ 402), 
which are responsible for the change from consonant to 
io-stem. See § 368 Rem. p. 269. 

The relation between tel$ and gen. tdqte seems to have 
been much the same as between Gr. ovofia and ovofiavoc. See 
§ 244 pp. 142 f. 

Prom grazdan-e 'burghers, citizens' gen. grazdan-u (II § 115 
p. 362), was formed in O.C.S1. the ace. instr. grazdany following 
vlu/cy, like the instr. datdy. In the older remains of several 
Slavonic languages occur plural dat. instr. loc. forms in -jamu 
-jami -jachti (O.Czech Polds\ still retaining the old inflexion, 
in place of O.C.S1. -janfrnu -jany -jaritehu; see vol. I § 585 
p. 441, III § 356 p. 260, § 367 p. 269. The singular of these 
nouns is extended by -tno-, as grazdaninu. 

In fern, u- wjf-stems, the similarity between the ending 
of gen. stekruv-u and that of rqku produced forms like 
$vekriiv-amu -ami -ocAtt, following rqka-mu etc. 

voda f. 'water* was doubtless originally a neuter in -5(r), 
see § 224 p. 103. 

The ending -o, nom. ace. sing, of neuter es- and o-stems, 
caused a confusion of forms between these two classes, and in 
particular made es-stems pass into the o-class, as gen. slova 
instead of sloves-e from slovo = Gr. xXtog, dttes-e instead of 
d&a from d&o 'work*. This has made the s-declension 
disappear from modern Slavonic languages, all but a few 
traces. The declension of the Russian words dtido 'wonder 
nebo 'heaven 1 should be noticed: sing, (udo gen. 6uda etc. 
like selo, but pi. 6ude$a gen. 6udesu etc. like sda, that is, 
they are like O.H.G. kalb pi. kaUnr (§ 401). 

Similarly, u and o-stems became mixed owing to their like 
endings in the nom. ace. sing. ; and thus all tt-stems have some 
o-cases, as gen. syna instead of synu, from syn& 'son = Lith. 

§§404-406. Metaplastic Systems of Declension. 295 

sunus; the reverse is rarer, e. g. diugu instead of dlUga, from 

dlUgU 'duty' = Goth, dulg-s. In most of the modern Slavonic 

languages the tt-stems have in this way been almost entirely 

absorbed into the more numerous o-class. 

[Tables of Noun Declension to illustrate §§ 190—404 are given below, 

pp. 296—819.] 

Case-endings transferred from Pronouns to 


§ 405. From the proethnic period downwards, there has 
never been any hard and fast line of demarcation between 
masculine and feminine pronouns in -o, as *to- 'this, the* (which 
had in some of their cases different endings from nouns), and 
nominal adjectives with o-stems. 

To what extent pronominal endings had spread in the 
parent language cannot now be made out. Two questions 
have to be answered. First, was the pronominal inflexion 
used in any of the forms of certain adjectives, purely 
nominal in origin, such as Skr. viiva- "each* s&rva- all* 
Lat. sdlu-s O.C.S1. visH omnis'; and if so, in which? And 
secondly, where adjectives had formative suffixes which were 
used with both pronouns and nouns, how far were they declined 
after the noun system? For example, although the parent 
forms of Skr. an-yd-s Gr. aUo-c Lat. al~iu-8 etc. must have 
belonged to the pronominal declension (we may conjecture that 
an-yds is simply ana- + y«-> as tya- is to- + ya-, see § 409), 
it is wholly doubtful how the comparative of *jo- 'quis' formed 
with -tero- was then declined (Skr. katard-s Gr. norego-g etc.) 

§ 406. It is certain at any rate that neither in Greek 
nor in Irish has the pronoun declension spread beyond the 
area it filled in the parent language. Indeed, in these 
languages the pronouns actually lost the greater number of 
their proper inflexions. 

[Continued on page 820.] 

1. o-Stems. 

Tables of Nans 

Appendix a 



Sing. nom. *#lqo-$ 'Wolf* : vfka-8 








gen. etc 


«: -*. 



m. *#lqo-tn: 

n. */Mgo-m 'yoke' 

*ujqo-aip y -e-$ip: 
*y}qe-i -o-*?: 

*uiqfa -e(i): 

*ldqo-bhi -mi, -c 
bhi -e-mii 

dat abl. instr.? 

gen. *u{qo%s?: 
loc. »g|go t*?: 


cp. me 


__8akhy& I 


m. *ufao-n8 (*#$- 

*l*|gd"m, -gm: 
yfao-bh- -m-: 

*#)qo-bht(8) -wt(«): 

vfk&y -fvfkena 

vfkau vfka 


dat abl. instr. 

op. pron. enOs 

vrkas vrkasas 





x sap rem 'lord- 

cp. m? 


gail [nom.?] 

vehrkdi, asa 





dat vehrkaeibya 

gen. vehrkaya 

loc. vehrkaya 
vehrkU vehrkaw- 
ho, vehrka 

vfkqs -dn 
yugd yugdni 

vfkam vfkQ- 


vehrkcp(~ca) -qn t 

xsapra, visp&ng 

vUpd 'omnia' 


vehrkqm vehrka* 

vehrka e-su^sc-a 




i gailo-y 





Ivxo-io it*}' 

Thess. jfor^ 

Cp. »ot 

Lokr. «J We 
[ivxoio 2e* 



erku 'two*"??) 

<j a UK 

z gails 


gailoc \lvxoig lv*v 

dat gailoc ~ ]p},r©^ ~i£x**] 
abL i gailoc 

Ivxoii [iw**l 
gailo-vE #eo-?i 

AttoiXC OU' 

•a^bouie 1{,[i»r 
Bp. ^fo'-ft 


Cvyti, /■*{-&* 


-Ot, £1. •©** 


Ivxor; lv*ot- 



1) When any of the forms here riven under * certain heading belong in form to a different place, aad ut s* 

§ laced according* to their meaning (e. g., accnaatiTe used for the nominatiTe), they are enclosed in square brsektf* I !• 
paced type implies that a given form, as far as its case-ending goes, may be counted the regular des< eatliit tf ** 

I e c 1 e n s i o n. l ) 

§ 190-404. 




Gothic. O.H.G. 

vulf-*\ un-wolf 
nuts 'use-; 
less' hairdeisl 

Lithuanian. O.G.S1. 

upu-8\ Cor- 

fer 'man' 

vifka-s; zodi-s\[vluku]; krajl 
'word', gai-dtf-s\ 'border* 
'cook' j 

upe; fUi 


vulf; hairdi .wolf 

vilke\ iodi, gaidfyv lUce\ kraju 

upu-m; Cor- 

upl f /*/», op. 

upo~(d), rec~ 

fer w- 
dliged n- 



c i n n 'at the 


dau do and da 

'two', fer 
dligedj da w- 

dat. feraib, 
dib n- 

gen. fer 

"ffr, op. voc. 

fi r u 

eit 'hundreds', 

vulf; lidirdi \wolf 

juk \wort 'word* 

feulfi-s \\wolfe-8 

v ulfa (?y r w olfu (?) [tcol- 

\ fe] 

vilkq; zodfr gaidi vliikii; krafi 
ige>a Ago 

[Wfco] -[vliika] 

cp. mi 

viTko \vliika 

upo N urn ci- 
st oi 


vulfa(?) wolfed) 

vulfa(f) ~]wolfe(f) 

h v therewith 1 u>o If u 0.8ax. 
vulfa(?) j htcO 

op. zi houbituti 

ortkui \vluku 

"fvilk^ y name 'atjt? luce 

home' j 

vilku ger&'-ju nove- in nove- 

\ fi 


Oso. Nuvla- 
ntis 'Nolani' 

a htdu 'eight* ah to 'eight* 
O.Sax. twe 

v ulfos wolf a -a 

vulfans \wolfa -a] 
juka [wort 

vilku geru'-ju [vliika 


dat. vilkd-m instr.jdat.instr.eRi&o- 
vilka-ili ma 

gen. vliiku 

loc. vliiku 
fvilkai, gere-ji fvluei 
'good ones' 


vilkus, op. Vruss.v I uk i/ 

deiwans 'deos'i 
keturid-lika 'I4'\iga 

eutn, flupO' 

fer n- 


vulfe ^wolfo 
[vulfan%\ faolfum] 

vilkUL vliiku 


vilkusu viVcush vlUcechu 

lupi8, deivfo] 

vulfa-m (?) wolfutn (?) 

vilkd-ms vluko-mu 



vulfa-M wolfum(?) 

v ilka %s \vluJcg 

to -Germanic proethnio form. Pronominal endings transferred to noun stems after the end of the proethnio period, are 
irked with a dagger f. 



2. <i-8tem». 

| Pr.Idg. 

Sanskrit Areata. j Greek. Latin. 

• i 

Sing. nom. 

*etu& 'mare': 

diva \haetui 'hostile 
j host' 

f»f<2 'land' in- 




dmba 'mother', Ihaen? 


% toqa c, vtaviou 



*ebyd-to : 

dtva-m ha en am 



rf&dyto, gnds- (f)jhaenaya 

e * A «, fiii e?*" 






d&rdyds \haenayaj> 

suv a put y at (?), lhaenaydi 

aicdy-dm haenaya 

X to p a ; , rtSvfov 



d$vd, -fdicayd iha^na^fhaena- 

| y<* 

d^vc haeni 

d. a. i. d&vdrbhydm dat haend-bya 
gen. loo. d$vayo? .gen. haenaya 


Dual, nom.- 

*»e a > (pi. *«?«») 


gen. eto. dat abl. instr.? 
!gen.? loo.? 

■'■' ' ....... 

gen. eto. ^tJ^atK 

Plnr. nom. jVfcfo*: 

a&vds, diedsas ha end (hue- 
\ nds-ca) 



aoo. \*ekt08: 

d&vds, [divdsas] \haend (hae- 

jrMfarc jatyl* 




divd-nam \vanqm, haena- 

t^taw X t *^ v 



*eJ#fl-a -8u -«i: 

dtvd-au haend'hu 


O.Lat fcktf> 


*ek#&-bh- -»••: 

divd-bhyas haend-byo 




divd-bhif haend-bis 

tquis, [$q*+* 

(>un Declension. 




Gothic. O.H.G. 

Lithuanian. : 0.C.61. 

7 vt o 'oiritas' 

tuath € ^eo^\e\ben 

gib a 'gift* \buo$ 'improve- 
i ment' [geba 

rank a 'hand 1 \rqka 'hand* 

Tmbr. [Tuna] 

tuath(?) ben(?) 

tuaiih /i- mn&i n- 
tuaithe mtta 

[giba] i[^^»] 


gib o* * \geba [gebu] 

ranka, mdtgnlrqko 


raHkq \rqkq 


rank os \>'qky, duie 
'of a Boiir 


ratfkos Waky du8* 

efrai 'diyae* 


gibdi [gebu gebo] 

rankai rc l c & 

f af 'in Tia» 

tua ith 

gibdi \gebu gebo] 

rahkoj-e \rqce 


[gibdi] gebu gebo 
pUsundja($) \ 

ranka f&q, ^rqfcQJH 

tuaith, di 

rankl ger'e-jilrqce 

dat. tuathaib mnaib 
gen. tuath ban 

dat. instr. ratl-j dat. instr. rqXa- 
ko-m \ -tna 

jgen. loc. raku 


tua t ha mtta 

gibo~s -geba -a, kebo 

rank os $r<&y duie] 

fa ss Mas' 


gib 6 8 \geba -a, kebo 

rank a 8, ran-raky duse u 


tuath n- ban n- 

gibo gebdno, Oieibo 

ratlkil \raku 

[tuathaib mnaib] 

[jgibd-m] [gebO-rn] 

rafikosu -selrqka-chtt 


[tuathaib mnSib] 
Op. Gall. Naftav- 
aata m fio 

gibd-m(?) \gebd-m(?) 

raftko-ms rqkamu 


tuathaib mnfyib 

gibd-m IgebO-m 

raftko-mis \rqka-mi 


Table* if 

3. <- /e-Stems. 



Sing. nom. 





Dual, nom.' 

gen. eto. 

*bhf§hQt-l 'celsa': 

*blif§hyti-m : 


*bh T §hnt(i)ic8: 



Plur. nom. 







dat. abl. instr.? 

*bh r ghQt(i)ies: 

barenti 'fc- 



brhatyds [bjha- 


barentya, -yd 






dat abl ; instr. 

gen. loo. bfhaty- 

bfhctti§, -fyas 'yds 
brhati§, -iyas -yd* 

*bhf§hnt(i)i-om f : i brhati-ndm 

*bhfghnii-8 -8ti -si 

*bhr(}hnfi-bh- -m-: 




<pi(>ovo<x Kerens 1 
noma lady' 


no It m 9 





facic-s, «wh 




faciei, /«» 
faen, [/**] 





barentya [<p*eov<*n] 


facie, J*eia 



dat. barenti-bya 

■barenttSy ~y& t <pe'^ovoai 
parentis^ -yd IqxQovoae 

barenti-nqtn {'Y/uovoatar tptftow 
1 owv 


barenti-iu (ptfovaqm -m 
-8V-a j -atoi ["«**J 

barenti-byd [tptQovaqoi -h<h 

I -aun -ate] 

instr. >*bhr0hntiJ>hi(8) brhati-bh i ? 


baren ti-bis • tpfQovoai; [-?<* J [/ioc/e-&*«*] 
-7#n -aim J I 

>un Declension. 



ni s 'island* si 

vis n- (?) 
»»i w- (?) 

nae (?) 


nsi (?) 
ni* (?) 

at. »Vjsi6 





frijdndi 'friend 1 

f . 




I [frijdndjdi"] 

nsi (?) 
18 i 

nse w- 

| frijdndjds 


gut in gut in na vezantl '?eh ens* zh 
'goddess* me 'earth* 


gutinne -a 

gutin tie -a 




vezq&ti 'vehens* zemlja 


vizancziq Um$ 

vezq&tq zemljq 

vezanczios ztmts 

vezanczios zBmes 
vezancziai zZtnei 

vezq&tq zemljq 

vezq&tq zemlje 
vezq&ti zemlji 

v&anczioj-e zBmej-e 
vtzanczia zeme* 

oezantl-dvi zeml 

, dat . veianczidm-dvem 
instr. veiancziom»dv?m\ 
dat. instr. zlmt-m 

vSzanczios ztmls 

vizanczias zemhs be- 
i mts-nd 

[fr%jGndjo'-m] ; [gutinn6-m, di- ; oezancziosu -*£ 
gi'in] zBme-m -$e 

frijdndjd-m (?) 


gutinno, -in- \oezancziU zirniU 
ndno ' 

gutinnO-m(f),di- v&anczio-ms zSnte-m* 

gutinnd-m, di' 

zeme-mis -mi 

vezq&ti zemlji 
vezaslq (f-ejq) zemljq 

vezqSH zemlji 

dat. instr. vezq&ta-ma 

gen. vezqitu zemlju 
loo. vezqitu zemlju 

[vezq&tq zemlje] 
vezq&tq zemljq 

vezq&H zemlji 

vezq$ta-ch& zenuj'a-chu 

vezqita-mu zemlja-mu 

veiqita-mi zemljatni 



4. /-Stems. 






Sing, nom. 

♦ojft-* 'oris': 


\azi-s 'snake' 

sirt 'heart* 

o>-( 'snake' 

sirt [nom.?] 


• 'much' 

[i sirt] 

:3qi *cleTer' 




i arte 

o^o, -«*;, ***** 

a fc-cfl, 
Pya c-ca 


[09*1, rro'i^V '•''J 
fl at* » 

nolqi no ij 
otpe'i of(> _ 


Ion. l««r U> 
nolifi nols] 



gen. etc ofw 




cjm, vay- 

z sirt 8 

r e A* 


rfiur, J*** 1 





d. srti c y a. t sr/t c 

[oj*<X«, J^«] 



{iT^otrtf, o^pft'J 

roan Declension. 




Gothic, O.H.G. 

Lithuanian. O.C.8L 


faith 'rates* 

antt-s 'faYOur'ja n 8 1 'farour', 
1 kuri 'choice' 

naktl-s 'night' \noiti 'night' 



anst lanst kuri 

nakte \noiti 

turri-nt, ovem 

faith n- 
mu f>(ii-)'mare' 

anst \an8t kuri 
hrdin 'pure* \meri 'mare' 

ndkti \noiti 

tnrri8,0sc. -ei$ 

fdtho -a 

a n & td i - 8 , ga- \e nsti (P), gastes 
sfis'of a guest'; 'of a guest' 
\en stiff) 

nakte 8 \noiti 



naktes \noiti 

[anstdi, gnat a] \[gaste] 

\en8ti kurif?) 

ndkeziai, vOgiui I 

vesz-paty \no£ti 

ore turri(f) 

muir fdith 

anstdi \ensti kuri 

\en8ti kuri(?) 

d^kte dektl, \no§ti 

t urri qui, ove 


[anstdi], gasta \ensti kuri(f), 
1 ga8tiu 

ak\, nakti-ml \no&t\jq, pafi-mt 
\ (dat noiti) 


naktl \noiti 

\o6i (fern.) 


dat faithib 
gen. fatho -a 

ansteis en 8tiidri 'tres' 

dat naktl-m instr.idat. instr. noiti- 
nakti-m \ -ma, neutr.odt- 
! -ma 

jgen. noitiju 
[loo. noitXju 


fait hi, tri 

nOktys \pqt tj- e [noiti] 

turn 8 [turret] 
tri-gintd, tria 

tri, mure 
fdt he n-,trln- 

aneti-ns \[ensti] 
pry a \driu 

naktls \noiti 
try-lika \tri 

anstt, priji 'tri- ens teo -io, 
urn' ensto 

nakcziH, kr%UH\noitiji 



[ansti-m] \[en8ti-m] 

nakty-8U -Be, tri-lnoitt-chU 

8U -8& 



an 8ti-m (?) j ensti-m (?) 

naktl-w8 InoitUmU 


faith i-b tri-b 

ansti-m \*ti8ti-m 

nakti-m)8 -m\ \noitt~mi 


5. u-Stema. 




Sing, nom. j *«i/i ; /-* 'son' : 8 u « « - « 







Dual, nom.- 


gen. eto. 

Plttr. nom. 





*s&no% -<i*: Suva 

n. *medhu 

*8&n(u)%'e8 -or. 

*«***¥, -e*(f): 

n. *m«JAtHP 

dat abl. instr.? 

gen. •«a*i(t#)tf- 

loo, **tin («)»*• 

neat ♦wierfAa: 

# «tJ}n(N)^ofH: 
•atfcwN-* -** -«; 


paiv-ds mddh> 




bazao-s -iu-§ 


patv-ds mddh- 


a&ndv-l, iiiv-B 

8 Unfit 


8&nv-& Ved., 8u-\ 


mddhv-i, mddh- 

dat. abl. instr. sunii-idat bftzu-bya 

bhy&m \ 

gen. loo. siltiv-dfrgen. bazv-d i 

loo. b&zv-8 ' 




tizu-s 'arm' *zard 'orna- nijzv- slower am 


zard [nom.?] 


\[z zard] 

1Z % 



b&zacjji b&zv-ajj 


baz&Ui per'td 

bftzu, bUzv-a j zardu 
Uzu, bBzv-a j 

zardu (?) 

; ***** 

i zardu, i zarde, 
i zardus 

Innrif'-t (?) 

rr ij jf * V nr t ][ci* Sam 

g. etc. Tr^dotw 


sUndv-aSy -krate- t b&zav-d'i 
as j yStv-6 

*0ft4r -4n m., dhi'\bdauS y pastrti z zards 

;d5?f>-qftt, frg- : 

**lZ**s •*•* 

md<iA«i t mddhuni 
*$n*lndm y das yum 






bSzu-8H -sVn 


batM-bis zarduV 

| - — -- - 

Mat 2ard«c, fjr^w*] 
abL t zarduc 


loan Deolension. 









na nu-8 

bith 'world* 

\situ -o 'custom' 




bith ti- 
mid (w-) 

betho -a 



\ftifu -n 





man 8 


s tin a u 

[situ -o 
\fihu -o 



'.me da (masc.) 

j an U'S^quac- 
encLtu-08 'is 

i/ridO -o 

sunaU- 8 






tan u-i 




\sitiu(f\ man 



i anu 


\ sundu] 

sup jus 

sit nitty mann 





dat. bethaib 
gen. bet ha 



dat. sunu-m instr 

jdat. instr. synu- 

jgen. 8ynov-u 

jloo. 8ynov-u 







bith u 
bit he ii- 




a nut* m 

-e8ite0y man no 



tanu-bu8 ma- 
rt i-btts] 

anu-bu8 mam- 

bethaib (?) 

sunu-m ? 


— j — — 


SUHU-8U -8$ 


sunu-m 8 

sunu -ml 8 -ml 

\synomu . 

tanu -bus ma- 
lt i -1ms] 




B rug- mann. Element*. III. 



TaUntf ' 

6. n-Stema. 


Sanskrit. Arestic. 



Sing. nom. 


ivd \*p& 

ahn 'eye', 
anjn 'soul' 

xv tar, iroiurj 



**( W )^o(,i); 

tvdn \pri-zafeni 

akn, anjn 

xvor [flotpif*] 


-en-m : 
n. *dh$mp 'or- 

tvdn-am [span-em 
dhdma \dUma 

[z ahn] 

xvv-a, TttTOft 
7i o tfieya 


*Jcun-e8 '08: 
*-en*8 : 

tun-as \8un-o 
red. dhan(?) \xweng 

akan 1 anjin y af , n 
'of a man' 



*fcun-es -08: 

tun -as \sunaji 

y akane, y anjnl 

xvv- 6( 


men-a\ 'for 

tun-e, vidmdn-e\8iin-i 

akan, anjin 

X8 pc y -ai [«»». 


*%idmen *%id- 



murdhdn \casmqn 

murdhdn-i, \eaimain%,a8- 
murdhn-l #i-t 

no fit *-»» *9*l 


*£un-a (-*?): 

tun-a \sHn-a 

\namZni (?) 


[xwrt* TTOtpirt] 

Dual, nom.- 


dat. abl. instr. P 

loc. *fcun~ou?: 

tvdn-Su -a \span-a 

dhdmn-% -man-% [dam a] 

dat abl. instr. tvd-\ 
bhyam j 
gen. loo. tun -08 jg. suna 

xvr m t r t ex to r-»- 

gen. eto. 

g. etc. xor-ait. *** 


Plur. nom. 

-en-es : 


n. m dh€mGn 

tvdn-as [span -a 

tun-as, uk$dn-\8pitn'd,urun- 

-as -o" 
dham an- i, dhdma ddmqn tiOmen- 
-i, daeman-a 

akanJZ akunR, 

xvv-t^ rexrot'** 


z akan8 z aku- 
ns, z anjin s 

xJr-ac, rixjor- 
•a;, 7TotjBtr' s: 


♦fcfn-Sm : 

tun-am \sun-qm 


x v r - 1» r, rroijii**** 



tvd-su \d&mo-hu-hv-a 


ximu', not fit <u, $*** 

dat. -abl. 

ivd-bhyas \dama-byo,da'mi- 

\ ho 

dat. akanc abl. 
y akanc 

[xvai etc] 


-•tit(«) : 

tvd-bhi§ [dama-bis da- 


[*uof etc], wrUr 

Noun Declension. 



homO -o, lien 

[homO -o] 


homin-is, car 
tf is 

convention -id, 
[horn in -e] 

homin-i, carn- 
-i, damin-% 


homin-is^ earn- 




cu f dru 'kidney* 


coin n-, Srain 

ainm n- 

haim •heart' 

con , dran 

coin, drain 



coin, drain 

homine, car n-e Jcoin drai n?)guwin 


gum a man. 
tug gd 'tongue'; 

gomo man, 
z u n ga 'tongue' 


gomon -un 
herza 'heart* 


gomen -in 

[gum in] 

coin, drain 

d&t conaib fiad- 

gen. con, dran 

coin, drain 

con-a, drn-a 

con w- f dran 

[conaib, fiadna- 
[conaiby fiadna- 
conaib, fiadnaib 




Jgomen 'in] 

gomen -in 

gumtn tn 

gomon -un 

[gumans\ auh-$gomon -unj 

hairtOn-a, nam-\herzon 


guman-l) auks- 

gumam J?) 

gumam, aulisn- 

gomom (?) 


szu sz%\n 'dog', 
akmi 'stone 

8ZHn-e\szS*, akm&\ 

sz&n-t dkmen-\ 

szuH-s, akmeH-s 

szuft-s, aJcmefi'8 
sz&niui, Qkmeniui 

szun-yfa akmen-yji 

szun-i-ml, akmen- i- 

szuniu, akmeniu 

dat. szunA-m, ah 
men-l-m, instr.-i-w ! 

szuns szun-ys, dk- 

Jzun^i »7 ak in en - 

8 z un - U -iu\alcnien' 

szun-ysu, akmen- 
-ysu -ysl 

szutiA-ms, akmen- 

szun-i-mls, alemen- 
•i-mis -ml 


ka my 'stone' 



imf 'name' 


kamen-i, d%n-i 



kamen-i, dXn-i 

tmen-e tmen-t 

d.i. kamen-i- ma, 



kamen-i, din-i 




Vfcamen 4-m i,dtn - 
l-wit, n. imen- 


7. r-Stems. 

Tablet of 



Sing. nom. 

too. \+tiidt£r, 

Dnal. nom.- 


* gohV "etoT 

wfl/^r) , IlK)the^ , m&td, data 

t or-ip : 

*do~tr-e8 -os: 
*matf-8 f *d61f-s: 

*d6tr-e8 '08 : 

datr \ * matr-ni +duir- 

to~ci*maW-f -rr-f, 
*do~ter-i -tr-i: 

tor-e : 


loo. *w3fr-o#P 

PTur7~nom. *tha7ft I -es ~*ftfcmatdr-a$ y HaT 


niafdr-am * ddtar'' 

mdtur, ddtur 


mata, data 

matar*, <nr 

/ar 1 

malar-em , (fa 1 

mapr-o, da 

ner e '§,808tar-i 


mUfr-t'dfar-VMaTir't, da- 

matairi) da- 

ma7r ; a t ;"77aVj : ^a imflp*^h aapr-a 

matdr-au -tf, daVar 
-au -<i 

daT. ablrtri8ff.rd.a.T. niffl f^tyWn^ fat* male t*3>ya, 

gen. loo. m3fr-d\v 


aooT ^maTr-tj3,<foTr-tf$ 
or *iwa7*r-fls 
*do~tor-Q8 : 



gen. war-a 

f ar-o" 

eafra'r-t, dStf^ti 

"pitpt nfrm , matfs.m cTTar - tf^ 
f., rfa/f » I aV - tf , maVer- 

as, dat ar-o 

%Q\\7**ntfKr~'$m*dot r^mufffjutm , sr3«r-w u/>r- q m,da- 


m atr [nom.yj 

[* ffjffir]" 


u)7Tf£-<rf ^»r»f- 

»irt«r 'a r slet\ 


nidur dster 


~mar-Q dster-& 

z mar 8 z~d~sl£ 

(ItjTQ-OC &*(*"*- 


gen. etc p>;t*r°> r < 

uqrt'(> m a$ 9i'fi' 

marc dslerc rarp-wr j»W 

>war? dsterc 

■dm, ddJfndm pr-qm 

loc. + *m<TTf-$ -sm •jifiHar^-jM, ddir-Su 
*do(f-8 -sm -«:] 

dat.-abl. *mfifr-l>h- -m-> m8ff-T>7njii$ y dair- 'maTer*-1>f/o~ t ~da~~ dau morr abTTfJ^TeooTr?«f5f*T 
*d0tr-bh- -m-: bhyos ter 4 -byo i marc etc 

fuaf r. */mnf-Witt si "~ J »m flTf - 5 * TfT <f« - »;i cTf * ♦**"- fr rtf, i wli^ WT ~tt$7et ^IwrJao^SZ™**] 
-mi\*\ *<^.f-| tr-bhi$ ; i/d/fr*-6is] -W i 


Noon Declension. 


Latin | Irish. 

Gothic. O.H.G. 

Lithuanian. O.G.S1. 

mater, dator 

mater [nom.?], 

mathir, siur 

brOpar 'brother'; m uoter 

motZ mdtt 'wife', ma ft 
8€8i 'sorer' 

mdthir [nom. ?], 

brOpar [nom.?];fw uoter [nom.P] 

[motim6te\ 8e8$] \[mati] 

A/ia/i-«m, datdr- 

mathir n- 

brdpar \muoter 

m6ter-i mater -1 [ma- 
1 ter-e 

matr-is -us, 

mathar (?) 

brdpr-8 \muoter 

iags. mddor 

motef-8 \mater-e 


motef-s \mater-e 

matr-i, datdr- 

math ir 

[bropr] fmuoter] 

mdter-iai \rm 

matr~e y datdr- 


bropr Imuoter 

moter-yje* \nu 


(mathir P) 

bropr \muoter 

moter~i~ml \tm 

mathir, 8%air 

dak maithrib 
gen. mathar 


mdter-i \mt 

matr-ls, dator- 


bropr jus Imuoter 

&&tmoter-l-m instr.jda 



mdter-s \[n 

matr-ls, da- 




mathar mO- 
thre n- 

bropr-uns ][muoter] 

mdter-'is m6teres\m 

matr-um, da- 

bropr-e \muoter-o 

moter-U -id \m 

[mOtribus, da- 


[brdprum] \muoterum] 

moter-ysu -y8l \m 

mOtr-i-bus, da- 

[maithrib], op. 
Gall. matre-bo 

WOpru-m (P) muoter-um (?) 

moier-l-ms \m 

[mOtrtbus, da- 


brdpru-m muoter-um 

moter-i-mU -ml ' \m 


8. /^-Sterns. 



Greek. 1 Latin. 


rpfQtav 'bearing*, 
<*«<$ 'blowing' 









(piqovT m os 

ferenti(d) [/V- 








[tp4QOVT m i\ 


(pfQOVT -# 

Op. JFtxCtT-t 


gen. etc. ptQ° WTm 






ferent'i* ' 

silent-a ftrrni- 

n -ant- 





-ai-byo t 



is -aj>- 



Toon Dtclenaion. 


Irish. Gothic. O.H.G. Lithuanian. O.C.8L 

» : i 

care eara 

frijonds 'friend* \friunt 'friend*, zanvei($8 € vehenB\dan-'ve zy'rehens*: neut. 
j 'tooth* M-« 'tooth* j r*sy 

[care cara] 

frjjdnd \friunt 

1 — i ; 1 

car it #i- 

frijdnd f tunp-u*deu-\friunt vBiontj dant-j vezqiti 

! i ! 


• 1 

. 1 . ■ - ,.-... 
frijdnd-i-8 \friunt-e-* xtianczio pezq&ta 

i • 1 : 

v&anczio vezasla 

i j 1 i 

1 J f -- ; __ 

carit LfrijOnd] \Jfriunt] ^cHancziam vtzqstu 

car it ' frijOnd \friunt 

viiancziame tezasti 

{car it f) frydnd \friunt 

v&ancziu vtzqstemi 


t&iancziu-du IvezqJUa 

dat. cahrtib 
gen. eara* 

dat vezantbn-dvem fax, instr. vezqkema 

inatr. veiantZm-dvem\ 

jffen. vezastu 
;loc. vezastu 


frijdnds \friunt 

vezq, v?zant-y8 \vezqite 


[frjjOnds] tunp-un *; [/riwit] 

vtianczius, d an t - 1 8\ vezakc 

carat n- 

fryOndl \ friunt-o 

veiancziH, dant-ft vezqsCL 


[frijOndam] \\friuntum] 

viiancziusu se, vezqstichU 
dant-y-su -8$ 


frij6nd-a-m (?) | friunt-um (?) 

vtkanibnSy dantA-ms vezqkemu 


/rt/owd-a-m, tunp-\ friunt-um 
urn, op. tigum j 

vtiancziaU, danti- vezqsti\ neat telet-y 
-mU -ml 

9. fa- Stems. 


Pr. Idg. 




Sing. nom. 

neut. *menos 'mind': 

mn an *J*<8-metlg8 'ill 




ma no ntanB 
d us man a 


3vayLt vr's 

8-menes : 



Svnfjit r*e 

i-menes-m. : 



ivofi € via -? 

'08. *min8~e8 
wis : 




-oa, *mS»«-e* 




, *mdn*-ajj: 



[fu'vei -«, /i$W] 

nines : 





(-«?), m^ns-a 

mdnas-a, bhis-d 



8~mene8-e : 

durmanas-au -o 



nstr ? : 
«-*>#-*, 'ntins- 

dat. abl. inetr. mdno- 

gen. loo. mdnas-di 

dat. *mane-bya 

gen. etc juirioir -* f ' 

rids -fls-a: 

8-vnene8-e8 : 
\-menes-9 : 



mana var*cdh-i 


peve-a uevtj 
3voptve-a -f 




dvojutvi-a;, [fa" 

*, *wicw«-3m: 



utvl'tav -«r, ar,r 


st (*mewes-si< 

tndnasu mdnas- 
-8U -aty-su 

manahu ~ahv-a 



- -e$-m: 

mdnd'bhya8, cp. 


\jdiveoot, -«««, ftipi] 

*(s) -e$-*nt(s): 

mdnthbhif, op. 


Joun Declension. 


Latin. Irish. 




g e n it 8 
deycner pubes 


tech («-) 'house' 

kalb 'calf 


slovo 'word* 

\digener pubis] 


g e tier -is Vener- 
- its, mlns-is 

( ige, mis 

kalbes, cp. Kelbiris- 

debes-es 'of a cloud' 


air id, [aer-e,mins-e] 

[taig], mi 8 



gener-i, mins-i 

kalbir-e kalbe 



yener-C) rnins-e 


kalbir-e kalbe 



gener-e, mlns-e 

[taig], (mi 8?) 





gener-um, mitts- 


slovcs-i, -e 

dat. tigib, misaib 
dat tige, mis 



dat. debes-l-m instr. 

dat. instr. sloves- 

gen. slove8-u 

loo. 8l0VC8-U 


tige «-, mis »- 


debes-U -id 




kalbir-um (?) 

debes-ysu -gsh 







debes-i-mls -ml 



10. £>6- and tt<?0-Stems. 


Pr.Idg. Sanskrit. ' Greek. 



Sing. nora. 

*ofc(i)i<5$ 'ocior': 

Shy tip -rtw, Ayest. 

idttov 'suavior' 


slaxdtfi 'gfee 



diiyaS) -if an 




neut. *dfc(f)ip8: 

*$Jci8-e8 -o«: 

ost//e|s-am, AYest 



Oct us 







*6fcs-e8 -08i 

dkyas-as, Avest. 


OciOr-i, [ocidr-e] 



*dfci8-ai : 






*o"£(0ks-» m i* m i: 






♦(jJEiVrt (-*?): 





Dual, nom.- 

*db(i)io8-e : 

neut. *o"&W? -i?: 

dky%s-au -a 



gen. eto. 

dat. abl. instr.? 

gen. *ofcis-o#-s?: 
loo. *6fct8-o#?: 

dat. abl. instr. 

gen. loo. akya8-6$ 

gen. eto. r t Si6v 

dat instr. sla- 

gen. slasdisu 
loo. slaidliu 

Plur. nom. 

*<}S(t)io8-e8 : 
*ofci8-Q8 or 0&(iy 

i<)8~Q8 : 

neut.*d"£(*)itf« -j&8-e: 

dkyqs-as, Avest. 









*6fc$8-6m : 






*dfci8u -si (*dki8-su 

dkyas-su -ah-su 





*dfciz-bh- -t'8-m-: 

*0hz-bhX(8) -18- 
-mf(s) : 





un Deolension. 








vt'dvqs -dn 
vldx>a8, 'tan 



mlr$8 'dead* O.C.SL 
m. n. mir-ii 

i^idyos : 

U%dw>8-ip : 




mlrfr aksl. mtrO&e 

ieidu$-e8 "08: 





ieidtt8-e8 '08i 










yeid^es-i -us-i: 




veidus-a (-*?): 






sut. *wjdu8'i? -i?: 

vidvcfr-au -« 



O.C.S1. mfr us* (?) 

it. abl. instr.? 

an . *#eidus-ou s ? : 
o. *\&e$Au8-o# ? : 

dat abl. instr. vid- 

gen. loc. viduf-Oif 

dat. *vtdui-bya 

gen. eto. tlS6r m on- 

dat. instr. mlrusetn- 

O.C.81. gen. trfruia 
O.G.S1. loo. mlruiu 





mlr$ mlrus-y8, aksl. 

4,eidu8-$8 or *##d- 
, *#eidvo'8 -%d~8-»: 




O.O.S1. mtrilia 






gejdusu -si (*#eid- 
U8-8U -si): 



mlru8'tU8U '88 

%eiduz-bh- -m«-wi-: 





#eiduz-bhi(8) -m«- 
-*m(*) : 






11. u- tijf-, i- t|-, f- {/-Stems. 



Sing. nom. *bhru-s 'brow* : bhru-$ 







Dual, nom.- 

gen. etc 

Plur. nom. 

*bhruu*a (-«?): 






*bhru-m : 
*bhru#-m : 

*bhruu~es -os: 

*bhru#-es -o« 

*bhruu-a% : 


*bhruu~i : 

bhruv-i, eamu 


dat. abl. instr.? 
gen. *bhruu-o#-8 f : 
loo. *bhruu-o#?: 

*bhru#-e8 : 

*bhruu-Q8 : 

*bhruu-om : 

bhruv'du -a 

*6ftrO-* -** -«*: 

*bhru-bh- -m-: 

*Mrtf-6**(s) -»•*(«): 

dAt-l'thought' pur 'fortress' 

[bhrUfh ivdiru [dhif], nddi [pur] 


A vest. ber'zai- cj>.jd-m 

dhly-am pur-am 


dhiy-ds pur-ds 

dhiy-ds pur-ds 

dhiy-i pur-B 

dhiy-i^ gdurt pur-i 



dhiy-Ou -a pur-au -a 


o <pcv-r 
o<pf>va (?) 


dat. abl. instr. bhru- dat. abl. instr. dat. abl. instr. gen. etc cV 

bhydm dhi-bhyam pur-bhyam 

gen.loo. bhruv-6f gen.loo.ahiy- gen. loo. pur 
-6$ -6$ 







bhruv-dm bhrU- dhiy-dm dhi- pur-dm 
ndm ndm 





dhl-bhyds pwr-bhyds 

bhrH-bhli dhi-bhi* pur-bhif 


o<p£v-ai, •* 





an Declension. 



c 'weevil* 

T l 


i. etc *i-o*> 




[sus] [ris] 

socrum(?) vi-m 








sy-r 'Sow* 

guv-ls ■fish' 







f 5 


vis vires 
vis vires 

su-um y 'turn virtum 

[subus subus su- [rtribn8] 

su-bus su~bus viribus 


[sObus subus su- [riribus] 







kruv-i O.Pol. kry 

svehry (?) 



dat iuv-l-m 
instr. guv-i-rfi 


kruv-i svekruv-e 





suvU, -iU 


kruv-ijl, svebrut 

zuv-y-su -si kruv-facku 


,kruv 4 mu 

^zuv-i-mls -mi ifcri*?— S-w*, 


Tables ef 

12. The Stems *w<*#- *ship\ *gey- *goi«- 'head of cattle'. 





Latin. 1 

Sing. nom. 

*tt<fy-8 'ship*: 

y<i»-«, r^v,: 



♦fifljf-tfi : 


vrj-a vavv 

«Jf-««, Hfir-t-et 


+n0#-e8 -08 : 


vrj m dq rfw? 



*»fl|f-f* -o«: 


vy-og *#w$ 

war-t-(<Oi [naff] 












*n8%-a (-f ?) 




Dual, nom- 

dat abl. instr.?: 
gen. **t0ti-otf-4f: 
loo, *«eit4-o|»P: 

ndv-Uu -a 


gen eta 

dat abl. instr. ndu- 

gen. loo. nav-6§ 

gen. etc S^otr 

Plur. nom. 








rij-<r$, ***ff 



^tfy-oM : 



L 1 


*«<i*-$ -** -st: 

! i 






oon Declension. 


Pr.Idg. j Sanskrit 





gtflf-* 'ox. cow': 


/?oi/-c, fiwg 





gdm, Arest. 

/?•»*, povr 

bov-em, Umbr. 

boin n- 


gO)*-*? *go*-*: 

gfrs, gdv-as 

Boo-ttoqos, fSo-6; 


bou b6 


gO<)l*-w *qou-s: 

g6s, gdv-as 


bot%(d\ [bove] 






IW-i *s00*-»: 









boin (?) 


gdv-Su -& 

dat abL instr. 
gen. loo. ?di>-0? 

gen. etc flo-6i> 


it. abL instr.?: 

ML *£(lOlf-0¥-*? 


dat. buaib 
gem bo 






kuo, kuo-i 



Po-as, fioZg /?«,• 



[kuo, kuo-i] 


gat-am g6n&m 


bov-om bourn 
[bubus bObus] 

bO n- 





OXow Prankish 

-Wk- -m- ?): 



bu-bus bO-bus 
[bubus bObus] 



ti-bht(s) -mt(*) 





320 Adjectires with Pronominal Inflexion. §406. 

In Latin, Slavonic, and Aryan, side by side with 
pronouns strictly so called, are found a number of derivatives 
from pronouns, and adjectives derived from nouns, forming their 
cases as pronouns do. Take as examples Lat. U-nu-s al-ter u-ier 
sClu-s tdtu-8, although the genitive singular of these words — the 
only case which concerns us in them — had the noun ending 
as well, as gen. sdll LQcif, dat. nuUd Usui, dat. mihi solae (for 
the gen. in -f cp. § 419). O.C.S1. tvofi 'thy ta-ku 'talis' to- 
-lik& 'tantus* mftnogu multus' drugu alius'. Skr. ka-tard-s 
'uter' superl. &a-tama-s, $-ka-s c unus' Avest. ae-va 'unus, 
Skr. vt&va-s Avest. tilspa- Skr. sdrva- alP ddk$ina-s 'right, 
of the right hand, southerly* madhyamd-s 'midmost' Avest. abdO- 
-tema- 'deepest* (a-bda- properly 'footless'); but the Aryan 
words of this class also have the noun flexion, some of them 
often, others rarely, as R.-V. dat. vihdya beside nihasmai, 
Avest. gen. vfspanqm beside vfspaesqm. 

But in Germanic, Lithuanian, and Armenian we see 
the inflexion of pronouns applied to any adjective at will. 

In Germanic grammar this kind of adjectival flexion 1 ) is 
called the Strong Declension, as opposed to what is called the 
Weak, the latter of which has arisen by the transfer of stems 
to the n-class; examples are Goth. nom. pi. blinddi like pcU 
(cp. § 314 p. 214), beside which is blindans like gumans. The 
former is the older, and is the rule when the adjective is 
used predicatively or as an attribute without an accompanying 
article; the latter arose when the stems were made substantives 
by means of the suffix -en-, and it is used after the article and 
mostly where the adjective has the value of a substantive (see 
II § 114 p. 353). Declined like pronouns: Goth. masc. blindam- 
ma midjatnma hrdinjamma hardjamma (nom. blinds midji-s 
hrdin-s hardu-s) following pamrna, also blinddi following pdi, 

1) Leo Meyer, ttber die AdjectiYa im Deutechen, Berl. 1863; Das 
Deutsche, inab. gotisohe Adjeotirnm, Gformania IX 137 ff.; Zur Lehre 
von der dentaohen Adjectirflexion, Zeitechr. deatech. Phil. IX 1 ff. Holts- 
mann, Das got Adjeetinun , Germania Yin 257 ff. SieYers, Die 
starke AdjectiYdeolination, Paul-Braune's Beitr. II 98 ff. 

§406. Adjectives with Pronominal Inflexion. 321 

blinddizB following *pdiz8 (piz& is used instead of this), blinddim 
following pdim, neut. blindat-a following pat-a (also, with noun- 
flexion, blind, like hrdin hardu), fern, blinddizds following 
*pdizds (pizDs is the form used), blinddizO following *pdizd 
(the form used is pizti); O.H.G. blintemu blinte btintero 
blintfm, blinta%, blintera blintero. As regards such variations 
as blinddizS : pizl see §§ 420, 429. The ace. blindan-a 
(O.H.G. blintan) follows the noun declension in its suffix -an, 
but the particle -a affixed to it assimilates the ending to the 
pronouns, cp. p<tn-a (§ 417). In O.H.G. other forms were drawn 
into the circle of attraction, blinter like jet&r (§ 414), blintiu 
like diu. There is some strangeness in Goth. dat. sing. fem. 
blinddi like gibdi beside pizdi; but O.H.G. blinteru O.Icel. 
blindre are pronominal forms, and doubtless fairly reproduce 
those used in proethnic Germanic. 

In Lithuanian, where the endings peculiar to pronouns 
are found only in the masculine (neuter), it results that 
adjectives differ from nouns only in this gender. Masc. sing. 
gerdm gerami, pi. ger$ms, dual gerem gerSm, like tdm tami, 
terns, t'&n^-dvVm) t$m(-dv2m). The nom. pi. is geri for *ger$ 
(cp. ger$-ji) as against tl anl (the latter accented like the 
subst. vilkaf), where the difference in accent is remarkable, 
cp. the dual masc. geru fem. gerl as contrasted with tu-du 
t$-dvi; the accentuation of *ger$ is proved to be older by 
Gr. to/, xaXoi (I § 671 p. 536); on this difference in accent, 
see Bezzenberger in his Beitrage X 204. We should add the 
neut. sing, gera for *-a-d following *ta(-d) = Pruss. s-ta 
(§ 227 p. 110), and the neut. pi. geral following tax, e. g. tal 
gerai 'haec bona (sunt)', see § 428; usually these adjective 
forms in -at are used as adverbs. From saldh-s Weet': 
saldiidm saldems like tuszczidm tuszt'ems (nom. sing, tiiszczia-s 
'empty*), by association with the fem. saldl saldzios (II § 110 
p. 334); cp. Goth. masc. hardus pi. hardjdd beside fem. pi. 
hardjds. The reason why the nom. pi. masc. is saJdUs, and 
not salcR, like tusztl, is that at the time we are now describing, 
when the case-endings spread from pronouns to adjectives, the 

Brngmann, Elements. III. 21 

#22 Pronouns. §§ 406,407. 

pronominal nom. pi. masc. suffix *-oi had already driven out 
the original ending *-ds from all noun stems (§ 314 pp. 214 f.), 
and thus *-/>$ was not regarded as a special ending of the 

In Armenian the pronominal endings -urn (dat. loc.) and 
-m£ (abl. sing.) could be used with any adjective, as srbum 
(surb 'holy') following orum ( which*) ailum (other*). (In 
Mod.E.Arm. -urn extends to substantives, as tnardum y cp. 
Lett, grikam in the following Remark.) Compare Hfibsch- 
mann, Ztschr. der deutsch. morg. Ges. XXXVI 123 ff. 

Remark. The application of the endings of the pronouns to 
adjectives most be kept distinct from other examples of these endings 
transferred to nouns in general, such as Skr. vflana ndvina following 
ttna, Pali loo. Wcasmim (instead of Wei) following tasmim, abl. lOkatma 
(instead of l6kd) following tasmS, Or. Xnnoi y xalol following to/, Lat. 
mfrts&rum bonarum following istarum, O.C.SL rqkojq novqjq following 
fojcg* ®f oourse we cannot know whether the adjectives were not sometimes 
or always the first to adopt this inflexion in these instances, as elsewhere, 
and then passed it on to substanstives. This was certainly the case in the 
Lettio dat. instr. sing, grikam dat instr. pi. griJcim (grik-8 'sin') following 
the adj. labbam labHm (labs *good*) and the pronoun tarn thn (ta-8 'that*). 


§ 407. The main difference between Pronouns and the 
great majority of Nouns is that they are formed from peculiar 
roots, which are called Pronominal Roots. But they also have 

1) Many of the works and essays cited in the footnote to page 52, 
and under the various noun-cases, include a discussion of pronominal 
forms. We may add here, as dealing with the whole subject of Pronouns, 
•the following. 

On the Indo-Germanio Pronouns in general: Bopp, Yer- 
gleich. Gramm. II s §§ 326 ff. pp. 101 ff. Sohleioher, Compendium 4 
pp. 408 ff. Fr. Mailer, Grundriss der Sprachw. HI 563 ff. Pott, 
Das idg. Pronomen, Zeitschr. der deutsch. morg. Ges. XXXIII 1 ff. 
Gilnther, Ob. die Bedeutung und Eintheilung der Pronomina mit bes. 
Beziehung auf die lat. und gr. Spr., Seebode's Misoell. orit I 113 ff. 
Kvl£ala, Untersuohungen auf dem Geb. der Pron., bes. der latein., 
Sitzungsber. der Wiener Ak., 1870, pp. 77 ff. E. M tiller, Yon dem 
Pronomen, ein Beitrag zur allgemeinen Spraohlehre, Philol. Y 225 ff. 

§407. Pronouns. 323 

many peculiarities of inflexion, which are accordingly named 
the Pronominal Declension. 

These peculiarities are of three kinds. 

1. The Case Ending is usually different from that of the 
nouns. Compare, for example, the nom. ace. sing. neut. Skr. td-d 
Lat. istu-d as contrasted with yugd-m jugu-m. In particular, 
it is far more common with pronouns than with nouns to give 
the function of some distinct case to an uninflected form, such 
as Skr. ma Gr. fd W (cp. § 185 pp. 57 f.). 

Aryan. Whitney, Skr. Oramm. pp. 179 ff. Bartholomae, 
Handbuoh der altiran. Dialekte, pp. 102 ff. Idem, Die Stellung der 
enklitisohen Pronomina and Partikeln, Ar. Forsch. II 1 ff. 

Greek and Italic M. Schmidt, Comment de pronomine Graeco 
et Latino, 1832. Henry, Pr6ois de grammaire compared du grec et du 
latin* pp. 246 sqq. 

Greek. Kilhner, AusfQhrl. Gramm. der grieoh. Spr. I * pp. 445 ff. 
G. Meyer, Grieoh. Gramm. ' pp. 380 ff. The Author, Grieoh. Gramm. 
(I. Mflller's Handb. der klass. Altertumsw. 11*) pp. 129 ff. Sohmolling, 
tfber den Gebrauoh einiger Pronomina auf att. Insehriften, 1882, 1885. 

Italic. KQhner, Ausftthrl. Gramm. der lat. Spr. I 377 ff. Stolz, 
Lat. Gramm. (I. Mailer's Handb. der klass. Altertumsw. IP) pp. 345 ff. 
F. Neue, Formenlehre der lat. Spr. IP 178 ff. F. Buoheler, Grund- 
riss etc (see p. 54). Merguet, die Entwickelung der lat Formenbildang 
pp. 141 ff. Kolberg, De antiqaa pron. Latinorum forma, 1838. 

Keltic Zeu88-£bel, Gramm. Celt. pp. 324 sqq. Stokes, 
Ir. Pronominal-Declination, Kuhn-Schleioher's Beitr. I 468 ff. Idem, 
Celtio Deolension pp. 100 ff. Ebel, Kelt. Studien: Das Relativum, 
Infigierte persdnliohe (and demonstrative) Fttrw5rter, Notae augentes, 
Kuhn-Schleioher's Beitr. T 17 ff. 

Germanic Grimm, D. Gr. I* (1870) pp. 702 ff. Klnge, 
Noreen, Behaghel, Paul's Grundriss der german. Philol. I 391 ff., 
498 ff., 627 ff. Rum pelt, Die deutschen Pronomina and Zahlwdrter, 
1870. Braune, Got. Gramm. 8 pp. 60 ff. Idem, Althoohd. Gramm. 
pp. 195 ff. Witte, Bemerkungen fiber das neuags. Pronomen, 1877. 

Balto-Slaronic Smith, Bemerkungen Qber die primitiren Fflr- 
wOrter der bait und slay. Spraohen, Kuhn-Sohleicher's Beitr. II 330 ff., 
Ill 97 ff., 129 ff. Leskien, Die Declinat. im Slar.-Lit und Germ., 108 ff. 
Schleicher, Litau. Gramm. pp. 194 ff., 216 ff. Kursohat, Gramm. d. 
littau. Sprache pp. 229 ff. Bezzenberger, Beitr. zur Gesoh. d. lit. Spr. 
pp. 161 ff. Miklosich, Vergleich. Gramm. der slav. Spr. in* pp. 44 ff. 
Leskien, Handb. der abulg. Sprache* pp. 80 ff. 

Works treating specially of pronouns with gender distinguished, or 
of personal pronouns, will be cited in notes to § 408 and § 438. 


324 Pronouns. § 407. 

These differences in flexion were clearly more or less 
connected with a certain vagueness which is seen in the cases 
of pronouns. Pronominal forms were not originally so minutely 
subdivided or so clearly defined as were the cases of the 
noun. It was only the constant endeavour to express 
similar uses by similar forms which brought about the more 
ocmplete agreement of pronouns with nouns, as we see it in 
the historical developement of different languages. 

2. A number of cases from pronoun stems have always 
been extended by certain suffixes which were placed before 
the case-ending, to aid in distinguishing the cases. In 
these the case-ending is sometimes one peculiar to pronouns, 
and sometimes it is common to them with nouns. The most 
important of the elements thus interwoven into the cases of 
pronouns are -*nt- and -$$- -$-. Examples: Skr. loc. td-sm-in 
abl. td-sm-fid (cp. vfkad), although the ace. is tdrtn 'that 1 
(cp. vfka-tn); Avest. abl. yu-§m-aj>, but nom. yU-§ Vos'; dat. 
Skr. td-sy-ai Goth, pi-z-di (cp. Ved. suvapatydi Goth, gibdi), 
but ace. Skr. td-m Goth, pd f. 'the, this, that* (cp. Skr. 

How these particles got into the words can generally be 
seen without difficulty. We shall explain the forms in detail 
in the succeeding paragraphs. Such a word as "insertion" 
cannot properly be used of any them. 

3. Cases of pronouns, more frequently than nouns, attract 
certain particles which become affixed to them (cp. § 186 
p. 62). For example: *-em *-om *-m in Skr. id-dm Id, 
hoc' im-dm 'eum, hunc, vay-dm nos'; -w in the nom.-sing. 
O.Pers. ha-nw Gr. *o-v "that yonder (in ov-tog); -t in the 
nom. sing. Lat. jo-i juF, O.Sax. A.S. 8$ 'that* for *$o-i, and 
others. If we turn to recorded languages, we find actually 
used such affixes as Gr. -I in oirocr-/, Lat -ce (-c) in his-ce y 
with a deictic or emphatic meaning. Just so must the former 
affixes have once had their own proper meaning, although we 
are now in the dark as to what it originally was. After their 
ground-meaning became weakened and obscured they became 

§§ 407,408. Pronouns in which the Gender in distinguished. 325 

no more and no less than case-suffixes; the stock example is 
Goth, mi-k O.H.G. mi-h = Gr. ifis-ys (beside s/ni jib). 

Remark. It may be pointed out in passing that the prinoiple 
exemplified in the attaching of these affixes, deictic, emphatic, and 
so forth, to words is well suited to throw light on the origin of the 
proethnio Indo-Germanio case-forms. The principles on whioh the older 
cases were built up must be the same as those whioh we can traoe in 
these later forms. The formation of cases is not something whioh took 
place onoe for all at a definite point in the proethnio period; it has 
always been going on afresh, although to a muoh smaller extent in 
historical times than in prehistoric At this very day we can see the 
beginnings of inflected oases, as Mod.H.0. heimat-tc&rts 'home-wards', 
8tadi-wdrt8 'town-wards', thal-u>8rt8 Sale-wards', and the like. 

Pronouns are usually classified thus: those with 
distinguishable Gender (Demonstrative, Relative etc.), and 
those without distinguishable Gender, or Personal Pronouns. 
We discuss Possessive Pronouns along with the Personal 
Pronouns (§§ 450 ff.), because the two are so closely connected, 
especially in the forms of the genitive case. 

Pronouns in which the Gender in distinguished. 1 ) 

§ 408. A number of these pronouns did not form all 
their cases in the original language from the same stem, but 
filled up certain gaps from others: for example, *so- and *-&- 

1) Add to the works oited in the footnote to pages 322 f.: 
Soberer, Zur Gesoh. <L deutsoh. Spr.' pp. 490 ff. Leo Meyer, 
Vergleioh. Gramm. I* 577 ff. Steinthal, De pronomine relatiio etc, 
1847. Windisoh, Untersuoh. fib. <L Ursprung des Relatirpron. in den 
idg. Sprachen, Curtius' Stud. II 201 ff. Sohoemann, Bedenken und 
Fragen fiber die pronomina indefin. und interrog., Hoefer's Zeitschr. f. d. 
"Wiss. d. Spr. I 241 ff. Brlal, Le theme pronominal da % M6m. d. 1. S. 
cL 1. I 193 ff., 276. 

I H. Hall, The Declension of the Definite Artiole in the Oypr. Inscr., 
Transactions of the Amer. PhiL Assoc XI (1880) pp. 51 ff Sohani, 
Norae commentat Platonicae [ravrS und ravxov u. dgL, ovrvg und ovrta 
etc.] 1871. Lottner, tig und rerwandte Pronominalbildungen , Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. V 396 f. Sarelsberg, Das [grieoh.] pronomen relat., aus dem 
interrog. entstanden, Kuhn's Zeitschr. Yin 408 ff. Lottner, Der grieoh. 
Relathrstamm, ibid. IX 320. Kratz, Quaestiones Homerioae I: De pro- 

326 Pronouns in which the Gender is distinguished. § 408. 

together made up the cases of 'this, the 9 (Gr. nom. 6 gen. 
xov etc.). In the separate languages these heteroclite forms 
were levelled down and assimilated more or less, so that the 
groups became more homogeneous. These le veilings, together 
with the composition of simple original pronoun stems with 
each other or with deictic and other particles, produced a 
large number of analogical forms in the different branches of 
Indo-Germanic; and pronoun forms as we have them are 

nomimum 6'c et Harts natura etc., 1854. Otto, BeitrSge zur Lehre vom 
Relativum bei Homer, 1859, 1864. Hentze, De pronominum relativornm 
linguae Graecae origine atque usu Homerico, 1863. Lammert, De pro- 
nominibus relativis Homeriois, 1874. Waokernagel, Die [grieoh.] in- 
definiten Relatira, Kuhn's Zeitsohr. XXVII 89 ff. 

J. Schmidt, Zur Deol. der lat. gesohleohtigen Pronomina, Kuhn's 
Zeitsohr. XIX 196 ff. L. Ha vet, Isto-, ei$ eisdem, iltt isiS, qui hie, 
Me"m. Soo. ling., II 234 f. Heffter, tlh. das ursprungl. pron. demonstr. 
der lat. Spr. etc., Jahn's Jahrbb., IV. Suppl., 104 ff. Osann, Comment 
gramm. de pronominis tertiae pers. is ea id formis (with Exoursus on 
other Pronouns), 1845. F. W. Sohmidt, Quaestiones de pronominum 
demon8trativorum formis Plautinis, 1875. Prehn, Quaestiones Plautinae 
de pronominibus indefinitis, 1887. Ni em Slier, De pronom. ipse et idem 
ap. Plant et Ter., 1887. Fleokeisen, tlher die Femininform im nom. 
plur. des Pronomen hie hate hoc, Rhein. Mus. VII 271 ff. F. "W. Sohmidt, 
Die Pluralformen des Pron. hie bei Plaut. und Ter., Hermes VIII 478 ff. 
Meunier, De quelques anomalies que prlsente la deolinaison de certains 
pronoms lat, Mem. Soo. ling. I. 14sqq. Brandt, De varia quae est apud 
veteres Romanorum poetas soaen. genetivi sing, pronominum forma ao 
mensura, 1877. Danielsson, De gen. et dat pronominum Lat. in -iua 
et -f desinentibus, Studia gramm. (Upsal. 1879) pp. 1 ff. L. Ha ret, Sur 
les genitifs pronominaux en latin, Mem. Soo. ling. Ill 187 ff. Luohs, 
Zur Lehre von der Genitivbild. der lat. Pron., Studemund^ Stud. I 316 ff. 
Wiohmann, De qui ablativo, 1875. 

Windisoh, Der irisohe Artikel, Rev. Celt V 461 ff. D'Arbois 
de Jubainville, Reoh. sur Thist de Particle dans le bret. armor., ibid. 
II 204 ff. 

Hoefer, Das Pronomen diser, Oermania XV 70 ff. J. Grimm, 
Wer, Zeitsohr. f. deutsohe Altert VII 448 ff. 

Sohleioher, Das Pronomen lit szi, slav. *T= got hi ground-form 
ki, Kuhn-Sohleioher's Beitr. I 48 f. Miklosioh, Cber den Ursprung 
einiger Casus der pronominalen Declination [des Slavischeo], Sitsungsber. 
der "Wiener Ak. lxxvih 143 ff. Idem, tfber die Genitirendung -go in 
der pronominalen Declination der slar. Sprachen, ibid, lxii 48 ff. 

§§ 408,409. Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. 327 

often separated from their Indo-Germanic prototype by one 
long line of re-formations due to analogy. 

It is impossible withein the limits of this work to describe 
with any degree of completeness all these analogical formations 
in the various languages of our group. We can only give a 
general summary of the stems which are found in several 
languages, and which are therefore to be regarded as proethnic, 
subjoining their most important inflexions. 

1. Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. 

§ 409. Demonstratives. 

The Stems *$o- *sa- and Ho- **fl-. In the parent 
language the s-stem probably made only the nom. sing. masc. 
and fern., and the f-stem all other cases. By degrees one or 
other invaded the other's ground; examples are Ved. loc. 
sdsmin instead of tdsmin, Or. nom. ol ul instead of rot rat, 
and conversely Lith. nom. t&s tit instead of *so(-$) *s&. 
Aryan: nom. sing. masc. Skr. sd sds Avest. ho fem. Skr. sd 
Avest. hd\ ace. sing. masc. Skr. td-m Avest. te-tn fem. Skr. 
td-m Avest. tqm. Armen. -d, a demonstrative affix, beside 
Idg. *to- } e. g. tlr-d 'the master, this master', da 'this' do-in 
'the same'; d-, for *-, is doubtless strictly regular only after 
r and n (cp. I § 483 p. 357), as in du 'thou* (§ 440). Gr. o 
jy; ro'-v ttj-v. O.Lat. sa-psa 'ipsa', also *so- in ipse ipsa 
(§ 413); *to- in topper = *tod per, and tarn; in Italic the 
stem *eso- (e- as in Skr. a-sail Gr. i-xw Osc. e-Aro- 'hie* 
Lat. e-quidem Osc. e-tanto 'tanta') combined with *lo- and 
formed ***-&>-, as in Baltic *&>- + **o- made *fc*to- (Lith. sztdi 
Pruss. s-tas) } whence Umbr. estu 'istum', with which Lat. isto- 
is closely connected, if not identical. 1 ) O.Ir. so a demonstrative 

1) No satisfactory explanation has been suggested for i- in istr. 
Since, however, e- is doubtless the same stem as the pronominal stem *o- 
whioh is shortly to be described (see next page), it is quite possible that 
♦- in iite is the stem of is *he\ This stem has also been identified with 
the locative suffix -t, in noiptr-i etc.; and if this is correct, the 

328 Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. § 409. 

particle meaning 'here', Gall, so-sin nemeton 'hoc sacellum ; 
the stem to- is found in ua-d ab eo* ua-di 'ab ea* ua-dib c ab 
eis' and others like them, and in the article in-d for *$en + to- 
(cp. Windisch, Revue Celt. V 462; *to~ doubtless became do- 
in syllables coming just before the accent, cp. vol. I p. 510, 
and Thurneysen, Rev. Celt. VI 321, footnote 1). Goth, sa sd 
'this, the* m. f. O.Sax. A.S. 8$ m. 'the, this' O.H.G. de-se m. 
'this'; Goth, pana O.H.G. den ace. m. 'this, the'. Lith. tq 
O.C.S1. M 'the, this' m., Lith. td O.C.81. tq 'the, this' f. 

The Stems *sio- *sia- and *tio- Hid- (also found 
with -i$- instead of -i-). In Aryan, they were distributed 
among the cases in the same way as *so- *to~. Skr. nom. syd 
syd ace. tyd-m tyd-m nom. ace. tyd-d, O.Pers. nom. hya hya 
ace. tya-m tyd-m. O.Ir. cose ad hoc, adhuc' re-siu 'hitherto*. 
O.H.G. siu = Skr. syd, instr. sing. neut. diu, nom. ace. pi. 
neut. dtw, nom. pi. fern, deo dio. Whether the -fa- of *s-jo- 
*t-%p- be called the same as the suffix of comparison -jo- y 
discussed in II § 63 pp. 132 f. (*t-io- : *to- = Skr. an-yd- : ana-\ 
or identified with the demonstrative pronoun stem *io- 
(pp. 331 f.), compounded here with other stems, it all comes 
to the same thing. Compare also the nom. sing. fern, in -? 
Goth. 8-i O.Ir. s-f 'ea (II § 110 p. 339), perhaps connected 
with Sophocles' V (cp. the Author, Ein Problem der hom. Textkr., 
125 ff. ; Meister, Gr. Dial. II 281), beside which we have the 
fem. ** in Skr. iy-dm etc. (p. 332); — here the same thing 
looked at from different points of view, and occurring at 
different stages of the growth of language, might be called 
variously a suffix or part of a compound word. 1 ) 

following equation holds good: — Umbr. esto-: Lat. t-rto- = loo. Gr. 
noipuv-i: O.C.81. kamen-e (oompare also Lith. raOkoj-t Skr. vfk&y-a); on 
this postposition -«, see further § 186 p. 62, § 246 p. 145, § 257 pp. 158 f. 
The two positions of the stem in these compounds may be illustrated bj 
Lat ee-do : hi-ce* 

1) Whether -jo- in the Indo-Germanio languages (see II § 63 
pp. 122 ff.) is alway* identioal with the pronoun *jjo- I leare an entirely 
open question. For the present I assume merely a resemblance between 
the pronoun and the -jo- of comparison. 

§ 409. Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. 329 

The Stem *o- *&-. Aryan: dat. sing. masc. Skr. asmai 
Avest. a-hmai dat. abl. pi. fern. Skr. a-bhyds Avest. driyd. 
O.Ir. £ 'he' see § 414, gen. ai ae 'eius* see § 418. Germ. gen. 
sing. Goth, t-s O.H.G. e-s: cp. Skr. a-syd. Elsewhere it is 
not found as part of a living case-system. Greek loc. s-l (in 
clauses expressing a wish or a condition) and instr. (Heracl. 
Cret. etc.) rj If, el-xa 'then'. The same loc. *e~i is doubtless 
contained in Idg. *ei-so **i-sfl, meaning 'this here or something 
to that effect, ace. *ei-to-m etc.: Skr. &$d €-§& Avest. a$-§a 
a$~§a, ace. 8-td-m a$-te-m, Umbr.-Osc. *ei-zo- (the -z- of the 
nom. sing. masc. fern, was carried through all the cases), 
Umbr. ere V for *e-ro (§ 274 Rem. p. 174), eru-ku 'cum eo* 
era-k abl. W Osc. efsud W eizois 'eis* eisa-k eiza-c abl. 
*ea\ The bare stem, e, may be contained in Lat. e-quidem 
and other words of the same sort; in the loc. O.C.S1. kamen-e 
and the like, see p. 327 with the footnote ; and in the augment, 
as Gr. t-ysgov; compare loc. *te § 424 p. 349. 

The Stem *eno- *enft~, *ono- *6nO-. Ar. ana- 'this, 
that, he 1 : instr. sing. Skr. antna andya Avest. ana. Lith. anas 
aiis 'that' fern, and, O.C.S1. onu 'that, he' fern. ona. Also, 
doubtless, the Armenian article -w, e. g. t€r-n 'the lord* beside 
no-in 'the same', and in-Hn 'ipse', for *eno-. 

The Stem *a x uo- *a x u&-. Ar. ava- 'that, that yonder: 
Skr. gen. dual avi$ y nom. pi. Avest. av$ av& O.Pers. avaiy 
avd (cp. Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 498). O.C.S1. ovu 
'this 9 . Wackernagel conjectures that this same stem is contained 
in Lat. 6-litn (ibid., XXVIII 139), with which should be con- 
nected Umbr. tdo ulu 'illuc. 

The Stems *&>- *£*- *£io-. 

*lco-. Gr. loc. 6-xw 'there* xsivo-g Dor. xij[vo-g 'that' 
(cp. II § 67 Rem. p. 150, Prellwitz, Bezz. Beitr. XV 154 ff.). 
Osc. e-kas 'hae' e-cu-c neut. 'hoc'; of Latin forms we may 
doubtless add ce in ce-do h$-ce hJ-c (cp. Osc. ce-bnust); e- in 
h'xeZ e-kas as in Osc. e-tanto 'tanta' etc., p. 327. O.Icel. hann 
'he hem 'she', O.Sax. U hie O.H.G. U her 'he', unless the 
last-named were made from the stem At- on the analogy 

330 Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. § 409. 

of the etc. (§ 414). Also Lith. szen and szi 'hither* may 
belong to this same group; but it is just as likely that they 
come from *sz&n *szje (I § 147 p. 131) and belong to the 
stem szia- (see below), being made on the analogy of the 
forms ten th. x ). 

*£*-. In Greek, we may conjecture that this form is to 
be seen in the %l of ov-x/, noXXa-xi and other words; see § 182 
p. 49. Lat. ci-ter ci-trd, Umbr. si-mu 'ad citima, retro". 
O.L\ cS 'on this side'. Goth, hi-mma c to this*. Lith. ssA-s 
O.C.S1. st 'this. Cp. also Alban. si-viit *in this year*. 

Whether the Armenian affix -s, as t$r~s 'the lord, this 
lord*, belongs to *&>- or *&-, cannot be decided. 

*£#>- (compare *#o- beside **o-, above) may also be an 
old form: Gr. aqpsgov Att. ttjiuqov adv. 'to-day* for *x*(q)- 
-tf/icpo-v (known phonetic laws give no justification for deriving 
this from *#<>-); O.H.G. instr. hiu-tu O.Sax. hiu-diga on this 
day, to-day*; gen. sing. Lith. szid O.C.S1. sego instead of 
*Sego following &. Compare also the fem. formation A.S. h* 
Lith. szi O.C.S1. si for *fo, like O.Ir. «f Goth, si (see p. 328). 

A contamination of *&>- and Ho- produced Bait. *£-&>-, 
represented by Lith. sztdi 'see here* (its opposite is anidi 'see 
there* from and-s 'that yonder) and Pruss. s-ta-5. sz-ta- : to- 
= sz-ia- :ja- 2 ). Lith. szita-s is a re-formate of later date, 
following sei-s. In a similar way arose in Oscan, by contami- 
nation of efco- and eso- (esei soot etc.) a stem ekso- {exac 
l hac* etc.), a form which sprang up during the period of 
separate dialects (for pr. Umbr.-Samn. *ekso- would have 
become *ehso- *esso- y cp. nom. sing, mediss 'meddix). 

Remark 1. If there was in pr.Idg. a variation between tenuee and 
tenues aepiratae analogous to the variation of mediae and mediae aspiratae 
(I § 469. 8 pp. 346 f.) in favour of which view might be adduced Gr. 
xi*rv-i beside nhx&avo-w Skr. pfthu-b Gr. t4tuq~to-s Lat qmar-twe beside 
8kr. catur-tha-8, Gr. naro-t norro-s beside Skr. path- pantk&-i Gr. fim^w 

1) Conversely, Lith. Ulp beside tal-p 'so* was modelled after sze^p 
L e. sriaX-p (neut pL, see § 428). 

2) The suggestion that * in s-ta-8 is the same as e in Lat isU 
(I p. 425 footnote 2) in less probable. 

§ 409. Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. 33 1 

beside Skr. dstha-m etc. — the Lat. pronoun ho- (Ai-c) oould be added in 
this plaoe. It would be derired from *fcho~. But then the question would 
arise whether we should not derire Goth, hi- from *£ftt-, Gr. <r- r- in 
oTjptQoy Tqntqov from *1chip-, and other words from similar forms. 

The Stem *i- **i- (*i-o- *ei-o-). Aryan: neut. Skr. i-d 
(adv.), i-d-dm with the particle -dm affixed, Avest. i-jj (adv.), 
ace. sing. masc. Skr. i-m-dm Avest. imem O.Pers. imam also 
with the particle -am; the association of this accusative form 
with ttd-m a$te~m etc. suggested a number of analogical forms : 
fern. Skr. imd-m Avest. imqm O.Pers. imam, neut. Skr. imd-d 
Avest. imajb O.Pers. tiwa, pi. Skr. imt Avest. im$ O.Pers. 
imaiy etc. In Greek there are only isolated forms: ace. l-v 
'eum' filv for *Gfi lv {a ft = Skr. sma), viv for *vf lv (**>/ = 
W), see Thumb, in Fleckeisen's Jahrb. 1887 pp. 641 ff. ; 
adv. (instr.) 7v«, used in relative sentences (§ 410), instead of 
*l-vu (§ 421), which took its rough breathing from the 
relative o-, as Lith. j\-s instead of *i-s took its initial from 
ja- (see below). Lat. is *-d, eO ea-m y Umbr. earn 'earn* eaf 
W Osc. io-k W, Ital. eo- ea- for *ejo- *ejfl- (I § 134 
p. 121); on Lat. il its beside ef efs see Thurneysen, Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXX 499 f. Whether O.Ir. ed € it' should be added 
to the list will remain doubtful so long as its ending is not 
explained. 1 ) Goth, is O.H.G. i-r 'he', Goth, ija earn'; and 
doubtless Goth, jdin-s and O.H.G. jenfr 'that yonder , although 
the construction of their stems is not quite clear (cp. I § 123 
p. 113, Holthausen in Paul-Braune's Beitr. XI 552 f., 
Singer ibid. XII 211, Lid&i in the Arkiv f. nord. fil. 
HI 242 f., Johansson in Bezz. Beitr. XYI 154 ff., who 
gives references to other works on the subject). In Balto- 
Slavonic we have *io- in the gen. Lith. jo O.C.S1. jego 

1) A ground-form id-om might be inferred from edn-on-oen 'the very 
same', but that there is no nasal in ed-on (used with the meaning of Lat. 
'id est'). The inserted pronoun (pronomen infixum) -d- (-«*-?), used for 
all genders and numbers — if we are right in plaoing it here — causes 
aspiration, and therefore ended in a vowel originally. A ground-form 
*idd is hardly possible, since before -u (for -0) the t would hare been 
preserTed. (Based on Thurneysen.) 


332 Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns with Gender. §§ 409,410. 

'eius' etc. beside nom. Lith. j\-$ O.C.S1. -/f (in dobru-ft and 
the like, but i in i-ze qui') instead of *t-s (= Lat. t-s) with 
/- from the other cases; cp. I § 84 Rem. 1 p. 80; Streitberg, 
Paul-Braune's Beitr. XIY 195 f.; J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 43. 

Remark 2. The pronoun fit fi (declined) was affixed to inflected 
adjectires in Balto-81avonic ; and out of this grew what is called 
the 'definite adjeotire', as Lith. gerds-is O.C.SL dobrOrji dobryfi 'the 
good (man, etc.)' (I § 84 p. 80). Form-association brought about a 
variety of changes in the case-systems of these words. See Leslrien, 
Dec! pp. 131 ff. 

% a fem. of **-*, is preserved in Skr. iy-dm Avest. tm 
i. e. ty-em and in Lith. jl instead of *i, earlier % as jl-s 
stands instead of *i-s; perhaps also in Cypr. X-y 'cnry (Meister, 
Gr. Dial. II 281), with the particle -w. 1 ) Compare *& beside 
*&-s, on the last page. 

§ 410. The Relative. From the proethnic period *%p- has 
been nsed for the relative pronoun. Skr. yds yd-d yd, Avest. 
yO ya-P yd. Gr. o-c o rj. Connected with it are adverbs like 
Goth, ja-bdi Lith. jSi jet 'if, and derivative adjectives such 
as Gr. olo-g 'quails' oao-s 'quantus* O.C.81. jakU 'qualis' jdUA 
*quantus\ There can be no doubt that this *io- is the same 
as the anaphoric *|0- and **- discussed in § 409 above. The 
identity of these is made clear in Gr. 7ra for *t-na (see above), 
for Ira : o-g = Lith. (jjls : jo. Thus **o- came to be used 
as a relative in the proethnic language without losing its 
purely anaphoric value. The chief reason why the anaphoric 
use survived in Balto-Slavonic was doubtless the association in 
use with nom. *»-« ace. *f-w (Lith. j-\-s j-l O.C.S1. j-t) y which 
were always demonstrative. Whether the Goth, relative 
particle ei in sa-et etc. is Idg. *f, the instr. of *i-s (§ 421), 
or *e-i, the loc. of *o- (p. 329), I leave undecided. 

The relative use of *qo and *to- in several languages 
came in later. See the Syntax. 

1) MicLIr. t was coined beside si because of other pairs of forms — 
£ and si, tat and riot. (Based on Thurneysen.) 


§ 41 1. Etymology and Morphology of Pronouns *rith Gender. 333 

§411. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns. The 
stems *go- *qi- *gw-, from the proethnic stage onwards, had 
an interrogative meaning with the acute accent, and were 
indefinite when unaccented. The use of these pronouns for the 
relative, as was but now remarked (§ 410), is later in origin. 

*?°" *?«-• Skr- Ms kd, Avest. kd ka. Gr. gen. Honu 
xi-o Att. rov = Avest. ca-hyfi, and such adverbs as vov no7 y 
Dor. nri Att. nfj. Lat. quo-d jw#, Umbr. poei poi qui* paf-e 
'qua* Osc. pod 'quod' paam quam\ O.Ir. cia Mod.Cymr. pwy 
who? what? 1 for *kue-i (§ 414), O.Ir. cft-ch O.Cymr. pau-p 
quivis'. Goth, hva-s hvd, gen. hvi-s O.H.G. hwe~s. Lith. kd-s 
O.C.SL k&'to who?' Uninflected *qe 'how' (indefinite 'somehow', 
and as also' = and') : Skr. Avest. ca Gr. xs Lat. -que Goth. -h+ 

*qi-. Aryan: neut. Skr. ci~d Avest. ciji O.Pers. citf 
generalising particle 'any, masc. Avest. ct-i O.Pers. c/i-ciy; 
Skr. ki-tn 'what?' nd-ki-§ no one' with A:- instead of c- taken 
from A»-, see I § 448 Rem. p. 333. Gr. xi-g xl. Lat. qui-* 
qui-d) Umbr. sve-pis 'si quis' pif-i 'quos' Osc. pis 'qui* 
pf-d 'quid'; Lat. quern doubtless instead of *quim = Osc. pirn 
by analogy of ovem : ovi-s (§ 214 p. 92) , and similarly em 
instead of im, and used side by side with it, from is (J. Schmidt 
explains differently, Plur. p. 62 footnote 1). O.Ir. ce ci 'which T 
may belong to this stem, or it may be cia (*c$) shortened by 
a pretonic position. Germ. hvi~ perhaps in Goth, hvi-leik* 
A.S. hwiAc Tiow constituted ? O.C.SL Si-to 'quid?' 

*qu~. Skr. kti-tra Avest. ku-J>ra 'where? whither ?' ? 
Skr. kti-tas 'whence?' We may suggest that this is the root 
of O.C.SL -gda for *k(u)-da in tft-gda 'then* and other words 
(Kozlovsky, Arch, fur slav. Ph. X 658). There is great doubt 
whether it has anything to do with Lith. ku-r where, whither" 
and Lat. ali-cubi Umbr. pu-fe Osc. pu-f c ubi\ 

Remark. The etymology of Armen. o 'who?* % 'what?' and Lat u-bt 
u-ter has so far not been explained. Bugge (Beitr. car etym. Erl. der 
arm. 8pr., 28 f.) would postulate Idg. *go- *gi- as by-forms of *go- *?•-. 
But by this nothing would be gained as far as Armenian is concerned r 
since *go- would have become Aro-, op. kov 'cow* etc. I § 456 p. 336 r 

'/ /4 C*«es of rr^nonitf in which Ge»4er is Dttiri^M^ni & «Ij*Z* 

|#Up. 238. On the «- of the Latin vonh tee fxnirr I * 451 Seat. 3 
p, 321 ; Deeeke in » Programs* of Collar, 1»>7. pp. an L: Fiinili. 
fc«W*'# Zeittear, XXX 56* £; snd Btob, Lac fe. 1 f 4* Bern. 1 a- ai. 

Indefinite Vitpmo- 'some one* (connected aiA *sea»- '■■as 1 ): 
Skr. sama- Or. dfai- Goth, mhiui*. 

2, Ca*5* o/ Pronouns in which Gender is 

§ 412. In the preceding pages it fans often been pointed 
out how many inflexions pass from pronouns to noons. Tins, 
a* we hare seen, happened in some instances as early as the 
proethnic period. Vice versa, case endings sometimes pass 
from nouns to pronouns. This happens particularly in Greek 
and Keltic. In the historical period of these languages very 
few pronouns remain which show the special suffixes which 
they had in the parent language. 

It is certain that in some of their cases pronouns varied 
in their endings, sometimes having the same ending as a 
noun, and sometimes a different one. Take as examples 
nom. sing. *$o (Skr. sd) beside *qo-s (Skr. id-s), abL sing. 
*tesm6d (Skr. idsmad) beside *tdd (8kr. tdd). In such 
instances we have no right to assume that the pronominal 
ending was once exclusively used, and that the noun ending 
only came in by analogy. On the contrary, as we shall see, 
it can be made probable that in many cases the ending was 
originally the same in both noun and pronoun, and that the 
varying inflexion belongs to a later date. It seems, for 
instance, that in *tdd : *ylq(kl (Skr. tdd : vfkad) the agreement 
is original, while *tesmdd (Skr. tdsmdd) is *t6d transformed 
by association with the locative *tesme *tesmin (Lith. tami 
Skr. idsmin); see § 424 p. 349. 

We may now consider the special pronominal endings in 
detail. The ace. sing. masc. fern, and the ace. pi. masc. fern, 
may be passed over, since in these cases nouns and pronouns 
always had the same endings. All that is needed is a note 

§§ 412—414. Pronouns with Gender: Noin. Sing. Maso. and Fem. 335 

upon Goth, pan-a 'the, that', which will be found in § 417 
Rem. On O.Ir. ace. pi. masc. inna cp. § 326 p. 226 and 
p. 355 footnote 1. 

Nominative Singular Masculine and Feminine. 

§ 413. Side by side with masc. forms in -o-« as *qo-s 
whoP* (= Skr. kd-Sy O.Ir. ne-ch for *ne-fc#o-s, Goth. hva-s y 
Lith. ka-s) was *so 'this, that': Skr. sd, Avest. hCL and ae-sa 
= Skr. €-§d (Jackson, Am. Or. Soc. Proc. 1889 p. cxxvi), 
Gr. o, Goth. $a, probably also Lat. ipse for *-so, iste instead 
of *isse for *isso and the like (I § 81 pp. 73, § 568 p. 425), 
Umbr. ere V = *ei-so Skr. &4& (cp. § 409 p. 329). 
Perhaps even in the parent language there was a form 
*sos: cp. Skr. sd-8 Gr. o-g (ij tf' og and the like) Lat. 
ipsu-s beside ipse. The fem. was *s&: Skr. sd Gr. 77 Lat. 
ipsa Goth. sd. 

§ 414. There were forms from 0- and &- stems ending 
in -0$ -ei and -a$, in which -i was a deictic element, which 
we may conjecture to be the same as -f in the loc. sing, and 
pi., see § 256 p. 157, § 356 pp. 256 f. Compare too the Lith. 
masc. vocative in -at, as thai, and the Skr. fem. voc. in -g, 
as dhl (§§ 201, 202 pp. 83 f.). 

1. The stem 0-. Skr. ay(-dm) Avest. a$m i. e. ay {-em) 
'this', cp. Skr. sva-y(-dm) 'oneself and va-y(-dm) 'we' § 441. 
To this stem probably belong O.Ir. I W for *$-i (but cp. 
§ 416), and perhaps Gr. odstv = of sl-v with the particle -m 
(tl~v: Skr. ay-dm = Boeot. tov-v Horn, ri-v-rj: Skr. tuv-dm 
tv-dm), with which are connected xovSslvog etc, later analogical 
formations (cp. J. Baunack, Stud, auf dem Geb. des Gr. 
I 46 «.). 

The stem *yo- (interrog. and indef.). Lat. qm, O.Lat. 
(Dvenos-inscr.) qoi Osc. poi 'qui'; but Umbr. poei poi poe is a 
dissyllable, and so doubtless a compound of *poi with -ei -i 
(cp. nom. pi. pur-i pur-e etc.). O.Ir. cia (for *<#) Mod.Cymr. 

336 Pronouns with Gender: Nom. Sing. Masc. and Fern. § 414. 

pwy who' for *kue-i; cp. the frequent occurrence of "initial 
aspiration" (I § 658. 1 pp. 510 f.) in cia chruth 'how?* properly 
what (is) the kind?' and in Mod.Cymr. pwy bynnac whosoever 

Lat. hl~c for *hoi-ce, like quT. 

O.Sax. A.S. sB 'this, that, the', identical with the 
indeclinable Goth, sat, which is an unaccented affix in O.H.G. 
de-se 'this' (gen. des-se) Norse Run. sa-si 'this' (fem. su-si 
neut. pat-si). O.Sax. O.H.G. thl thie A.S. J>8 instead of & by 
Association with the stem to- (cp. Lith. tit-s instead of Idg. *so 
*so-s and the like). Further, O.Sax. U hie O.H.G. hZ, 
cp. § 409 p. 327. O.H.G. jenS-r was made by adding to -£ 
= *-oi the nom. sign -r = *-z (cp. i-r e-r = Goth, i-s) — 
this explanation of -8r makes it possible to see why it was 
not shortened to -£r, cp. muoter for pr. Germ. *md&€r § 192 
p. 71 ; — from this analogy came blintgr, see § 406 p. 321; 
as to unslr gen. unseres beside UintBr gen. blintes see § 455. 
A different explanation of jenSr is given by Johansson in 
Bezz. Beitr. XVI 121 ff., where other older explanations are 
cited and criticised. O.H.G. der, her arc not shortened forms 
of *d£r, *h8r. Two origins are possible. (1) To de, he 
= th%, hg, which arose in a position where they had no 
accent (though afterwards they could be used with the accent 
too) was added the nom. -r (cp. O.H.G. de-se as contrasted 
with A.S. cfe-s Ellis'). (2) Or der took the place of *dar = 
Lith. til-s, taking e from the gen. des etc., as did the ace. 
de-n. The latter view is favoured by hwer wer (ace. we-n) 
beside Goth, hva-s. 

Lith. tasal 'this' is doubtless for tas-\- sat, not tas + ai 
(cp. Bezzenberger, Beitr. zur Gesch. der lit. Spr., 174). 

2. Feminine forms ending in Idg. *-a%, as the nom. ace. 
pi. neuter (§ 428). Avest. ptvdi c tua' xwat(-ca) f. one's own* 
(Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. H 173), which suggested noun 
forms like ber'xfo f. 'blessed' (§ 190 p. 67). Perhaps this 
-a% is the same as the Ar. ending for the voc. sing, of 
a-stems (Skr. dfoe), see § 202 p. 84. Lat. hae-c, quae beside 

1—416. Pronouns with Gender: Nom. Sing. Masc. and Fem. 337 

'.a y aliquot, Osc. pai pae. Another form of this class is 

bly Pruss. stai beside sta f. 'the, this* (Lith. t& t6-j%) quai 

p . which', whence we have substantival forms by analogy, 

i meat' (Lith. mish) deiwutiskai 'blessedness* among 

(J. Schmidt has a different explanation, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 

I 389 ff.). 

415. Forms with the particle -w, doubtless the same as 

\ in the loc. pi. -s-w (§ 356 p. 257). Idg. *so-u in 

O.Pers. hauw Gr. ov-ro$. Skr. a-sQii (for its a- see 

). 327) and Avest. hdu are remarkable, being used for 

isc. and fem. ; conversely O.Pers. hauw is used for both 

; the obvious conclusion to draw is that in the first pair 

fem. *80~# is used instead of *$o-#, and in the latter 

?o-ff is used instead of *$£-% cp. O.Pers. fem. iyam = 

m used for the masc. However, the masc. a-sdii hdu 

ith Yed. masc. sd may be derived from an Idg. *s0 

o (Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. IX 310, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 

98, cp. also Wackernagel, E. Kuhn's Litteraturblatt, 

,nd Johansson in Bezz. Beitr. XVI 129), and O.Pers. 

n an Idg. *sa-# with the same grade of ablaut as is 

the Idg. fem. *qa-i (§ 414) (cp. Wackernagel, Das 

s^esetz p. 65). Gr. ov-vy may be derived from either 

*sau- (I § 611 p. 461), and oi-rog might also be 

with Avest. hdu and derived from *S0#-. 

masc. avdu beside aom i. e. avem 'that yonder' is 

ee Bartholomae, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 498. 

k. With the relation between *so : *sO compare these other 

ouns: nom. *e§(h)o : *eg(h)0 T § 489, loc. *te : *ti 'there' etc. 

we, **tf*, *8ue *8e : *m«, *ty&, **g "me, thee, himself § 442, 

e : *y& 'we two' *ju : •$# 'ye two' § 457, nom. *tn : tU 'thou* 

ifferenoe of quantity in these pairs of forms was of the same 

vhich is found in other final syllables and syllables which 

emblance to finals ; e. g. *#e : #2 'or' (Gr. */* in *-« ^at. ~* e : 

o : *prd (Gr. n^6 Skr. prd : Gr. 7r^ta-7t*Qvat Skr. prO~8ah-\ 

nu Gr. rv : Skr. nu O.H.G. nu). On these forms we may 

Yackernagel, Das Dehnungsg. pp. 5 ff. 

The relation between Skr. nom. v$-§ and vi-$ 
ke pairs (§ 195 p. 75) suggests that Lat. eis is 

Elements. III. 22 

338 Pronouns with Gender: Norn. Sing. Neuter. §§416,417. 

and eis-dem (Bucheler-Windekilde, Grundr. p. 28), beside is 

= Goth, t'-s, is to be derived from an original strong-grade 

nominative *«*-*? which may also be the source of O.Ir. e 

(cp. § 414 p. 335). But it is quite conceivable that m is a 

contamination of *e-i (§ 414) and w, cp. O.H.G. jen$-r p. 336. 

Remark. It seems to me a very dubious supposition that «t>, 
whioh occurs three times in C.I. no. 198, is each time a blunder 
(Danielsson, Stud. Gram. p. 23). It is preferable to regard eisdem as a 
contamination of idem — *izdem, and isdem (restored on the analogy of 
is). But this view is needless, if there was a form eis U. 

Nominative and Accusative Singular Neuter. 

§ 417. The mark of these cases is -d, answering to -w 

in nominal o-stems (as *jugo-m lugum'), and to a suffixless 

stem in the other classes of nouns (as *pefcu 'pecu); e. g. 

*to-d 'that* *qo-d *qi-d what*. Skr. td-d Avest. to-J> O.Pers. 

ai-ta = Avest. a$-tap\ Skr. ci-d Avest. ci-J> O.Pers. ciy 

'any, at all*. Gr. xo nod-ano-g (II § 32 p. 56) Thess. tto'xxi 

for *n68 hi ; the particle *fo3 in Gr. orn onnmg and the like 

was probably the neuter of *s#o- 'suus* (the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 

pp. 134, 231) and not the abl. sing, like Skr. mad (§ 474), 

cp. Avest. ma-J) 'meum'; xi ri = Skr. ci-d. Lat. is-tud quo-d 

qui-d, Umbr. este 'istud' for *e8-to(d) (cp. § 274 Rem. p. 174) 

pif-i pirs-i quid, quodcunque', Osc. po-d quod' pf-d pt-d 'quid'. 

O.Ir. ce ci quid' in ced rid 'what (is)' for ce ed ci ed ; whether 

ed 'it' is connected with Lat. t-d, is doubtful, see § 409 

pp. 331 f. Goth, hva, pa-t-a i-t-a with -a for -fl, as is shewn 

by hvarjatd-h 'each' and other similar forms, O.H.G. da-g e-g, 

cp. the Remark. Pruss. 8-ta y ka, O.C.S1. £o, je = Skr. ya-d 

and Si-to (-to is a particle), m-dfc-ie 'nihil*; in Lith. */d = 

*to-d was driven out of the field by the neut. pi. tal (§ 428), 

see J. Schmidt, Plur. pp. 228 f.; but the d-ending remained 

in adjectives like gera, to which it had spread before this 

happened (§ 227 p. 110). 

Remark. Hitherto the final vowel of Goth, fata etc. has been 
explained as an affixed particle, like that in aeo. maao. pana = 8kr. td~m. 
Bat Johansson (Ben. Beitr. XVI 129, 161) sees in Goth. ~ta a fuller form 

§§417,418. Pronouns with Gender: Gen. Sing. 339 

of the suffix -d (ablaut *-rf£*" : *-<f)i and equates fata with Skr. tadd 
Lith. tada, ita with Skr. ida and the like. He sees another grade {-de) 
of the same suffix in Gr. ?-<fc r6-3e Lat. ide-m. But he will not allow 
that Goth, jtona is an aoo. with -m ; he makes it the same as pana- in 
pana-mdis 'further, still', and derives it from *ton& This last derivation 
does not convince me in the slightest degree; for the form in question is 
masculine, and there is nothing in its use to suggest a derivation from 
any such adverb. The accepted explanation of pan-a has in my opinion 
no difficulties at all. O.H.G. den, with e instead of a taken from the 
other oases, may be the unextended form, which keeps the nasal like the 
preposition in = Gr. hr and the particle Goth, an = Gr. Sr Lat. an, 
Johansson's explanation of paia is less objectionable in itself. But pata 
oannot be separated from pana; and unless pana is merely a re-formate 
moulded after pata when pata had oome to be regarded as a simple 
unoompounded word — which there is nothing to shew — we must 
adhere to the old explanation of pata. O.H.G. da$ is doubtless the 
unextended form, which kept the final dental, as it should do, before a 
vowel initial in the following word, just as den kept its -ft. 

Re-formations in the separate languages with the -m of 
noun-stems in -o-. Skr. JH-rn (cp. Gaedicke, Ace. in Veda 
pp. 6, 16) Pali tarn Avest. ke-m yt-m aom. Gr. rav ro-v instead 
of ravvo. Lat. ipm-m Umbr. esorn-e 'in hoc*. Another is 
doubtless Jr. (s)a »-, neuter of the article and relative pronoun. 

Genitive Singular. 

§ 418. In the Masc. Neut. there are two endings, which 
passed very early into the noun-system: *-sip and *-*o, see 
§ 228 pp. 113 f., § 239 pp. 130 f. 

*sip-. Skr. td-sya Avest. ae-tahf; Skr. a-syd Avest. ahf 
ahhf (nh taken from the fern, anhd = Skr. asy&s, cp. § 420) ; 
GSthic ahya axyd (I § 558.3 p. 415); OJPers. ava-hyH Avest. 
avahhe (hh as in ahhe); Skr. amu§ya. Armen. oroy from or 
which*; but cp. § 239 p. 131. Gr. Horn. vo-To Att. vov = 
*to-8iq; Horn, rio Att. tov = Avest. cahya y common ground-form 
*qe-8jp. O.Ir. ai ae, unaccented 5 a (with "aspiration" of the 
following initial) 'eius', I would suggest for **-$io, cp. Skr. asyd 
Goth, is O.ILG. e-s. 1 ) Lastly *-sio is probably the suffix of 

1) To avoid separating things whioh are really closely connected, 
I may add here a few general remarks upon Irish possessives of the 
third person. These will be based upon Stokes's Celtio Declension 


340 Pronouns with Gender: Gen. Sing. §418. 

Pruss. s-te-ssei 8-Ui-sei s-te-sse s-tei-se s-tei-si (gtei- has been 
taken from the gen. pi. sttison) of this, of the', ainessa 
aina-ssei of one, of a', although the uncertainty of the spelling 
makes it impossible to draw a certain conclusion (cp. Leskien, 
DecL 113 f.). 

*so. Goth, pi-s OiLG. de-s = *ti-so, A.S. dae-s (beside 
de-8) = *t6-so (cp. Gr. rio beside nav); Goth, t-s O.H.G. neat. 
e-8. Compare § 239 p. 131. O.C.S1. ce-so = Goth, hvi-s 
O.H.G. hwe-s, 6fso (beside &rto quid"). There is no need 
that I can see to assume that Greek had *-so (as well as 
*-«jK>)j Johansson notwithstanding (De der. verb, contr., p. 215). 

In the separate languages there were frequent levellings 
between pronominal forms of the gen. sing! and the gen. 
pi.: O.Ir. ai 'eorum* = *e8$5m following ai 'eius' = *es}o; 
Lat. cuium following cuius, see footnote on preceding page; 
Pruss. steisei instead of ste8sei following stetson, see above; 
Goth. piz$ instead of *pdiz8 (cp. A.S. Sara OJceL peira) 
following pi8] Avest. aetaydhqm instead of a$ta$§qm following 
a?tahfr § 429. This suggests a conjecture that *-so in Goth. 

(pp. 104 f.), and upon communications which I hare received from 
Thurneysen. The above named forms ai at a a can be used for the 
feminine (WtjJc'j, but then a a do not cause aspiration, and so they are 
doubtless oonneoted with 8kr. asyds. Further, ai at are the accented 
gen. pi. (and dual) 'eorum, earum' the unaccented being a ti-, a »-. In 
explaining these forms we have to consider (1) the sing, masc fern. 
Mid.Cymr. Corn, y Bret, e (pL Mid.Cymr. ett Bret ho = pr. Brit *ou? 
§ 438); (2) the Irish substantival word for 'that which belongs to him, 
or them* (all genders): ai ae, ace. pi. masc. ait\ dak pi. aiib, with which 
is doubtless connected Mid.Cymr. tidaw 'that which is his', tidi 'that 
po8S. which is hers', eidunt 'that which is theirs'; also used along with 
the pronoun: a-aii 'suos* Cymr. y tidaw 'his own' (masc.). A conjecture 
may be offered that *tsjp and *t8jfis, in proethnic insular Keltic, when 
in pre-tonic position became *asip *asiGs (cp. Ir. as- beside <?*• 'ex* 
I § 66 p. 55), and the a- passed from these to the accented forms. 
The gen. pi. which grew out of these forms, *as\om = O.Ir. ai at, & n- 
ci #t-, may be compared with Lat. cuium (Charisius) following cuius y 
which took the place of quorum or quium (Cato) (compare Horn, fatter 
beside ifttio § 454), but the subst. at at is naturally compared with Lat. 
cuius 'belonging to whom' which comes from the gen. cuius (§ 419). The 
substantival aco. pi. aii shows that this stem had t-flexion. 

§§418,419. Pronouns with Gender: Gen. Sing. 341 

J>i-8 O.C.SL 6e~so etc. has been transformed from *-8%o on the 
analogy of the gen. pi. *-s#m (§ 429). Similarly in the feminine 
there is *-$0s (Goth, pizds) for *-sid8 (8kr. t&syCLs). 

§ 419. Some of the Armenian pronouns have r as the 
genitive suffix, which is certainly to be connected with the 
genitive r- in the personal pronouns me-r nostri* je-r 'vestri* iu-r 
W (§ 455): oir from o who'; nor-in from no-in 'the same', 
and others. Compare further OJcel. vdr O.H.G. unsVr § 455. 

The much-discussed Italic forms 1 ) contain a locative in 
-i-i; and this formation may be suggested as an explanation 
of the gen. sing, of noun stems in o (§ 239 pp. 131 f.). The 
loc. in -e-i was used in pr. Ital. for loc, dat., or gen., as the 
form *me-i *mo-i in the personal pronoun had been used 
right on from the parent language (§ 447); we may suggest 
that *te-i when used for the genitive had at first only the 
possessive meaning, and did not come till later to be quite 
coextensive with this case. Compare Thess. loc. rot and xQoyot 
used as gen. A desire to mark off the genitive from the other 
cases led to different results in different dialects of Italic. In 
Latin an association with the gen. in -us (homin-us) produced 
such forms as istl-us, eiius eius i. e. eei+us (cp. loc. dat. eei 
ef); but the gen. suffix -* was added in Umbr. erer irer Osc. 
eiseis eizeis 'eius' and the like (cp. subst. Umbr. popler Osc. 
sakaraklefs), the latter of which are exactly parallel to 
O.Lat. gen. m~s tt-s instead of m% ft (§ 447). The re-formates 
istius eius were used for the feminine as well, but istae utrae 
and like forms are also found, as in Umbr. erar 'eius'. The 
older -« (*istei) survived in composition beside -ei-U8 (isfius), 
as istimodl (cp. quoi-quoi-modf } below); but neutri, in neutrl 
generis etc., has doubtless borrowed -7 from the nouns (similarly 
Lith. masc. id fern. ids). 

1) In addition to the references giren by Stolz, Lat. Gr. f 348, see 
Mergnet, Die Entwiokel. der lat Formenb. 83 ff. t 92 f. ; Danielsson, Stadia 
gramm. 1879 pp. 1 sqq.; Bersu, Die Gutturalen p. 136; W. Meyer, 
Zeiteohr. far rom. Philol. X 174; Henry, Preois do grammaire oomp., 
p. 248; Lnohs, Studemund's Stud., I 316 ff. 

S42 Pronouns 'with Gender: Gen. Sing. § 419- 

The genitives quoins hoius, cuius huius must be discussed 
in connexion with quoiei quoi hoi-ce, cui hui-c and Osc. pieis- 
-um 'cuiuspiam' piei cui', not forgetting Osc. poizad abl. qua* 
pullad adv. 'qua* Umbr. pora abl. 'qua'. As far back as 
proethnic Italic a fossil case of the stem *yo-, say *k%& or 
*kyoiy was used instead of the inflected pronoun as an inter- 
rogative or relative particle, the case which it was intended to 
represent being made clear by an inflected demonstrative 
pronoun which was used with it; cp. Lith. dial, tas c'ecorius, 
kUr iszvdlnino j6 dukter\ 'the prince, where he has freed his 
daughter' = 'whose daughter he has freed* (the Author, Lit. 
Volksl. p. 305). J ) Thus Lat. quoiei = qd+eei> to which was 
later added quoins as a distinctly marked genitive (though 
quoi-quoi-modl cui-cui-modl remain unchanged), Osc. poizad = 
pd-\-eizad (eizo- V), pullad = pO + ollad (cp. Lat. oils), 
XJmbr. pora doubtless = pG + ora (orer 'illius') rather than 
pd + Bra (erer 'eius' = Osc. eizeis). 2 ) Osc. piei (gen. pieis- in 
the comp. pieis-um 'cuiuspiam') is doubtless derived from a 
combination of the adverb *pf = Lat. qui from the stem 
*qi- (§ 421) with e(i)ei, although it might possibly have 
come into existence by attraction of pi- to the o-class. On 
the analogy of quoi quoins the Lat. hoi-ce hoi-us were made, 
like the nom. pi. hSs following qu$s (§ 427); the similarity 
once existing between these stems in the nom. sing, (qui and 
hi-c(e)j § 414 p. 336) may have helped in this result. 

Remark. Tho Lat. adj. quoi us cuius 'belonging to whom', to 
judge from its meaning, seems to have arisen from the possessive genitive 
quoiu8, which looked like an adjective; if so, it has an exact parallel in 
A vest, na- 'noster', formed from the genitive fd = Skr. nas ; see the end 
of § 454. 

1) The same idiom is found in Modern Greek, as nvroc tirm a Mpte 
nov ror tlda, beside not *<<Ja, 'that is the man whom I saw 1 ; in Keltic; 
and in High German. 

2) Osc. piiiiu, in Zvetaieff, Inscr. It inf. no. 103, seems to be one 
of this group of forms (I would derive it from *j?o" + no-); but the 
meaning of the passage in which it occurs is obscure. 

§§419,420. Pronouns with Gender: Gen. Sing. 343 

Old Irish has also *-F as in nouns, ind athar of a father* 
for *8en-H } like Lat. istT-modf Gr. Thess. roT. 

Lithuanian. With noun flexion, W, jo etc. Old Church 
Slavonic to-go je-go, etc., a re-formation which has not yet 
been satisfactorily explained, see Leskien, Decl. 109 ff. 

§ 420. Feiuinines belonging to o-stems had in the parent 
language the masculine stem with the ending *-$j&s for the 
genitive singular. Ar. -asyOs: Skr. tdsyds asy&s, A vest, af- 
-tahhd ahhd. O.Pers. ahyCLyd instead of *ahyd, following 
taumdya (§ 229 p. 114), just as Pali assa = Skr. asyds was 
extended to assdya on the analogy of kafiMya; ending exactly 
as a noun, Avest. atfayd (following haptayd) beside atfanhd. 
Skr. amu-}yOs like amu-$ya. O.Ir. ai ae for V*i0s, see p. 339 
footnote. Pruss. s-tessias stessies stesses steises (ei on the analogy 
of masc. steisei, § 418 p. 340). Germanic *-s#te and *-sfls. 
A.S. Saere = pr. Germ. *pajzite, Goth, pizOs and blinddizOs 
(§ 406 p. 321), O.H.G. dera, O.Icel. peirar = pr. Germ. *pajzte. 
This ai has come from the gen. pi., where it spread from the 
masc. to the fem. (§ 429). But the loss of % in Goth, pizds etc. 
is to be explained like the same loss in the masc, see § 418 
p. 340. As regards -s- becoming -s-, see Kluge, Paul's 
Grundr. I 347. 

This Idg. feminine formation in *-8J08 was produced under 
the influence of the masc. in *-sjo. Either there was once a 
fem. *tas like *e£jffls, which was transformed to *tesi&s by 
association with *te9ip; or else *tesio at first served for all 
genders, and afterwards the feminine was distinguished by the 
transformation *tesi&s. Prom the gen. in *-*ifls, si (*) spread 
to the dative and locative in the proethnic period; see § 425. 

O.C.S1. tojf contains the -f of duiq, standing for *-ans 
or *-ow*. See § 229 pp. 117 f. Since the dat. loc. toji 
borrowed the sounds -q/'- from the instr. tojq = Skr. tdya 
(§ 425), tojq itself may have followed the same analogy. 

Endings the same as those of nouns. Greek ttj^. 
Latin ittae beside Ulius etc., Umbr. erar c eius\ Old Irish 

344 Pronouns with Gender: Inatr. Sing. §§420,421. 

inna for *sen-tds, cacha cecha, nacha, cp. mnd § 229 p. 114. 
Lith. tds. 

Instrumental Singular. 

§ 421. A suffix proper to pronouns was -wa, the same (we 
may suggest) as the ending of certain adverbs; for instance, 
Skr. cand Goth, -hun O.H.G. -gin 'any', Skr. hind 'then*, L*at 
pdne superne, Goth, pan 'then* Lith. ten 'there'. Examples : 
Avest. ka-na O.Pers. tya-nft aniya-na, Skr. te-na t$-na €-na; 
the latter, like Skr. sanS-mi O.C.SL t&-m$ (see below), have 
doubtless the same diphthong which is seen in the nom. sing. 
Lat. qo-i qui etc. (see § 422 Rem.), and they also remind one 
of Skr. t-vd Ved. b-vd h-v& 'so* Goth, hvdi-va 'how'. With 
Skr. k$na: Avest. kana cp. Lith. gen. k2nd : keno (kano) § 451 
pp. 391 f. -8na was borrowed by the nouns, whence vfhSna 
etc., see § 275 p. 177. Gr. 7-*a, cp. § 409 p. 331. A lost 
form *ci-na (nom. cW) seems to have suggested the making 
of the Avestic ace. cinem. 

Forms from o-stems ending in *-oi-nU. Skr. san8-mi 
'from of yore*. A.S. dfc-m O.IceL pei-m beside subst. 
A.S. tniolcum (as in the pi., Goth, pdi-m beside subst. 
vulfa-m). O.C.SL ti-ntf /i-ml. Compare the Pruss. sen 
maim 'cum meo* = mecum' (see §§ 449, 452), which is 
doubtless not to be derived firom Idg. *moj^mi (cp. Avest. ma- 
Gr. fV<>- 'meus'), but belongs to the stem moid-, and has 
undergone a contraction like the gen. maissei (beside stessei 
steisei amassei), and the nom. mats = O.C.Sl. mofi; however, 
I leave it undecided whether *maiai~m(i) became maim in the 
natural course of things, or by association with maia-smu 
maia-n became first *t*a»a-fn(»), and then maim (cp. twaismu 
beside hcaiasmu). Compare § 282 pp. 187 f. Armenian: with 
-© for *-6W oro-i % from or which', following the subst, gailo-v ; 
similarly i-v 'with or through what? firom i what?' like subst 
srti-v, see § 281 p. 186. 

There also seem to have been in the parent language, and 
to have come down from it, an instrumental series from o- 

§§421,422. Pronouns with Gender: Instr. Sing. 345 

and t-stems made noun-fashion, ending in -<J -€ and -?. 
Avest. id yd ana. Gr. ttoJ (ov-tico), Lac. nr\-nwa. Lat. jwfl- 
-twodo, jtifl whither', Umbr. sei-podruh-pei utroque'; Lat. qui 
'how* from qui-s. O.Ir. cdch (gen. cflicA) O.Cymr. pau-jp 
'quivis, each' no doubt = *qO-qos, properly 'where who, how who, 
somewhere or somehow someone* as Thurneysen conjectures; 
neuch neoch for *ne-qd, cossind 'with that* for *con sen-tu. 
A.S. hwd 'how* O.H.G. diu, hiu-tu 'to-day* (§ 409 p. 330), 
Goth. hvB 'with which* pS 'by so much': hi (beside Goth. At- 
-mma) in O.H.G. hJ-naht 'this night*. Lith. ttl 'with that, at 
once ju c by that, by so much*: the suffix -ma was added to 
this series, and produced t&-ml k&~m\, just as in nouns -u-mi 
(viVcumi) was produced in some dialects, see § 275 p. 178; 
Prus8. 8-tu ku. Mod.Slov. 6i 'if Czech 6% 'whether* = Lat. jtif, 
and with -rrii added O.C.S1. ii-trii used as instr. to Si-to. 
According to this analogy, the particle *f, Ved. f (also seen 
in T-dfS- such as this*) Gr. -t in ovzoa-i Umbr. pors-ei nom. 
pi. qui*, may be the instr. to Lat. i-s; if so, the nasal in 
Ved. Im Gr. ovroo-iv is the particle -m. 

§ 422. d-stems had -ai#. Skr. tdyd Avest. af-taya, 
Skr. ayd Avest. ayCL dya. O.C.S1. tojq (with the particle -m), 
compare O.Lith. taja y in modern dialects tal (J. Schmidt, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 386 f.); for a different explanation of 
tax see Bruckner, Arch. slav. Phil. VI 272. 

In Aryan, this ending spread into the noun-system: 
Skr. d&vayd instead of dfad, Avest. ha$naya instead of hapta: 
similarly O.C.S1. retfeojq, instead of rqkq. In Lithuanian we 
find, vice versa, the pronoun assimilated to the noun, ta 
following rank A; and similarly Gr. ?] Dor. xavta and doubtless 
Lat. hd-c etc. See § 276 pp. 178 ff. It is uncertain whether 
Ved. tyd instead of tydyd and Avest. yd ha beside aetaya 
have followed the noun type, or whether tyd and ya are due 
to syllabic dissimilation, and la to the analogy of ya (compare 
similar changes in § 247 p. 147, § 307 Rem. p. 205). 

Skr. amuyd beside amu$ya$ follows the lead of -aytf. 

346 Pronouns with Gender: Abl. Dat. Loc. Sing. §§422,423. 

Remark. Schmidt (Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 386) analyses 8kr. ayd 
thus — ay-5, and derives it from the stem t-; he then assumes that 
ayd : asyds first suggested the formation of tdyd. This commends itself 
to me as little as his view (ibid., p. 292) that e-na also comes from j- t 
and that it was the relation of ena : asyd that produoed tena beside tdsya. 
There is a much safer way of regarding these. Schmidt himself tells us 
(Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXV 5 f.), and I believe it to be true, that -£- in 
certain plural forms (Goth. pd-i-m O.C.S1. te-mi Skr. tt-bhis, Gr. ro-t-m 
O.C.S1. te-chu Skr. te-su) is the same as -% in the nom. plural (Gr. ro-i 
Skr. ii etc.); and further, we have concluded that the i-diphthongs 
in oblique cases of the dual, as O.G.SL it-ma Skr. tdy-ds, contain the 
same -i as the nom. aoc. dual neuter and feminine (Idg. *to-% and 
*ta~i); see § 297 pp. 201 f., § 311 pp. 209 f. If these assumptions 
are correct, we can hardly go wrong in connecting the diphthong 
of Skr. S-na te-na and sane-mi O.G.Sl. te-mi with that in the nom. 
sing. ma8C, e. g. Skr. ay(-dm) Lat. qo-i qui Osc. poi etc., and similarly 
the i of Skr. ayd tdyd O.G.Sl. tojq with that of the nom. sing, fern., as 
Avest. pwdi Lat. quae (§ 414 p. 336). It is true that 8kr. ayd might 
be derived from the stem *e%d- (Lat. ed- Goth. #o-); but there is no 
reason to separate it from tdyd etc. 

Ablative, Dative, and Locative Singular. 

§ 423. In the masc.-neut., the stem is often extended 
by -5W-; the same particle which appears, without any 
inflexional ending, in the ace. Avest. ahma Lesb. a/u/us 
(§§ 436, 443). 

Skr. tdstndd tdstndi tdsmin, asmdd asmdi astnin, Avest. 
ae-tahmaj) a$-tahmai a$-tahmi, cahmai with *ye- like O.C.81. 
loc. 6e-trii. Skr. re-formates, amu$mad amu§mdi atnu§min. 
Armen. abl. y umB dat. loc. urn from o who', y orml, orum 
from or 'which'; -«m- for -osw- I § 561 p. 417. Gr. Gortyn. 
loc. o-ti/mi i. e. doubtless -rfyu for *ri-Ofit. (On the dative 
rsju/nai ( cui', assumed by some, see Solmsen Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXIX 79). Umbr. e-smi-k ef esmei esrne 'huic*, pu-sme 
'cui\ Goth, pa-mtna hwa-mma i-mma. Pruss. dat. s-te-smu 
(steismu, cp. gen. steisei § 418) kasmu, antersmu (stem 
antera-), schi-smu (schi-s 'this'). 

In Germanic and Balto-Slavonic there is another series 
which has -iw- instead of -#m-. O.H.G. demu hwemu. Lith. dat. 
tdmui tdm loc. tamim-pi tami tami tarft, O.C.S1. dat. tomu 
loc. tornf; Lith. szimi beside sziami from szl-s. These forms 

§423. Pronouns with Gender: Abl. Dat. Loo. 8ing. S47 

have certainly dropped * on the analogy of the cases whose 
suffix began with m: cp. O.H.G. pi. <fe-m, sing. pi. A.S. <J5?-m 
OJcel. pet-in, Lith. pi. tt-m$ dual t$m-dv<hn t2m-dv2m O.C.S1. 
sing, tt-tril pi. tt-mu t$-mi dual t$-ma. For a different ex- 
planation of O.H.G. -m-, see Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 347. 

As regards the case suffixes, that of the locative was a 
special pronominal ending. This case had the endings *-8tnin 
and *-**ro, cp. Gr. a/tiftiv vftfttv and apt" *wji § 448. *-smw: 
Skr. tdsmin, Lith. tamin in tanrim-pi, although it is true that 
-mpi may have come from the gen. pi., in which case we 
must analyse the word tami-mpi (see Bruckner, Arch. Slav. 
Phil., HI 279 f.; Osthoff, Morph. Unt. II 9). 1 ) *-8tni in 
Avest. -tahmi Gr. o-tI/m. Lith. tami O.C.S1. totrit may be 
explained as having either *-(8)min or *-f*)mi; if the former, 
Lith. tami should be written tam\. O.Lith. jamije like diewije. 
O.Lith. ModXith. tami, whence tarn, has the same ending as 
loc. vUki; a conjecture as to the origin of tami is given in 
§ 424, pp. 349 f. 

The ablative and dative, on the other hand, originally 
had the same suffix as the nouns. Skr. tdsmad tdsm&i 
Avest. -tahmaj? -tahmai like vfkad vehrkajt vehrkai. Armen. y 
utnS like y akanS, cp. § 244 p. 142; what may have been 
the ending of um we can hardly now hope to ascertain. 
Umbr. esmi-k estnei esme like Tefri Tefrei Tefre 'Tefro 
deo', cp. § 246 pp. 145 f. ; in pus me it is a question whether 
the particle -e -ei (cp. puf-e quid*) has not become attached 
to the ending. Goth, hvamma; here -a, to judge from 
hvamml-h 'to each', came first from *-2, but it may 
represent the abl. *-flrf or the dat. *-#£); O.H.G. hvetnu seems 
to be an abl. in *-dd y cp. § 241 pp. 137 f., § 246 p. 146. 

1) The form f ami-pi does not prevent our explaining tami mpi as 
tamin + pi. Both forms, tami and 'tamin, may originally hare existed 
side by side. Or *tamin may have become tami, and after the 
unoompounded word had thus changed, -pi may ha?e been added again. 
This can be paralleled by tam-pi, which does not come from tame-pi, but 
after tami had beoome torn, -pi was added again to the new word. 

348 Pronouns with Gender: Abl. Dat. Log. Sing. §§ 433,424. 

Lith. tdmui (shortened to tarn) O.C.SL tornu like trilkui vtmku; 
Pruss. stesmu like wcUdniku *regi\ 

§ 424. Side by side with the forms cited in the last 
section is a series without -am-. 

Ablative. Skr. &d t&d ydd Avest. Op, all adverbs. Gr. <£ 
ottoi *unde\ Lat. istd qud, Osc. eisud 'eo'. Lith. to. The 
abl. *tdd 'thence, then* is said, doubtless correctly, to be the 
ending of the imperative Skr. bhdra-tdd Gr. q*Qi-Tw Lat. fer-td 
and similar forms (Gaedicke, Ace. im Yeda 225; Thurneysen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 179 f.). — An Italic re-formate is 
Lat. *qufd from qui-8 in ab aUqul etc. (Bucheler-Windekilde, 
Grundr. 121 f.), cp. marX(d) § 243 p. 139. 

Dative. Gr. rrJ. Lat. istd nulld beside istl etc. A late 
re-formate is Lith. dialectic mirusiou-jui = High Lith. 
mirusidtn-jam, part. pret. of tnir-ti 'to die* (Geitler, Beitr. lit. 
Dialektologie, 27). 

Locative. Gr. Att. not Dor. nu, i-xti. Lat. hei-c Af-c, 
Osc. eisof 'in eo* alttref 'in altero\ Goth, pei OJcel. pJ = 
Gr. rsT-fo, O.Icel. htH = Gr. nsT; see Bechtel, Zeitschr. 
deutsch. Alt. XXIX 366 f. A loc. from the stem o- may be 
contained in Gr. d el-xa (beside r\ instr. in Heraclean etc., see 
the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 225) and in Skr. £-|a- £-*a- Osc. ei-so-, 
see § 409 p. 329. 

Certain forms used for the dative are really locatives of 
the same kind: Osc. altrei alteri* piei 'cui', Lat. istei istf, 
eei ei (also spelt eiei, like dat. abl. pi. eieis beside eeis eis), 
quoiei quoi cut, the latter for qud (or *quoi)-{'eei (see § 419 
p. 342); Lat. hoi-ce hui-c is a re-formate following quoi cut. 
These same forms, as we assumed in § 419, once had the 
meaning of a genitive as well (cp. Idg. *tno-£ loc. dat. gen. 
§ 447), and, as genitives, were extended in Latin by -ws, 
whilst in Urabro-Samnitic -ej became -eis by analogical trans- 
formation. The use of isti etc. for the feminine was doubtless 
due to the likeness between the ending -ei -7 and that of ml mih% 
tibl sibi, used for all genders, and of the dative of t'-stems ; the 
end'mg3 of both sets were considered to have the same character. 

§ 424. Pronouns with Gender : Abl. Dat. Loc. Sing. 349 

A comparison of the forms cited in this section with those 
containing -*iw- (§ 423) makes it probable that it was only the 
locative which had two original formations. In the locative 
there will have been parallel endings -stnin -$wn (Skr. tdsmin 
Avest. -tahmt) and -$ (Gr. wo-r); later on, but before the end 
of the proethnic period, -stn- spread to the ablative and dative, 
which hitherto had had the same endings as nouns. Ablative 
adverbs like Skr. tdd are older than this change; and being 
adverbs they were not affected by intrusion of -$nt-. But 
such forms as Lat. istd(d) and Greek rw may or may nQt 
be original; it is possible that they were produced by some 
tendency of a later date which brought them again under the 
influence of the noun system. 

This -sm- is usually identified (and doubtless rightly so) 
with the particle Skr. sma y which follows pronouns by way 
of emphasising them: e.g. tdsya stria. Now it will be seen 
anon (§ 443.2) that Gr. Lesb. a/n^s Avest. ahtna probably 
consist of *qs-\-8me } i. e. the ground-form of Goth, uns with 
a particle *sme added; and that from this combination were 
produced the forms for which it is usual to assume the stem 
*#8me- *Q8*no- (Gr. a/n/uo- Skr. asma-). Thus this particle 
must have originally been added to a fully formed case of 
the pronouns which distinguish genders as well as to those 
already cited; this case will be the locative. And there is 
nothing to bar our starting from *te + 8tne, and calling the 
first of these a locative. Compare Lith. ti 'there!' O.C.S1. te 
'and* beside *te-% (*to~$; Lat. ce in ce-do Osc. ce in ce-bnust 
(-burnt venerit 1 ) Lith. szi 'hence' (but cp. § 409 p. 330) beside 
Gr. e-xet xsT-vo-g; Lith. ni Goth, ni Skr. nd not* beside *ne-i 
in Lith. net nll-ka-8 Avest. nae-cis Lat. nei nT; Lith. be-, 
a particle which denotes duration of an action, beside bel 
'and'; O.C.S1. Jctide beside kud€ where'; and the like. 1 ) He 

1) Beside *U, *fc, *ne the parent language had also */e, *£?, *M 
(Gr. t? 'there!' Dor. rq-ro-( 'iste, ille'; Dor. «jJ-yo-$ 'ille'; Skr. nd 
O.Ir. ni); the rariation in quantity has parallels, *tni: me 'me' etc. See 
on this matter see § 415 Rem. p. 337. 

350 Pronouns with Gender: Abl. Dat Loo. Sing. §424. 

and *te-i were parallel locatives like Gr. do-ftev and noiutv-t, 
see §§ 256 ff. pp. 156 ff. The ending of *tesme meets us still 
in Baltic, in Lith. tamk {geramk), which has taken the place 
of *te3tne^ because, by association with case-suffixes whose 
first sound was m-, 8 was dropped, and -e- gave place to -a-; 
cp. Pruss. 8te-smu as contrasted with Lith. tdmui, § 423 
p. 346. On the analogy of tdmuiitami the form viUci y as 
I believe, was produced beside vilkui, and the same principle 
acting in the opposite way produced OXith. jamije on the 
analogy of diewije; cp. § 263 p. 166. Idg. had *tesmi(n) = 
Skr. tdsmin etc. beside Hesme, as it had *Q8smi(n) — Lesb. 
a/ic/uty beside *^s8me. Perhaps there were originally two 
variants *sm-i and *8m-ej both extensions of *sew-, which 
would make it unnecessary to assume that *tesmi(n) was 
formed from *tesme. 

Remark. The above comparisons are based on the belief that 
those scholars who hold that Lith. taml and vitke* oome from *tamen 
and *vtlken hare not proved their oase. In such forms as geramen-je 
-je (Arch, alar. Phil. IV 592, Kohn's Zeitsohr. XXVII 385, Besz. Beitr. 
X 312, and elsewhere), whioh are made the chief ground for assuming 
-en, it is strange abore all things that the second part has not the 
pronominal form, as would hare been expeoted (-jame -jam) y but a noun 
ending, like jamije amszinameje etc. (Bezs., Zur Gesoh. lit Spr. 154, 168). 
Henoe Leskien suggests that an earlier *geramejem(e) was shortened to 
*geramem, and to this was added -je, whioh was regarded as the looatire 
ending in the nouns; when -je was added -m became n. No argument can be 
based upon the spelling of these words with -je instead of •je\ it might 
be a re-formation following noun-locatiTes in -i. Nor is the alleged -e» 
proved bj East Lith. forms in -», as miszkl 'in the wood'. It is possible 
phonetically to derive -»' from -en, but there is no need for this; rather 
the reverse, sinoe there has hitherto been found no such form as an 
E.Lith. •im-pO) for -em^pO) -en-p(i); no *(ttft?im-p<7), but only dtrt-p(i). 
See Leskien, Ber. sftchs. Ges. Wiss., 1884 pp. 96 f. Besides the ex- 
planation suggested by Leskien, that miskl oomes from mtagfce, there is 
another whioh should be considered — that miszkl followed the analogy 
of iami (with Idg. *-smi), as miszkl that of tame\ 

But suppose the supporters of the theory here criticised were really 
to make out a decent case for their Varnen *geramen and *vilkenf) there 
would be little to ohange in the general principle. I would all the same 

1) Is Pruss. schisman, Enoh. 89, anything more than a piece of 
carelessness ? 

§§424-425. Pronouns with Gender: Abl. Dak Loo. Sing. 351 

derive Lith. tom£ (as these soholars write it) from Lith. *tesme, and 
explain -n as the same postposition which makes the difference between 
Lith. tamim-pi 8kr. tdsmin and Gr. o-rtpt, and which is doubtless 
contained in Lith. /£-n *?, szh% sz% (extended to tlnai tenais etc.) beside 
ti 8zi (= Lett, te sche). 

§ 425. In O-steras we find sometimes complete agreement 
with nouns, sometimes the genitive -$i- or -s- before the case 
ending (§ 420). We begin with the latter kind. 

1. The Ablative and Genitive had the same form from 
the Idg. period onwards, e. g. Skr. gen. abl. tdsyds, see § 420. 
Re-formations: Avest. ahhajt avanhdfi y$rihad-a (beside gen. 
anhd etc.), like barentydj? haenaydfi, see § 242 p. 138. 

Dative. Skr. kdsydi asyai Avest. Jcahydi ahhdi axydi, 
cp. Yed. suvapatydi § 247 p. 147. Goth, pizdi izdi like gibdi, 
but O.H.G. deru dero iru iro following gebu gebo with instr. 
ending, see § 276 pp. 178 f. Pruss. stessiei stessei and (with 
-ei- from the gen. pi. steison) steisiei steisei, cp. gen. steises 
§ 420 p. 343, O.Icel. dat. peiri beside gen. peirar. 

Locative. Skr. kdsydm asydm, cp. dhdydm ; Avest. kanhf 
afihf with -f = pr. Ar. -#l (I § 125 p. 115) and hh from the 
gen.-abl. (kanhd), cp. Avest. ha^naya O.Pers. arbirdyd § 264 
pp. 166 f. These pronoun cases were influenced by such 
forms as Skr. bfhatydm Avest. barentya : kdsydm kanhf : 
kdsyds kahha and kdsydi kahydi = bfhatydm barentya : 
bfhatyds barentyd and bfhatydi barentydi. Goth, pizdi like 

Sanskrit. Re-formates: amiifyds amiifyai amu$ydrn. 

2. Forms without -si- or -s-. 

Ablative like the genitive, Gr. xrjg etc. In Italic, a 
re-formation in -dd: Lat. istd(d) hd-c, Umbr. era-k W 
Osc. ekad 'hac' eiza-c efsa-k 'ea, like Lat. equd(d) § 243 
p. 139. 

Dative. Gr. rfj Dor. xa like /oipa. Lat. istae illae 
(beside istf Mi) like equae; Umbr. -e Osc -af are not found. 
O.Ir. -ind for *sen-ti like tuaith. Lith. tal like raflkai; 
Slav, toji beside smiji rqci has taken -<y- from the instr. tojq, 

352 Pronouns with Gender: The Dual. §§425—427. 

just as gen. tojq is probably *ty transformed in the same way 
(§ 420 p. 343). 

Locative: always ends in -0$ like the dative. Gr. Boeot. zac 
rq, Arcad. etc. ral like Boeot. ITAav/a*, see § 247 pp. 146 ft, 
§ 264 p. 167. 08C. e]isai 'in ea like vial 'in via'. O.Ir. issind 
f. f in the, that' = *in sen-ti, like tuaith. Lith. toj-& like raftkoj-e, 
see § 264 pp. 167 f.; O.C.S1. toji like dat. toji, see above. — 

If the fem. gen.-abl. in*-sjfls was really, as our view 
assumes, produced by association with the masc-neut. gen. 
in -sio, then -sj- -s- spread from the gen.-abl. to the dat. 
and loc: beside ^tesjfls was formed *tesjfli following *ek#&i : 
*eic#as (§ 420 p. 343). In a similar way were made Lith. 
mdnei (twin), Pruss. mennei, O.C.S1. mini in connexion with 
the gen. Lith. mani (man$s), O.C.S1. mene (§ 445). 

Cases of the Dual. 

§ 426. The Case-Suffixes peculiar to the Dual were 
originally, and always continued to be, the same in Pronouns 
as in Nouns. 

Nom. Ace. In Greek the fem. rat was turned into a 
plural (§ 286 p. 194), and in its stead was used the masc. r<o; 
e. g. raj orrjXa, cp. Gr. Hat Lat. duo Lith. dial, dit used for 
masc. and fem. alike. 

Dat. Abl. Instr. On the difference of stem in masc. 
Lith. t$-m(-dv2m) tl-m(-dvem) : vilkd-m vitka-m and O.C.S1. 
te-ma : vluko-ma igo-ma, see § 297 pp. 201 f. ; on the difference 
of stem in fern. O.C.S1. U-ma : rqka-ma^ see § 298 p. 202. 

Gen. Loc. On the difference of stem in O.C.S1. toj-u: 
vluku rqku see §§ 310, 311 pp. 207 ff. 

In Greek, rotv is used for fem. as well as masc, like re*, 
see § 312 pp. 210 f. 

Nominative Plural Masculine and Feminine. 

§ 427. o-stems had -oj, as against -ds in the nouns. 
On the presumable origin of -i here, see § 186 pp. 60 f. 
Skr. te imt, Avest. tl tdi, tiwf, O.Pers. itnaiy. Gr. rol o*. 

§427. Pronouns with Gender: Nom. Plur. Maao. and Fern. 353 

Lat. istl h% qui. O.Ir. ind = *sen-ti. Goth, pdi, O.H.G. 
dl dia die] Norse Run. J>ai-R OJcel. pei-r took their 
.* (=pr. Germ, -z) from the nouns. Lith. tl Pruss. stai quai 
quoi (see J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 391), O.C.S1. H. 
In five branches of the Indo-Germanic parent stock, as we 
have seen in § 314 p. 214, this pronominal -oi has passed 
over to the noun system. 

On the other hand, -ds sometimes passed from nouns to 
pronouns. Osc. pus Umbr. pur-e pur-i qui', Osc. puturiis- 
-pid utrique', Umbr. eur-ont 'iidem\ Also in Armen., or ft 
'which* no/i-a 'they* no-inft 'the same', if Bugge is right in 
explaining the -ft as -s+w (see § 313 p. 212). 

Remark. As regards Ir. e (Cymr. -try in hwynt-wy, Corn. Bret, y) 
Thurney8en holds it to be possible that the word is the xnasc. sing, l 
(§ 414 pp. 835 f.), and that its use for the plural was due to the analogy of 
the interrogative. However, it must be considered whether there was not 
in Idg. a form *e-{ used for the plural. Seeing that -o-j and -e-i are 
both found in the nom. sing. (§ 414 p. 335), the same variation may be 
expected in the plural (oompare *#*-* 'we* § 441). Moreover, Pruss. gen. 
pi. stetson seems to pre-suppose a nom. *ste%, for we are not justified in 
deriving its ei from an Idg. o% (see Braune, Kuhn-Schleioher's Beitr., 
Vlil 95). As to the Irish plural variants iat eat and siat seat : in Old Irish 
these are found only in oheatsom 'say they' beside the singular ohe-som 
'says he', and similarly, we may conjecture, cateet coteet 'what are' beside 
sing, cate cote 'what is*. These have the ending of the 3rd. pi. of the 
verb (cp. Ital. eglino); later on, iat siat were detached and began 
an independent existence. See Zeuss-Ebel Gramm. Celt. 1 p. 372; 
Schuchardt, Zeitschr. rom. Phil., IV 153. 

Nom. pi. quSs from jwi-s, like ov$-s. Hence also h€s heis 
beside hi, which in their turn produced such plurals as 
magistrBs. See § 314 p. 214. 

An obscure form is Skr. ami. Its -F passed into the 
other cases of the plural, all except the accusative (am&n): 
thus amt'Sdm -£w -bhyas -bhi§. 

0-8 terns had -fls, like the nouns. Skr. tds Avest. td. 
Osc. pas pas 'quae*. O.Ir. inna = *sen-tas. Goth. pds y 
O.H.G. deo dio (= Skr. ty&s). Lith. tds. 0.C.S1. ty ace. like 
rqJcy. As regards Gr. rul Lat. istae, see § 315 p. 215. 

Skr. amii$, following imds. 

Brugmann, Elements. III. 23 

354 Pronouns with Gender: Nom. and Ace. Plur. Neater. § 423. 

Nominative and Accusative Plural Neuter. 

§ 428. o-stems have two endings, -a and -ai, corresponding 
to -a and -a% in the nom. sing, of a-stems (§ 414 p. 336). 
Examples of -a (which is also found in nouns) are : Skr. Ved. td 
Avest. ta (Skr. tdni Avest. yqn yqm and y& see § 338 p. 238), 
Gr. ra in em-Ttjde-g (ra, see p. 238), Lat. ista, si qua XJmbr. eu 
*ea', O.Ir. inna for *sen-ta (-& possibly borrowed from na = *sna, 
see p. 355 footnote), Goth, pd O.H.G. diu (= Skr. Ved. tyd), 
O.C.S1. ta. The following are examples of -a*: Lat. quai 
quae j hai-ce hae-c, istae-c. A.S. 3a O.Icel. ]>l and O.H.G. 
Up. G. dei, which is perhaps a shortened form of *flfet-u, itself 
a re-formate which has taken -« from diu (but compare the 
dual zwei beside A.S. twa O.Sax. tvol for *dyoi y § 293 p. 198). 
Lith. tax 'the, that* which has taken the place of the singular 
neuter +ta = *to-d (§ 417 p. 338), Pruss. kai what\ Others 
of the same kind would seem to be the adverbs Lith. kal kal-p 
"how* Pruss. kairgi kai-gi c how' (this spelling does not justify 
our deriving the ending from orig. -#i, cp. maim instead of 
maim and like forms), and further Gr. *ai and O.C.SL c£, 
which also meant originally "how, as' (the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 
§ 35 Anm. p. 54, § 201 p. 223); also Lith. szet-p W = 
«2rial-p, following which the language coined teZp in place of 

This formation in -a| has not been proved for Aryan. 
(On the supposed Avestic nom. ace. pi. neut. vOstrdi in 
J. Schmidt's Pluralb. pp. 232 f., see Bartholomae, Stud, zur 
idg. Spr., I 75). Thus it would be possible to start from 
Idg. -ai; this being shortened to -ai in the European 
languages. But it is hardly permissible to separate this 
formation from the similar one in the nom. sing, fern.; and 
since for the latter -ai is proved by Aryan to be original, we 
must assume Idg. -ai for the other as well. 

The t-8tem *qi- went along with the nouns. Avest. ct. 
Greek Meg. ad quae?' and enclitic Ion. aaa Att. xxa (see 

§§428,429. Pronouns with Gender: Genitive Plural. 355 

I § 654 Rem. p. 501). Lat. adv. quia beside quae qua like 
masc. quts beside qut. See § 339 p. 239. 

Genitive Plural. 

§ 429. The o-stem ending was pr. Idg. *-o£-*#m, with 
a variant, as we may suggest, *-ejt-s8tn (cp. Pruss. steison 
§ 427 Rem. p. 353) ; on the quantity of the vowel in the final 
syllable, cp. § 344 pp. 244 f. -oi and *i, which precede 
the ending -sffw, were the endings of the nom. pi. masc. 
Skr. t£$am $$dm Avest. at-tafiqm afiqtn y Avest. avaesqm 
O.Pers. avaiSOm; with the isolated Avest. ae-tanhqm, influenced 
by the gen. sing. af-taht y as Goth. pizl instead of *pdiz8 has 
been influenced by pis. A.8. Sara O.Icel. peira; Goth, gives 
pizl, but the diphthong remains in blinddizl which was 
modelled on the now lost *pdiz8 (§ 406 p. 321), O.H.G. dero. 
Pruss. steison y O.C.S1. ttchu-, Lithuanian once had this 
formation, as we may assume from tnusu jiisa, see § 456. 

On O.Ir. ai at and a n- an- see p. 339 footnote. 

With the noun ending. Avest. kqm. Gr. rwv. Lat. ewm, 
XJmbr. erom ero 'eorum* from the stem ero-: and Lat. edrum 
ist&rum etc. must be placed in the same class, because the 
ending -drum (common to nouns and pronouns) was coined to 
match with -drum at a time when -drum was the ending of 
nouns and pronouns alike, see § 345 p. 247. O.Ir. inna n- 
doubtless for *sen-t&n = *$tfm, beside fer n-. 1 ) Lith. tu. 

The Idg. a-stem ending was *-a-s8m. Skr. tdsdm 
dsdrn Avest. dwhqm; on this analogy, Skr. amilgam. 

1) Thurneysen writes: "I should prefer to derive the gen. pi. masc. 
and neut. inna «- from *-d&n for *t6m, op. ace. pL maso. inna ,from 
*-da8 for *tos. For the pronouns it is necessary to assume that aocented 
and unaccented forms have become confused; and I imagine that in the 
pre-tonic *sen-do-, the rather strong secondary accent was conditioned by 
the ending which the word once had. If the ending consisted of long 
rowel + consonant, it was rather more strongly aocented; otherwise the 
stronger accent fell upon the first element of the word; cp. the Spanish 
article, sing, el, but pi. los. It is also possible that the neut. pi. comes 
from na (= *sna) by analogy". 


356 Pronouns with Gender: Loc, Dat.-Abl, and Inatr. PL §§ 429—431. 

Gr. Horn, xawv Att. twv Dor. xav. Lat. istarum, Osc, 
eizazun-c *earum\ In Germanic and Slavonic the forms have 
been influenced by the masc.-neut.: A.S. ddra OJcel. peira; 
Goth. pi2d first for *pdizd following pizOs (but blinddizd has 
not been changed) like masc. pizl following pis (but blinddiz€) 9 
similarly O.H.G. dero like sing, dera; O.C.S1. ttchu; cp. Att. 
xovxwv fem. as well as masc, but Dor. xavxav y § 346 p. 248. 

We see that in the classical languages nouns have borrowed 
the pronominal ending (§ 346 p. 248). The reverse process 
gives us pronouns with the noun ending in Avestic kqm like 
vanqm, Old Irish inna n- like masc. inna n- (of course the 
fem. form might also be explained as coming from *-Osom) y 
and Lithuanian tU like ratikil. 

The t-stem *qi-: Lat. quium, like ovium, beside qudrum. 

Locative, Dative-Ablative, and Instrumental Plural. 

§ 430. The Suffixes were the same as in the Nouns. 

The ending -o-i in the nom. plural masc. of pronouns 
seems to shew that the ending of the Locative of o-stems, 
-ojc* (su -st), Skr. t$$u etc., was once in the parent language 
confined to pronouns, whence it passed into the noun system; 
see § 186 pp. 60 f., § 357 p. 260. Armen. oro-$ no-c-a, with 
-o- instead of -oj-, following gailo-c, see I. c. 

Skr. Id-su from fem. Ha- like dha-su etc. But in 
Slavonic the form of the masc.-neut., t&ch\i, did duty for the 
fem. as well, just as happened in the gen. pi. (§ 429). 

Gr. ri-cn is either related to xi-q as oyi-ai to oy«-c, or else 
it was coined in connexion with xlv-tq to pair with toWo*-^ : 
rf'xro-ai etc. (cp. § 361 p. 263, on xvoi). 

§ 431. In the Dative-Ablative there seems to have 
been a difference between noun stems and pronouns before 
the first separation of the Indo-Germanic peoples. The ©-stems 
if pronouns had -oj- (Pruss. shows -ei-, as in stetson, § 429), 
and if nouns, had -o-. This distinction was kept in Balto- 
Slavonic, and possibly in Germanic (that is to say, if Germ, -m 

§§431,432. Pronouns with Gender: Loo.,Dat.-Abl.,andIn8tr.Pl. 357 

is something more than a mere instrumental suffix, see § 367 
pp. 267 f.). Skr. t$-bhyas Avcst. taeibyO, whence vfke-bhyas 
vehrkaeibyd. Lat. hl-bus, l-bus = Skr. €-bhyd8. On the above 
supposition, we should add Goth, pdi-m O.H.G. d£-m, beside 
vulfa-m tcolfum. Lith. t$-ms O.C.S1. tf£-rou, beside vilkd-ms 
vluko-mUy Pruss. s-tei-mans beside waika-mmans 'to the boys, 
or retainers'. Compare § 368 p. 269. 

Skr. td-bhyas A vest, ava-byd, Lat. ea-bus y Lith. t6-ms 
like Skr. dha-bhyas Avest. hafnO-byd Lat. equa-bus, Lith. 
rariko-ms. But the masc.-neut. Goth, pdi-m O.H.G. dt-m and 
O.C.S1. U-mu were used for the fem. as well. 

Lat. qui-bus like ovi-bus y Goth. O.H.G. i-tn like ansti-m 

§ 432. In the Instrumental of o-stems there are two 
distinct suffixes, as was the case with nouns. 

1. The ending -£g# in exact agreement with the nouns: 
Skr. tai§ Avest. tai§ y Gr. roTg, Lat. his els does ("illis*) 
Umbr. esis-co c cum eis' Osc. eizois eis', Lith. tale. Compare 
§ 380 p. 275. 

2. The Suffixes -bhf(8) -m^8) y originally preceded, as in 
the dat.-abl., by -oi- in pronouns and -o- in nouns. The 
distinction was kept in Germanic. Skr. Ved. t£-bhi§ Ved. class. 
£-6M$, Avest. aeibi§, whence Skr. Ved. vfk$-bhi§ Avest. vehrkatf- 
bii O.Pers. martiyai-biL Goth, pdi-m O.H.G. de-m A.S. 8<e-m 
beside Goth, vulfa-m etc., just as in the instr. sing. A.S. Sobn 
OJcel. peim beside A.S. miolcum OJcel. at hqfdum (§ 282 
p. 188, § 421 p. 344). O.C.S1. ti-mi. -ojr has given place to 
the -o- of the nouns in Armen. oro-vK cp. gailo-vR (as in the 
instr. sing, orov : gailo-v, § 281 p. 186, § 421 p. 344), Gr. avx6-q>t 
cp. df6-<?i, O.Ir. cosnaib 'with the, or those* i. e. *con sen- 
-tobis, cf.feraib. 1 ) — fi-stems: Skr. td-bhi$ &-bhi$, Avest. fl-ifi, 

1) The form \b ib, giyen by Stokes in the paradigm of I (Celt. DecL 
105), does not exist Stokes has taken the ending of MidJr. donafib dona 
hib to be an independent word. The origin of this, as Thurneysen 
informs me, is as follows. In Middle Irish, the component parts of O.Ir. 
donaib-(h)i — -{h)i is a partiole — became so completely one, that the 

358 Personal Pron. (gender unmarked), and Possessives. §§ 432,433. 

O.Ir. cosnaibj Lith. to-tnls as with nouns. Masc. form used for 
fem.: Qolh. pdi-m O.H.G. d£-m, O.C.S1. tt-mi. — Goth. O.H.G. 
j-w like ansti-m ensti-m. 

[Tables of Pronoun Declension to illustrate §§ 412—432 are given below, 

pp. 360-363.] 

Personal Pronouns which do not distinguish Gender, 
with their Possessives. 1 ) 

§ 438. As in the Pronouns which distinguish masculine 
and feminine, so here, a single paradigm includes forms from 

dative ending oould be added to its final -t: hence donafi~b, or by the 
usual substitution of dona h- for O.Ir. donaib, dona hib. Thus ib has 
about as much right to an independent existence as Senm in Greek 

1) To the references given in the footnote to page 322 add the 
following : 

Schasler, De origine et formatione pronominum personalium etc. 
1846. 8oherer, Zur Gesch. d. deutsch. Spr. 1 383 ff. L. Ceci, II 
pronome person ale senza distinzione di genere nel sanscrito, nel greco e 
nel latino, Giornale di filol. e ling., 1886, pp. 3 ff., 83 ff, 164 ff, 193 ff. 
J. Baunaok, Remarques sur les formes du pron. personel dans lea 
langues ar., en greo et en latin, M6m. Soo. ling. V 1 ff. Torp, BeitrSge 
sur Lehre Ton den geschlechtlosen Pron. in den idg. Spr., Christiania 1888. 
Wackernagel, ftber einige enklit. Nebenformen der Personalpron. 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIV 592 ff. The Author, Zur Bildung des gen t 
sing, der Personalpron., ibid, XXVTI 397 ff. 

Fr. Mailer, Das Personalpron. in den modernen eran. Spr., 1864. 

Dronke, Beitrftge zur Lehre vom griech. Pronomen aus Apoll. Dysk.,. 
Rhein. Hub. IX 107 ff. Cauer, Quaestiones de pronominum personalium 
formis et usu Homerico, Curtius 1 Stud. VII 101 ff Sch moiling, tJber 
den Gebrauch einiger Pronomina auf att. Insohriften, 1882 and 1885. 
Wackernagel, Zum [griech.] Pronomen, Kuhn'e Zeitschr. XXVIII 138 ff. 
J. Baunack, De Graeois pronominibus possessiTis eorumque ablative- 
genetWi loco usurpato, Curtius' Stud. X 63 ff. Miklosioh, tfber den 
reflexiven Gebrauch des Pronomens o3 und der damit zusamraenhftngenden 
Formen ffir alle Personen, Sitzungsber. d. Wien. Ak. 1848, pp. 119 ff. 
The Author, Ein Problem der hom. Textkritik und der vergleich. 
SpraohwisBensohaft (Reflexivpronomina), 1876. Rappold, Das Reflexiv- 
pron. bei Aesch., Soph, und Eur., 1878. Wackernagel, Zum att. Reflexiv- 
pronomen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 279 ff. 

Curtius, [Lat.] med, ted, sed, Stud. VI 417 ff. Buohholtz, Zum 
lat. Possessirpronomen , Philologus XXXVII 318 ff. F. d'Ovidio, 8ui 
pronomi personal! e possessivi neolatini, Archivio glottolog. IX 25 ff. 

§ 433. Personal Pronouns (gender unmarked), and Possessiyes. 359 

stems etymologically distinct; e. g. Skr. nom. vaydm c we* ace. 
asmdn W. 

With this class of personal pronouns, far more commonly 
than elsewhere, we find forms having no recognisable case- 
suffix used with the meaning of some special case, e. g. Gr. efts 
fie used as an accusative; and forms which combine the 
meanings of more than one case, as *mo~i *me~i (Skr. mi m£, 
and so forth), which can express the meaning of locative, 
dative, or genitive. This poverty of inflexions shows that this 
class of pronouns keeps up the usage of a high antiquity. 
But when the languages had started each on its separate 
course, all manner of inflexional distinctions were made anew 
in this group of pronouns, and it was more closely assimilated 
to the other pronouns and the nouns. Thus the form of 
these pronouns was run into the mould sometimes of a masculine 
case-form, sometimes of a feminine, but at the same time no 
special gender was implied in the re-modelled words. 1 ) 
Examples are (1) where the case-ending is masculine: Skr. 
ace. asmdn following tdn , d&v&n (§ 443. 2) , Gr. gen. e fts-To 
following to-To "nno-io (§ 450); (2) where it is feminine: Skr. 
loc. asmd-su following td-su, d&vOsu (§ 448), O.C.S1. instr. 
mQnqjq following tojqj rqkojq (§ 449). 

It is certain that in several cases the pronouns we and you 
had a singular ending (not, however, as we may conjecture, 
without expressing the plural by some sign; see § 436, with 
Rem. 2). But in the end their collective meaning, and their 
frequent use in apposition or predication with forms having a 
plural inflexion, caused them to take a plural ending themselves; 

Gaidois, Des pronoms infixes, Revue Celt VI 86 ff., VII 81. 
Bugge, Die Formen der geschleohtslosen persdnlichen Pronomina 
in den germ. Spr., Kuhn's Zeitsohr. IV 241 ff. 
Bruokner, Arch, fur slay. Phil. IY 1 ff. 

1) No confidence can be placed in the unique Skr. Yed. fern, yufmdh 
instead of yupndn in Vaj.-Sah. 1. 13 and 11. 47. See Delbruck, Synt. 
Forsch. V 204. 

[Continued on page 364.] 

1. o-Stems. 

Tables of Dedans*: 

Appendix a 

Pr. Idg. 






Sing. nom. 

*so *86: 
9 qo-i *qe-i: 

8d sd 
ay (-dm) 

ae-sa hdu 
aem = ay^-em) 



o<J-*r» (?) 

ip- ee 


n. *to-d: 



[z or] 


i 8 - 1 u - m 


'tosio *te-8{o 
(and *te-so?): 

op. ml 

af-tahe ca- 

cp. m$ 


roio roifi rio 
Thess. rot 

isti-modi if 


*qe-na *qo~na: 





(©p. %ra) 
Tfw, 7? tj-noxa 




'tesmdd *te- 



y ormi 

w 'unde* 

1 8- to 









*te8mi Uesmin, 

•te *te?: 
9 to{ *te{ 




(Cp. S'TTfAl) 

rtj adr. 

not 7ffl 

ce in c*-d*> 

Plar. nom. 

•/ojf, and *-e-j( ? : 


tl toi 





Uo-ns Ctdns?): 
n. US: 
n. *tai: 

tf±s tdn 
td y tani 

tq, yqn 

z or s 

t6*$ TOVf 


Cp. xa( 

%8-ta qud 


*toi-som (*tei- 
som) : 







M toj-8 -8U -si: 




t oi $ Toifli 

i*-ti* l?l 


*to%'bh- -m- 



V oroc 

[toi^ rotai] 

hi -bit * i-bn** 






rot; [rotii] 

it- tit 

1 Forms later than the proethnle period, which have only their use to justify the place which they fill i« tW 
paradigm, are enclosed iu square brackets [J. Spaced type denotes that the form contains an ending which may b* ! 
considered as directly representing the Idg. form. A dagger f it prefixed to such forma as have passed from the proooute* 

>ro nouns with Gender. 

}§ 412-432. 


Umbr. -8a mn. 


cia, I (?) 






Lith. Pruss. 


Umbr. e-re 
Oso. pox 


the A. 8. 81 

ka-8 \ka-8 


Osc. to ti -c 

in n- 



tq \8-1a-n 
fftra [tal] \8-ta 


Oic. eizeis 

ai at 

pi 8 


[to] \8-te-8 8ei 

ItogOy ce-i<o 
jop. mi 

Umbr. set -po- 
rt nth- pet 



A. 8. &<B-m 

maim (?) 

(fj }8-tU 


Osc. efsiid 

pa mm a 




Umbr. e-smei, 
Osc. altrei 




dmui 8-tesmu 


Osc c*(-&nt<**) 
Osc. efsef 


tamim-pi ta-\ 
mi y taml 


Osc. tp^s 

ind, € 


di dia 

tl \8-tai 


Umbr. to 
Umbr. en 

inn a 
inn a 


\de dia] 
A. 8. da 

t&8 tus \8-tan8 
tal \kai 


It a 
icp. ce 

Umbr. ferom 

ai ae, a 11-, 
finna n- 


dero t cp. A. 8. 

ftU 8-teison 


Ofc. eizois (?) 

{ pdim] 
pdi-m (?) 

[demk.8.dam] tU8ti fust 


di-m A.&.&&-'tte-m8 [s-teimans 
-m (?) | 


Osc. eizois 



de-m A. 8. 


\ti-m i 

t» the noun system 
Ihisl esses (cf. 1 426 

in one of the sejmra'e 'tranches of the UnffUAffe. For want of room these tables do not include the 
p. 3i2i. 


Tables of Deelesssc: 

2. d-Stems. 

Pr. Idg. 





Sing. nom. 



Ptcdi xwae- 

<?\ Dor. & 




Ua-m : 



r»]-r, Dor. ro-r 



*t08iaS *t€8Jt&9l 



frfo Dor. to; 

istius, f istae 


*t09i&8 *t€8i08: 



fr^j, Dor. rag 



Also U&i?: 



Tj? t Dor. rp 



*to$iai 'tesjfli: 
Also tai?: 

tds yam 


Boeot. rat rr t 


Also *ta?: 



ae~ta ya 

jj, Dor. Tavra 


Plnr. nom. 

9 tas: 









rati rug 





&nhqm y fkqm 

rata* rur toy 

is- 1 drum 


*ta-8 -8u -*#': 



tjJa*, Tatot, Tatg 



*te-bh- -w-: 



[r^ro, Tatoi, Tat;] 



Ua-bhl(8) -/wtO) : 



Tatg [^fj n h ™» tf *] 



Pronouns with Gender. 


1 Umbr.-Samn. 



O.H G. 



iOso. io-c 
jOso. pae paf 





Pruss. quai 


Oso. pa am 

in fi- 


dea dia 



at et, finna 


deraj A.8. (fare 

tto8, op. Pruss. 


Oso. feiza-c 





deru dero 

Pruss. 8-tessiei 
Lith. ta\ 


;€>80. e]isaf 



deru dero 




deru dero 

O.Lith. taja 


Oso. pas 



deo dio 

to 8 


Oso. ekass 



deo dio 

ta8 ids 



fitrna -n 







tG-8U '8k 


pdi-m (P) 




cosn aib 





364 Etymology of the Pronouns: their Stem. §§433,434. 

e. g. in Ion.-Att. yfuttg takes the place of *fjfi€ = Lesb. auus 

<Cp. ifib). 

By the pluralised ending, the forms of tee and you were 
carried away from those of I and thou; but the two pairs 
were brought in touch again by the action of analogy. For 
example, *t& 'thou', has influenced duK you in Armenian, and 
tumhe 'you* in Pali (compare Ved. yu$m£). See § 437. 

In the parent language, these pronouns had few points of 
contact with the other pronouns or the nouns, and formed a 
little world by themselves. Thus their history is more in- 
structive than that of other classes of words, if we wish to 
observe the working of association, and the kaleidoscopic 
changes which its influence produces. This will be clear 
even in spite of the cut and dried form of presentment made 
necessary by the plan of the present work, in which the 
historical method, that is, the true scientific method, has to 
give place to lists and catalogues with little more than hints 
to explain them. 

1. Etymology of the Pronouns; the Formation of the Stem. 

§ 484. The pronoun I shows the following forms. 

1. Nom. *e§h- and *e§- (for the variants §h : § see I § 469. 8 
pp. 346 f.). Skr. ahdm Avest. azem. Armen. es is obscure ; we 
cannot say whether it should be derived from *^A- or *e§-. 1 ) 

1) From *e§h- one would hare expected *ez, op. Uzum: Skr. lihmi 
I § 410 p. 301. *ez may have become es before a breathed initial in the 
following word; but certainly we hare to faoe the question why this 
sandhi-form has become universal in this particular word, and not in Kez, 
for example. Idg. *e§- one would expect to become *ec to begin with 
(I § 409 p. 301). But there may have been s as well as c in Armenian, 
as we find z beside j = §h, a point which needs closer investigation 
(op. Von Fierlinger, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 479). Anyhow the laws of 
Armenian which touch this matter must be more exactly worked out 
before it is safe to venture on taking the step which Bartholomae takes. 
He derives es from an Idg. *?£, whioh be believes to be the form assumed 
by *{(j at the end of a sentence (Bezz. Beitr. XIII 54). I do not believe 

§§ 434,435. Etymology of the Pronouns : their Stem. 365 

Gr. lyw. Lat. ego. Goth, ik O.H.G. ihha from *e§-, but 
Norse Run. f ga fja) beside } ka from *e§h~] in West-Germ, 
also *ik (A.S. Tc Mod.H.G. Prank, aich), which is incom- 
prehensible unless it be a mere lengthening on the analogy of 
*P&. OXith. esz ModXith. asz Lett, es Pruss. es as, with the 
sibilant changed from voiced to breathed at the end of a 
sentence and before a breathed initial in the following word 
(it must be mentioned in this connexion that Pruss. 8 represents 
the sounds 8 and z both); the reason why «- became a- in 
ModXith. dsz Pruss. as is obscure. O.C.S1. azU jazu 
Jfod.Slov. ja point to an older *&u (I § 76 p. 66): here e 
has been lengthened on the analogy of y in ty, as the vowel 
of West-Germ. *fk was lengthened by association with *pu. 

The consonant of *e§h- is found again in the dat. Skr. 
mdhyatn, Lat. wiAf Umbr. mehe y Armen. inj (for *eme§h~). 
The forms appear to have been made up thus: e+gh- and 
me+§h- (eme+§h-). But perhaps the dative once began 
with *e§h~, and its initial was afterwards changed on the 
analogy of the other oblique cases. 

2. *eme- *emo~, *me- *mo-. It cannot be determined 
whether *eme- was the original form, and *tne- is an ablaut 
weakening of it (cp. *te#e- *te#o- : *fye- *<#o-, § 435) ; or 
whether *eme- is a combination of the pronominal stems e- 
and twe- (cp. Gr. e-xsT Lat. e-quidem and the like, § 409 
pp. 327 ff., and what is said on *e§h- above, subdivision 1). 
Skr. ro£ Avest. m£ O.Pers. maiy; gen. Skr. mdtna perhaps 
instead of *awa, see § 450. Armen. gen. im for *eme; *me- 
in melt c we* (§ 437. 1, a). Gr. i t uoi and fioi. Lat. ml. 
O.Ir. fw£ Goth, mi-k O.H.G. mi-h. Lith. man%, O.C.S1. mq. 

§ 435. The pronoun thou shows the following stems,, 
all closely connected together: 

that any such form for the nominative of this pronoun, without any tow el 
following the palatal stop, can be proved for the parent language; see 
§ 439. 

366 Etymology of the Pronouns : their Stem. § 435. 

1. *te%e- *teuo~. Skr. tdva Avest. tava. Ur. rsi'y reo-g. 
Lat. tovo-8 tuo-s. O.Ir. do- MicLCym. teu. Lith. tav% tava-s. 

2. *tue- *t#o-. Skr. tvdm Avest. Jncqm OJPers. puvam. 
Armen. Kez Ko (I § 360 p. 276). Gr. as' ao/. Pruss. twais 
O.C.81. fro/I. 

3. *te- *to-. Skr. /£ Ayest. *? O.Pers. eaty. Gr. to*. 
Lat. to tibl. O.Ir. waft 'from thee* for *ua ti (or for *ua tff*?). 
Goth, peina, O.H.G. di-ft. OXith. « Pruss. tebbei, O.C.8L tf 

4. *tu *tU y nom. and ace, Skr. tuv(-dm) Gr. en/ etc., 
see §§ 440, 442. 

Similar variants are found of the reflexive stem, § 438: 
*8eye-, *s#0-, ***-, but there is no *sft- among the cases to be 
parallel to *tft (Torp, Beitr. zur Lehre von den geschl. Pr. 14, 
conjectures that this grade of the stem is the prefix Skr. su- 
etc. 'good', but it is more likely that su- contains the suffix 
-«- of t]6-v- and the like). There is an ablaut-connexion 
between *tejfe- *seue- : *tye- *$ue- : *t&. But the relation of 
*te- *se- to these forms is doubtful. 

Remark. In view of doublets like //$ ?$ = *of-tl and Latin sex 
(§ 170 p. 16, above), it might be assumed that # was dropped by **t*f- 
*£#*- in the parent language when these stems were used in the 
neighbourhood of some particular sound or sounds in a sentence. Whether 
this happened to them when used as enclitics, as I hare followed Waoker- 
nagel in assuming above (vol I § 187 p. 162) is doubtful. Torp's objection 
(op. cit., p. 10) that there is no # in Avest. tatbya, which is accented, 
but that tf is found in Skr. tt& t*, which is not, is easily met by assuming 
that the original relations were upset by analogy; besides, it is possible 
that the form Skr. tva came to be used without the accent at some period 
when the law under which tf dropped was no longer effective. Torp 
(pp. 5, 9, 12) and Johansson (Bezz. Beitr. XT 313 f., XVI 163) think 
that *leue and *8e#e, which were weakened by some ablaut process to 
*t#e 8%& */t* •««, were compounds consisting of *te **e + *i*< (Torp 
identifies *#£ with the stem of 8kr. vas Lat. t>6s, just as he connects 
*-ne in the gen. O.C.S1. me-ne Avest. ma-na with 8kr. nas Lat p&s); 
and that these unextended ground-forms are still forthcoming in 8kr. tt 
PrSkr. 8i etc., as representing *f*- *to- *««- *«o-. This view would be 
supported by Or. o-qw', if it could be proved that its o- is an ablaut-grade 
of the se- in O.C.SL se-be Lat. si-bi etc. ; but this is hardly likely ever to 
be proved. 

§436. Etymology of the Pronouns: their Stem. 367 

§ 436. The pronoun we shows the following stems: 

1. *#e- *#o-. Skr. vay-dtn, Avest. vapn. Goth, veis 
O.H.G. tcir. Also in the dual: Goth, tri-f, Lith. vi-du> 
O.C.S1. vi. 

2. *f?e- *no~, *n*-«- *nos-; the 8 is probably the same 
as the sign of the plural found in nouns, since it only appears 
in the plural of the pronoun (and of *#*-*- *#o-«- V 011 ') an( ^ 
never in the dual. Skr. nas, Avest. nd. Lat. nds. O.Ir. ni; 
on sm see Rem. 2, below. Goth, tots = *#*. O.C.81. na*fi. 
Also in the dual: Skr. ndu, Gr. vcJ«, O.Ir. nathar, Goth, w^i 
= *#-te (cp. iwi-i), O.C.S1. wa; the 0- of Skr. avdm may 
come from *#, and its -vam may have been borrowed from 
yuvdtn = yU + am, see § 457. 

Further, we have *#-*me, or rather *#s-sme (cp. Rem. 2), 
which contains the same particle which we noticed in Skr. td- 
-stnad etc., § 424 p. 349. Skr. asmdn Avest. ahma y Gr. Lesb. . 
dftfts Att. rj/tiag. 

The pronoun you shows the following stems: 

1. *|M-. Skr. yuydtn, Avest. yUS. Armen. jez with e on 
the analogy of mez 'nobis*. Goth. jus. Lith. jfts. Also in 
the dual: Skr. yuvdm, Goth. */t<-* (§ 457 p. 397), Lith. ju-du. 

2. *#*• *#o- and *ue-8 *uo-s- (cp. *n*-s- *no-s- above). 
Skr. vas, Avest. vd. Lat. vds. Pruss. wans, O.C.S1. vy vasU. 
Also in the dual: Skr. vam } O.C.S1. va. 

Thurneysen is doubtless right in assuming *u8me } *U8-sme 
(cp. Rem. 2) parallel to *#sm$, *ys-8me in the first person 
(Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 175). Hence come Lesb. v^s Att. 
vpag, also Skr. yufyn&n Avest. yUSmai-bya, which have taken y- 
from being associated with the nom. Skr. yUydm Avest. yUs 
{cp. O.Dan. vos(s) beside os(s) us' following the nom. v% we 1 ). 

Remark 1. Since A rest, yitima- is always written with a, perhaps 
more weight should be giren to the faot that the Towel is written long here 
than in other instances: U was borrowed from the nom. yuS yuzem. The 
relation of the variant xsma- to yUstna is obscure (op. Bartholomae, 
Ar. Forsch. Ill 19 f.). 

Remark 2. There is more to be said for taking *Q8-sme and 
*u8-8me than for taking *Q-sme and *w-«me to be the ground-forms; for 

368 Etymology of the Pronouns: their Stem. §486. 

Skr. tdsmin and the like (§§ 423 f. pp. 346 ff.) prove that -ame implied 
no particular number, and the forms of *ne- and *#e- whioh are not 
compounded with it seem to have once had -*, the plural sign, added to 
them in all other instances when they were not dual but plural. It is 
therefore incorrect to say that forms like Avest. ahma Lesb. appt had 
no plural sign; they did have one, but it came before -*mi, and the ace. 
*{w«me was simply *qs = Goth. ace. uns + a particle *8tiie. Compare 
what is said above on deriving Lith. (ami from an Idg. loo. *te-snte 
(§ 424 p. 350). 

3. There may have been a close connexion in origin 
between Gr. dual a-^w you two', O.Ir. si (-6 in old enclitic 
position) = Cymr. chwi for *s-#«s, and Goth, iz-vis. They 
all have s, which seems to represent another distinct stem. 

Remark 3. In O.Ioel. ydr ydvar, & has taken the place of z (/r): 
one of the two tf's in *iRviR *tRvaR became d by dissimilation, as in 
fredinn instead of frerinn and the like (see Bugge, Kuhn's Ztschr. IT 252). 
From these words we get a Goth. -Norse *te#i-, whioh may have been a 
transformation of *8-#i- **n*«- on the analogy of *fjf*S which is found 
in West-Germanic, and forms a constant variant of *>><- (Lith. jils). But 
another view is far more probable. Proethnic Germanic had the doublets 
•lf$» and *8-w(*)* To both was prefixed the partiole e, seen in Gr. *-**;, 
Skr. a-dyd 'to-day* a-sUb 'that yonder', Lat e-quidem Umbr. e-tantu 
'tanta' and like words (§ 409 pp. 322 ff.), and perhaps in Lat e-nds in the 
Song of the Arval Brethren (cp. § 437. 1, a). Then the relation between 
*e-ue- (West-Germ., O.H.G. iu A.S. edw etc.) and *«-*-#«- (Goth.-Norse) 
was the same as that between Umbr. e-tantu and e-s-tu 'istum' 
(compare Latv> istum). 

On this view, the parts of the words preceding *w(s) had nothing 
to do with expressing the meaning of the 2nd person; and this would 
make it not far-fetched to connect a-^w with o-ylv, (cp. Wackernagel, 
Kuhn's Ztsohr. XXVIII 139 f.). 

Torp's theory [pp. cit. y 35) that *i*jfi- is *j«is+if«-, is quite as mistaken 
on phonetio grounds as his assumption that in West-Germanio the z of 
Goth, izv, beooming r, disappeared first in the gen. O.H.G. iuwir 0.3ax. 
iivar by dissimilation, and then the ace. O.H.G. *irwih became *iuwih on 
their analogy. 

As regards the Keltic form, it would certainly be possible to hold 
that $' in pr. Keltic was detached from the ending of the 2nd. person 
plural of the verb, and then was tacked on to the pronoun (Torp, p. 40); 
the only thing is that we do not know whether this personal ending was 
*~tes in Keltic at all (cp. Lat. leyitis). The s- of Ir. s-ni has not been 
found iu the British dialects of Keltic. It may come from the frequent 
combination of the word with is, issni being supposed by the speakers to 
consist of is+sni, just as in Mid.Ir. the nom. se instead of I grew out of 
issc ise 'est is* = is e, and perhaps nt the same time out of olse 'inquit* 

§§436,437. Etymology of the Pronouns: their Stem. 369 

(Thurneysen). But it may have been due to the analogy of *s-j$e- Srcs', 
and this may hare happened in the period before insular Keltic split up 
into its several dialeots (op. § 437). The student should however compare 
O.Ir. forms without *, nOthar nOr 'of us two'. 

§ 487. In the various languages, the stems of these 
pronouns suffered many changes by assimilation of one to the 
other. Some of these have been already touched upon. We 
subjoin a conspectus of the whole. 

1. We assimilated to I, you to thou. 

a. We assimilated to I. Pali mat/am instead of Skr. 

vaydm. Armen. meR\ from this nominative, m- passed into 

the other cases, driving out w-, e. g. instr. me-vR, just as in 

Lith. e. g. dat. *nu-mus became mu-mus on the analogy of 

mes (see below). Mod. Or. i/usTg instead of rj/ueTg. Lat. enOs 

(Arval Song), instead of nds, follows ego (Stolz Lat. Gr. 2 p. 346), 

unless e- is a prefixed particle (like e-quidem etc.). Lith. mes 

0.C.S1. my (whence Lith. has m- in the dual too, mu-du). In 

Baltic the m- passed first from nom. to ace: Lith. tnus 

Pruss. mans (but 0.C.S1. ny unchanged); then wt- spread to 

the other cases in Lithuanian, musu miims mumls mUsyje, but 

Pruss. nouson noumans are unchanged (0.C.S1. nasU namu nami). 

Remark 1. m- in O.Ioel. mer instead of vlr, and in H.G. dial. 
mir mer instead of totV, comes from the final consonant of the verb which 
preceded. The dental of O.Icel. J#r dSr and H.G. dir der 'tos* has the 
same origin. 

b. You assimilated to thou. Pali tumhe instead of Ved. 

yu$m$. Armen. duU (but j- remained in the other cases; in the 

1st person, on the other hand, n- was displaced by the m- of 

the nom.). Mod.Gr. ias 7g following lav (with i- on the analogy 

of iyvS). 

Remark 2. The reverse change — / and thou following tee and 
you — can only be found in the case endings: e. g. Pali gen. mamam 
tavatfi instead of mama lava following amhOkarfi tumhdkam, Avest. dat. 
laibyQ following yu&maoyd (§ 445), Mid.H.G. gen. miner diner instead of 
mln din following unser iuwer. 

2. I assimilated to thou, we to you, and vice versa. 

a. I assimilated to thou. O.Ir. gen. (poss.) mo mu 
Mid.Cymr. mm following do du Mid.Cymr. ten. Lith. gen. 

Bruffmaiin, Element!. HI. 24 

370 Etymology of the Pronouns: their 8tem. §§437,438. 

manjjp doubtless has a instead of e (cp. O.C.S1. tnene) on the 
analogy of tav$$ (a different explanation is offered by Bruckner, 
Archiv IV 17). West-Germ. *Tk T O.C.S1. (j)azu with long 
vowel on the analogy of *tU, see § 434 p. 365. 

b. Thou assimilated to I. Mod. Gr. iav following eye*. 
Perhaps Umbr. Horn follows *miom (vice versa, we have French 
mon following tan), see § 442. Cymr. dy follows my (n-). 

c. We assimilated to you. Skr. dual Ovdm may have 
taken -vam from yuv-dm, as we would conjecture; see § 436 
p. 367. Gr. Dor. &f*tg Att. rjtiuq has taken the rough 
breathing from ifiig iftstg. O.Ir. s-ni beside ni perhaps follows 
*s-ue-, see § 436 pp. 368 f. In Baltic, the 4 of /*- was 
borrowed : Pruss. nou-son nou-mam (ou = U) following ion-son 
iou-mam (cp. O.C.S1. na-su na-mu), Lith. mu-sU mb-ms etc. 
(with m- instead of n-, see under 1. a above), following /ti-w 
ju-ms etc. Lith. mes instead of *m& doubtless follows jus. 

d. You assimilated to we. Skr. yUy-dtn takes its -y- from 
vay-dm. Armen. jez jer etc. take e from mez met etc., in 
place of u. O.H.G. ir A.8. je O.Icel. €r following wir tee v&r 
(Goth. jUs), and similarly in the dual A.S. %it O.Icel. it 
following wit vit (Goth. *ju-t). Again, Goth, igqis O.Icel. ykkr 
H.G. ink enk A.S. inc follow Goth, ugkis O.Icel. okkr 
A.S. unc: parallel to the ace. ugk = *#-ke (§ 436 p. 367) 
there may once have been *u-k(e), in which w- is the weak 
grade of *ue-\ this would become *ink- *wi#-, because the 
relation of uns- : izv- (West-Germ, iff-) suggested that t- was the 
characteristic of the second person (cp. Torp, op. cit., p. 49; 
Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XYI 144). 

§ 438. The Reflexive Stems were *se#e- *sye- *se-, 
connected in the same way as *teue- *tye- *te- } see § 435 
p. 366. 

1. *se#£- *seuo-. Avest. hava- own*. Armen. gen. tw-r, 
cp. vol. I § 560 p. 416. Gr. Is Uv, U-g. Lat. sovo-s suo-s, 
Osc. suveis gen. sui*. It is not certain whether we ought to 
add Mid.Cymr. eu Bret, ho you', plural of y e Wilis' (footnote 

§438. Etymology of the Pronouns: their 8tem. 371 

on pp. 339 f.), Kelt. *souo- for *se#o- according to I § 66 p. 56, 
thus the stems which represent the singular and the other 
numbers would be just the reverse of what is seen in the 
French representatives of suus and illorum ; it would be also 
possible to connect en and ho with Ar. ava- O.C.81. ov& (§ 409 
p. 329); or again, to regard them as dual genitives of y e 
answering to Skr. ay6§ (cp. Bavar. dual e% and enk used for. 
the plural as equivalent to Mod.H.G. ihr and euch). Lith. savh 
s&va-s. . 

2. *8#e- *suo-. Skr. svd-s Avest. Gfithic hva- O.Pers. uva- 
'own* (I § 558. 3 p. 414). Armen. $n-#» 'ipse', gen. in-Rean. 
Gr. ?, 0-5. Umbr. svesu 'suum*. O.Ir. f$in fod&n 'self* 
Goth. sv$s (gen. svesis) own. Pruss. swais O.C.S1. svoft 
'suus, own'. 

3. ***-. Prakr. s£, Avest. h% S$ O.Pers. Saiy; the 
variation h- s- in Iranian depended upon the final sound of 
the word preceding (cp. I § 556.1 p. 410), but by levelling 
one or other form came to be used generally, the Gatha 
dialect discarding the forms with £-, and Old Persian those 
with A-. Gr. £ ol for *rr« *ooi beside fi foT? Lat. si sibl, 
Umbr. 8e-so *sibi* Osc. sifei 'sibf. Goth, si-k O.H.G. si-h. 
Pruss. sebbei O.C.81. sebt c sibi\ 

No sufficient explanation has been given of the etymology 
of Gr. aipov aq>l(v) etc. This stem seems to have started from 
a-tpi(y) (with the case-suffix -q>t -qpiv); o-<pi(v) being associated 
with spiv a/u/tity and the like, produced aq>i <jqnv r etc. to 
match i/ui &(xi, ifiov etc. See the Author, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 

XXVII 399 f., Gr. Gr. 2 p. 134; Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 

XXVIII 139 ft.; and in the present volume, § 435 Rem. 
p. 366, § 436 Rem. 3 p. 368. 

The Reflexive shared in the analogical changes described 
in § 437. Sometimes it affected other stems; for example, the 
reflexive and the pronoun of the 2nd person together caused 
changes in the forms of the 1st person, as Lith. mani, which 
took a from tavi and savi. Or again, it was itself subject 
to change on the analogy of the other pronouns; e.g. Gr. Lesb. 


372 Personal Pronouns : the NominatiYe. §§ 438,439. 

aoq>i aa<pt (if indeed these forms are to be allowed at all, on 
which matter see Wackernagel as cited above, p. 141), which 
took a- from a/upi afifxs. 

2. Personal Pronouns: their Cases.*) 

a. J and thou, the plurals we and ye, the Reflexive, 
and their Possessives. 
§ 489. I. The proethnic form may be conjecturally 
restored *e§(h)o and *e§(h)0 (cp. *so and *sfl, § 415 p. 337), 
sometimes extended by the particle -m. 

1. *e§(h)o. Pr. Germ. **A:a, which, after undergoing 
certain modifications due to varying accent and varying position 
in its clause, becomes Goth. t&, O.H.G. ihha ih 'h, Norse Run. 
'ka f k 'ga eh ik OJcel. ek O.Swed. iak] cp. Noreen Arch. 
Nord. Phil. I 175 ff., and Paul's Grundr. I 498; Brate, 
Bezz. Beitr. XI 174 f.; Burg, Die alt. nord. Runeninschr. 20 f., 
51; Kluge, Paul's Grundr. I 347, 359 f., 394; Bremer, Zeitschr. 
deutsch. Phil. XXII 249; Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XVI 166, 
169 f. Lith. esz asz Pruss. es as Lett. es. Perhaps Armen. 
es. — *e§(h)om. Skr. ahdm Avest. azem O.Pers. adatn. 
O.C.S1. azU; as to the ja of the modern dialects see Solmsen, 
Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXIX 79. 

2. e§hd. Gr. iyui. Lat. ego. Perhaps Armen. es. — 
*e§(h)dm. Gr. ey&v Boeot. I6v Iwv (cp. the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 
p. 132). 

In Old Irish the ace. form does duty for the nom. in 
singular and plural; sing, ml me-sse T (§ 442), cp. pi. ni and 
si-ssi si-fl, which have driven out the old Idg. nominatives *yei 
and *iUs (§§ 441, 443). Be it observed that in the second 
person ta tu- *-tu stand for both nom. and ace. (§ 440, below). 

1) In this chapter the forms belonging to the separate languages, 
and those which are probably to be assumed for the parent language, are 
less easily taken in at a glance than has been the oase in the two 
previous (chapters pp. 66 ff., 334 ff.). We therefore call special attention 
to the reference tables at the end. 

§440. Personal Pronouns: the Nominative. 373 

§ 440. Thou. Pr. Idg. *tu and *ta (cp. § 415 Rem. 
p. 337), also with the particle -m. 

1. *tu. Skr. £ti (which, like £4, has become a mere 
particle, see Osthoff, Morph. Unt. IV 268). Gr. Dor. rv, 
Att. av {a- from the other cases, where it cames from £#-, 
I § 166 p. 147). O.Ir. tu-ssu tu-sso.*) O.Icel. du do O.H.G. 
du (Goth, pu-k ace, see § 442). 

2. *tU. Skr. tH (like hi, see under 1). Lat. M. 
O.H.G. dfl O.Icel. pa. Pruss. *ow (ow = ti), 0.C.81. fy. 

In the following instances, the original quantity cannot be 
determined. Avest. tu. Armen. du (rf- doubtless when -n 
and -r preceded, then fixed as the type, see Bartholomae 
Lit. Centr. 1890 col. 321, and cp. -d 'the* § 409 p. 327). 
O.Ir. tUj which might be orig. *tu, because monosyllables 
bearing the accent, if they ended in a short vowel, lengthened 
it (Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXXT 91), cp. ml for *me 
§ 442. Goth, pu (cp. pu-8 pu-k with tf). Lith. tU. 

With the m-particle: Skr. tuvdm = ta+am, tvdm = 
<M+am, Avest. Gathic tvlm later Avest tUm O.Pers. tuvam 
(read tuvatn) all three = Ved. tuvdm] Gr. Horn, rivy 
Boeot. tovv Lac. rovvtj (quantity of ov in the last two is 
uncertain). The ending of the particle has obvious resemblance 
to the ending of the 1 st person (cp. Skr. ahdm and Gr. lyuiv), 
and thus J. Schmidt, perhaps correctly, explains Skr. tuvdm 
Horn, xiv-t} etc. as later formations following the analogy of 
the first person; this is supported by the fact that the Aryan 

1) -«# -so (after palatal rowels -siu -seo) is the "particula augens" 
of the 2nd person, as -sa (after palatal rowels -se) is that of the 1st person, 
in me-sse T. Both particles are suffixed to these persons of the rerb, 
but they are not found in verbs and pronouns only. They were certainly 
oases of pronouns or adrerbs, and connected with -sin and -som, cp. Gall. 
sosin of this'. As regards the relation of -$a -se and -su -siu to the 
rarious persons, Thurneysen writes: "It seems to me quite possible that 
-si* in verbs was originally the pronoun -tu (this is supported by the 
British dialects), e. g. do-bir-siu for *do-beres-tu *do-beressu, and that -tu 
then became confused with the deictic particle -su. The result of this 
may hare been that -sa -se were appropriated to the 1st person, as in 
Italian vi = ibi and vos caused the use of ci for 'us'." / 

374 Personal Pronouns: the Nominative. §§440—441. 

forms for you' which have -am took this element only on the 
analogy of vay-dm (§ 441). 

The form *t& is also used for the accusative in three 
branches of Indo-Germanic, see § 442. 

On 08C. tiium tin *tu', see § 442. 

§ 441. We and you. 

Idg. *ue-i we'; the kindred of this form is doubtful. As 
with *i&-8 *jou\ so with *#«-i, it is uncertain whether we 
should compare it with singular or plural forms. Is *fte-£ to 
be classed with *e-i 'he* *qo-i who* (§ 414 pp. 335 f.), or 
with plural forms like **©-£ 'those* (§ 427 pp. 352 f.); does 
*i&-s contain the -s of the nom. sing. (cp. e. g. Gr. opptT-c) 
or the plural sign 8? Skr. vay-dm Avest. va&n i. e. vayem 
O.Pers. vayam. Goth, vets Norse Run. v%r O.Swed. &(r) 
for *yejrS with -3 on the analogy of (Goth.) j&s. Evidence 
for a ground-form *ue-8 (cp. dual Goth, vi-t), perhaps also a 
re-formate following the 2 nd person, {vice versa, Skr. ytl-y-dm 
follows va-y-dm), is found in O.H.G. wir OJcel. ver, and 
further in Armen. melt Lith. mes (see below). 

Idg. *i#-s you* (is this the singular or plural -s? see 
above). Avest. yuS, also yU$-em with -em following va$m i. e. 
vayem (why -*m was added to just this sentence-doublet *ytl£, 
I § 646.3 p. 491, and not to yii&, is obscure); Skr. yuydm 
follows vaydm. Goth, jus ; beside this, A.S. j« j£, O.Sax. gi 
ge, O.H.G. ir, OJcel. Ir following we wB, wi we, wir, vbr (as 
in the dual A.8. %i-t OJcel. i-t follow wi-t vi-t, § 457): first 
*jt4-s ( became *ie-z, and afterwards in O.H.G. and Norse, the 
initial i- itself was changed, perhaps by the influence of iuwir 
and yctvar etc. Lith. jus Pruss. ious. 

Armen. meS and dull, whose initial is borrowed from 
the pronouns I and thou (§ 437. 1 p. 369), doubtless took the 
place of *veR or *gelt (I § 162 p. 145), and */«*. On the -£, 
see § 313 p. 212. *veR would answer to O.H.G. wir. 

Greek. Lesb. a/Ltjus-g vfx/as-g Dor. afii-g ifit-g are 
re-formates following the other cases, ace. Lesb. <*/</** vfifit 

§§441,442. Personal Pronouns: the Accusative. 375 

etc. In Ion.-Att. , *tyteg *vntg became rjtittq v/asTg on the 
analogy of such forms as ocup&g, because of the resemblance 
between jj/luwv t/ndwv: oaydwv; so also otpstg beside ag>twy. 

Lat. nGs vds (Pelign. vus 'vos' is dubious, see Bugge, 
Altital. Stud. 75) are the ace. form = Avest. n& v&. So also 
O.Ir. ni si-ssij = Skr. nas vas. See § 443. 

Lith. mes Pruss. mes (beside jus ious) doubtless stands 
for V* (§ 437. 1, a. p. 369, and 2, c. p. 370) = O.H.G. wir. 
O.C.S1. my vy are probably the ace. ny vy (my has m- 
through being confused with a formation answering to the 
Baltic), and were used for the nom. because rqky was so used 
(§ 315 p. 216, ny vy : natnU vamu nami vami = rqkyirqkamu 
rqkami). At least this is more probable than that there was 
a nom. *jfis = Lith. jus, which on the analogy of the other 
cases became *yiis = the vy of our texts, and then this 
became my (cp. Lith. tnii-ms, Pruss. nou-mans following JA-ms 
iou-mans, § 437. 2, c. p. 370). 


§ 442. I and thou and the Reflexive. Pr. Idg. *eme 
*me, *tye *te, *sye *se, and *m2, Hyfi *#, *s2 (cp. § 415 Rem. 
p. 337), the last four also with the m-particle. 

1. *eme *me, *t#e He, *s#e *se and perhaps *seye. 
Armen. z is, z TUz probably for *eme-§he *tue-§he, see below. 
Gr. ifii us, Cret. rfd (in Hesychius, where it is incorrectly 
written rgd) Ion. Att. ad Dor. t*, fi e, Horn, id (= Idg. 
*seye?); Cypr. pd-v, and i/udv on a late metrical inscription 
(214 A. D.), which doubtless has not the particle -m of Skr. mdm 
etc., but the sign of the accusative. O.Ir. me-sse (on -sse see 
p. 373 footnote 1) and m£, with non-original lengthening of e 
(cp. what it is said of tU § 440 p. 373), which were also used 
for the nominative (§ 439 p. 372); unaccented *me e. g. in 
fri-m 'contra me'; unaccented *te cannot be inferred with any 
certainty from fri-t (beside friut) and the like, see the Remark 
on page 377. Goth. # mi-k suit, O.H.G. mi-h di-A *i-A, 

376 Personal Pronouns: the Accusatire. §442. 

O.Ioel. mMe pi-k $t-&, -i = Gr. -ys in ipi-ys and the like; 
on Goth. pu-Jc, see page 377. 

Armenian, is doubtless for *ims (I § 202 p. 169) instead 
of *infj the form which might have been expected, as we 
have in the dat. inj beside Kez. Since nom. and ace. ran 
together in nouns and in pronouns which distinguish gender, 
it is not too bold to conjecture that -s has come from the 
nom. es (cp. § 434 p. 364). Then the *-;" -z of the ace. is 
doubtless the particle *§he = Skr. ha (cp. I § 410 p. 301), 
so z is is like Gr. tfii-ys and z Hez like Gr. ai ye OJcel. pi-k. 
The -j -z of the dative I compare with the endings of La*. 
mi-hl Skr. m&-hyam (§ 446). 

2. *m5, *tut *M, *«R Skr. ma tod, Avert, md pw(L 
Lat. tnZ t$ sZ; the old Lat. ace. m8d ted s$d are doubtless 
really ablatives (§ 444); these must first have been used for 
the accusative because -d dropped before consonants (cp. s£- 
-grego beside sZd-itio), and thus the forms in the accusative 
and ablative became to some extent identical (abl. mE and 
ace. m£), whilst the instinct of the speaker could not distinguish 
between them; see Osthoff, Perf. 127 f., and Stolz, Lat. Gr. 2 
pp. 345 f. A less probable theory is supported by M. Muller 
(Fleckeisen's Jahrb. cxm 702 f.) and Torp (op. c#., 10). 
These scholars hold that the ace. mSd etc. belong to a period 
when the ablative suffix -d of the personal pronouns was less 
restricted in its use than it afterwards came to be, and that 
the ace. mSd is therefore a very old form. 

With the m-particle, Idg. *m8m etc. Skr. mdm tvdm, 
Avest. mqm pwqm O.Pers. m$m puv&m (i. e. pvam, I § 473. 2 
p. 349). O.C.S1. m$ t$ g$, Pruss. mien tien sien sin (ie 
and i represent a closed £). But Lith. has man\ tav\ sav% 
instead of *m$ *t$ *s$ (the vowel shortened according to 
I § 664. 3 p. 523) following the genitive (see § 450), for such 
original accusatives as Hey&m *seu€m are hardly to be thought 
of; the dialectic man\ tav\ sav\ (Eurschat, Gramm. pp. 234 f. ; 
Bezz. in his Beitrage X 310) follow the ^-declension on the 
analogy of manyjh manimi etc. (§ 448). 

§§442,443. Pergonal Pronouns: the Accusative. 377 

*t& as an accusative: Gr. Dor. tv\ O.Ir. tu tu-ssu (on 
the particle -su see p. 373 footnote) friut 'contra te' for 
*fri(th)-tu, Goth, pu-k (= Gr. noro. ov ys). 

Remark. One observation may be made in connexion with friut. 
There has been in Irish a vast deal of levelling in phrases consisting of 
a preposition with a personal pronoun. The different pronouns, the 
different cases (aco. and dat.), and the different prepositions have 
influenced each other. Thus, u in liumm beside lemm limm 'through 
me' (7e- is the preposition as accented, pre-tonio it is la-) and in friumm 
beside frimm 'against me' (/W-) seems to have been taken from the 
2 nd person; perhaps before the law whioh affects final rowels had come 
in, these had formed an ending *-mu following *-tu (op. gen. mo mu 
following do d u § 450). Now since the ace. and dat. of the pronoun / 
(originally *-me and *-moi +-mt\) had early run into the same form, and 
since in the pronouns we and you the forms -n and -b (for *ne$ and 
**-if€*) were from the very first ace. and dat. both, it can hardly cause 
surprise that we find dom dam = *do-mu instead of *doim = *do mi 'to 
me' {do with the dat), which would have been expected. In producing 
liumm friumm and the like, however, another word may hare had some 
influence — oeum 'with me' (the preposition is oc(u)-) , cp. oeut : friut 
torut (tar 'trans') immut (imb 'circa* J, and others. (This is Thurneysen's 

Umbro-Samnitic. Umbr. tiom teio tio tin 'te* and Osc. 
siorn W are doubtless nom. ace. neut. of the possessive. This 
would be quite certain if Bucheler should prove to be right 
in regarding Osc. tiium and tiu as nom. ftu); his theory is 
attacked by Bugge, Altit. Stud. 32 f. We shall meet again 
with possessives representing personal pronouns, in other 
languages (see below, § 452). It remains a question whether 
tiom sum are to be regarded as ad-formates of *mUm — Lat. 
meu-m (the Author, Kuhn's Ztschr. XXVII 403 f.), or whether 
beside Ital. *me&- there were original stems *fc*o- *«!<>-, 
which the Umbro-Samnitic branch preserved along with tovo- 
sovo- (Torp, op. cit. p. 28). 

§ 448. We and you, and the plural forms of the 
Reflexive. Two distinct expressions for nos 9 'vos* may claim 
to be considered original: 

1. Forms from *ne- *no- and from *tfe- *uo- ending in 
-8 (§ 436 p. 367), in three different grades of ablaut. These 

378 Personal Pronouns: the AcousaiiYe. §448. 

forms had at first no special accusative meaning, as 
their wider use in different branches of Indo-Germanic 
clearly shews. Their use for the nominative, however, is 
doubtless later than the break-up of the parent speech, and 
belongs to the special Latin and Keltic periods, see § 441 
p. 375. 

a. Avest. n& vA = pr. Ar. *nds *vds. Lat. nds ttf*, also 
nom. ; this nom. use may have begun in proethnic Latin, when 
the nom. pi. of noun o-stems still ended in *-#* and their 
accusative ending *-ons had become *-d8 too. Cp. also 
O.C.81. gen. loc. nasti, vast* for *nas-su *vas-sU (§ 448). 

b. Skr. nas vas, Avest. nO vG, also used as dat. and gen. 
O.Ir. ni s-ni nos', si-ssi Vos* (when originally enclitic, these 
have become -« and -&), Cymr. Corn. Bret ni ny 'nos', 
Cymr. chwi Corn, why Mid.Bret. hui vos' doubtless for 
pr. Kelt. *nes and *s-ue8, cp. § 436. 3 with Rem. 3, pp. 368 f.; 
these forms are also used as nom. Goth, izvis O.Icel. ydr 
'vos* pr. Germ. *t-3-#i> = *e-8-ueSi cp. ibid. These forms are 
also used as dative, like O.H.G. iw A.8. edw for *i-wtiz = 
*e-yes. The last syllable of Goth, izvis retained $ under the 
influence of mis sis or perhaps because of an accentuation 

c. Goth, tins, O.Swed. ds Us for *ns; these forms are 
also used for the dative, like the corresponding O.H.G. uns 
A.S. Us. On the analogy of izvis ydr and also of the dative 
mis etc., were produced the acc.-dat. Goth, unsis O.Icel. ess, 
whilst the ace. O.H.G. unsih A.S. Usic (like iuwih edxeic) 
followed the analogy of mih mec etc. (cp. Armen. z jez 'voe' 
following z Kez *ie*). 

The Balto-Slavonic accusatives come from the forms 
*nd8 *uds y which followed the analogy of the ace. plural of 
nouns and of pronouns with gender. That *nds *#£* 
were proethnic in the Balto-Slavonic branch is proved by 
O.C.81. nasu vasu etc. (§ 448). Prussian mans nos', for 
*nans at the first step backwards (it follows the nom. mes), 
and wans \ob\ Similarly, Old Church Slavonic ny ry, like 

§§443,444. Personal Pronouns: the Ablatire. 379 

rqky vluky (§ 326 p. 226, § 327 p. 229); like rqky, these 
forms (with a change of ny to my) are also used for the nom., 
see § 441 p. 375; they were also used for the dative, 
because of the ace. dat. dual na and va (§ 457). Lithuanian 
jus 'yos' beside nom. jus following siinUs : siinus , also dial, 
gen. juto-dnijwQ following sQnuio; on the analogy of jits, a 
form for W answering to the Pruss. mans was transformed 
into mix (§ 437. 2, c p. 370). 

2. Pr. Idg. *$8-stne *us-sme, differing from the formation 
described under 1. c. only in having a particle *sme added to 
it. See § 436 with Rem. 2 pp. 367 f. Gr. Lesb. a^s v^s 
Boeot. Dor. &nt Boeot ov^ii Dor. vpi; with the ending 
pluralised Ion. Att. aq y^ng, bfxiag vfActg (cp. nom. ijfistg 
v/Listg) and fjfiaq Ipaq (cp. nom. Dor. ifidg t^ig). A vest. ahma\ 
Skr. asmdn yufmdn following the ace. plural of o-stems. Since 
Avest. ahma can be derived , if need be , from pr. Ar. *a$rna, 
the question arises whether there was not an assimilation to 
ma tvd in pr. Aryan (cp. abl. Skr. asn\dd : mad); or there 
may even have been pr. Idg. doublets *#(8)8me *#(8)8me 7 
*u(8)8tne *u(s)m8. 

Distinct from all accusative forms hitherto cited are 
Arm en. z mez nos* z jez 'vos\ These are modelled after 
*z in-j (z is) 'me* and z Be-z 'te', like as O.H.G. unsih iuwih 
after mih di-h. 

Reflexive. Gr. C(psug otpag beside oq>i like fjfxiaq beside 
ifxi. Armen. iureans. 


§ 444. Ablative Forms with -d in Aryan and Italic. 

Skr. mdd tvdd, Avest. map pwafi, O.Pers. ma and reflexive 
Sa (§ 438. 3 p. 371). Lat. m%d) tl(d) st(d); Umbr. sei-podruhpei 
separatim utroque' se-pse 'singillatim' (cp. Lat. ace. sl-pss sese, 
semef). Lat. s8-d conjunction, = O.Pers. ia. It is doubtful 
whether there were Idg. doublets *med and *mBd etc., or 
whether in pr. Italic *m€-d etc. lengthened the vowel (8) on 

380 Personal Pronouns: the Dative. §§444,445. 

the analogy of the accusative, impelled also by the other 
ablative forms which had a long vowel followed by -d (-id 
-ffrf, -Odj -Ki): Lat. sSd kept clear of these influences by its 
isolation in point of meaning. There is the same doubt in 
A vest, maibyd : itA-vya § 445 p. 381. 

Skr. asmdd yu$tndd, A vest ahmajt yusmajt xsmaf. 
These might be considered Idg. if it were certain that the 
post-Homeric jfisdano-s vpedano-g 'born in our or your land' 
are anything more than mere adformates of dXXo$-and-$ and 
the like (H § 32 p. 56). 

We seem to be justified in inferring from Skr. mad-iyas 
"my* asmad-fya-s 'our' mdt-sakhi-§ 'my comrade* aid the like 
(Whitney, Skr. Gr. §§ 494, 1098) that the ({-formation had 
originally a wider signification. The -d has often been identified 
with -d in the nom. ace. sing, neut of pronouns with gender 
(Lat. quo-d qui-d). 

The following are obscure: Armen. abL y in$n (perhaps 
inln and instr. inev instead of *m€n *imev following **;, as 
Lat ttirif Osc. kum-bened have n instead of m because of 
-ventu-s venio, cp. I §§ 207, 208 pp. 174 f.) i lUn and t matf 
• jSnj (for -/, cp. the loc. • telvof abi. i tdvojE gen. dat. knoj 
abl. t knofi). Compare Torp, op. ctt, 27. 

Forms with adverbial suffixes (cp. § 244 pp. 141 ff.)» 
Skr. mat-tas tvat-tds asmat-tds yufnwt-tds , compare above, 
mad-tya-s etc. Gr. ifii-Ssv os-far F-ter, used also for the 
gen., because there was a confusion of gen. and abL elsewhere 
(§ 244 Rem. 2 p. 143). 


§ 446. Skr. mdhyam, Ted. this and mdhya, Armen. inj 
for Hmj = *eme#A- and Lat wt*f Umbr. tndte point to an 
Idg. ground-form with *(e)megh-, where §h (the same as §h 
in the nom., Skr. ahdm etc.) took the place which bh held 
in the M-suffix of "tibi*. The case-ending of the Idg. form 
cannot be made out, because assimilation has taken place with 

§445. Personal Pronouns: the Dati?e. 381 

the ending of the M-suffixes. Avest. maibyd mdvya (for the 
a of this form, see below) rnaibyO show a still more thorough- 
going assimilation to the 2 nd person. 

Skr. tii-bhyam, asmd-bhyam, yu$md-bhyam, in Vedic also 
forms with -bhya. Avest. taibya taibyd, ahmaibya, yUitnaibyd 
x&maibya x§ma-vya y&Smaoyd (= ^(t-vyd, I § 160 p. 144), 
hvO-vya. First as regards the stem: Avest. taibya seems to 
be more ancient than Skr. tA-bhya(m) , cp. Umbr. te-fe 
O.C.S1. te-b&\ ttibhya(m) may have got u from tuvdm tuvdm 
tuvd, cp. Goth, pus following pu-k (pu). The a of hvO-vya 
xima-vya, and mO-vya mentioned above, is uncertain. It may- 
be an Iranian re-formation instead of a (cp. ace. tnqm m#, and 
possibly ahma = pr. Ar. *asma § 443.2 p. 379, dhmdkem)\ or 
there may have been doublets for mihi', 'tibi', "sibi* in pr. Idg., 
one with e and the other with <?, and these may have 
occasioned a variation in quantity in the forms of ahma- 
yUSma-; but which, can no longer be made out The same 
doubt meets us in Lat. se-d sZ-(d), § 444 pp. 379 f. The suffixes 
Ved. -bhya Avest. -by& are to be compared with Gall, -bo 
§ 367 p. 267. Skr. -bhyam has the wi-particle. Avest. -byO 
was first produced in *ahmaoyd and *yO$maoyd, to mark these 
cases as plural (it is true that these particular forms are not 
found in the Gfithft dialect), and on this analogy rnaibyd 
taibyd (cp. § 437 Rem. 2 p. 369). 

Very closely connected are Lat. ti-bei ti-bl si^bei ri-bf 
(it is simplest to explain i in the first syllable as due to the 
use of the word without an accent, cp. plied igitur and the 
like I § 65 Rem. 2 p. 53, § 679 p. 546), Umbr. tefe tefe 
'tibi' Osc. 8ffef Pelign. $efei and Pruss. te-bbei se-bbei; 
Lith. tdvei sdvei (Schleicher in Kuhn-Schl. Beitr. I 238, tndnei 
Leskien-Brugmann Lit. Volksl. p. 49 n. 83) with -ath instead 
of -eft- following the gen. tavi savi. These forms show after 
-Wk- the ending of the Idg. loc. dat. gen. *mei *t(y)ei *sfy)ei 
(§ 447), and that of the Ital. loc. dat. of pronominal o-stems 
with gender, as Osc. alttref 'in altero* altrei alteri* 
(§ 424 p. 348). Difficulties are suggested by the variety 

382 Personal Pronouns : the Dative. § 445. 

of the forms found in Lithuanian dialects: we have not only 
-*t, but rnang tave save (cp. Bezzenberger, in his Beitr. XV 
301) like nam! (§ 263 p. 166), mdni tdvi sdvi like mi ti si 
(§ 447, but compare Bezzenberger as cited), and further mdn 
mq, tdv tdu, sdv sdu. Even in the oldest Lithuanian these 
datives, which were originally locative as well, underwent 
certain changes due to their locative use on the analogy of 
the locative of substantives. O.Lith. taweie like diewete, 
modern tavyjk like naktyji etc. (cp. § 263 p. 166, § 448). 
O.C.S1. dat. loc. te-b$ se-b€, where -&£ cannot be derived from 
*-6fo$, may be of the same class as *rnoi *t(u)oi *s(fft)o|\ the 
doublets of *mei etc. (see § 447), cp. loc. vtitet = *&}qoi 
§ 263 p. 166; on their relation to the instrumental, tobojq 
sobojq y see § 449. We might therefore call *tebhei and Hebhoi 
a compromise between a form like the Avestic taibya and 
those shorter loc. dat. forms in -e% and -of. It is also quite 
possible that the parent language had at the same time 
*me§hei *me§hoi (Lat. mihfj and *fe-6$o *se-bip or like forms 
(Avest. taibya hvO-vya), and that these were assimilated in 
different directions by the various languages: Skr. mdhyam 
instead of *mate following ttibhyam, Lat. tibei instead of 
*tebie, or the like, following rnihei etc. 

Lat. ndbfs vdbfs 1 ) cannot be derived from such ground- 
forms as *n&-6A- *u8z-bh- 7 since -zbh- would have become 
-sp-. In any case -bU was coined as plural complement to -6f 
on the analogy of the endings of isft : istls. Either the forms 
were new-cast to match with the plural nfo trtfe, or they 
are dual forms (orig. nfl-£- v$-b-) which have received the 
mark of the plural in the suffix only (cp. § 458). 

Pruss. tnennei Lith. mdnei (mdni etc.) O.C.S1. mXn& with 
-n- following the gen. Lith. mani O.C.81. mene (§ 450). 
Pruss. nou^mans nou-mas iou-tnans iou-mas Lith. mb-ms 
jh-ms, O.C.S1. na-mu va~m& with the noun-suffix of the 

1) Pelign. vus 'vobU* for *v6-fs U doubtful; Bugge, Altit. 
Stud. 75, 77. 

§§445,446. Personal Pronouns: the Dative. 383 

dative plural (§ 367 pp. 267 f.). One reason why these 
forms, like the instr. O.G.S1. nami vatni, had no s before the 
case-suffix, while there was one in the gen. and loc. pr. Bait- 
Slav. *nds-s8m *ufo-88m and *nds-su *yds-su (§ 448), was 
that the corresponding dual cases had none (Lith. mum jum 
O.C.81. nama vatna, § 458), and they influenced the form of 
these; -$- in -sm- could not properly have been dropped 
(I § 585. 2 p. 301). In Baltic, *i&- came from the nom. and 
drove out *##-, and then in Lithuanian the analogy of the 
w-stems came in, as with jus and jumis; for the other changes 
in the stem see § 437. 1, a and 2, c, pp. 369 f. Lith. mu-ms, 
mu-mls served as the foundation for the dialectic locative 
mumyse instr. mumim(s) ace. mumis, cp. dual gen. mumu etc. 
§ 458. 

§ 446. Armen. inj is to be connected with Skr. mdhyam 
Lat. mihf, as we saw in § 445 p. 380. Its ending spread to 
the other pronouns, whence Kez 'tibf mez nobis* jez 'vobis' 
(for the interchange of -/ : -z see I § 410 p. 301), the reverse 
of what took place with Avest. maibyd, which follows taibyd. 
Reflexive: sing, iu-r plur. iurean$, like the gen., see § 455. 

The Germanic forms with -* Goth, mis pus (doubtless for 
*pis following puk, cp. Skr. tA~bhyam § 445 p. 381) sis, 
O.H.G. mir d/r, A.S. me m$ de fo (for the phonetics, see 
Sievers Ags. Gr. 2 § 121, Behaghel Germania XXXI 381), 
O.Icel. m2r pir s^r, are all doubtless ad-formates of *nes nobis* 
*yes Vobis'; outside of the Germanic dialects these are 
represented only by Skr. nas vas, Avest. nd t>0, and by 
O.Ir. -n -6 for *nes *s-#es (e. g. uain 'a nobis* uaib 'a vobis*), 
and the latter, *ues, is contained in other Germanic words, 
Goth, izvis O.H.G. iu A.S. eow, while *nes is only represented 
by Goth, unsy which comes from *#s, an Idg. doublet of *nes 
(§ 443 p. 378). Perhaps the form first produced was sis 
(plural and singular), which was followed by mis and *pis. 
Compare Gr. ifdv following § 448. 

The Possessive used for the Personal Pronoun: Avest. 

384 Personal Pronouns: the Locatiye. §§446,447. 

ahmai, related to Gr. loc. a^ty as Skr. tdsmai to tdstnin; 
see §§ 448, 452. 


§ 447. Forms in -i, which had at the same time the 
function of the dative and of the possessive genitive: *tnei 
*t(v)ei *s(y)ei, *moi *t(u)oi *s(y)oi. These are very closely 
connected with pr. Ital. *alt(e)rei, which was loc, dat., and 
gen. all at once (see § 419 pp. 341 f., § 424 p. 348). 
They may be fairly derived from the possessive stems *mo- etc. 
(cp. § 452). 

Skr. loc. Ved. mi tvi, dat. gen. ml tl PrSkr. si (si in 
Vedic also? a very questionable point, see Bartholomae, Stud, 
zur idg. Spr. I 114), Avest. loc. jptctft, dat. gen. tw§ *w$t, 
<? tfj, A? hlA 5? (§ 438.3 p. 371), OJPers. dat. gen. maiy 
dat. taiy. Skr. nil tl in Vedic are probably used for the 
accusative also (Delbruck, Synt. Forsch. V 205 f.); this wider 
use may be due to the wider use of nas vas and n&u tflm\ 
compare Lith. mi ti (p. 385), and Gr. rtv Uv (p. 387), all 
used for the accusative. 

Gr. loc. dat. spot not , aol for *t/o* beside pr. Gr. roi 
(now a particle), HT ol ol (we may conjecture, for pr. Gr. 
*tf/o« and *ow, although there are no certain grounds for 
believing in the latter, cp. the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 p. 134), 
Horn, has these and also sot i. e. *oefoi. These datives are 
found often in the poets with the sense of a possessive 
genitive, as ft 50 tiyvegi /*o* 'matri meae* like Skr. ml girah 
'hymni mef, a 68 <pavsv di ol svqb*q (o/lioi. 

Lat. mi dat. beside mihl, used as a possessive genitive in 
mF/ift, anime tnT, ml dornina, ml hospitls and the like; the 
so-called vocative ml is always derived from *me(i)e (the 
latest supporter of this is Thurneysen, Kuhn's Zeitschr. 
XXX 500), but this cannot be supported by what is known 
of the phonetic laws. The gen. ml and *t% served as bases 
for the O.Lat. gen. mis tis, which were formed by adding -s 
or -es on on to them (cp. istlus = *istei + os § 419 p. 341, 

§ 447. Personal Pronouns : the Locative. 385 

and Dor. ifiioq instead of ipso (§ 450). To the same group 
belongs sei *f, now a conjunction. Umbrian gives us se-so c sibi% 
since its final portion must surely be an affixed particle (cp. the 
Irish "particulae augentes" or intensive particles, -su sa -som). 
And further, two other forms from the same dialect, sve-su 
and sve-so, in which sve- is certainly a pose, gen., may contain 
the same particle -so as se-so 'sibi* does, or we may assume for 
them an inflected stem sve-so-, with Bucheler (Bucheler takes 
sve-su in I b 45, II a 44 as *suum', and sveso in VII b 1 as 
abl. 'suo*); if the latter be correct, we have a combination 
of the poss. gen. with so- 'suus' (OXat. su-m sa-m $0«), cp. 
Lat. suo sibi gladio hunc iugulo, O.C.S1. pisachq svojq si rliX 
scribebant suam linguam' and the like (the Author, Ein 
Problem der hom. Textkr., 132 ff.). 

O.Ir. -m -*, e. g. uaitn 'a me* uait 'a te\ 

Lith. dat. and ace. unaccented mi ti si (in the first 
instance for *m$ etc., according to I § 664. 3 p. 523), e. g. 
saugdh-mi 'preserve me* s&ka-si suka-s W and 'sibi torquet'; 
and compare Pruss. -at, e. g. (sien) griki-si 'they fall into sin* 
(reflexive), beside -sw = sien (-si = *-«£?). Its use for the 
accusative is secondary, cp. Ved. ace. ml tl on page 384, and 
Gr. ace. xlv llv on pages 386—7. (It is not permissible to 
assume that the ace. Lith. mi comes from *me = Gr. /*t). 
O.C.81. unaccented mi ti si, dat. and possessive (the so-called 
"possessive dative"), as drugu mi 'ytiog fiw\ 

Other locative forms in -t: 

Skr. Ved. asm# yu$m$, also used for dat. and gen. 
(cp. Delbruck, Synt. Forsch. V 206 f.), doubtless represent 
the Idg. ground-forms. Further, Skr. mdyi tvdyi beside Ved. 
mi tvt, which are due to a desire to mark the forms more 
distinctly as locative, and so to distinguish them from the dat. 
gen. (ace.) ml tl; mdy-i : instr. mdyd following dhiy-i : dhiy-d, 
and the like (Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVHI 138). 

O.C.S1. mini tebl sebl, see § 445 p. 382. 

KrugmAnn, Elements III. 25 

386 Personal Pronouns: the Locative. § 443- 

§ 448. Lith. manyje tavyje savyji like instr. maniml etc. 
following the i-class. 1 ) Compare § 445 p. 382. 

Skr. asmdsu yti$mdsu, instead of asm£ yu$m§, were made 
in connexion with the instr. asmd-bhi§ yu$md~bhi$ on the 
analogy of d&va~$u : dh>a-bhi$. Instead of these , Pali and 
Prakrit have amhesu tumhesu on the analogy of pronouns 
with gender and of noun-stems in -o-. 

O.C.S1. nasu vasu, O.Lith. and modern dialects mtisu 
jUsu (as to m&~ /tl- instead of pr. Balt.-Slav. */?#- *-##-, see 
§ 437. 1, a and 2. c, pp. 369 f.), come from pr. Balt.-Slav. *wfls- 
-sm *#0s-sw, as the gen. O.C.S1. nasU vasu Pruss. nouson 
iouson Lith. musU jusil from *nOs-sorn *#68-s$m. We may 
conjecture that *nds *uds in pr. Balt.-Slav., besides being ace. 
(§ 443. 1, a p. 378), were also gen. (cp. Skr. ace. gen. nas 
vas), and then on the analogy of Pruss. stetson O.C.SL 
t$~chu added the ending *-s5tw, in the same way as Or. 
f/i€, used for the genitive, was extended to *f/nt-aio f/«*#b 
(§ 450), Skr. me, once locative, to mdy-i (§ 447), and 
Lat. *istei in its genitive use to *istei-os isttus (§ 449 
p. 388); there are others of the same kind. The new 
genitive formation then produced a locative on the analogy of 
O.C.Sl. ti'chti. The Lithuanian locative forms suffered many 
changes, since as the case-system developed they lost their 
distinctness, and by that time the locative of nouns helped 
them no whit: O.Lith. musuie iusuie (cp. siln&jt), later musyje 
jUsyjt (cp. manyjb etc.), musimb jUsime (cp. szitni^ m&s&8& 
jUs&si (: tnusU = viUctisb : vWcii). 

Greek, with its endings -iv -« and -fr, stands quite by 
itself. Dor. i/niv l/ttfv xiv xiv, Tarent. *ftir-q xiv-r^ (cp. iyt&v-irft^ 
Horn. T£#V for *rf/#p, Oort. Hv , Boeot. Up for *of/i». 

1) This re-formation is not, as is often stated, due to any assimilation 
of mdnei to dlcei; for the latter is dkiai, op. § 249 p. 152. But O.Lith. 
manyje tavqe, if ever there were such forms (Leskien DeoL 141, Beuen- 
berger Beitr. inr Oesch. der lit. Spr. 161) may have been made along- 
side of man+i on the analogy of ztmeje : Urnei ; cp. BiHokner, Arch, 
slay. Phil. IV 17. 

§448. Personal Pronouns: the Locative. 387 

Lesb. aftjutv vmaiv, Dor. a/utv i/utv &f*iv v/titv vfitv, Ion. Att. 
rif.uv tjfuv vftiv vftfy, Horn, also tjjuiv Spiv; the retrograde 
accent in these forms (except the Lesbian) is a substitute for 
enclisis (I § 676 pp. 544 ff.). Without -v, Lesb. Horn, appi 
v^/ut. It is natural to suppose that there is a connexion with 
the forms examined in §§ 423 f. pp. 346 ff., as Skr. tdstnin 
Avest. cwtahmi Gr. b'-Tfyii. The relation of *y>s(s)mi *#8(s)min 
*us(s)tni *us(s)tnin = appi aptuv v/u/lu v^/luv to *Q$(s)tne 
*u8(s)me = a ft /us v/ups is the same as that of *tesmi *tesrnin 
= Avest. atfahmi Skr. tdsmin to *tesme = Lith. tami 
(instead of m iesmH); and further, a^tv is to Avest. ahmai as 
Skr. tdsmin to tdsmdi. Since it is only in -smin that proof 
has so far been shown for -*n as an Idg. locative suffix, 1 ) I hold 
aWAiv v/ufuv to be older than s/ulv xiv Hv. The analogy of 
dfi/Litv : ap/u* suggested lj.dv beside epi 9 and so with the others. 
Perhaps a-g>/v, used for both sing, and pi., helped in this; 
viewed in conjunction with afifttv it would be analysed as 
tfqp-*V (§ 438 p. 371, § 449), that is to say if its association 
with aiifxiv vfifuv was earlier than the existence of t/uiv xiv 
//v; cp. pr. Germ. *piz € tibf on the analogy of *izviz Vobis' 
(§ 446 p. 383), and § 437 Rem. 2 p. 369. But this does not 
explain the l of yfitv tfitv etc. 

Remark. One possibility — not the only one — is that the deictic 
particle -tv became attached to *aapt (cp. ovroo-i* beside ovroa-i). 
Cp. Dor. ipt-i r*-i\ and Cypr. m 'me* (Meister, Or. DiaL II 211) which may 
be regarded as ju\. Then the difference in the meaning of *aopiv and 
*aafiir *Jo/i4 will have faded away afterwards. 

The forms xiv and Uv are also found with the meaning of 
the ace, which seems to have come about from the analogy of 
fiiv viv (and cp. yjigw pdotv etc.). Compare too Ved. m€ te 
and Lith. mi ti si as accusatives, § 447 pp. 384 f. 

1) All that Bartholomae brings forward in Bezz. Beitr. XV 18 is 
extremely uncertain. On ntf* nqt* see II § 135 p. 430. Even Avest j&wi, 
cited by Bartholomae Ar. Forech. Ill 28, does not obviously vitiate my 
view of the origin of xiv ni'v. 


388 Personal Pronouns: the Instrumental. §§448-450. 

With plural ending added : Lesb. amieoiv, similar to oqrf-at 

§ 449. 

The Instrumental. 

§ 449. Skr. mdya tvdya, Ved. these and tvd tuvd. The 
history of mdya tvdya is doubtful. They may have been 
formed in connexion with mdm tvdm on the analogy of 
dhaya : d&vOm (cp. asmdsu beside asmdbhif following d&v&su : 
d£vabhi$, § 448 p. 386); or perhaps they come from the 
possessive stems *meio- *tyeip- (cp. Lat. meus 0.C.81. tvofi). 
Ved. yufmd-datta- given by you* like tvd-datta-; by adding 
to *am& yu$tnd the instr. pi. suffix we have asmd-bhi§ 
yu$md-bhi§. Skr. tvd yu$tnd may be derived from the 
possessive stems *tyo- *(£)w(s)smo-, like tvt etc., § 447 p. 384. 
In Avestic, personal pronouns dropped the instrumental case 
(Bartholomae, Ar. Forsch. II 127). 

Armen. ine-v (instead of *irne-v following inj? cp. § 444 
p. 380). Re-Vj me-vR je-vB. Reflexive sing, iure-v. 

Gr. a-tpfo and o-tpi. On the case-suffixes see § 281 
pp. 186 f., on the stem, § 436 Rem. 3 p. 368. From otpi was 
formed a plural o<fi-oi, as Skr. yu$md-bhi$ from yu$md y and others. 

Lith. tnanitnl taviml saviml following the t-class, like the 
loc. manyji etc., § 448 p. 386; in dialects also tnanl tavi savi 
like ak\ (§ 278 pp. 181, 183). O.C.S1. munojq tobojq sobojq 
were made beside the loc. dat. irtint, tebt sebi (§ 445 p. 382) to 
match with rqkojq : rqc&. Lith. mu-mls ma-mi, ju-nAs ju-m\ 
O.C.S1. na-mi vu-mi like dat. mh-ms jb-ms na-mu va-mii, 
§ 445 pp. 382 f. 

Pruss. sen maim 'mecum' is properly 'cum meo' (§ 421 
p. 344), cp. gen. maisei § 452. 

The Genitive, and the Possessive Adjectives. 

§ 450. From the original language and onwards there 
has been a very close connexion between the genitive case of 
pronouns and their possessives. The possessives were for the 
most part built up on forms which were used with a genitive 
meaning; and here all will be treated together. 

§450. Personal Pronouns: the Gen., and the Poss. Adj. 389 

I. Idg. *eme *teye *8eue, the bare stem, like ace. sing. 
Gr. ifii etc. Beside *eme there was another stem *me-ne, 
whose ending recals Skr. ca-nd A vest. ka~na (§ 421 p. 344) 
and the like; compare Torp's hypothesis mentioned already, 
§ 435 Rem. page 366. 

Armen. im. A vest, tna-na O.Pers. ma-na ; Cymr. my w-; 
Lith. mane (instead of *me-ni on the analogy of tavi savi) 
Pruss. *me-ne (inferred from dat. men net), O.C.81. me-ne. 

Skr. tdva Avest. tava (the Avest. possessive hava- comes 
from pr. Ar. *sava, § 451); Armen. £o, which doubtless began 
originally with t- (rf-), but took R- = *f#- from the other 
cases, — in other respects the word is treated like nor new* 
(II § 75 p. 192); Mid.Cymr. teu (pr. British *tou), O.Ir. do du 
first from *tou *t0 with accent (on the variants do- and £-, 
do-mClthir and co-t-m<tthir, see vol. I p. 551); Lith. tavi savt, 
O.C.S1. tebe sebe instead of Hove *sove on the combined 
analogy of teb6 seM and mene. 

Sanskrit mdma is either ma reduplicated (cp. tvq-tvam 
and the like, II § 54 p. 100), in which case we must assume 
Idg. *me as well as *eme (cp. Avest. twa-, § 451); or it was 
*ama = Armen. im transformed by the analogy of ma mt. 
Compare the Author, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 401; Torp. op. 
cit. 20 f.; Wackernagel, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVIII 138. 

In Greek the genitives were extended by -ffjo, *s/m-gio 
etc., which served to keep them distinct from the accusative. 
ifisTo iftio iuev lf.tov fitv t uov y osio a&o asv aot>, sJo £o ei ov. 
Then again -£ was added, producing such genitives as Dor. 
ifABog Ifievg, xioq xtvg. 

The formation of these Greek genitives seems to throw 
light on Armenian £o-y, gen. tioyoy, 'tuus'. It is possible 
that the kernel of this is £o, explained above; this would be 
extended to *£o-y, and from this would grow out the possessive 
Hoy in exactly the same way as the possessive imo- was made 
from im (§ 451). But it is also possible to regard the kernel 
of this word as being the gen. 'Igo-sgo, i. e. the gen. of the 

''J* 4 ) P«f*c«*l Pr«»:v£t : tfee Get, a4 tW F«ac A4> § 450,451. 

pome* ire which hid taken the place of the original nbetantrrml 
genitive f§ 452). 

Latin met #«* «rf and Lithuanian wumo Utro sdro (abo 
accented marno tavo $aco) are obscure. We cannot tell 
whether they are direct transformations of the pr. Idg. gen. 
of substantial personal pronouns, or whether they were 
originally gen. of the possessive pronouns (Lat. mieu-m etc., 
Lfth. m&na-$ etc.) which at a late period took the place of 
these: Lat. nostri cestfi are undoubtedly possessive*. 

In Keltic the pronouns of the 1* and 2** persona influenced 
each other's form. In Irish we see mo w*u following do du 
(cp. O.Ir. friumm following friut § 442 Rem. p. 377), and 
similarly in MiiCymr. meu following teu. On the other hand 
it may be conjectured that Cymr. dy (pre-tonic) follows my (*-), 
cp. Bret, da and ma (but Corn, de and ear). 

In Balto-81avonic, genitives of this class were the 
foundation for re-modelled forms in the other cases: Lith. man% 
mdnei tnanyji maniml, tav\ etc., Pruss. dat. mennei, 0.C.81. 
triki& mUnojq. Compare Prakr. ace. mamam loc. mamammi 
abl. mamOdd from the gen. mama, 0.C.S1. dat. desomu loc. 
desomi (beside 6emt) from the gen. €eso cuius*. 

§ 461. The genitives mentioned in § 450 were inflected 
as o-stems to form possessive pronouns. 

**me- *we- *mene: Avest. ma-, Armen. im gen. tmoy, 1 ) 
Or. «/*©-£, Lith. mdna-s (with a in the first syllable on the 
analogy of t&va-s sdva-s). 

*teye- *seye: with the variants *tue- *s#e- 2 ) **«-. 
Avest. hava-j Skr. tvd-s svd-s Avest. pwa- hva- O.Pers. uva-. 

1) "Whether the nom. im i8 an unchanged im = Idg *eme> as in 
Old Saxon the gen. pi. usa itca were used unchanged for the nom. sing, 
of the possessive (§ 455), or whether im once had a nominative sign, is 
a question which cannot be decided. 

2) +8y* doubtless in **t^-«>r- 'sister' and *s#f-htro- 'father-in-law*. 
Are we justified, on the strength of Mid.H.G. ttwfrger, in assuming *sye 
as a variant of *#?*« for Idg., like Skr. ma beside Or. n* and the like? 

§451. Personal Pronouns: the Gen., and the Porb. Adj. 3MI 

Armen. £o- = *tyo- in Roy 'tuus', see § 452. (Jr. t*o-c f'o'-c; 
<jo'-s /o'-c o-c; pronominal flexion is clear in the adv. */oJ in 
Stu 07i7i toq etc. (§ 417 p. 338), cp. pron. flexion in Aryan, as 
Ved. sod-smin Avest. ma-p pwa-hml. Lat. tocos tuo-s 
sovo-s suo-s, Umbr. tover *tui' Osc. tuvai dat. 'tuae Osc. 
soveis c 8ui'; O.Jjat. su-tn sis sa-tn and perhaps Umbr. so- in 
sve-su (§ 447 p. 385). Lith. tdva-s sava-s. 

Another class of possessives is formed with secondary 
suffixes, from genitives or from other forms: 

Skr. tndina-ka~s m&mdkd-s tdvakd-s (the two last are 
Vriddhi derivatives, cp. II § 60 pp. 112 f.) from rndma tdva, 
see II § 86 p. 257. mad4ya-s tvad-iya-s from mdd tvdd 
(cp. § 444 p. 380), see II § 63 p. 133. 

Two explanations are possible of Latin meu-s for *meiq-s 
(on miis = tnels and the like see Thurneysen , Kuhn's 
Zeitschr. XXX 500), Pruss. mais, ace. pi. matawis, twais 
swats, O.C.S1. tnoft tvofl svqfi. They may contain the suffix 
-jo-, like O.C.S1. na§f vast for *wfls-jo- *\&Os-io- (see II § 63 
pp. 132 f.); or, as is assumed by Lid6n (Ark. nord. fil. Ill 242) 
and Johansson (Bezz. Beitr. XIV 171, XVI 135), the 
possessives *me£ *mo% (§ 447 pp. 384 flf.) were attracted to 
tlie o-class and became *meio- *ma$o-. On the last view, 
compare O.H.G. Frank, uns-a- O.Sax. us-a- Pruss. nous-a- 
our* and the like, § 454. I leave the matter undecided. 

O.Ir. mui 'mine' (all genders), *tui (Mid.Ir. tai) 'thine* (all 
genders) are modelled upon at ae 'his', used for all genders 
(p. 339, footnote). In this statement I follow Thurneysen. 

As before, two origins are possible for Gothic mein-s 
pein-s sein-s O.H.G. niln din afn, and I leave the question 
open. They may have the Suffix -fwo- (II § 68 p. 158), or, as 
Liden assumes (loc. cif.), they may be the possessive *tnei etc. 
-f- the suffix -no- (cp. Skr. purO-nd- 'former* and the like 
II § 66 pp. 142 ff.). In favour of the former view might be 
adduced Lith. Jc2nd 'whose from a form k$na- 'belonging to 
whom*, which seems to contain -2na-, a suffix very closely 
related to -Jwo- (II § 68 p. 160). But some dialects show 

392 Personal Pronouns: the Gen , and the Poss. Adj. §§ 451,452. 

kend (kano) (the Author, Lit. Volksl. 304), which resembles 
the variation of Skr. k&na and A vest, kana (§ 421 p. 344); 
cp. Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XVI 158. 

§ 452. We have often noticed that instead of 'ego, 'tiT, 
and so forth the equivalents of c meum', 'tuum', etc. were used, 
substituting for the idea of personality the more concrete 
expression denoting what belongs to the person and makes up 
his environment. Thus we find Umbr. tiom % te § 442 p. 377, 
Pruss. sen maim mecum* § 449 p. 388, Avest. ahnUXi 'nobis' 
§ 446 pp. 383 f., and perhaps Gr. Lesb. a/ufjtip 'nobis* § 448 
p. 387. Such expressions as these came the more naturally 
because there were forms which could be regarded as either 
a subst. personal pronoun or a neuter possessive used as a 
subst. ; for example, loc. Skr. tv$ (cp. 8V$ 'in suo'). 1 ) 

Thus it may be seen how the genitive of the possessive 
often came to be used instead of the gen. of the personal 
pronouns. Gr. t*o?o reov loio lov from z*6-v Jo-h, and with 
-£ added (cp. spio-c § 450 p. 389) Dor. tsw-g *7"">S' Boeot. 
Tsw-q zuo-g (the Author, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 407 f., 414 ff.). 
Pruss. maisi twaisei. Possibly of this sort are Armen. *Sojfj 
the kernel of Hoy 'tuus', and Lat. met tu% siti Lith. t&vo 
s&vo (see § 450 pp. 389 f.). The suggested derivation of these 
Lith. forms from m&na- 'meum' etc. is supported by kend 
* whose', if it is derived from a poss. adj. k-$na- (§ 451, above). 

A case of the possessive may also be expected in Goth. 
meina peina seina O.H.G. mln dm sin. But which case is it P 

Remark. Bezzenberger's view is that meina is ablative (Unters. 
(iber die got. Adv., 7) ; its ground-form would then be *minOd or *minid, 
and it would answer to Lith. mdfno, op. § 228 p. 114, § 241 p. 135. 
Dr. K. Bojunga holds it to be the nom. aoo. pi. neuter (op. 8kr. asmdka-m). 
Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XVI 163 f., explains meina as *m^-wd- r , which 

1) However, it is still unknown in what way the adj. 8kr. era- and 
Avest hra- 'own, my, thy, his* oame to be used for the subst pronoun, 
whence we have svd-8 hvd 'he himself ttva 'she herself*. This use must 
surely be a secondary developeinont. We might believe that the Idg. 
reflexive pronoun subst. (Or. ? Lat. vi etc.) adopted the inflexion of the 
possessive, and in this way got a nominative case. 

i 452 -454. Personal Pronouns: the Gen., and the Poss. Adj. 393 

he calls "a loo.-instr. case with the meaning by or with me, or something 
of the kind; or, more precisely, a locative ^nej^moy-mt), strengthened by 
an ^-suffix {= itsmi- : asml-n, or, vice versa, jmdn :jmdni) n ; compare his 
view of misara, in the volume oited above, pages 136 f. 

§ 453. On Armen. iur 'sin, see § 455. 

Lith. man$8 tav$s savqs, beside mani tuve save, are still 
an unsolved problem; they recal O.C.S1. tojq rqfcy du§$ (§ 229 
pp. 117 f., § 420 p. 343). There is another group, manis taves 
satis, which look like an extension of mani etc. by -s similar 
to Gr. iftso-q (§ 450 p. 389), or a kind of compromise between 
mani and manfy etc.; another is mams taves saves, coined for 
the benefit of manimi manyji etc. Cp. Bruckner, Arch. slav. 
Phil. IV 11 ff. 

Lastly, the student must be reminded that forms like 
Skr. mS, locative in form, were originally possessives, and 
are still used as such in the separate languages; they may 
also be called possessive genitive. See § 447 pp. 384 ff. 

§ 454. II. If the ace. *Q8me (= Gr. «/</**) was a 
combination of the ace. *#* (= Goth, uns) with the particle 
*sme (§ 443. 2 p. 379), we might expect *%8me to be sometimes 
used for the genitive, considering that Skr. nas can be so used. 
Then the Greek *awtt-7o *v(u{ut-7o, later with plural suffix 
aufitUov *vjLijH6i'(ov (Horn, ijfiuwv vjuhmv t/jLtftoy ifiitov, Att. ijftwv 
vjLtuiv, Dor. a {is coy v/uecov dfttfov v/ntwr) bear the same relation 
to Idg. gen. *#8tne as Ips-To to Idg. gen. *eme. On the analogy 
of these genitives in -«W was formed ocpeuor a<pmv. We 
add as further examples the possessives Avest. ahma- Lesb. 
upfto-q vnporq Dor. titpo-q ifio-g, and Avest. ma- Gr. sft6-$. 

A certain amount of support for this view may be 
had from the Balto-Slavonic and some Germanic forms. As 
has already been said (§ 448 p. 386), O.C.S1. nasU vasu 
Prus8. nouson iouson Lith. mAsU jusQ have doubtless been 
built up on *n$8 *u&8 used for the genitive. These passed 
into the o-class, apd gave rise to the poss. adj. Pruss. nous-a- 
tows-a- (masc. dat. nousesmu ace. iouson, fern. nom. noma 
iousa etc.) and Lith. mus&s-is j&sas-is fern. mus6-ji jQs6-ji, 

.'W4 P<>rftonal Pronouns: the Gen. and the Pogs. Adj. §§454.455. 

whilst O.C.81. naft vast, for *wfl8~io- *vd8-io- J have the suffix -io-. 
Similarly we have poss. adj. W.Genn. unsa- 'our' from 
uns = *#*, e. g. Frank, gen. unses, and O.Sax. usa O.Pris. use 
gen. pi. (§ 345 p. 246) like Lat. nostrum beside nostri, and 
again on this analogy tira- your'; Germ, uns-era- beside 
unsa- like Gr. tJhs-tsqo-s beside ifio^ (§ 455). 

The origin of Avest. tta- our* was as follows. The 
possessive genitive nd = Skr. was, when dependent upon a 
nom. sing, masc, was regarded as the nom. of an adj. stem 
in -o- (such as ma- meus*) and was then declined in other 
cases on this supposition. Cp. Lat. cuius belonging to whom* 
from cuius § 419 p. 342. 

§ 455. An r-suffix is seen in the gen. O.Icel. v&r *our* 
for *yfir, beside Goth, veis *we', and O.H.G. uns€r iuwtr. We 
may conjecture that this is the same element which is seen 
in Armenian pronouns with gender (§ 419 p. 341), and 
which we find here in personal pronouns: sing, iur 'sui', with 
plural inflexion added iureang, and tner 'nostri* jer 'vestri'. 
Perhaps r in these is the same as in adverbs like Goth. h$r 
'here par 'there' (cp. p. 71 footnote), so that the original 
meaning of *u$r will be 'by, beside us' or something of the 
kind, and its use for the genitive might be compared with 
that of Skr. loc. #i£ and the like (see Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. 
XVI 123 fF., especially pp. 134 and 143). The reason why -£r 
in O.H.G. unsbr iuu$r was never shortened (as it was in faier 
for pr. Germ. *fader) is that these forms, which, like O.Sax. 
gen. pi. Usa iwa (§ 454), were also used directly for the nom. 
sing, of the possessive adjective, fell under the influence of forms 
like jenlr WinUr, whose -Sr came from *-ai-2 (§ 414 p. 336); 
observe the different origin of the endings in unstr and 
unserfr. Armen. iur nter jer are also poss. adj., gen. iuroy 
meroy jeroy (cp. § 450 p. 389), and O.Icel. vdr-r noster 
from the gen. trtlr. 

With a comparative suffix Gr. wif-repo-v r«i*-r*po-v and 
reflexive <tyf-i>oo-£ (used for both plural and singular) and 
Lat, nos-ter res-ter (coster doubtless simply on the analogy of 

§ 455. Personal Pronouns : the Gen., and the Po89. Adj. 31)5 

noster), Umbr. vestra abl. vestra, cp. II § 75 pp. 193, 195, § 139 
p. 450. And as TJ^eregov can hardly be distinguished in sense 
from rifttZv (the Author, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 403, 410, 
cp. reoTo § 452 p. 392), so nostrl vestrf along with the 
pluralised nostrum vestrutn (first doubtless in phrases like 
multl nostrum) became the gen. of nds vOs. The same -faro- 
is seen in the O.Ir. dual nd-ihar and other words, § 459. 

Remark. The different rowel in nosier and tester is doubtless 
original. (If Osc. nistrus, Zvet. no. 129.2, is to be explained with 
Bugge as 'nostras* — not so according to BQoheler, see I § 65 p. 54 — 
it most oome from *nestro- y and that must be regarded as an adformate 
of vesfro-. Perhaps the difference in O.Ir. gen. l 8t person nH-thar 
beside 2 nd person se-thar (se- = *8-#e-) is similar, oompare § 457 on 
Skr. nftu : vcLtn. 

These forms with -t(e)ro- will serve to shew that the 
second comparative suffix -(e)ro- (II § 75 pp. 188 ff.) is to be 
seen in the following forms. O.Ir. gen. ar n- and far n- with 
the gen. pi. ending like Lat. nostrum, used for the possessive; 
ar w- probably (according to Torp, as cited, p. 41) for *8$ro- 
= *ys-ro- (with -r- for -sr- cp. mir for *m8nsr-, I § 574 
p. 430) with the vowel of the first syllable weakened to a in 
proclitic position (explained differently by Thurneysen, see 
vol. II § 75 p. 196 footnote); and far w- similarly either 
for *s-jf€s-ro- or for *s-#£-ro-, — if the latter it must have 
been originally dual like sethar 'vester (pi.) , see § 459. 
Goth, unsar izvar, O.Icel. yd(v)ar-r, O.H.G. with strong 
ending unser&r iuwerSr, compare the gen. of the person, pron., 
Goth, unsara izvara O.Icel. yd(v)ar, like Goth, meina beside 
mein-s, OJcel. m%n beside min-n (§ 452 with the Rem. 
pp. 392 f.); since izvar iuwer&r cannot be derived from *es- 
-yes-ro- *e-yes-ro- y they were either dual at first, ns 
O.Ir. far n- may have been, or else they are simply due to 
the analogy of unsar unserfr. 

These forms with ~(e)ro- and the subst. OJcel. var 
O.H.G. unsSr seem to be related in much the same way as 
Gr. vns$o-g Lat. s-uperu-s and vnig s-uper, or the like 
(H § 75 pp. 188 ff., HI § 258 p. 159). 

396 We and Yon, Dual: Nora, and Aoc. §§456,457. 

§ 466. A formative suffix -aka- is shown in the Aryan 
genitives: Skr. asm&kam yu$mdkam, Ved. also asmdka yu$m&ka 
doubtless following mama tdoa (conversely, Pali mamam tavam 
follow amhakam tumhakam); Avest. ahmakem yuSmakem 
xsmdkem O.Pers. amOxam (on this -a:- see Bartholomae, Ar. 
Forsch. I 79). Connected with these are the possessives Skr. 
asmdka-s yupmdka-s, Aveat. ahmdka- yilsmaka- xSmdka-. The 
forms in -akam can hardly be anything but the nom. ace. sing, 
neuter, although the reason why this form was pitched upon 
is still unexplained ; cp. yuvdku, used for the gen. dual, beside 
the adj. yuvdku-? (§§ 458, 459). Cp. II § 36 pp. 257 f., § 89 
p. 272 f.; Benfey, Abh. der Gott. Ges. der Wiss. XIX 4, 46; 
the Author, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXVII 400 ff.; Torp, op. tit. 
p. 31. A different view — but one which if I may say so, 
smacks too much of the old "glottogonic" school — is taken 
by Johansson, Bezz. Beitr. XVI 139 f. 

Remark. It is quite possible that asmdknm was originally 
adverbial, with some meaning like 'on our side, by us'. Then the 
attributive use with nouns , e. g. asmdka gdyatrdh 'our song', was the 
same as in td imt rldHrq Wlcdh Qat. Brfch. 1. 4. 1. 23 'these are the 
far-sundered (lit. far apart, adv.) worlds', Gr. o rvr x™ yo: eto « ( ttee 
Goedioke, Aoc. in Veda 233; Delbrfiek, 8ynt. Forsoh. V 72, 203; Paul, 
Prino.* 314). The use of tndma triva Avest. mana tava would also have 
had something to do with this idiom. 

For the possessive, Sanskrit has also asmad-tyas yu$mad- 
-fya-8 } cp. mad-tya-s tvad-tya-s § 451 p. 391. 

b. The Dual of we and you and of the Reflexive, 
together with their several Possessives. 

Nominative and Accusative. 

§ 457. The main characteristic of the dual cases was 
the absence of the $ of the forms used for the plural, Skr. mo-s 
va-8 etc. 

Answering to the plural nom. *ue-i 'we' the dual had *ye 
*t& (cp. *me *ml Gr. /<* Skr. ma and the like, § 415 Rem. 
p. 337). *ue: Goth. O.Icel. vi-t A.S. iw-f, Lith. dial, vi-du 
fem. vh-dvi, but in H.Lith. mii-du -dvi (vi-du was orig. only 

$457. We and You, Dual: Nom. and Ace. 397 

nom., niu-du only ace; in one set of dialects tnudu was entirely 
levelled out, and vidu in the other); Lith. -du and Goth, -t 
must both have been connected with the numeral two (Goth. 
tvdi), but the manner in which the Goth, form was shortened 
to -f is not clear. *#2: O.C.S1. v&, Skr. Ved. vdm with the 
particle -m. 

Answering to the plural nom. *iU8 you* the dual had *&u 
*i« (cp. *tu tu 'thou' and the like, § 415 Rem. p. 337). *%u: 
Lith. jk~du (also used as ace), Goth. */u-J (by an accident, 
not actually found), instead of which in other dialects we find 
A.S. gi7 O.Sax. git H.G. Bavar. e% O.Icel. it influenced by 
wit vit (cp. § 441 p. 374). *i&: Skr. yuvdm = yU + atn. 

In place of the plural ace. etc. Skr. nas Lat. ttds etc 
the following forms appear in the dual: Skr. enclitic ftflti, ace. 
gen. dat. like nas; Gr. *g> ace. nom., beside which in Homer 
is *d)-i perhaps with the deictic -i (cp. the Author, Gr. Gr. 2 
p. 132); O.C.S1. na ace. dat. Thus there was in Idg. an 
enclitic *wtf (*ntf$t), which in Greek, accented, took the place of 
the nom. as well, just as the plural Lat. nOs came to be used 
for the nominative too. And as the plural had *#$ (Goth, uns) 
beside *nds, so the dual had *# beside *wtf, in ace. Goth, ug-k 
A.S. un-c with the particle -k like mi-4. Another form which 
must doubtless be added to the list is Skr. Ved. dvdm-, which 
may be derived from fl- = *#, by assuming that it was 
extended on the analogy of yuv&m, cp. below. 

In place of the plural ace. etc. Skr. vas Lat. vOs etc. 
the following forms appear: Skr. enclitic vdm (with the 
m-particle) ace. gen. dat. like «?««; O.C.S1. va ace. dat. nom. 
(its use for the nom. is not original). Does the contrast 
between Skr. ndu : vdm indicate that the ground-form of the 
2 nd person was %£, not *#0? (cp. § 455 Rem. p. 395). 
Answering to *# (Goth, ug-k) there may have been a *w in 
Germanic, ace. *u-A#, which could become A.S. inc etc. by 
analogical change, see § 437. 2, d p. 370. 

Skr. Ved. 1 st person nom. dvdm ace. dvdm, 2 Bd person 
nom. yuvdm ace. yuvdm; in later Sanskrit the ace. forms 




—- : \ 








.1 41 

% * 



•* Si J 

r * 

S s ' 



400 We and You, Dual; and their PoesessiTeg. §§ 457,458. 

could be used for the nom. too. Avest. ace. &vd. Probably 
the nom. yuvdm had (in pr. Ar.) produced an ace. yuvdm on 
the analogy of tuvdm tvAm : tuv&m tvdm. .An ace. *yuotf, 
following tuvd tva, is indicated by Avest. av&. Cp. abl. yuvdd 
following tuvdd tvdd. And then, apparently to get similar 
forms for the l 8t person, there were formed dvdm Skr. Ovdm 
Avest. avd (cp. abl. avdd), the kernel for these being a- = 
*#;£- = *#: *#- in Goth, ug-k, as *iQ- : *j(u-. Similarly in 
the plural, but by the opposite attraction, Skr. yu-ydm follows 
vay-dm, see § 458. 

Distinct from all the forms hitherto mentioned is Gr. atpai 
'you two', Horn. aqpc5* (like wu-i above). A conjecture on ita 
origin is given in § 436 Rem. 3 page 368. 

Reflexive: Horn. ace. oywe, a kind of dualisation of otpi 
by intrusion of w, like oywiv following a(piv. 

The Remaining Cases, and the Possessives. 

§ 468. Aryan. There is nothing of the dual in the 
case ending of any of the following forms: Ablative Skr. Ved. 
dvdd yuvdd: cp. tvdd. Instrumental yuvd in Ved. yuvd-datta-s : 
cp. tvd-datta-s yu$md-dalta-$. Genitive Avest. yuvOkem, like 
yu§makem, but Skr. Ved. yuvdku yuvdku? with the adj. 
yuvdku-$ as contrasted with yufrndkatn with the adj. 
yu$tndka-s: this a&u-formation and the use of the adjective 
yuvdku-$ suggest that there may be some close connexion 
between these and yuvayu-$ yuvayu-§ tvdyii-s and the like 
(cp. § 456 p. 396, and the references there given). On 
the other hand , dual inflexion is seen in gen. loc. &vdyd§ 
yuvdyd? (beside which Vedic has yuv6§), to be explained as 
we have explained $nd$ : 8nayd§ (§ 307 p. 205) , or else as 
being derived straight from "ytf, the form from which yuvdm 
comes (cp. stinA : sunv-6§) ; and in dat.-abl. instr. dodrbhydm 
yuvd-bhyam beside yuvd-bhydm (cp. J. Schmidt, Pluralb. 20). 

Greek. Horn, v&iv 6(pmv Att. v<pv ogxfiv. Cp. roT-if 
§ 312 p. 211. Does vmv come from *vw-(hv? It is also 

§458. We and You, Dual; and their Possessives. 401 

possible that vmv like ifdv was modelled upon dwtv, and 
being associated with rouv Innouv came to have the same 

Lat nO-bTs vO-bts may be regarded as old dual cases 
(cp. O.C.S1. na-ma va-ma) whose suffix has been pluralised 
by association with the type of ist%s y see § 445 p. 382. This 
is not the only instance of a form passing into the plural 
system when the dual has died out: a parallel is Bavar. e% enk 
used for the plural. Much the same thing is seen in Norse 
dialects; see Johansson, Kuhn's Zeitschr. XXX 551. Compare 
the Latin dual duae, equae used for the plural, § 286 p. 194, 
§ 315 p. 215. 1 ) 

O.Ir. gen. nOthar n&r Mid.Ir. fathar ear, see § 459. 

Germanic. Round about the form *un-ke = Goth, ugk 
(§ 457), whose k was regarded as parallel to the s of uns and 
so lumped together with the stem, were produced Goth, ugkis 
ugkara following unsis unsara, O.Sax. gen. unkero gen. pi. of 
the possessive like Usa, dat. unk for *nnkiz like iu for *t##ie, 
O.H.G. gen. unklr following uns&r. Similarly in the 2 nd person 
Goth, igqis igqara (-&#- following -zv- in izvis izvara) 
O.Sax. ink. A.S. ace. uncit incit, beside dat. unc iwc, with 
-it following the nom. urit jit. 

Balto-Slavonic. O.C.S1. na-ma va-ma like ryka-ma, 
but na-ju va-ju as contrasted with rqku toju. Lithuanian 
shows a multitude of forms distributed among the different 
dialects. Dat. instr. mu-m ju-m beside mu-du jii-du (§ 457 
pp. 396 f.), as in the plural mu-ms ju-ms and mu-mls /w-wls; 
also mum-dvem jum-dv2m. Then mum and jum served as a 
kernel for the gen. O.Lith. mumu jumu with the -ii of the 
gen. plural (cp. gen. dual dvZmu, Bruckner, Arch. slav. Phil., 
Ill 310), and for the dat. mumZm; there are also gen. m&ma 
juma (used as the poss. gen.), which are found in districts 
where mano tavo have regularly become m&na tava, and 
therefore are without doubt modelled after them. Elsewhere 

1) So now Bartholomae, 8tud. znr idg. 8pr., I 7. 





j -„ puJ; ,«/ tkeir Pofessirt*. g& *a&, 

*' - - A -,w IP br » &">> ,u * Je "P of "*-* "*" 

„, .*— .-** "'^Jsrs'in the ssme ™S- H&A *.,„,_ 
.--J* **«* ^^ m****» J*-*™, foo. ,**>_ 
-UrSif /**i# ^4, the structure of fJ-afa 

** \+*** ** m IS obscured, that tho r „,„,„ 
-"'* './ /->-** ****** *' thnal rh they were t>*f-u efo . - 

<***£»* <"**zZ£ jL~*sio+ son 

A***' *****- •A*"* >,?]„&. <**"» ^m nom. <tW« 

Hid*** • * 5Ar. M!fi*&** Or. Horn. ™- 

. of^' rtf ^L^/ a r *& ' esch of us two ' whicn we may 

?**»"%'** p'- me ar "' (§ 455 p - 395); "*■ for 

^qjectore to » * Jr ^-thar — seihar{-si) Wb. l b is glossed 

•**■• ** *? win. P' a^a, — which is connect ed with *«-»«-, 

iceea**^*! 1 T a »ve been dua1 ' M ia 8tiU MidIr - nechthar 

m ust "f^fyou two ifathar is doubtless a transformation 

/**»"• '"** the analogy of /ar), and possibly Mid.Ir. sar in 

„/• j***"" of y0 „ two" and the possessive genitive far n- 

itdalo-s"' ° 

cp. Kv- cit ' ) - 
yarned from 

g en. pL vnker ° 

jw"", . ,1.. D $ve "«"■- ? "~ •» °«" jn.iu.xr. necmnar 

a ust ofZ^fyou W ifathar is doubtless a transformation 
father Vwe °^ mhgJ f /ar), and possibly Mid.Ir. sar in 

° { ^^ar 'o° e ° { y0U ^ and the P 088essive genitive far n- 

**&/<*> GothiC ,5,?ar ^* ar not found ' but mav be 
(CP 'med from &>*■ tffkara), O.Icel. ohhar-r ykkar-r, O.Sax. 




We and You, Dual ; and their Possessive*. 

§§ *&&, 

the case-system is filled up by a form made up of* &&—, ?** 
or /«-4--rf«, but not always in the same way. TLigh JLtlt 
gen. mh-dviju ju-dt£jQ dat. instr. tnu-dv8m jit-dvgm Ioc. *»«3 
-dvise ji-dvise. But in other parts the structure of v£-dt 
mb-du and jft-cfc became so much obscured, that they came 
under the influence of sinu as though they were z>£d-u etc. : 
hence gen. vidums mudums, judums (cp. sunu-tns§ 310 p. 207), 
dat. instr. vMum muduni, judnm; so too we find in the same 
neighbourhoods gen. t&dums dat. instr. tudum from nom. tti-du 
(beside t&s 'the, that 9 ). 

§ 458. Possessive s. Skr. Ved. yuvdku-s. Gr. Horn, vfot- 
-r$Q0-g oqwt-Ttpo-g , cp. fjfis-XhQo-g. nohthar and «£-r 
in cechtar nathar, cechtar nar each of us two', which we may 
conjecture to be gen. pi. like ar n- (§ 455 p. 395); na- for 
*nd-. So too the se-thar — 8ethar{-si) Wb. l b is glossed 
accentuated vestram', plural — which is connected with *$-##-, 
must originally have been dual, as is still Mid.Ir. nechthar 
fathar 'one of you two* (fathar is doubtless a transformation 
of 8ethar on the analogy of /or), and possibly Mid.Ir. sar in 
indala-sar 'one of you two* and the possessive genitive far w- 
(cp. Ioc. cit.y Gothic igqar {ugkar not found, but may be 
assumed from gen. ugkara), O.Icel. okkar-r ykkar-r, O.Sax. 
gen. pi. unkero.