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Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."

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C— G 





Former and present members: A. Abel, C. C. Berg, F. Gabrieli, E. Garcia Gomez, H. A. R. Gibb, 

the late]. H. Kramers, the late E. Levi-Provencal, [G. Levi Della Vida], T. Lewicki, B. Lewin, 

B. Lewis, [the late E. Littmann], H. Masse, G. C. Miles, H. S. Nyberg, R. Paret, J. Pedersen, 

Ch. Pellat, the late N. W. Posthumus, J. Schacht, F. C. Wieder 

Former and present associated members: H. H. Abdul Wahab, the late A. Adnan Adivar, A. S. Bazmee 

Ansari, the late Husain Djajadinincrat, A. A. A. Fyzee, M. Fuad Koprulu, Ibrahim Madkour, 

the late Khalil Mardam Bey, Naji al-Asil, the late Muhammad Shafi, Mustafa al-Shihabi, 

Hasan Taghizade, E. Tyan 

Former and present honorary members: G. Levi Della Vida; the late E. Littmann 

The articles in volumes one and two were published in fascicules from 1954 onwards, the dates of 
publication of the individual fascicules being: 




3, vol 



4, vol 



5-7, vol 




10, vol 




14, vol 




19, vol 




23, vol 




26, vol 




29, vol 




34, vol 




37, vol 




40, vol 

First impression 1965 
Second impression 1970 
Third impression 1983 

ISBN 90 04 07026 5 

© Copyright 1965, 1991 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands 

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated 

in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without 

written permission from the Editors 



For the benefit of readers who may wish to follow up an individual contributor's articles, the Editors have 
decided to place after each contributor's name the numbers of the pages on which his signature appears. 
Academic but not other addresses are given (for a retired scholar, the place of his last known academic 
appointment). The following is a consolidated list and index of authors for the first two volumes of the 

In this list, names in square brackets are those of authors of articles reprinted or revised from the first edition 
of this Encyclopaedia or from the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. An asterisk after the name of the author 
in the text denotes an article reprinted from the first edition which has been brought up to date by the 
Editorial Committee; where an article has been revised by a second author his name appears in the text 
within square brackets after the name of the original author. 

M. Abdul Hai, University of Dacca, i, 1167. 
H. H. Abdul Wahab, Tunis, i, 24, 207, 309, 863. 
Mrs Fevziye Abdullah-Tansel, University of 

Istanbul, ii, 683. 
A. Abel, Universite Libre, Brussels, i, 923, 1055, 

1277; «, 59. 7i, 77, 126, 128, 131, 199. 
A. Adam, University of Aix-Marseilles. i, 506, 978; ii, 

117, 727- 
the late A. Adnan Adivar, Istanbul, i, 393. 
Aziz Ahmad, University of Toronto, ii, 297, 421, 437, 

M. Muni 

pe, University of Istanbul, ii, 7 

ii, 10, 63. 

F. R. Allchin, University of Cambridge, i, 857, 1010. 
Miss Gunay Alpay, University of Istanbul, ii, 997, 

1043, 1 138. 
H. W. Alter, Dhahran. ii, 109, 569. 

G. C. Anawati, Cairo, ii, 755, 837. 

R. Anhegoer, Istanbul, i, 175, 184, 481. 

A. S. Bazmee Ansari, Central Institute of Islamic 
Research, Karachi, i, 431, 433, 702, 808, 809, 813, 
822, 828, 856, 859, 952, 954, 957, 958, 970, 1005, 
1012, 1018, 1020, 1022, 1023, 1043, 1053, 1137, 
1161, 1166, 1192, 1193, 1194, 1196, 1197, 1202, 
1203, 1210, 1219, 1254, 1300, 1330, 1331, 1348; ii, 
29> 3i, 47, 104, 132, 138, 140, 187, 189, 255, 276, 
317, 337, 372, 379, 381, 392. 489, 491. 494, SOI, 
504, 523, 558, 598, 602, 609, 736, 797, 809, 814, 
837, 869, 870, 872, 974, 1004, 1046, 1092, 1093, 
1123, 1131, 1135. 

it, University of London, i, 1078, 1215, 



the late R. R. Arat, University of Istanbul, i, 1038; 

ii, 69. 
A. J. Arberry, University of Cambridge, i, 1089; ii, 

[C. van Arendonk, Leiden], i, 258. 

R. Arnaldez, University of Lyons, ii, 767, 775. 

E. Asktor, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 1128. 
M. R. al-Assouad, Paris, ii, 245. 

J. Aubin, Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

i, 148. 
G. Aw ad, Baghdad, i, 423, 846, 866, 990, 1038. 
D. Ayalon, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 442, 

444, 445, 446, 732, 765, 945, 947, 1061, 1325; ii, 24, 

172, 357, 421, 955- 
A. M. A. Azeez, Zahira College, Colombo, ii, 28. 
Fr. Babincer, University of Munich, i, 97, 295, 309, 

707, 739, 768, 790, 826, 993; ii, 203, 292. 

F. Bajraktarevic, University of Belgrade, i, 131. 
J. M. S. Baljon Jr., University of Grooingen. i, 288. 
0. L. Barkan, University of Istanbul, ii, 83. 

[W. Barthold, Leningrad], i, 47, 71, 91, 102, 135, 
241, 278, 312, 320, 354, 419, 421, 423, 425, 453, 508, 
735, 750, 767, 839, 855, 857, 987, 993, 1002, 1010, 
ion, 1028, 1033, 1106, 1130, 1134, 1135, 1139, 
1188, 1296, 1311, 1312, 1338, 1343; ii, 3, 4, 19, 61, 
89, 607, 622, 778, 793, 976, 978, 1043, 1 1 18. 

[H. Basset, Rabat], i, 689. 

[R. Basset, Algiers], i, 50, 1179, 1187, 1315. 

A. Bausani, Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples, 
i, 304, 835, 847, 912, 918 ; ii, 397, 758, 784, 866, 971, 

M. Cavid Baysun, University of Istanbul, i, 63, 291; 

ii, 210, 420, 490, 713- 
L. Bazin, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 1159. 
S. de Beaurecueil, University of Kabul, i, 516. 
[C. H. Becker, Berlin], i, 9, 42, 52, 126, 729, 736, 788, 

845, 870, 933, 938, 945, 972, 1016, 1043; ii, 103. 
C. F. Beckinoham, University of London, i, 95, 106, 

719, 929, 933, 1038, 1043, 1280, 1283; ii, 57, 522, 

788, 1121. 
A. F.L.Beeston, University of Oxford, i, 103; ii, 895. 
[A. Bel, Tlemcen). i, 122, 123, 155. 
N. Beldiceanu, Centre national de la Recherche 

scientifique, Paris, i, 1299; ii, 689. 
[M. Ben Cheneb, Algiers], i, 96, 795 ; ii, 216, 528, 838. 

A. Bennigsen, Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, 
Paris, i, 422, 460, 756, 855, 958, 967, 1000, 1002, 
1005, 1028, 1084, 1189, 1190, 1297; ii, 19, 89, 697. 

B. Ben Yahia, Univers : ty of Tunis, ii, 60. 

C. C. Berg, University of Leiden, i, 1012, 1014, 1015, 
1100, 1221, 1259; ii, 19, 390, 497. 

M. Berger, Princeton University, ii, 1048. 

S. van den Bergh, London, i, 2, 179,514, 785 ;ii, 102, 

249, 494, 550. 
Niyazi Berkes, McGill University, Montreal, ii, 

J. Berque, College de France, Paris, i, 428, 661; ii, 

A. D. H. Bivar, University of London, ii. 978, 1096, 

1 1 39. 
W. Bjorkhan, Uppsala, i, 294; ii, 307. 
R. Blachere, University of Paris, i, 10, 105, 106, 149, 

316, 331, 345, 452, 522, 686, 751, 822, 845, 846, 870, 

1082; ii, 246, 789, 808, 1033. 
[J. F. Blumhardt, London], i, 242. 
[Tj. de Boer, Amsterdam.], i, 341, 350,427,736; ii, 

555, 837. 

D. J. Boilot, Cairo, i, 1238. 

S. A. Bonebakker, Columbia University, New York. 

i, 145, 772; ii, 1011. 
P. N. Boratav, Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, 

Paris, ii, 549, 708. 
C. E. Bosworth, University of St. Andrews, i, 938, 

1232, 1241, 1283, 1358; ii, 365, 573, 894, 1050, 1084, 

G.-H. I 


if Bordeai 

1 104. 

, 170,172, 

the late H. Bowen, University of London, i, 132, 207, 
212, 246, 247, 271, 286, 292, 318, 358, 388, 394, 398, 
399, 658, 761, 778, 807, 855, 953, 1004, 1077, 1080, 
"35, "59- 

J. A. Boyle, University of Manchester, i, 987, 1106. 
1130, 1188, 1311, 1312; ii 3, 4, 44, 393, 571, 607, 
976, 1043, 1 141. 

H. W. Brands, Fulda. i, 332; ii, 217. 

W. Braune, Free University, Berlin, i, 70. 

W. C. Brice, University of Manchester, ii, 991. 

[C. Brockelmann, Halle], i, 99, 100, 108, 167, 321, 
388, 393, 431, 485, 486, 516, 821, 822, 965, 966, 
1132, 1296, 1333; ii, 167, 606, 886, 1106. 

R. Brunschvig, University of Paris, i, 40, 340, 969, 

[F. Buhl, Copenhagen], i, 169, 194, 341, 344, 418, 630; 
», 354, 438. 743, 1025. 

J. Burton-Page, University of London, i, 926, 1024, 
1048, 1193, 1201, 1204, 1210, 1324; ii, 11, 13, 101, 
113, 121, 158, 162, 180, 183, 218, 219, 266, 274, 375, 
391, 405, 438, 499, 503, 545, 628, 678, 695, 976, 
981, 1130, 1131, "35- 

H. Busse, University of Hamburg, ii, 313, 804. 

A. Caferoglu, University of Istanbul, i, 194. 

Cl. Cahen, University of Paris, i, 239, 256, 314, 421, 
434. 437. 627, 630, 640, 659, 662, 667, 730, 732, 751, 
807, 823, 844, 910, 940, 955, 983, 1053, 1 147, ii6i, 
1191, 1292, 1309, 1337, 1357, 1358; ii, 5, 15, 66, 131, 
145, 188, 231, 299, 345, 348, 349, 385, 456, 490, 509 
562, 707, 749. 827, 965, 1045, mo. 

J. A. M. Caldwell, University of London, ii, 667. 

the late K. Callard, McGill University, Montreal, 
ii, 546. 

M. Canard, University of Algiers, i, 11, 449, 516,638, 
650, 688, 762, 790, 792, 825, 867, 940, 1075, 1103, 
1229; ii, 39, 170, 239, 319, 345, 347, 348, 44i, 454, 
458, 485, 488, 491, 503, 524, 681, 862. 

R. Capot-Rey, University of Algiers, i, 21 1, 307, 910, 

M me H. Carrere d'Encausse, Paris, i, 422, 504, 624, 

756, 855, 1190; ii, 206 397, 933- 
W. Caskel, Un ; versity of Cologne, i, 74, 203, 210, 

341, 436, 442, 529, 684, 690, 921, 964; ii, 72. 
[P. de Cenival, Rabat], ii, 368. 
E. Cerulli, Rome, i, 561. 
M. Chailley, Bamako, i, 1009. 
E. Chedeville, Paris, ii, 536. 
Chafik Chehata, University of Cairo, i, 320; ii, 231, 

390, 836. 
J Chelhod, Centre national de la Recherche 

scientifique, Paris, ii, 248, 884. 
G. L. M. Clauson, London, i, 557. 
G. S. Colin, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 98, 

245, 503, 860, 961, 1016, 1032, 1037, 1057, 1058, 

1225, 1315, 1350; ii, 18, 103, 131, 175, 308, 332, 368, 

527,874,902,979, "22. 
M. Colombe, Kcolc des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 

13, 46, 369- 
C. S. Coon, University of Pennsylvania, i, 874. 
R. Cornevin, Academie des Sciences d'Outre-mer, 

Paris, ii, 568, 943, 961, 97o, 978, 1003, 1133. 
the late Ph. de Cosse-Brissac, Paris, i, 68, 85. 
N. J. Coulson, University of London, i, 1143. 
[A. Cour, Constantine]. i, 167, 168; ii, 173, 511, 1139. 
K. A. C. Creswell, American University, Cairo, i, 

M.Cruz HernAndez, University of Salamanca, i, 772. 


M m<! B. Cvetkova, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 

A. H. Dani, University of Peshawar, i, 720, 1015; ii, 

32, 217,297,486,751,798. 
Besim Darkot, University of Ankara, ii, 210, 689, 

J. David-Weill, Ecole du Louvre, Paris, i, 349. 
C. Collin Davies, University of Oxford, i, 88, 153, 

239, 297, 317, 444, 628, 758, 768, 796, 864, 962, 970, 

979,1024, 1026, 1170,1193, 1206, 1357;", 220, 567, 

602, 610. 
R. H. Davison, George Washington University, 

Washington D.C. ii, 936. 
A. Decei University of Istanbul, i, 175, 311, 340; ii, 

A. Demeerseman, Tunis, ii, 437. 
the late J. Deny, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris. 

i, C>5, 75, 298, 641, 836. 
J. Despois, University of Paris, i, 366, 374, 460, 749, 

763, 789, 809, 1050, 1169, 1197, 1232, 1247; ii, 378, 

461, 464, 575, 603, 782, 877, 885, 993, 1010, 1023. 
G. Deverdun, Saint-Gcrmain-en-Laye. ii, 623, 11 10, 

^. Dietrich, University of Gottini 

', 90, 

B. Djurdjev, University of Sarajevo, i, 1018, 1165, 
1275; », 682. 

G. Douillet, Paris, ii, 954. 

J. Dresch, University of Paris, i, 98. 

C. E. Dubler, University of Zurich, i, 204, 243 ; ii, 350. 
H. W. Duda, University of Vienna, i, 1197, 1221 ; ii, 

D. M. Dunlop, University of Columbia, New York. 
i, 738, 836, 837, 862, 864, 865, 921, 927, 931, 934, 
936, 938, 967, 985, 1003, 1040, 1041, 1079, 1092, 
1132, 1134, 1224, 1339; ». 243, 291, 482, 522, 800, 

A. A. Duri, University of Baghdad, i, 436, 439, 485, 

908; ii, 166, 196, 197, 327. 
A. S. Ehrenkreutz, University of Michigan, ii, 118, 

Saleh A. El-Ali, University of Baghdad, i, 630, 760, 

789, 1097; ii, 196, 197, 198. 
J. Elfenbein, London, i, 1007. 
C. Elgood, El-Obeid, Sudan, i, 381. 
N. Elisseeff, Institut Francais, Damascus, i, 194, 

1030, 1102, 1138, 1281; ii, 291, 353, 541, 1106. 
M. Emerit, University of Algiers, i, 282, 370. 
M. Enamul Haq, Bengali Academy, Dacca, i, "69. 
M me M. L. van Ess-Bremer, University of Frankfurt 

a. M. ii, 879. 
R. Ettinghausen, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. 

T. Fahd, University of Strasbourg, ii, 242, 301, 377, 

760, 917. 
H. G. Farmer, Glasgow, i, 67, 1292; ii, 136,621, ion, 

1028, 1075- 
J. Faublee, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 

W. J. Fischel, University of California, Berkeley, ii, 

H. Fleisch, University St. Joseph, Beirut, i, 578; ii, 

75, 101, 217, 233, 4", 490, 545, 725, 790, 835, 898, 

927, 1027. 
G. S. P. Freeman-Grenvii.le, University of Ghana. 

1287, 1296; ii, 5, "3. "6, 142, 388, 553. 782, 806, 

817, 818, 928, 975, 997, iooi, ion, 1077, i"4- 

J. W. Ft)CK, University of Halle, i, 107, 453, 57i, 7", 

738, 827, 1082, 1089, 1241, 1348, 1358; ii, 884, 1005, 

A. A. A. Fyzee, University of Jammu and Kashmir. 

i, 1255, 1257. 
F. Gabrieli, University of Rome, i, 13, 99, 176, 196, 

206, 307, 438, 68i, 949, 987, "66; ii, 428, 553- 
L. Galand, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 

M me P. Galand-Pernet, Centre national de la 

Recherche scientifique, Paris, i, 793. 
E. GarcIa G6mez, University of Madrid, i, 130. 
L. Gardet, Paris, i, 343, 352, 417, 427, 717, 1085, 

1235, 1327; ii, 220, 227, 296, 382. 412, 452, 570, 

606, 608, 618, 834. 892, 899, 931, 1026, 1078. 
H. Gatje, University of Tubingen, ii, 480. 
C. L. Geddes, University of Colorado, i, 1215 ; ii, 441. 
R. Ghirshman, Institut Francais, Teheran, i, 226. 
M. A. Ghul, University of St. Andrews, i, 1133; ii, 

730, 737, 756, 757. 
H. A. R. Gibb, Harvard University, i, 43, 48, 54 55, 

66, 77, 85, 86, 119, 120, 140, 145, 150, 158, 159, I 9 8 > 

209, 215, 233, 237, 241, 246, 279, 314, 327, 386, 445, 

517, 599, 604, 662, 685, 7i4, 755, 782, 1309. 
[F. Giese, Breslau]. i, 287, 1161. 
S. Glazer, Washington, i, 126. 
A. Gledhill, University of London, ii, 672. 
H. W. Glidden, Washington, i, 315, 784, 788. 
N. Glueck, Cincinnati, i, 558. 
M Ue A. M. Goichon, University of Paris, ii, 97. 
S. D. Goitein, University of Pennsylvania, i, 1022; 

ii, 594, 970, 989- 
M. TavvIb GoKBiLGiN, University of Istanbul, i, 433, 

1 191; ii, 184, 200, 443, 637, 686, 705. 
[I. Goldziher, Budapest], i, 95, 204, 257, 258, 346, 

688, 736, 772, 823, 851; ii, 97, 167, 419, 872, 887, 

[E. Graefe, Hamburg], ii, 370. 

E. Graf, University of Cologne, i, 483. 

A. Grohmann, Academy of Sciences, Vienna, i, 527; 

G. E. von Grunebaum, University of California, Los 
Angeles, i, 12, 115, 150, 405, 690, 983, 1116; ii, 827. 

the late A. Guillaume, University of London, i, 108. 

Vedad Gunyol, Istanbul, ii, 476. 

Irfan Habib, Muslim University, Aligarh. ii, 910. 

Mohammad Habib. Muslim University, Aligarh. i. 

[A. Haffner, Vienna], i, 345. 

G. Lankester Harding, Amman, i, 448. 

P. Hardy, University of London, i, 199. 393, 426, 
445, 507, 680, 686, 710, 733, 780, 848, 857, 915, 940, 
1037, 1 155; ", 274, 379, 382, 567, 806, 

J. B. Harrison, University of London, i, 606, 625, 

848; ii, 219, 322. 
[R. Hartmann, Berlin], i, 706, 711, 737, 931, 933; 

ii, 251, 357, 573, 605, 609, 712, 947, 1141. 
W. Hartner, University of Frankfurt a.M. i, 133, 

728; ii, 362, 502, 763. 
L. P. Harvey, University of London, i, 405. 
Hadi Hasan, Muslim University, Aligarh. ii, 764. 
R. L. Headley, Dhahran. i, 710, 759, 1098, 1141, 

1313;", 177, 354, 569. 
[J. Hell, Erlangen]. i, 3, 192, 336, 344, 921, 997. 
[B. Heller, Budapest], i, 521. 
[E. Herzfeld, Chicago], i, 1110. 1236, 1248. 

R. Herzog, University of Freiburg i. Br. ii, 1010. 
U. Heyd, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 1,837, 1357; 

ii, 519, 604, 805. 
R. L. Hill, University of Durham, i, 976. 
the late S. Hillelson, London, i, 2, 50, 165, 735. 
Hilmy Ahmad, University of Cairo, i, 150. 
W. Hinz, University of Gottingen. ii, 232, 813. 
P. K. Hitti, Princeton University, ii, 404, 472. 
M. G. S. Hodgson, University of Chicago, i, 51, 354, 

962, 1100, 1117, 1359; ", 98, 137, 218, 362, 375, 441, 

452, 485, 634, 882, 1022, 1026, 1095. 
W. Hoenerbach, University of Bonn, i, 96. 
P. M. Holt, University of London, i, 765, 930, 962, 

1029, 1157, 1158, 1172, 1240; ii, 109, 125, 137, 233, 

292, 352, 467, 615, 697, 768, 828, 873, 875, 945, 

[E. Honigmann, Brussels], i, 1233. 

J. F. P. Hopkins, University of Cambridge, ii, 146, 

[P. Horn, Strasbourg], i, 1342. 
[J. Horovitz, Frankfurt a.M.]. i, 14,52, 113, 116, 133, 

140, 955; ii, 74, 602. 
A. H. Hourani, University of Oxford, ii, 429. 

F. Hours, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, i, 1349. 
[M. Th. Houtsma, Utrecht], i, 84, 88, m, 113, 120, 

I. Hrbek, Oriental Institute, Prague, i, 1308. 

[Cl. Huart Paris], i, 4, 60, 94, 109, 199, 241, 247, 313, 
434, 939, i°i2, 1013, 1073, "39; ii- 26, 100, 179, 
323, 422, 439, 542, 624, 809, 810, 882, 920, 

A. Huici Miranda, Valencia, i, 162, 166, 606, 634, 
658, 864, 988, 991, 997, 1012, 1055, 1083, 1089, 
1092, 1129, 1150, 1249, 1288, 1310, 1326, 1337, 
1343; ii, 112, 353, 389, 486, 516, 525, 526, 542, 744, 
915, 924, 998, 1009, 1014, 1038. 

A. J. W. Huisman, Leiden, i, 131. 

G. W. B. Huntingford, University of London, i, 
992; ii, 175, 545- 

H. R. Idris, University of Bordeaux, i, 860, 1309, 

Halil Inalcik, University of Ankara, i, 292, 293, 

658, 808, 1000, 1119, 1167, 1170, 1253, 1287, 1304, 

1336; ii, 25, 32, 33, "6, 119. 148, 179, 420, 529, 

531, 566, 613, 615, 712, 715, 724, 909, 9i5, 987, 

1046, 1047, 1091. 1098, 1114, 1121. 
Sh. Inayatullah, University of the Panjab, Lahore. 

i, 59, 66, 69, 242, 260, 283, 298, 317, 400, 430, 43i, 

509, 808, 919, 1011, 1026. 
[W. Irvine], i, 769. 
Fahir lz, University of Istanbul, i, 299, 699, 956, 

1165; ii, 99, 159, 200, 201, 206, 221, 223, 397. 440. 

693, 7o8, 738, 758, 833, 865, 878, 885, 921, 931, 

990, 1000. 
[G. Jacob, Kiel], ii, 755- 
K. Jahn, University of Utrecht, ii, 14. 
the late A. Jeffery, Columbia University, New York. 

i, 114, 136, 680, 707, 774, 796, 810; ii, 293. 
T. M. Johnstone, University of London, ii, 1056. 
J. Jomier, Cairo, i, 444, 821, 1299; ii, 132, 276, 419, 

438, 764, 892, 934, 959. 

D. H. Jones, University of London, ii, 10, 975. 

J. M. B. Jones, American University, Cairo, i, 1019. 
[Th. W. Juynboll, Utrecht], i, 186, 188, 320, 337, 

743, 867; ii, 44i, 783, 790. 
Abd al-Hafez Kamal, Dhahran. ii, 937. 
ABDt)LKADiR Karahan, University of Istanbul, ii, 75, 

702, 869, 939. 

E. Z. Karal, University of Ankara, i, 57. 

A. G. Karam, American University, Beirut, ii, 365, 

796, 802. 
Irfan Kawar [see Shahid], 


Mrs N. R. Keddie, University of California, Los 
Angeles, ii, 883. 

E. Kedourie, University of London, ii, 515. 

W. E. N. Kensdale, London, ii, 1146. 

the late R. A. Kern, University of Leiden, i, 267 
(Ahl-i Wdris). 

M. Khadduri, Johns Hopkins University, Wash- 
ington D.C. ii, 649, 660, 662, 668. 

M. Khalafallah, University of Alexandria, i, 569, 

W. A. S. Khalidi, American University, Beirut, i, 6o, 
352, mo, ii52;ii, 167. 

H. Kindermann, University of G %-ne. i, 683, 684. 

J. S. Kirkman, Mombasa, ii, 983. 

H. J. Kissling, University of Munich, i, 95, 313, 869, 

M. J. Kister, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 343, 

345, 1248; ii, 481, 990. 
M mc E. Kocher, Berlin, ii, 428. 
the late L. Kopf, Jerusalem, i, 215, 239, 795, 951, 96] 

1010; ii, 71, 76, 108, 223, 248, 275, 455, 497- 
M. Fuad Koprulu, University of Istanbul, i, 241 

850, 862. 
[T. Kowalski, Cracow], i, 1222; ii, 203. 
the late J. Kraemer, University of Erlangen. i, 123c 
[I. Kratschkowsky, Leningrad], ii, 796. 
[P. Kraus, Cairo], ii ; 359. 
R. F. Kreutel, Vienna, i, 1157. 
Kasim Kufrevi, Ankara, i, 1235. 
E. Kuhnel, Free University, Berlin, i, 561. 

E. Kuran, Middle East Technical University, 
Ankara, i, 843; ii, 534, 694, 728, 878, 997. 

F. Kussmaul, Stuttgart, i, 880. 

Miss A. K. S. Lambton, University of London, i, 523, 
978, 1130; ii, 153, 163, 174, 254, 336, 436, 657, 839, 

C. J. Lamm, Oregrund, Sweden, i, 1221. 

[H. Lammens, Beirut], i, 108, 194, 436, 920, 1283, 

1344; ii, 275, 360. 
J. M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 142; 

, 1093. 

7, 949. 1 

J. D. Latham, University of Manchester, i, 497. 

J. Lecerf, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris, i 306, 

700, 1 102, 1 139; ii> 100, 189, 559, 835- 
M me M. Ch. LeCceur, Paris, i, 1258; ii, 368. 
G. Lecomte, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, ii, 

R. Le Tourneau, University of Aix-Marseilles. i, 47. 

56, 58, 91, 245, 679, 687, 1045, 1149, 1191, 1238, 

1281, 1332; ", 57, 134, 160, 173, 189, 373, 52i, 821. 

836, 945, 1009. 
the late E. Levi-Provencal, University of Paris, i, 7, 

4, 49, 58, 70, 76, 80, 84, 85, 86, 9 


39, 141, 157, 159, 242, 251, 280, 289, 291, 
315, 321, 348, 352, 39°, 405, 419, 422, 496, 497, 986, 
1012, 1092, 1300. 

R. Levy, University of Cambridge, i, 524. 

T. Lewicki, University of Cr; 

B. Li 

139, 141, 167, 1 

[, 369, 44i, 5i5. 

University of Gothenburg, i, 125, 214, 345, 
7i9, 737; ii, 300. 
!. Lewis, University of London, i, 23, 102, 134, 290, 
389, 400, 403, 505, 679, 693, 697, 711, 712, 713, 787, 
795. 796, 825, 832, 838, 843, 850, 915, 921, 975, 
1032, 1042, 1082, 1091, 1148, 1156, 1157, 1171, 
1214, 1229, 1236, 1280; ii, 6, 15, 26, 74, 81, 83, 165, 
208, 210, 277, 3°i, 322, 339, 447, 466, 532, 595, 647, 
678, 687. 694. 696. 

G. L. Lewis, University of Oxford, i, 287, 300, 625, 

792, 1 137, 1207; ii, 41, 533, 840. 
I. M. Lewis, University of London, i, 1173. 
Y. Linant de Bellefonds, Centre national de la 

Recherche scientifique, Paris, ii, 164, 833. 
the late E. Littmann, University of Tubingen, i, 145, 

176, 281, 364, 780, 786. 
L. Lockhart, University of Cambridge, i, 5, 14, 95, 

247, 305, 353, 358, 393, 459, 7", 1008, 1010, 1013, 

1043, 1070, 1233, 1342; ii, 181, 300, 351, 452, 486, 

534, 812, 824, 926, 1136. 
R. Loewenthal, Washington D.C. ii, 479. 
O. Lofgren, University of Uppsala, i, 169, 182, 195, 

256, 278, 355, 446, 524, 738, 763, 767, 782, 828, 830, 

938, 1023, 1128, 1133, 1134; ii, 168, 218, 223, 996, 

Sh. T. Lokhandwalla, University of Edinburgh, i, 

F, L0KKEGAAKD, University of Copenhagen, i, 966; 

ii, 870, 1006, 1012. 
J. Lombard, Institut francais d'Afrique noire, Dakar. 

ii, 94. 
S. H. Longrigg, Tunbridge Wells, i, 406, 424, 431, 

461, 845, 871, 952, 962, 968, 1030, 1050, 1087, 1 163, 

1211; ii, 77, 91, 101, 103, 113, 184, 251, 253, 340, 

343, 37i, 402, 571, 624, 872, 1045. 
[M. Longworth Dames, Guildford], i, 223, 230, 231, 

H. Louis, University of Munich, i, 465. 

R. J. McCarthy, Al-Hikma University, Baghdad, i, 

[D. B. Macdonald, Hartford, Conn.], i, 90; ii, 131, 

165, 182, 370, 548, 756, 932, 1026, 1079. 
D. N. Mackenzie, University of London, i, 863, 920, 

1072; ii, 1140. 
J. Mandaville, Dhahran. ii, 248, 492, 1024. 
A. J. Mango, London, i, 721; ii, 476. 
S. E. Mann. University of London, i, 651. 
R. Mantran, University of Aix-Marseilles. i, 268,381, 

39i, 394, 395, 396, 398, 630, 658, 733, 735, 790; ii, 

16, 461. 
S. Maqbul Ahmad, Muslim University, Aligarh. i, 

99i I", 352, 587. 
the late G. Marcais, University of Algiers, i, 94. 124, 

130, 138, 249, 367, 459, 512, 533, 661, 680, 685, 700, 

950, 1024, 1206, 1229, 1300, 1347; ii, 115, 557, 748, 

864, 957, 1008. 
Ph. Marcais, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris, i, 

379, 515, 583, 705, 786. 
the late W. Marcais, College de France, Paris, i, 791 ; 

ii, 175, 405, 545- 
[D. S. Margououth, Oxford], i, 952. 
Mrs E. Marin, New York, i, 53; ii, 623. 
Miss P. A. Marr, Washington D. C. ii, 160, 573, 619. 
H. Masse, Ecole des Langues Orientales Paris, i, 60, 

94, 120, 137, 152, 505, 522, 626, 686, 720, 827, 939, 

955, ion, 1012, 1013, 1073, 1342, 1359; ii, 17, 74, 

100. 133, 179, 323, 406, 422, 439, 473, 548, 756, 761, 

794, 798,810,920, 1 143. 
the late L. Massignon, College de France, Paris, i, 

153, 277- 
C. D. Matthews, University of Texas, i, 1091; ii, 93, 


G. Meillon, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris. 

ii, 9. 
M me I. Melikoff, Centre national de la Recherche 

scientifique, Paris, i, 783, 1104; ii, m, 205, 420, 

600, 720, 721, 990, 1045. 

V. Melkonian, Basra, i, 956. 

V. L. Menage, University of London, i, 698, 1078, 

1160, 1202, 1208, 1210; ii, 57, 62, 213, 240, 374, 400, 

445, 615, 617, 687, 691. 693. 698, 709, 7ii, 882, 921. 
G. Meredith-Owens, British Museum, London, i, 

677, 764; ii, 895- 
[M. Meyerhof, Cairo], i, 704, 1014; ii, 482. 
G. C. Miles, American Numismatic Society, New 

York, i, 482 ; ii, 28, 299, 320. 
J. M. MillAs, University of Barcelona, i, 140, 149. 
P. Minganti, Rome, ii, 914. 
V. Minorsky, University of London, i, 2, 3, 4, 15, 98, 

100, 102, 116, 191, 263, 3°i, 3i2> 325, 329, 354, 404, 

427, 482, 504, 508, 513, 679, 842, 919; ii, 194- 
[E. Mittwoch, London], i, 388, 449, 794! "1 233- 
H. Mones, Institute of Islamic Studies, Madrid, ii, 

414, 495, 526, 559, 575- 
[J. H. Mordtmann, Berlin], i, 109, 244; ii, 14, 103, 

208, 240, 534; 687, 692, 697, 705, 715, 720, 728, 

G. Morgenstierne, University of Oslo, i, 221, 225; 

ii, 31, 139- 
S. Moscati, University of Rome, i, 43, 59, '03, I2 5, 

141, 149, 158. 
[A. de Motylinski, Constantine]. i, 57, 121, 125, 134, 

H. C. Mueller, Dhahran. i, 98. 
W. E. Mulligan, Dhahran. i, 100, 234, 603, 710, 762, 

94i, 944, 1239, 1314; ii, 558, 803. 
the late S. F. Nadel, Australian National University, 

Canberra, i, 440. 
A. N. Nader, Beirut, i, 1003, 1242, 1244; ", 373- 
Said Naficy, University of Teheran, i, 1019, 1131, 

1209, 1239, 1345; ", 884, 952, 995, 1007, 1078. 
[C. A. Nallino, Rome], i, 1105. 
M" e M. Nallino, University of Venice, i, 118. 
[M. Nazim]. ii, 730. 
the late B. Nikitine, Paris, i, 237, 871, 872, 919, 923, 


1157, 1 

m, Muslim University, Aligarh. i, 869, 912 ; 
ii, 50, 56, 181, 205, 549, 758, 797, 1048, 1116, 1144. 

M. Nizamuddin, Osmania University, Hyderabad, 
India, i, 764. 

J. Noorduyn, Oegstgeest, Netherlands, i, 433. 

S. Nurul Hasan, Muslim University, Aligarh. i, 81, 
104, 118, 208, 254, 418, 454. 

H. S. Nyberg, University of Uppsala, i, 129. 

R. A. Oliver, University of London, ii, 59. 

[C. A. van Ophuyzen, Leiden], i, 42. 

S. d'Otton Loyewski, Paris, i, 734. 

TAHSiN Oz, Istanbul, ii, 49. 

P. B. Pandit, Gujarat University, ii, 11 30. 

R. Paret, University of Tubingen, i, 604, 691, 692, 
1127, 13" ; ", !28, 182, 841, 950. 

V. J. Parry, University of London, i, 780, 988, 994, 
1003, 1014, 1066, 1117, 1121, 1128, 1134, 1187, 
1189, 1192, 1209, 1218, 1234, 1235, 1251, 1252, 
1280, 1325; ii, 12, 34, 49, 184, 208, 209, 277, 374, 
533, 691, 698, 881. 

J. D. Pearson, School of Oriental and African 
Studies, London, i, 1199. 

J. Pedersen, University of Copenhagen, i, 143, 178, 
337, 436; ii, 364- 

Ch. Pellat, University of Paris, i, 43, 45, 46, 50, 100, 
106, in, 113, 116, 117, 136, 140, 142, 150, 160, 196, 
208, 243, 247, 255, 271, 272, 304, 308, 321, 330, 431, 
433, 434, 441, 450, 451, 452, 453, 509, 524, 608, 627, 
628, 697, 728, 739, 784, 792, 795, 828, 909, 951, 957, 
997, 1086, 1174, "78, 1179, "So, 1187, 1290, 
1297; ii, 109, 275, 276, 387, 389, 428, 437, 466, 537, 
553, 592, 623, 624, 673, 674, 675, 744, 767, 813, 838, 
865, 893, 951, 994, 1020, 1026, 1079, 1093, 1097. 


H. Peres, University of Algiers, i, 136, 425, 989, 1070. 
M. Perlmann, University of California, Los Angeles. 

ii, 616, 783, 1076. 
K. Petracek, University of Prague, i, 305; ii, 627. 
A. J. Piekaar, The Hague, i, 747. 
R. Pinder-Wilson, British Museum, London, i, 203. 
S. Pines, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 113, 450. 
M» e O. Pinto, Rome, ii, 838. 
X. de Planhol, University of Nancy, ii, 982, 11 14, 

1118,1121, 1139. 
M. Plessner, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 247, 

419, 484 486, 733, 995, 1102, 1149, 1156; ii, 359, 

370, 928. 
the late W. Popper, University of California, Berkeley. 

i, 138. 
J. Prins, University of Utrecht, i, 174, 981. 

0. Pritsak, Harvard University, i, 419, 420. 

M"e Ch. Quelquejay, Paris, i, 1109, 1338; ii, 21, 23, 

39, 4i, 69, 70, 142, 251, 477. 
M. Quint, Dhahran. ii, 492, 493. 

1. H. Qureshi, University of Karachi, ii, 155. 

C. Rabin, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 567; ii, 

F. Rahman, Central Institute of Islamic Research, 
Karachi, i, 342, 506, 603, 926, 951, 1031, 1084; ii, 

Sukumar Ray, University of Calcutta, ii, 7. 
[H. Reckendorf, Freiburg i. Br.], i, 448, 697. 
H. A. Reed, Moorestown, N.J., U.S.A. i, 1256, 1257, 
1326; ii, 16. 

G. Rentz, Hoover Institution, Stanford University, 
California, i, 136, 166, 234, 257, 337, 556, 629, 710, 
748, 837, 944, 1033, 1045, 1231, 1233, 1314; ii, 173, 
177, 322, 440, 518. 

J. Reychmann, University of Warsaw, ii, 203, 316. 

[N. Rhodokanakis, Graz]. i, 140. 

Riazul Islam, University of Karachi, ii, 925. 

R. Ricard, University of Paris, i, 605, 689, 706, 810. 

J. Rikabi, University of Damascus, i, 913. 

H. Ritter, University of Istanbul, i, 71, 147, 155, 

163,731, 755; «, 396, 1042. 
Miss H. Rivlin, University of Maryland, ii, 150. 
J. Robson, University of Manchester, i, 114, 115, 129, 

482, 893, 1048, 1129, 1130, 1199, 1297; ii, 136, 159, 

M. Rodinson, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris, i, 206, 

3°3, 404, 558; ii, 1072. 
P. Rondot, Centre des Hautes Etudes sur l'Afrique 

et l'Asie Modernes, Paris, ii, 444. 

F. Rosenthal, Yale University, i, 70, 106, 140, 143, 
691, 759, 813, 949, 965, 972, 1239; ii, 178, 349, 452, 
501, 757, 793, 829, 930, 1096. 

the late E. Rossi, University of Rome, i, 56. 

R. Rubinacci, Istituto Universitario Orientale, 

Naples, i, 207, 811, 1028, 1053; ii, 360. 
[J. Ruska, Heidelberg], i, 419, 484, 509, 1156, 1221; 

ii, 628, 893, 928. 

D. A. Rustow, Columbia University, New York, ii, 
26, 105, 392, 433, 498, 532, 630, 702. 

the late A. J. Rustum, Lebanese University, Beirut, 
i, 1079- 

G. Ryckmans, University of Louvain. ii, 247. 

J. Rypka, University of Prague. 1,839, 1328; ii, 1133. 
K. S. Salibi, American University, Beirut, ii, 185, 

733, 75i. 
Ch. Samaran, University of Rabat, i, 977, mi. 
G. N. Sanderson, University of London, ii, 828. 
P. Saran, University of Delhi, ii, 158. 
T. Sarnelli, Rome, i, 786; ii, 482, 995. 
Satish Chandra, University of Jaipur, ii, 135, 811. 
R. M. Savory, University of Toronto, i, 8, 406, 685, 

7oi, 707, 9°9> 1068, 1088; ii, 68, 420, 446, 598, 783, 

Aydin Sayili, University of Ankara, ii, 11 20. 

[A. Schaade, Hamburg], i, 51, 107, 150, 195, 983; ii, 
276, 428, 480. 

J. Schacht, Columbia University, New York, i, 5, 
124, 137, 151, 152, 155, 165, 209, 250, 255, 257, 259, 
267, 310, 321, 423, 430, 692, 694, 73°, 736, 773, 
1020, 1 1 13, 1242 ;ii, 91,183, 373, 603, 605,727,887, 

[J. Schleifer]. i, 345; ii, 218, 223. 

[M. Schmitz]. i, 991. 

M.Schramm, University of Frankfurt a.M. ii, 362 (co- 
author of al-djabr wa 'l-mukabala, see Addenda 

Bedi N. Sehsuvaroglu, University of Istanbul, i, 

TM. Seligsohn]. i, 404. 

R. Sellheim, University of Frankfurt a.M. ii, 729. 
fC. F. Seybold, Tubingen], i, 446, 1055, 1083, 1092, 
1343; ii, 72, 112, 353. 

F. SEZGiN, University of Frankfurt a.M. ii, 126. 

the late M. Shafi, University of the Panjab, Lahore. 

i, 61, 68, 72, 91, 937, 1124, 1284, 1329, 1330; ii, 49, 

73, 85, 222. 
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University, Washington, 

D.C. i, 1250; ii, 354, 365, 1021. 
S. J. Shaw, Harvard University, i, 965; ii, 128, 948. 

G. E. Shayyal, University of Alexandria, i, 990. 

H. K. Sherwani, Hyderabad, India, i, 925, 1015, 

Mustafa al-Shihabi, Arab Academy, Damascus, ii, 


J. M. Smith, Jr., University of California, Berkeley, 
ii, 402. 

Miss Margaret Smith, London, i, 1248; ii, 242, 936. 

[M. Sobernheim, Berlin], ii, 6. 

J. de Somogyi, Harvard University, ii, 216. 

H. T. Sorley, Salisbury, S. Rhodesia, i, 1195. 

D. Sourdel, University of Bordeaux, i, 208, 272, 279, 
434, 447, 453, 844, 987, 1033, 1036, 1046, 1047 
1093, 1141, 1209, 1287, 1293, 1298, 1312; ii, 72, 127, 
195, 197, 198, 199, 354, 389, 458, 461, 462, 498, 568, 
602, 624, 626, 730, 73i, 732, 743, 913, 1025, 1057, 
108 1. 

M me J. Sourdel-Thomine, Ecole pratique des 
Hautes Etudes, Paris, i, 461, 787, 953, 971, 989, 
996, 998, 1017, 1025, 1073, "39, "40, 1141, "49, 
1214,1292, 1293, 1318,1345, 1358; ii, 163, 340, 347, 
360, 535, 555, 556, 778, 99i, 1055. 

T. G. P. Spear, University of Cambridge, i, 914. 

O. Spies, University of Bonn, ii, 486, 1020. 

B. Spuler, University of Hamburg, i, 121, 313, 314, 
320, 330, 419, 423, 457, 505, 530, 531, 608, 701 
750, 767, 784, 839, 894, 950, 952, 953, 984, 996, 
1002, 1008, ion, 1108, 1135, 1240, 1343; ", 
19, 47, 61, 67, 75, 201, 253, 366, 446, 607, 622, 737, 
778, 793, 916, 928, 943, 982, 1053, 1112,1117, " 

S. M. Stern, University of Oxford, i, 2, 9, 48, 60, 
87, 96, 104, 125, 127, 130, 149, 152, 160, 164, 2 
236, 315, 345, 348, 392, 425, 426, 435, 440, 484- 

[M. Streck, Jena], i, 3, 133, 184, 252, 426, 427, 459, 
485, 517, 603, 608, 659, 685, 7", 863 864, 871, 952, 
968, 1030, 1050, 1097, 1211, 1233, 1234; ii, 107, 357, 
406, 574- 

G. Strenziok, University of Cologne, i, 813. 

Faruk Sumer, University of Ankara, i, 1117, 1133, 

1159; ' 

[K. SOssheim, Munich], i, 287, 309, 310, 381, 777. 
[H. Suter, Zurich], i, 159, 380, 858; ii, 357, 378, 793- 
Fr. Taeschner, University of Munster. i, 184, 200, 

244, 251, 252, 312, 313, 323, 324, 325, 330, 355, 424, 
432, 462, 480, 481, 511, 518, 603, 626, 667, 698, 699, 
777, 778, 779, 783, 792, 794, 838, 969, 970; ii, 14, 
26, 57, 62, 200, 208, 446, 590, 692, 693, 694, 695, 
697, 705, 7io, 712, 715, 969, 983, 987, "38. 

the late A. H. Tanpinar, University of Istanbul, i, 62. 
S. H. Taqizadeh, Teheran, ii, 400. 
A. N. Tarlan, University of Istanbul, i, 1083, 1302. 
M. C. SiHABEDDiN Tekindag, University of Istanbul. 

ii, 636. 
H. Terrasse, Casa de Velazquez, Madrid, i, 358, 

A. Tietze, University of California, Los Angeles, i, 

245, 293, 391, 826; ii, 443. 

H. R. Tinker, University of London, i, 1333. 

Z. V. Togan, University of Istanbul, i, 1077; ii, 981, 

the late L. Torres Balbas, University of Madrid, i, 

J. S. Trimingham, American University, Beirut, i, 

287, 297, 764; ii, 974- 
A. S. Tritton, University of London, i, 187, 196, 258, 

264, 325, 403, 660, 851, 909, 1093, 1326; ii, 442, 518, 

603, 626. 

the late R. Tschudi, University of Basle, i, 1163. 
T. Tyan, Universite St Joseph, Beirut, i, 210, "14; 

ii, 172, 343, 540, 866, 996. 
A. L. Udovitch, Yale University, ii, 769. 
E. Ullendorff, University of London, i, 1220; ii, 

317, 355, 7io. 
the late Fair Resit Unat, Ankara, ii, 630. 
t. H. Uzuncarsili, University of Istanbul, i, 704, 949, 

1256, 1278, 1279; ", 62, 202. 
G. Vajda, Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

i, 266, 404, 429, 481, 811, 984, 1230, 1298; ii, 113, 

242, 293, 406, 918. 

E. de Vaumas, Paris, ii, 948. 

M me L. Veccia Vaglieri, Istituto Universitario 
Orientale, Naples, i, 41, 54, 194, 337, 386, 696, 704, 
1071, 1243, 1244; ii, 90, 162, 241, 366, 372, 416, 601, 
626, 727, 745, 850, 870, 994. 

J. Vernet, University of Barcelona, i, 516, 1250; ii, 
378, 793, 1022. 

F. S. Vidal, Dhahran. i, 1299; ii, 868, 1001. 

F. Vire, Centre national de la Recherche scientifique, 
Paris, i, 1155; ii, 743, 775, 787, 1038. 

[K. Vollers, Jena], i, 281, 396. 

P. Voorhoeve, Leiden, i, 42, 88, 92, 743; ii, 183, 550. 

E. Wagner, Gottingen. i, 144. 

the late J. Walker, British Museum, London, i, 3. 

J. Walsh, University of Edinburgh, i, 733; ii, 8, 20, 

401, 630, 867, 879, 1 141. 
R. Walzer, University of Oxford, i, 236, 327, 329, 

633, 1340;", 403, 78i, 949- 
J. Wansbrough, University of London, ii, 782. 
W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh, i, 

5, 9, 42, 44, 53, 80, 84, in, 115, 137, 151, 153, 169, 

204, 267, 308, 314, 336, 438, 454, 515, 633, 695, 696, 

713, 728, 772, 865, 868, 892; ii, 95, 365, 388, 604, 

873, 1041. 
H. Wehr, University of Munster. i, 573. 
W. F. Weiker, Rutgers University, N.J. ii, 597- 
the late G. Weil, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, i, 98, 

186, 436, 677, 735- 
[T. H. Weir, Glasgow], ii, 128. 
[A. J. Wensinck, Leiden], i, 187, 445, 451, 452, 482, 

604, 686, 690, 692, 693, 705, 710, 922, 958, 1230; 
ii, 918. 

G. E. Wheeler, London, i, 418; ii, 1118. 

C. E. J. Whitting, London, i, 180, 1261. 
[E. Wiedemann, Erlangen]. i, 486. 

G. Wiet, College de France, Paris, i, 14, 168, 186, 197, 
198, 216, 330, 392, 418, 448, 532, 926, 1016, 1039, 
1051, 1054, 1126, 1218, 1288, 1341, 1343; ii, 73. 97, 

D. N. Wilber, Princeton, N.J. i, 426, 506, 659, 1014; 

I. Wilks, University of Ghana, ii, 1004. 

H.von Wissmann, University of Tubingen, i, 880,889. 

M. E. Yapp, University of London, ii, 629, 638. 

Yar Muhammad Khan, University of Sind, Hyde- 
rabad, Pakistan, i, 1069. 

TahsIn Yazici, University of Istanbul, ii, 1137. 

the late MOkrimin H. Yinanc, University of Istanbul. 
ii, 346. 

din, University of J> 

HttSEYiN G. Yuf 

[G. Yver, Algiers], i, 282, 307, 460, 605, 762, 771, 
", 538, 1096. 

ki, University of Warsaw. 

03, 316, 

W. Zajaczkowski, University of Cracow, ii, 972. 
M. A. Zaki Badawi, University of Malaya, i, 980. 
the late Zaky M. Hassan, Cairo, i, 279. 
A. H. Zarrinkub, University of Teheran, ii, 883. 
[K. V. Zettersteen, Uppsala], i, 3, 5, 12, 13, 43, 44, 

45, 49, 5o, 53, 57, 58, 78, 102, 108, 271, 381, 446, 

454, 1025, 1313;", 391- 
L. Zolondek, University of Kentucky, ii, 249. 
C. K. Zurayk, American University, Beirut, ii, 


4», ABAZA, 1. 26, read 1036/1627. 
7", C ABBAS I, 1. 2, for second son read third son. 
6o», C ABD al-HAJ&S b. SAYF al-DIN, 1. 13, for studying read staying. 
I37», ABU 'l-LAYIH al-SAMAR&ANDI, add to Bibliography: A. Zajaczkowski, U traitt arabe 

Mukaddima d' Abou-l-Lait as-Samarkandi en version mamelouk-kiptchak, Warsaw 1962. 
173 , 1. 30, for Memons read Moplahs. 
207", ADjIDABIYA, 1. 22, for Zanana read Zanata. 
313". AS SHEHR (i), last line, read 386/996. 
. 320», AKHAL TEKKE, 1. 6, after Durun delete [q.v.]. 
392», c ALl BEY, 1. 6, read Abu '1-Dhahab. 

430", AMAN, add to Bibliography: E. Nys, Le droit des gens dans les rapports des Arabes et des Byzantins, 
in Revue de droit international et de Ugislation comparie, 1894, 461-87. 
», AMIR KHUSRAW, 1. 35, for Sighdr read sighar; 1. 40, for Bahiyya read Bahiyya; 1. 70, read 718/1318. 
•, 'AMMAN, 1. 4, insert comma after Palestine. 
447 b , 1. 4 of Bibliography, for Princetown read Princeton. 
i», after ANGARA add: ANMAR [see ghatafan]. 
. 6o7», ARAL, 1. 38, read 861/1456-7. 

6o8 b , ARBCNA, signature: for Ed., read Ch. Pellat. 

630", ARISTCTALIS, 1. 7, after Nicolaus of Damascus (saec. I B.C. add: Nicolaus Damascenus, On the 
philosophy of Aristotle, ed. H. J. Drossaart Lulofs, 1965. 
P. 631", 1. 25, for will be published by Muhsin Mahdi read has been published by Muhsin Mahdi (Beirut 1961). 
11. 54 f., for Not one .... library, read Al-Farabi's commentary on the De Interpretations (to be com- 
pared with Ammonius and Boethius) has been edited by W. Kutsch and S. Marrow, Beirut i960, 
from an Istanbul manuscript [see al-farabi, iii a]. 
P. 632", 1. 52 and 1. 60, for 'Middle Commentary' read 'Short Commentary'. 

1. 9 (De Interpretation), add: and, together with the commentary of al-Farabi, by W. Kutsch and 
S. Marrow (see above). 

1. 36 (Rhetoric), add: Arabic text now edited from the Paris manuscript by A. Badawi, 1959. 
1. 47 (Poetics), add: Good use of the Arabic version has been made in the new Oxford edition of the 
Greek text by R. Kassel, 1965. 

1- 53 (Physics), add: Edition of the first book, with commentary by Abu C A1I b. al-Samh, by W. 
Kutsch and Kh. Georr, in MFOB, xxxix (1963), 268 ff.; edition of books i-iv by A. Badawi, 1964. 
1. 55 (De Caelo), after al-Bitriq), add unreliable edition by A. Badawi, in Islamica, xxviii (1961), 

1. 65 (Meteorology), add: Unreliable edition by A. Badawi in Islamica, xxviii (1961), 1-121. 
1. 71 (De Naturis Animalium), add: De generatione animalium, edition of the Arabic version by 
H. J. Drossaart Lulofs, to appear in 1965. 
P. 632», 1. 16 (De Anima), after (Typescript), add: now published in the Proceedings of the Arab Academy of 
1. 27 (De Sensu, Uc), add: Critical edition by H. Gatje, Die Epitome der Parva Naturalia des 

1. 48 (Nicomachean Ethics), add: Books 1-4 have been discovered by D. M. Dunlop in the library of 

the Karawiyyin, Fez, see Oriens, xv (1962), 18-34. 

1. 52 (De Mundo), add: S. M. Stern, The Arabic translations of the Ps.-Aristotelian treatise De mundo, 

in Le Museon, lxxvii (1964), 187 ff. 

1. 63 (Protrepticus), add: I. During, Aristotle in the ancient biographical tradition, 1957, 203. 
P. 633", 1. 3 (De Porno), add: Edition of the Latin translation by M. Plezia, i960. 
P. 657 b , ARNAWUTLUS, 1. 18, read 29 July 1913- 
P. 662', ARSLAN b. SALDjOS, 1. 34, read 427/1035-6. 
P. 68o b , ARZC KHAN. 11. 12-15, read: He produced an enlarged and corrected edition of Hansawi's GharaHb 

al-lughdt and called it Nawadir al-alfdz (ed. Saiyid Abdullah, Karachi 1951). 
P. 686", for A§AF-DJAH read A§AF-DjAH. 
P. 697 , after al-ASHDAK add: ASHDJA' [see ghatafan]. 
P. 822», C AZIM ALLAH KHAN, add to Bibliography: Pratul Chandra Gupta, Nana Sahib and the rising at 

Cawnpore, Oxford 1963, 25-7, 63-4, 70-1, 75, 82, 84, 102-3, 115-7, 171, 177, 179, I9°- 
P. 825 b , c AZlZ MI$R, 11. 25-6, read According to Memduh Pasha, later Ottoman Minister of Internal Affairs, 

this . . . 
P. 856', BADA'CN, add to Bibliography: On the name Bada'un: A. S. Beveridge, in JRAS, 1925, 5 ! 7; 

T. W. Haig, ibid., 715-6; C. A. Storey, ibid., 1926, 103-4; E. D. Ross, ibid., 105. 
P. 895», BAGHDAD. 11. 59-60, for S.W. read S.E. and for S.E. read S.W. 
P. 973 b , BALADIYYA, 11. 50 and 54, for Commission read Council. 

P. 989», BALAT al-SHUHADA 5 , 1. 22, for Ta'rikh al-Umam wa 'l-Muluk read Ta'rikh al-Rusul wa 'l-Muluk. 
P. 1161", before BEIRUT insert BEING AND NON-BEING [see wudjud and c adam respectively]. 


P. 1195", BHITA'I.arfd: Bibliography: Annemarie Schimmel, in Kairos (Salzburg), iii-iv (1961), 207-16 (where 

additional references are given). 
P. 1203", BfPJAPUR. add to Bibliography: A. Slater, The ancient city of Bijapur, in Qly Journ. Mythic Soc, 

iii (1912), 45-52. 
P. 121 1", BIHZAD, 1. 16, for printers read painters. 
P. 1242*, BISHR B. GHIYATH AL-MARiSi, last line of col., for S I, 340; Ritter, in Isl., 16, 1927, 252 f.; 

read S I, 340 (on the spurious K . al-ffayda, allegedly the account of a disputation with Bishr by the 

ShSfi'I c Abd al- c Az!z b. Yahya al-Kinani, d. 235/849; also Cairo (Matba'at al-Sa c ada) n.d) ; Ritter, in 

7s/., xvii (1928), 252 f. ; Massignon, in REI, 1938, 410 (on Bishr's name in the isndds of the al-Djami'- 

al-sahih, attributed to the Ibadi authority al-Rabi c b. Habib); 
P. 1255", BOHORAS, 1. 13 of Bibl., read St. Isl., iii (i 9 55). 
P. 1259", BORNU, 1. 7, for were read where. 
P. 1280", before BRUSA insert BROKER [see dallal, simsar], 
P. 1348", BUSTAN — ii, add to Bibliography: T. O. D. Dunn, Kashmir and its Mughal gardens, in Calcutta 

Review, cclxxx/8 (April 1917). 


P. I9 a , CELEBI, 1. 26, for 'barbarian' read 'barber'. 
P. 29", before CHINA insert CHILD [see saghIr and walad]. 
P. 6o", before CONSUL insert CONSTITUTION [see dustOr]. 
P. 71", PABBA, 1. 1, for tabikha read tabikha. 

1. 14, for 7th/i3th century read 7th century A.D. 
1. 18, for 6th/i2th century read 6th century A.D. 
P. 72", 1. 41, read the last Amir to lead in prayer. 
P. 78», DAFTAR, 1. 10, for n. 1 read n. 3. 
P. 79», 1. 27, for Adab al-Kdtib read Adab al-Kuttdb. 
P. 105*, pAMAN, add to Bibliography : O. Spies, Die Lehre von der Haftung fur Gefahr im islamischen Recht, 

in Zeitschr. vergl. Rechtswiss., 1955, 79"95- 
P. I07 a , DAMAWAND, add to Bibliography: M. B. Smith, Material for a corpus of early Iranian Islamic 
architecture. I. Masdjid-i djum'a, Demdwend, in Ars Islamica, ii (1935), 153-73, and iv (1937), 7-41; 
W. Eilers, Der Name Demawend, in ArO, xxii (1954), 267-374. 
P. 116", DAR al- c AHD, add to Bibliography: Muhammad c Abd al-Hadi Sha'Ira (Cheira), al-Mamdlik al- 
halifa, in Bull. Fac. Arts, Farouk I Univ., iv (1948), Arabic section 39-81 ; idem, Lc statut des pays de 
" c Ahd" au VII' et VIII' siecles, in Actes XXI' Congres intern. Oriental., Paris 1949, 275-7. 
a , DAR FUR, 11. 39-40, for [see dankalI] read [see dongola]. 
0, 1. 28, for 1894 read 1874- 
", 1. 21, for Abu '1-Kasim read Abu '1-Kasim. 
», DARD, 1. 36, delete Bahadur Shah I. 
», DAWCD PASHA. 1. 18, for 1021/1612 read 1025/1616. 

Bibliography: s.v. Hadjdji Khalifa, Fedhleke, read: i, 252, 256, 268-70, 374; ii, 19 ff ; s.v. 

Na c ima, Ta'rikh, read: i, 408, 412-3, 432, 434, 436; ii, 96, 141, 224 ff., . . .; s.v. E. de Hurmuzaki, 
read: 180-1, 183, 197 ff., 200 ff. ; s.v. Hammer-Purgstall, iv, read: 331, 356, 381-2, 407, 453, 462, 476, 
549, . . . Add to Bibliography : M. Sertoglu, Tugi tarihi, in Belleten, xi (1947), 489-514, passim. 
P. 209", DERWlSH MEHMED PASHA (V. J. Parry), add to Bibliography: CI. Huart, Histoire de Bagdad 

dans les temps modernes, Paris 1901, 74-6. 
Pp. 243-5 DHC NUWAS, passim, for YQsuf Ash c ar read Yusuf As'ar. 

~ 280", DIMA5HK, 1. 48, after Marwan, add and nephew of the famous Hadjdjadj b. YQsuf. 
288', 1. 27, for in 959/1552 read before 926/1520. 
288", 1. 21, for Bab al-Hadid read Bab al-Nasr. 
289", 1. 23, for Bab al-Hadid read Bab al-Nasr. 
290*, 1. 27 of Bibliography, to Arabic texts add: Muhammad Adlb Taki al-DIn al-Husnl, Muntakhabdt al- 

tawdrlkh li-Dimashk, 3 vols., Damascus 1928-34. 
337", DlWAN-I HUMAyCN, 1. 13, for Bayazid II read Bayazid I. 
338 s , 1. 16, for every day read four days a week. 

). 25, for Four times a week a meeting was held read Meetings were held. 
339', 1. 23, for 1054/1654 read 1064/1654. 

362*, al-EJABR wa 'l-MUKABALA, signature : for W. Hartner read W. Hartner and M. Schramm. 
372", mIr P_JA C FAR, add to Bibliography: M. Edwardes, The battle of Plassey and the conquest of Bengal, 
London 1963, index. 

P. 392". PJALAL al-DIN HUSAYN al-BUKHARI, add at end of Bibliography: A collection of 42 of his 
letters addressed to one Mawlana c Izz al-DIn and compiled by Tadj al-Hakk wa '1-DIn Ahmad b. 
Mu c in Siyah-push is preserved in the Subhan Allah collection of the Muslim University, Aligarh. 
P. 404", DJALIYA, 1. 1, for (al-Andalus) read (al- c Usba). 

at end of article add: See further, for Muslim communities throughout the world, Muslim. 
P. 410", DJAMS DJAMA C A. add to first paragraph of Bibliography: A. Murtonen, Broken plurals. Origin 

and development of the system, Leiden 1964. 
P. 433", DJAM'IYYA (iii), 1. 27, for Djlraz read Shlraz. 
P. 434 a , penultimate line, for the read they. 

P. 435*, 1. 28, for op. cit. (in Bibl.) read Ta^rikh-i mashruta-i Iran'. 

P. 438", DJAMNA, at end of article add : Djamna is used as a name of other rivers in India, especially for part 
of the Brahmaputra in Bengal, called Djun by Ibn BattQta. See also ganga. 


P. 47o», DJARlDA (i) B, 1. 33, for (1955) read (1956). 

P. 470 6 , add to Bibliography: A. Merad, La formation de la presse musulmane en Algirie (1919-1939), in IBLA, 
1964/1, 9-29. 

P. 47i b , (i) C, 11. 29-30, delete magazine ; for 1928 read 1933; delete organ of. 

P. 472", (ii), 11. 10-12, for In 1875 .... Constantinople; read Newspapers in Persian appeared in India as 
early as 1822 and 1835 (see S. C. Sanial, The first Persian newspapers of India: a peep into their 
contents, in IC, vii (1934), 105-14), and in Constantinople in 1875; 

P. 473", last line, for Isfahan 1 327/1949, 2 vols, read Isfahan 1327-32/1949-54, 4 vols. 

P. 479", DJARiMA. 1. 2, after djereme, add and currently in Iran, 

P. 50i», al-DJAWNPURI, add to Bibliography: A. S. Bazmee Ansari, Sayyid Muhammad Jawnpuri and his 
movement, in Islamic Studies, ii/2 (March 1963), 41-74. 

P. 501", AL-PJAWWANl, 1. 40, for Ahmet III, 2759, read Ahmet III, 2799 and 2800, neither of which, 
however, indicates al-Djawwanl as the author, and add Yale, L-672 [Nemoy 1245]. 
at end of paragraph add: There have now appeared his Mukhtasar min al-kaldm fi 'l-fark bayn man 
ism abihi Salldm wa-Saldm (ed. al-Munadjdjid, Damascus 
Zubayr b. Bakkar, Diamharat nasab Kuraysh (Kopriilii 114 
1163, see the edition by M. M. Shakir, Cairo 1381/1962, intr. 32 ff.). 

P. 504", PJAYPUR, 1. 3, for craftsman read craftsmen. 
1. 7, for Ydd-i Ayydn read Ydd-i Ayydm. 

P. 5i8 b , DJAZA' (ii), 1. 2, for lidnun-i djazdH (cezai) read (idnun-i djazd* (ceza). 

P- 535 b . DJIBUTl, after the third paragraph, ending of the majority., insert the following paragraph, omitted 
in error in the English edition : 

Djibutiisthe administrative centre of a region misleadingly called "C6te Francaise des Somalis", 
"French Somaliland": in fact more than three-quarters of its area (ca. 23,000 sq. km.) and of its 
coast belong to the c Afar, while less than a quarter belongs to the Somalis. It is a desert region, with 
practically no agriculture. Outside the capital, the population is almost entirely nomadic; all the 
inhabitants are Muslim. Besides the c Afar (numbering some 25,000), it contains the subjects of four 
"sultanates": the whole of Tadjoura (Tadjurra, in c Afar Tagorri) and Goba'ad, the majority of 
Rahayto, and a small part of Awsa. The 'Afar (called by the Arabs Danakil [q.v.]) form a relatively 
organized population, with a firmly hierarchical social structure, divided into regional 'commands' 
ruled by hereditary chiefs and based on a family and tribal organization. Among the Somalis, the 
only autochthonous tribe is that of the c Ise, nine-tenths of whom in any case belong to Somalia or to 
Ethiopia. This tribe is unusually anarchical, having no true chiefs: the "gas, who lives in Ethiopia, 
has no effective power; a minimum of authority is exercised by councils of elders, who dispense 
justice. The c Ise groups which normally wander throughout the country during part of the year 
total about 6000 individuals. They belong mainly to the sub-tribes Rer Muse, Orweyne, Furlabe, 
Horrone and Mammasan. 

P. 576", D.IUGHRAFIYA. 11. 50, 57 and 71, for Aryabhat'a read Aryabhata. 

P. 587", 1. 24, for Siyaghl read Siyakl. 

P. 587", 1. 18, after Journal insert of. 

P- 595°. DJUMHCRIYYA, 1. 44, for Siyasat read Siyasal. 

P- 597", DJCNAGARH, 1. 15, before thriving insert a. 
1. 19, for enshines read enshrines. 

P- 597", 1- 3, for Ridja 5 read Radja 5 . 

1. 65, for Manawadar read Manawadar; for taHukas read taHultas. 
1. 67, for zorfalbi read zdrtalbi. 

P. 598", 1. 11, read college. 

I. 25, read taHulfas. 

II. 41-5, for It has .... employ of the ruler, read It has two large-size cannon, originally from the 
armament brought by Khadim Siileyman Pasha, Ottoman governor of Cairo under Suleyman I and 
commander of the fleet sent from Suez against the Portuguese settlement of Diu in India; they were 
brought to Djunagafh by Mudjahid Khan of Pallt'ana (see Cam. Hist. India, iii, 334, 340). 

P. 598", 1. 15, for Zarfln read zarrln. 

P. 6oo», al-DJUNAYD b. C ABD ALLAH, 1. 7, for Djushabab. Dhabir read Djaysinh b. Dahir; 1. 12, for Ibn 
Dhabir's read Ibn Dahii's [These readings, kindly communicated by Mr. A. S. Bazmee Ansari, make 
it possible to correct the texts of Ibn al-Athir, iv, 465, 466, v, 40, 101, and al-Baladhuri, 441-2, which 
have respectively _/»li ,> «ui;>- and <ui- (cf. Cac-nama, ed. U. M. Daudpota, Delhi 1959, 
index; Islamic Studies, ii/2 (Karachi, March 1963), 139-40, n. 25). — Author's note]. 

P. 602", HIUR'AT, 1. 11, for Muhabbat read Mahabbat. 

I. 33, for Yakta read Yakta. 

P. 602", 1. 1, for Mohahi read MohanI; for Kanpur read Kanpur. 

add to Bibliography: Garcin de Tassy, Histoire de la littirature hindoue . . . a , Paris 1870, ii, 112-8. 
P. 605", AL-DJUWAYNl. Abu 'l-Ma c alI c Abd al-Malik, 1. 17, after century, add It was printed repeatedly, 

and was translated by L. Bercher in Revue Tunisienne, 1930. 

II. 33-4, for Unfortunately, published, read Only the first section of his great work, the Shdmil, 

has been published (ed. H. Klopfer, Cairo i960). 

1. 49, after edition, add There is, finally, his 'akida, which he dedicated to Nizam al-Mulk (al-'Akida 
al-Nizdmiyya); it was edited by Muhammad Zahid al-Kawtharl (Cairo 1367/1948) and translated by 
H. Klopfer (Das Dogma des Imdm al-Haramain, Cairo and Wiesbaden 1958). 
P. 6o6», 1. 11, for Brockelmann, I, 388 read Brockelmann, I, 486, S I, 671 and add to the Bibliography : A. S. 


Tritton, Muslim theology, London 1947, 184-90; L. Gardet and M.-M. Anawati, Introduction a la 
thiologie musulmane, Paris 1948, index s.v. Juwayni. 

P. 609*, al-PJUZDjIAnI, Abu c Amr, 1. 21, read harim. 

P. 609", 1. 7, for the read his. 
1. io, read Rayhan. 
1. 47, read Nasiri. 
I. 59, read Zakariyya. 
1. 63, read Amir Ilasan. 

P. 640», DUSTCR (ii), 1. 4, for 1807 read 1808. 
1. 7, for and of read and four of. 

P. 694", ELCI, add to Bibliography : Enver Ziya Karal, Selim III. tin hat-h humayunlan, Ankara 1946, 163-86. 

P. 694", ELlCPUR, for [see gawilgarh] read [see ilicpur, also berar, gawilgarh, c imad shahi]. 

P. 725", FADAK, 1. 3, after from Medina, add: C. J. Gadd has shown that the name reflects the ancient 
Padakku, which was occupied in 550 B.C. by the Babylonian king Nabonidus (see Anatolian Studies, 
viii (1958), 81). 

P. 729 b , FAPlLA, add to Bibliography: E. Wagner, Die arabische Rangstreitdichtung und ihre Einordnung in 
die allgemeine Literaturgeschichte, Wiesbaden 1963 (Abh. d. Ak. d. Wiss. u. Lit. in Mainz, Geistes- und 
Sozialwissenschaftliche Kl., Jg. 1962, Nr. 8). 

P- 735 b , FAPL ALLAH IJURCFl, Bibliography: H. Ritter, Studien zur Geschichte der islamischen Frommig- 
keit, II. Die Anfange der Hurufisekte, in Oriens, vii (1954), 1-54; Abdiilbaki Golpinarh, Bektasilik- 
Hur&filik ve Fadl Alldh'm dldurulmesine diisiirulen iic tarih, in Sarkiyat Mecmuasi, v (1964), 15-22. 

P. 74i b , FAHD, 1. 51, for (kas'a) read {kas'a). 

P. 75 1", FAKHR al-DIN, 1. 13, for westwards read eastwards. 

P. 852", FATIMIDS, 1. 52, after bribery add (see also H. Mbnes, Le maUkisme et Vichec des Fatimides en 
Ifriqiya, in Et. or. . . . LM- Provencal, i, 197-220). 

P. 853°, 1. 11, after in the Zab add (on which see L. Massiera, M'sila du X» au XI' s., in Bull. Soc. hist, et 
ge'ogr. de la region de Sitif, ii (1941), 183 ff.; M. Canard, Une famille de partisans puis adversaires des 
Fatimides en Af. du N., in Mil. d'hist. et d'archiol. de I'Occ. mus., Algiers 1957, ii, 35 ff.). 

P. 862", add to Bibliography : A. R. Lewis, Naval power and trade in the Mediterranean, A .D. 500-1100, Princeton 
195 1 , especially 2 59-62 (The disruptive role of the Fatimids) ; G. Wiet, Grandeur de I' Islam, Paris 1961 , 
152-71 ; S. D. Goitein, Jews andAtabs, New York 1955,82-4 ; H. Mones, Le maUkisme et Vechec des Fati- 
mides en Ifriqiya, in Etudes d'orientalisme didites a la mimoire de Leoi-Provencal, Paris 1962, i, 197 ff . 

P. 864", FATIMID ART, 1. 52, after traditions which they continued, add: On the representation of living 
creatures in Fatimid art, see al-MakrizI, Khitat, i, 416, 472, 477: figurines (tamathil) representing 
elephants, gazelles, lions, giraffes, or birds, peacocks, cocks, etc., elephants sometimes bearing warlike 
accoutrements. More particularly, the tents of the caliphs and the viziers were decorated with 
suwar adamiyya wa-wahshiyya: op cit., i, 474; some tents bore a special name according to whether 
they were decorated with elephants, lions, horses, peacocks or birds : op cit., i, 418. On the activity of 
Fatimid painters (muzawwikun) , see al-Makrizi, op. cit., ii, 318. 

P. 88o», FENER, add to Bibliography: J. Gottwald, Pkanariotische Studien, in Vierteljahrschrift fiir Sud- 
osteuropa, v/1-2 (1941), 1-58. 

P. 919", FIRDAWSl, 1. 63, for ii, 477 read i, 493. 

P. 965', FUTUWWA, 1. 36, for Bast madad al-tawfik read Kiiab al-Futuwu 
title not of the K. al-Futuwwa but of a short treatise composed ir 
of H. Thorning, Beitrage zur Kenntnis des isl. Vereinswesen, 1913, 9 f.). 

P. 967°, 1. 1, after documents, add: e.g. Ibn Battuta, selections tr. H. A. R. Gibb, London 1929, 123-41; tr. 
H. A. R. Gibb (Hakluyt ser.), ii, 1959, 413-68. 

1. 13 of Bibliography, add: Irene Melikoff, Abu Muslim, le " Porte-hache" du Khorasan, Paris 1962; 
and at end of Bibliography, add: M. Mole, Kubrawiyat II, AU b. Sihabaddin-i Hamaddni'nin Risdla-i 
futuwwatiya'si, in Sarkiyat Mecmuasi, iv (1961), 33-72. 

P. 969", 11. 9-10 of Bibliography, for A complete copy .... Basle, read A complete copy, formerly in the 
possession of Prof. Tschudi, is now in the University Library of Basle (M. VI. 35); 

P. 969", 1. 15, after (Rieu, 44) <^dd see now the communication by R. M. Savory, in Isl., xxxviii (1963), 161-5. 

P. 970", GABAN, at end of article add: In 11 37 Gaban was taken by the Byzantines, but was occupied soon 
afterwards (1138-9) by Malik Ahmad Danishmand. In 613/1216 the district was attacked by Kay 
Ka'us I [q.v.]. In 666/1268 king Haytham was obliged to cede the fortress to Baybars. and add to 
Bibl.: Alishan, Sissouan, 48-9, 210; CI. Cahen, LaSyrie . . ., 360, 623; R. Grousset, Hist, des Croisades , 
ii, 87, 266; K. M. Setton (ed.), History of the Crusades, ii, 637, iii, 635; Makrizi, Suluk, 1/2, 528-9; Ibn 
Iyas, Ta'rikh, i, 229-30; Ramsay, Asia Minor, 382. 

P. 9966, GHALAFIKA. 1. 13, for L. O. Schuman read L. S. Schuman. 

P. 1021", SHASSAN, 1. 6, after c Ayn Ubagh delete [q.v.]. 

[Shortly before this article by Dr Shahid was published, the editors interpolated a note communicated 
to them by another scholar, which introduced a newly-discovered inscription from a Ghassanid 
building. Dr Shahid has now pointed out to them that this note on buildings deals with an aspect of 
the subject which he had discussed in articles listed in his Bibliography and which he had therefore 
decided not to treat in detail in the body of the article; the insertion of the note might give the 
impression that the editors had thought that the part allotted to Ghassanid buildings was insuffi- 
cient. The editors readily express their regret if any such misunderstanding has occurred and take this 
opportunity of mentioning that Dr Shahid is at present engaged on a book on Arab-Byzantine relat- 
ions before the rise of Islam which will include a comprehensive chapter on Ghassanid structures.] 

P. 1074 s , SHINA', 11. 8-g, for Ibn Bana [q.v.] or Banata (d. 278/891) read c Amr b. Bana or Banata (d. 278/891) 
[see IBN bana]. 

CABRA [see ijabrAj 
CADIZ [see ?adis] 
CAESAREA [see jcaysariyya, kayseri, shar- 


CAGHANIYAN (Arabic rendering: Saghaniyan). 
In the early Middle Ages this was the name given to 
the district of the Caghan-Rud [q.v.] valley. This 
river is the northernmost tributary of the river 
Amii-Darya [q.v.]. The district lies to the north of 
the town of Tirmidh [q.v.], the area of which, 
however, (including Camangan) did not form part of 
Caghaniyan either politically or administratively 
(Ibn Khurradadhbih, 39). We/aishagirt ( = Faydabad) 
was regarded as the boundary with the district of 
Khuttalan {[q.v.]; between the rivers Pandj and 
Wakhsh). Incidentally, the area around Kabadiyan 
(Kuwadiyan; [q.v.]) to the south-east, has frequently 
been regarded as an independent district. 

The region had a pleasant climate, good water 
supplies, good soil, and corresponding agriculture. 
Its peasants, however, were considered lazy, thus a 
considerable number of poor (darwishdn) were to be 
found in Caghaniyan, and the area was sparsely 
populated. The capital was also called Caghaniyan 
(the derivation by Markwart, Wehrot 93, from the 
Mongol Caghan 'white' is surely wrong). It was 
situated on the side of a hill where there was running 
water. The population of the town was also regarded 
as poor and ill-educated, and despite its greater size, 
it was soon overshadowed by Tirmidh (Istakhri, 298; 
Ifudiid al- c Alam, 114, no. 25 and no. 27, also ibid., 
63, 119, 198; Sam'ani 352 v). Round the year 985, 
the taxes were 48,529 dirhams (MukaddasI, 283, 
290). Other known places in the district were 
BarangJ and Darzangi. Maps of the area: Ifudiid 
al- l Alam, 339, and Le Strange, map ix. 

History: In the 5th and 6th centuries, Cagha- 
niyan was one of main Hephthalite (see haytal) 
areas and was under Buddhist influence. Even in the 
4th/ioth century it was considered a border region 
against the 'KumedjI', who are regarded as remnants 
of the Hephthalites (Bayhaki, ed. Morley, 499, 576, 
611, 696; and also Markwart, Wehrot 93 f., with 
further data), though they may also have belonged 
to the Saks (Ifudiid al-'Alam, 363). In Sasanid times, 
it was ruled by its own dynasty with the title 
Caghan-Khudat (Tabari, ii, 1596). In 31/651, its troops 
took part in Vazdagird Ill's fight against the 
attacking Arabs. Some of them (prisoners ?) could 
be found in Basra around 59/678 (Baladhuri, ed. De 
Goeje, 419 f. = ed. Cairo 1901, 413 ; Spuler, Iran, 19). 
In 86/705 the Caghan-Khudat submitted to Kutayba 
b. Muslim [q.v.], who had conquered Transoxania for 
the Muslims. Thus Caghaniyan became part of an 
Islamic region, and accepted its culture from Balkh 
rather than from Bukhara and Samarkand (Tabari, 
ii, 1 180; DInawari, Akhbdr, 330; Spuler, Iran, 29 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

and note 6; H. A. R. Gibb, Arab Conquests in 
Central Asia, 1923, 32 (Turkish ed., 28); Gh. H. 
Sadighi, Les mouvements relig. iraniens, 1938, 24 f.). 
In 119-121/737-9, the inhabitants fought on the side 
of the Arabs against the western Turks, their allies, 
and Sughd refugees (Tabari, ii, 1596 ; Ind., p. 735 ; Bar- 
thold, Turkestan, 191 ; B. G. Gafurov, 1st. Tadiikskogo 
Naroda, i, 1949, 147). They took part in the civil war 
between the Umayyads and c Abbasids (Tabari. ii, 
1423, 1767); in 191-195/806-10, in the rising of Rafi c 
b. Layth against the 'Abbasids (Va'kubi, Hist. Isl., 
1883, ii, 528), and in 323/934, followed for a short 
time a certain 'False Prophet' Mahdl (name ? title ?) 
(Gardlzi, 37 f.). Abu 'All (see Ilyasids). who ruled 
over this district as well as over Tirmidh and Shuman 
and Kharun further east, had come here for purposes 
of defence in 337/948, after he had been deposed as 
governor of Khurasan. He is described as a member 
of the Muhtadj dynasty. It is not evident whether 
there was a link between this house and the Caghan- 
Khudat. When he became governor of Khurasan once 
more in 341/952, he passed the rule of Caghaniyan 
on to his son. Deposed again in 343/954. he was 
buried in Caghaniyan (Radab-Sha c ban 344/Nov. 955) 
(Ibn Hawkal 401; MukaddasI 337; Gardizi 36 f.; 
Yakut, Learned Men (Gibb Mem. Ser. VI), i, 
143; Barthold, Turkestan, 233, 247/49; Spuler, 
Iran, 97). 

Towards the end of the 4th/ioth century, a lengthy 
war broke out between the amir of Caghaniyan (who 
ranked as one of the Muluk al-afrdl), the rulers of 
Gozgan (Djuzdjan; [q.v.]), and other candidates 
(Narshakhl, 157; further information in Barthold, 
Turkestan, 254; Minorsky in Hudud al-'-Alam, 178, 
with further data). It ended in 390/999. when Cagha- 
niyan came under Karakhanid rule. In 416/1025, 
the district joined Mahmud of Ghazna, and in 426/ 
1035, it repelled Karakhanid attempts to recover 
it with the assistance of the Ghaznawids (Bayhaki, 
ed. Morley, 82, 98, 255, 575 f-, 611, 616 [see *arA- 
khanids]). Finally, Caghaniyan came under Saldjuk 
rule in 451/1059. They suppressed a rising in 457/ 
1064 (Ibn al-Athir, ed. Tornberg, x, 22). By ca. 561/ 
1165, the Karakhanids (who were subject to the 
Kara Khitay) had once again achieved a position of 
great influence (al-Katib al-Samarkandl, in Barthold, 
Turk, russ., i, 71 f.). Around the years 570-571/ 
H74-75. the country came under the rule of the 
Ghurids (Pjuzdjanl, Tabakdt, 423-6). 

The district is not mentioned during the time of the 
Mongol conquests; and subsequently it is hardly 
found in Mongol sources. In the 7th/i3th century, 
Caghaniyan belonged to the Caghatay empire, and the 
Transoxanian Khan Barak (generally called Burak 
[q.v.] by the Muslims) had the centre of his empire 
here in 663-670/1264-71. In Timur's time, the place- 
name Dih-i nam (now: Dittaw) is mentioned (Sharaf 

CAGHANIYAN — Caghatay khAn 

al-DIn Yazdl, ed. Ilahdad, 1885, i, 124), and this 
appears to be on the site of the ancient town of 
Caghaniyan (thus Barthold, Turkestan, 72; Mar- 
kwart, Wehrot, 93). There is mention of Caghaniyan 
on only one further occasion, in the Bdbur-ndma 
(ed. Beveridge, 1905, index), where it is probably a 
historical reminiscence. Apparently no mediaeval 
ruins have survived in Caghaniyan, and the old settle- 
ments have vanished. Today the district belongs 
to the Ozbek SSR, and the Ozbek language has 
supplanted the old Iranian. The regions to the east 
of the Kafirnahan river, however, together with 
Kabadiyan, belong to the Tadjik language area and 
to the Tadjik SSR. 

Bibliography: W. Barthold, Turkestan, 
index; Le Strange, 435-40; J. Markwart, Wehrot 
und Arang, 1938, index; Hudud al-'Alam, index; 
B. Spuler, Iran, index. (B. Spuler) 

GAGMAN-ROD (Caghan-Rodh), the seventh 
and last tributary on the right of the river Amu- 
Darya [q.v.]. It comes from the Buttam mountains, 
to the north of Caghaniyan [q.v.], flows past that 
town and several smaller places, and finally into the 
Amu-Darya above Tirmidh. The river is called by 
this name only in the ffudud al-'Alam, (71, no. 11, 
p. 363), and in Sharaf al-DIn c Ali Yazdi, Zafar-nama 
(ed. Ilahdad), 1885, i, 196 (= translation by F. Petis 
de la Croix, i, 183). MukaddasI, 22, calls it "river of 
Caghaniyan", and distinguishes it from the Kafir- 
nihan, the 6th tributary (further to the east) of the 
Amu-Darya. Ibn Rusta, (BGA vii, 93), on the other 
hand, gets the two rivers, their sources, and their 
tributaries mixed up; he calls the Caghan-Rud: 
Zami/Zamul. Today, the upper part of the river is 
known as Kara Tagh Darya, and from Dih-i naw 
(Denaw = Caghaniyan) onwards: Surkhan. 

Bibliography: Le Strange, 436, 440; W. 
Barthold, Turkestan, 72 ; J. Markwart, Wehrot und 
Arang, 1938, 89-94 (he attempts a classification of 
the pre- Islamic Iranian sources) ; B. Spuler, Der 
Amu-Darja, 234 (in Jean Deny Armagam, Ankara 
1958, 231-48); Brockhaus-Efron, Enciklop. Slovaf 
xxxii/i (= 63), St. Petersburg 1901, 109; Bol'shaya 
Sovetshaya £ntsiklop'. 41, (1956) 315. 

(B. Spuler) 
CAGHATAY KHAN, founder of the Caghatay 
Khanate [q.v.], the second son of Cingiz-Khan and 
his chief wife Borte Fudjin. Already in his father's 
lifetime he was regarded as the greatest authority 
on the Yasa (the tribal laws of the Mongols as 
codified by Cingiz-Khan). Like his brothers he took 
part in his father's campaigns against China (1211- 
12 16) and against the kingdom of the Kh w arizm- 
Shah (1219-1224). Urgandj, the latter's capital, was 
besieged by the three princes Djoci, Caghatay and 
Ogedey and taken in Safar 618/27H1 March-24th 
April 1221. In the same year Caghatay's eldest son 
Mo'etiiken was slain before Bamiyan. After the 
battle on the Indus (according to Nasawi, transl. 
Houdas, 83, on Wednesday 7 Shawwal 618, probably 
24 November 1221) Caghatay was entrusted with 
operations against Sultan Ojalal al-Din Kh"arizm- 
Shah and spent the winter of 1221-1222 in India. 
During Cingiz-Khan's final campaign against the 
Tangut (1225-1227) he remained in Mongolia in 
command of the forces left behind there. 

After his father's death Caghatay no longer took 
an active part in any of the campaigns. As the 
eldest surviving son of Cingiz-Khan (his brother 
Djoci had predeceased his father) he enjoyed enorm- 
ous prestige. In the year 1229 he presided with his 

uncle Otcigin over the kuriltay at which Ogedey was 
elected Great Khan: owing to his position as the 
recognized authority on the yasa, he exercised an 
influence to which even the Great Khan Ogedey 
had to bow. He seems to have spent this period 
partly in Mongolia at his brother's court, partly in 
the territory allotted to him by Cingiz-Khan, where 
he held his own court-camp. Like all the Mongol 
princes Caghatay had separate camps (ordu) for 
winter and summer. His summer residence according 
to Djuwayni was at some place on the Hi whilst his 
winter quarters were at Kuyas, probably to be 
identified with the Equius of William of Rubruck, 
near Almaligh, i.e., in the region of the present-day 
Kulja. The residence of Caghatay's successors is 
called Ulugh Ef (in Turkish „Great House") by 
Djuwayni and others. 

Caghatay had received from his father all the 
lands from the Uyghur territory in the east to 
Bukhara and Samarkand in the west: we must not 
however regard these lands as a single kingdom 
governed from the Hi valley and only indirectly 
subject to the Great Khan. Everywhere, even in 
the Hi valley itself, the local dynasties who were 
there before the Mongols remained. On the relation- 
ship of these dynasties to the Mongol rulers we have 
no accurate information; we know equally little 
about what sovereign rights the court on the Hi 
could claim from the Great Khan and his deputies. 
The settled lands of Central Asia were certainly not 
governed in the name of Caghatay but in that of 
the Great Khan. In the account of the suppression 
of the rebellion in Bukhara in 636/1238-1239 
Caghatay is not mentioned ; the governor of Ma wara 1 
al-Nahr at this period was Mahmud Yalavac, a 
Kh"arizml by birth, who had been appointed by 
the Great Khan. Even the generals of the Mongol 
forces in Ma wara 5 al-Nahr were appointed by the 
Great Khan. When, soon afterwards, Mahmud 
Yalavac was arbitrarily dismissed from his office by 
Caghatay the latter was called to account by his 
brother and had to admit the illegality of his action. 
Ogedey was satisfied with this apology and granted 
the land to his brother as a fief (indiii); but the 
legal position of this territory was not thereby 
altered. During the last years of Ogedey's reign, as 
well as under Mongke, all settled areas from the 
Chinese frontier to Bukhara were governed by 
Mas'Od Beg, the son of Mahmud Yalavac, in the 
name of the Great Khan, 

It cannot be ascertained how far Caghatay's 
Muslim minister Kutb al-DIn Habash 'Amid had 
a share in the administration of the country along 
with the representatives of the Great Khan. According 
to Rashld al-Din this minister came from Otrar, 
according to Djamal Karshi from Karmlna, and like 
many other Muslim dignitaries at this time had 
made his fortune among the Mongols as a merchant. 
He was on terms of such intimacy with the Khan 
that each of Caghatay's sons had one of Habash 
'Amld's sons as a companion. 

In general Caghatay was not favourably inclined 
towards Islam. Among the infringements of Mongol 
law which he rigidly punished was the observance 
of certain prescriptions of Islam. Among the Mongols 
it was forbidden to slaughter an animal by cutting 
its throat, which is the method prescribed by the 
sharV-a; another law frequently broken by the 
Muslims at their ablutions was that which prohibited 
washing in running water. The cruel punishment 
which Caghatay visited upon any such trans- 
gressions made his name hated among the Muslims. 


According to Diuwavni. Caghatay survived his 
brother Ogedey, who died on 5 Djumada II 639/ 
nth December 1241 though only for a short period. 
On the other hand Rashid al-DIn states that he 
died seven months before Ogedey, i.e., apparently 
in the beginning of May, 1241. 

Bibliography: Djuwayni-Boyle ; Rashid al- 
DIn, Dxdmi c al-Tawdrlkh, ed. E. Blochet, Leiden 
1911; V. V. Barthold, Four Studies on the History 
of Central Asia, Vol. i, transl. V. and T. Minorsky, 
Leiden 1956. (W. Barthold-[J. A. Boyle]) 

CASHATAY KHANATE. The Central Asian 
Khanate to which Caghatay gave his name was 
really not founded till some decades after the 
Mongol prince's death. Caghatay was succeeded by 
his grandson Kara-Hiilegii, the son of Mo'etiiken 
who fell at Bamiyan. Kara-Hiilegii had been desig- 
nated as Caghatay's heir both by Cingiz-Khan 
himself and by Ogedey; he was however deposed 
by the Great Khan Giiyiik (1241-1248) in favour 
of Yesii-Mongke, the fifth son of Caghatay, with 
whom Giiyiik was on terms of personal friend- 
ship. In 1251 Yesii-Mongke was involved in the 
conspiracy against the Great Khan Mongke, who 
reinstated Kara-Hiilegii and handed Yesii-Mongke 
over to him for execution. Kara-Hiilegii however 
did not survive the homeward journey and the 
execution was carried out by his widow, Princess 
Orkina, who now ruled in her husband's stead, 
though her authority does not seem to have extended 
beyond the Hi valley. As appears from the narrative 
of William of Rubruck, the whole Empire was at 
this period divided between Mongke and Batu: 
Batu's portion was the whole area west of a line 
between the rivers Talas and Cu, east of which all 
territories were directly subject to the Great Khan. 
Mas c ud Beg [see the previous article], who enjoyed 
the confidence of both Khans, was governor of all 
the settled areas between Besh-Baligh and Kh w arizm. 
With the death of the Great Khan Mongke in 1259 
a different condition of things arose. During the 
struggle for supremacy between Kubilay and Arigh 
Boke, the brothers of the late Khan, Alughu, a 
grandson of Caghatay, agreed to take possession 
of Central Asia for Arlgh Boke and support him 
from that quarter against his enemies. He actually 
succeeded in bringing the whole of Central Asia 
under his sway, including areas such as Kh'arizm 
and the present-day Afghanistan which had never 
previously been numbered amongst the possessions 
of the House of Caghatay. He had of course won 
these victories for himself and not for Arlgh Boke. 
He everywhere proclaimed himself as an independent 
ruler; and Arigh Boke, who had tried to assert his 
rights, was finally forced to vacate this territory 
after some initial successes. Mas'ud Beg still remained 
the governor of the settled areas, now no longer in 
the name of the Great Khan but as the representative 
of Alughu. 

Alughu may be regarded as the founder of an 
independent Mongol state in Central Asia: he 
enjoyed his success only for a brief period, as he died 
in 664/1265-1266. Mubarak-Shah, the son of Kara- 
Hiilegii and Orkina, the first Caghatay convert to 
Islam, was proclaimed Khan in March 1266. Already 
in the same year he was dethroned by his cousin 
Burak (or rather Barak) Khan [q.v.], the nominee 
of the Great Khan, who was soon however to become 
little more than a satellite of Kaydu [q.v.], now the 
real master of Central Asia. After Burak's death in 
1 271 Kaydu appointed NIkpay, a grandson of 
Caghatay, to succeed him; NIkpay was followed by 

Buka-Temiir, another grandson of Caghatay; and 
in 1282, Kaydu's choice fell upon Du'a, the son of 
Burak. The faithful ally of Kaydu in all his wars 
against the Great Khan, Du'a defeated and deposed 
his son Capar shortly before his own death in 1306 
or 1307. The Caghatay Khanate was from now on 
to remain in Du'a's family almost to the moment 
of its extinction, the throne being occupied, for 
longer or shorter periods, by six of his sons, of 
whom we need mention here only Esen-Buka 
(1309-1318), Kebek (1318-1326) and Tarmashirin 

It was some time before the Caghatay Khanate 
received an independent organisation of its own. 
Diamal Karshi's work, written in the reign of 
Capar shows that affairs in Central Asia were in 
much the same condition even at this period, when 
there had long been a strong Mongol central govern- 
ment in China and Persia, as they had been in the 
early years of the Mongol conquest. The Mongols 
were apparently less under the influence of Islam 
and Muslim culture than in Persia and were able to 
preserve their own peculiar ways of life for a much 
longer period of time. Except in the Uyghur country 
Islam was everywhere the state religion by the time 
of the Mongol conquest, even in the Hi valley, 
although these areas had been little influenced by 
Arabo-Persian culture. The Mongol conquest, as 
Rubruck pointed out, was followed in these regions 
by an extension of the pasture lands at the expense 
of the towns and cultivated areas; at a later period 
urban life altogether disappeared under the influence 
of Mongol rule, except in Ma wara 3 al-Nahr and the 
present-day Sinkiang. The Muslim civilisation of 
Ma wara 3 al-Nahr naturally exercised some influence 
on the Mongols, particularly the rulers; but this 
influence was not strong enough to induce the mass 
of the people to change their mode of life. When the 
ruling family decided to settle in M5 wara 5 al-Nahr 
and break with the customs of the people, their 
action resulted in the complete separation of the 
eastern provinces. 

Even the brief reign of Yesii-Mongke (1246-1251) 
appears to have been favourable to those who 
professed Islam. The chief minister then was a friend 
of the Khan's youth and a foster-son of Habash 
'Amid, Baha 3 al-DIn MarghlnanI, a descendant of 
the Shuyukh al-Isldm of Farghana. As a patron of 
poets and scholars he is praised by his contemporary 
Djuwaynl, who was personally acquainted with him. 
Habash c Amid, who was hated by the Khan as an 
adherent of Kara-Hiilegii, owed his life to the inter- 
cession of Baha 3 al-DIn. Nevertheless, when Baha 3 
al-DIn was involved in his master's downfall, he was 
handed over to his foster-father, who ordered his 
execution in the cruellest fashion. 

Under Orkina, Habash c AmId again occupied the 
position he had held under Caghatay; this princess 
however was favourably inclined to the Muslims; 
she is described by Wassaf as a protectress of Islam 
and by Djamal Karshi was even said to be a Muslim. 
Her son Mubarak-Shah, raised to the throne in 
Ma wara 3 al-Nahr, certainly adopted Islam, as did 
his rival Burak Khan some years later. The rule of 
Alughu seems to have been less favourable to the 
Muslims, and the events of the following years 
postponed for several decades the final victory of 
Muslim culture. Kaydu and Capar, as well as Du'a 
and other princes, remained pagans and resided in 
the eastern provinces. In the reign of Esen-Buka 
the armies of the Great Khan penetrated deep into 
Central Asia and ravaged the winter and summer 

Caghatay KHANATE — CaghrI-beg 

residences of the Khan; the continuator of Rashid 
al-DIn in his account of these happenings says that 
the winter residence was in the region of the Issik- 
Kul, while the summer residence was on the Talas. 

Esen-Buka's successor Kebek was the first to 
return to the settled lands of Ma wara' al-Nahr. 
Though he did not adopt Islam he is praised by 
Muslims as a just prince; he is said to have built or 
restored several towns; he also had built for himself 
a palace in the neighbourhood of Nakhshab, from 
which the town takes its modern name of Karshl 
(from the Mongol word for "palace"). He introduced 
the silver coins afterwards called Kebehi, which may 
be considered the first independent coinage of the 
Caghatay Khanate. 

After two brief interregnums Kebek's brother 
Tarmashirin was raised to the throne. This Khan 
adopted Islam and took the name of c Ala> al-DIn; 
the eastern provinces were entirely neglected by 
him and the nomads of those provinces rose against 
him as a violator of the Yasa. This rebellion appears 
to have taken place about 734/1333-1334; it was 
headed by Buzan, a nephew of the Khan, and 
resulted in Tarmashirin's flight and death. Buzan 
can have reigned only for a few months since he was 
succeeded in 1334 by Cangshi, another nephew of 
Tarmashirin. Statements of contemporary Christian 
missionaries show that the centre of the Khanate 
was now again transferred for a brief period 
to the Ili valley and Christians were allowed 
to propagate their religion unhindered and to build 
churches; it is even said that a 7-year old son of 
Cangshi was baptised with his father's consent and 
received the name of Johannes. 

Some years later Nakhshab is mentioned again 
as the residence of the Caghatay Khan. This was 
Kazan, who was descended, not like Du'a and his 
sons from Yesiin-To'a, but from Biiri, another son 
of Mo'etviken. Kazan fell in battle in 747/1346-1347 
in the course of a struggle against the Turkish 
aristocracy, and with his death the rule of his house 
in M5 wara 5 al-Nahr came to an end. Till 1370, 
descendants of Caghatay were placed on the throne 
by the Turkish amirs as nominal rulers; in the time 
of Timur these rulers were chosen from the family 
of Ogedey. Nevertheless under Timur and his 
successors the nomad population of M5 wara' al- 
Nahr, who as a warrior caste enjoyed many privi- 
leges, were still as before called Caghatay. 

Bibliography: As in the article on Caghatay. 

For genealogical tables of the House of Caghatay, 

based on both the Chinese and the Persian 

sources, see Louis Hambis, he chapitre cvii du 

Yuan eke, Leiden 1945. 

(W. Barthold-[J. A. Boyle]) 

Caghatay literature [see turks] 

CAGHRJ-BEG DawOd b. MIkha'Il b. SaldjOk 
was the brother of Tughril-Beg [?.».], and the co- 
founder with him of the Saldjukid dynasty. The 
careers of both brothers were, for the most part, in- 
extricably bound together. It is difficult to ascertain 
which was the elder brother. They seem to have 
been born about 380-385/990-995, and there is no 
evidence whether their family was already, or only 
later became, Muslim. Little is known about their 
life before the year 416/1025. They were orphaned 
at an early age, and must have been brought up, 
until they were about fifteen years old, by their 
grandfather Saldjuk, in the Djand region, during 
which time their uncle Arslan-Isra'il was fighting 
in the service of the last Samanids. After the 

death of the grandfather, ill-defined political reasons 
caused them to remove, with a section of their 
tribe, to the territory owned by a Karakhanid 
who was, for a time, known under the title-name of 
Bughra-Khan. Subsequently they quarrelled with 
him, and joined, without, however, combining their 
forces with his, their uncle, who was then in the 
service of a rival Karakhanid, 'Ali-Tegln of Bukhara. 
Tradition gives here an account of a highly im- 
probable escapade of Caghrl-Beg in Armenia. In 
416/1025, the Saldjukids were involved in the defeat 
of C A1I-Tegin by the combined forces of Mahmud of 
Ghazna and the supreme Karakhanid, Kadir-Khan, 
whereupon Arslan-Israll, with his tribal group, 
had to settle in Ghazna territory. Tughrll and Caghri, 
on the other hand, remained with C AU-Tegin, and 
then, after being involved in disagreements with him, 
possibly over the leadership of the tribe, transferred 
themselves to Khwarizm (between 421/1030 and 
425/1034 ?). The threats of the Oghuz prince Shah- 
Malik, the old enemy of their family, who had by 
then become master of Djand, forced upon them 
another displacement, and, as the Turcomans of the 
Ghazna territory had abandoned their Khurasanian 
encampments as a result of disorders following the 
death of Mahmud, Tughrll and Caghri demanded, 
and then seized forcibly, from his successor, Mas'ud, 
the right to take their place. Although they had 
become the quasi-official concessionaries of the 
border plains to the north of western Khurasan, 
they certainly did not show themselves to be well- 
behaved guests. Ma'sud was at first unaware of 
the potential seriousness of what he believed to be 
mere local unrests, but even the town populations 
grew weary of paying taxes to the Ghaznawid 
without being safeguarded against the pillage of 
their countryside. The Saldjukids had, on the other 
hand, represented themselves to the Muslim aristo- 
cracy as faithful adherents of the orthodox religion, 
and a growing party, in Khurasan, felt that it 
was advisable, by submitting to them, to divert 
elsewhere the depredations of their men. In 423/ 
1036 Marw opened its gates to Caghrl-Beg, who 
had the Khutba recited there in his name as auto- 
nomous prince. Soon Nishapur did the same for 
Tughrll, and then, later, Caghri penetrated into 
Harat and sent his kinsmen towards the Sistan region. 
Ma'siid reacted too late. His heavy armies wore 
themselves out physically and morally chasing an 
elusive enemy across the desert, and, in 431/1040, 
at Dandankan the Saldjukids defeated him beyond 
all hope of recovery. 

The conquerors divided up their conquered terri- 
tories, and, while Tughrll went off to try his luck at 
fresh conquests in Iran, Caghri kept, in Khurasan, 
the base of the young Saldjukid power. His career 
there has nothing to compare with the remarkable 
developments that followed that of his brother. 
During the first four years, he made complete his 
possession of Khurasan by annexing, on the one 
hand, Balkh and then Tirmidh, and, on the other, 
Khwarizm. whose prince had been driven out by 
Shah-Malik. In addition, a son of Caghri, Kavurt, 
acting in a more or less autonomous capacity, 
occupied Kirman. But from then onwards, the chief 
military activity of Caghrl's forces consisted in a 
difficult struggle against the Ghaznawids, who, in 
their mountain stronghold, and fortified with the 
resources found in their Indus provinces, resumed 
the war, sometimes with success. The intrigues 
of the Ghaznawids compromised, but for a very 
short time only, the relations of the Saldjukids with 


the neighbouring Karakhanids. On their side, the 
Saldjukids interfered in the internal quarrels of 
Ghazna, where Mas'ud's successor, Mawdud, had 
married a daughter of Caghri, but where, against a 
successor of Mawdud, the Saldjukids encouraged 
the usurper Farrukhzad, only to find themselves 
soon afterwards at war with him also. Hostilities 
went on intermittently in the Balkh and the Sistan 
districts, and in Sistan the danger was for ja 
while so grave that it became necessary to recall 
the Turcomans temporarily from Kirman. Caghri 
was, by that time, old, and the conduct of 
operations fell in fact upon his son Alp-Arslan 
[g.v.]. Saldjukids and Ghaznawids were forced to 
recognize that their power was about equal, and 
in 451/1060, Caghri and Ibrahim of Ghazna concluded 
a peace that remained virtually undisturbed by their 
successors. Some months later, Caghri died (at the 
beginning of 452/ end of 1060). 

Practically nothing is known of Caghrl-Beg's 
government. The chief of the plundering nomads 
became prince of a territory in which the traditional 
administration was continued or resumed. He gave 
himself the title of Malik al-Muluk. A brother of 
the famous Isma'ili writer Nasir-i Khusraw for a 
long time held a prominent position in the service 
of his vizir, but it would be impossible to conclude 
from this a heterodox orientation on the part of 
the sovereign. Nevertheless, the fact that neither 
Nizam al-Mulk nor the authors of moral tales, nor 
the diwans of the poets, have preserved any note- 
worthy information about Caghri from the time 
that he was separated from his brother, gives the 
impression of a weaker personality and a rather 
passive political attitude, from a religious and all 
other points of view. 

It is difficult even to obtain a clear assessment of 
Caghrl's relations with his kinsfolk. After Dandakan, 
Sistan appears to have been handed over to Musa 
Payghu (Yabghu ?), the uncle of Caghri and Tughrll, 
but the power of the chiefs of this family seems to 
have been unstable, and in 446-448/1055-1057, 
hostilities arose between them and Yakuti, one of 
Caghrl's sons, who came, it is true, from Kirman. It 
appears that from then onwards Caghri was consi- 
dered in Sistan as the suzerain over his young 
cousins. A more important question is that of the 
relations between Caghri and Tughrll, holding in 
mind the successes that made the latter the protector 
of the Caliphate and the legally recognized master of 
the entire Muslim East. The only certainty is that 
the good relations between them were never belied. 
It seems that in Sistan Caghri accepted Tughril's 
decisions. In any case, when in 450/1058-9, the revolt 
of Ibrahim Inal constituted a grave threat to 
Tughril's sultanate, Tughrll in part owed his preser- 
vation to the help brought to him by Alp-Arslan and 
Yakuti. Relations between Caghri and Tughril must 
have been made easier by the fact that the latter was 
childless. Therefore when the Caliph wanted to 
form a marriage alliance with him, it was a daughter 
of Caghri that became the wife of al-Ka'im. Caghri 
had married a Khwarizmian princess, who had 
already a son, SulaymSn. When his brother died, 
Tughril married her. It is not certain whether Alp- 
Arslan, who was to unite the two inheritances, had 
been selected for that fortune by the two ruling 
brothers, or whether, as Tughril's vizir declared, 
Sulayman had been intended — at all events, the latter 
had played no role under either Caghri or Tughrll. 
Bibliography: A. Sources. On the origins 

there is little information available except through 

the Malik-ndma, which is lost but utilized by Ibn 
al-Athir, c Ali b. Nasir {Akhbdr al-dawla al-SaldiH- 
kiyya, ed. Muh. Ikbal, Lahore 1933), Bar-Hebraeus 
(Chronography, ed. trans. Budge), and especially 
MIrkhwand. From the time of the entry into 
Khurasan onwards, this source can be supple- 
mented by the Ghazna historians, Bayhaki and 
GardizI (see also the analysis of the former by 
Kazimirski in his introduction to the Diwdn of 
Manucihri), and also by ?ahlr al-Din Nishapurl 
(now published by Djalal-i Khavar. Tehran 1953, 
making unnecessary the Rabat al-Sudur of his 
embellisher Rawandi). Sources are scanty for 
Caghrl's autonomous period, the chief ones being 
Ibn al-Athir and the Akhbdr, supplemented 
locally by the Ta'rikh-i Bayhak of Ibn Funduk, ed. 
Bahmanyar, 1938, and the anonymous Ta'rikh-i 
Sistan, ed. Bahar 1937 (there exists, on the other 
hand, nothing on Caghri specifically in the 
histories of Kirman). His relations with Tughrll are 
treated in Ibn al-Athir, and also in the other 
largely Mesopotamian chronicles, especially the 
Mir'dt al-Zamdn of Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi. Also to 
be consulted are the beginning and end of Nasir-i 
Khusraw, Safar-ndma. 

B. Modern Studies. Barthold, Turkestan; 
Muh. Nazim, The Life and Times of Sultan 
Mahmud of Ghazna, 1931; CI. Cahen, Malik- 
nameh et Vhistoire des origines saldjukides, in 
Oriens, 1949; art. Cagkri-Beg, in I A, by Mukr. 
Halil Yinanc. On the legendary escapade ( ?) of 
Caghri in Armenia, the article of Ibrahim Kafesoglu, 
Dogu Anadoluya ilk selcuklu akmt, in Fuad Kbprulii 
Armagam, 1953, and my discussion with him 
in JA 1954, 275 ff. and 1956, 129 ff. 

(Cl. Cahen) 
CAHAR AYMA?, four semi-nomadic tribes in 
western Afghanistan [see aymak]. There is little 
information and much confusion about these tribes, 
consequently various sources have different names, 
locations and even languages ascribed to them. At 
the present they speak Persian and are Sunnis, 
unlike the Shi'i Hazaras with whom the Cahar 
Aymak are closely linked. Some sources erroneously 
identify the two. The origin of the name Cahar 
Aymak is unknown but is at least as early as the 
18th century A.D. at the time of the early Durrani 
empire. It may have been originally a name of a 
tribal confederation formed between local Persian- 
speakers and Mongol Hazaras against the Turko- 
mans. The admixture of Turkic elements is also 
probable. The Djamshidis live north of Harat with 
their centre at Kushk. The Taymuri or Sunni 
Hazaras are scattered with one centre at Kal'a-i 
Naw; the Taymani are located in Ghur, and the 
Firuzkuhi on the upper reaches of the Murghab 
River. The origins and history of the various tribes 
are unknown. Their number has been estimated 
from 400,000 to a million. 

Bibliography : G. Jarring, On the Distribution 
of Turk Tribes in Afghanistan, Lunds Universitets 
Arsskrift, 35 (1939), 79-81, where older biblio- 
graphy is given. Add. B. Dorn, History of the 
Afghans, London 1829, ii, 69; A. C Yate, Travels 
with the Afghan Boundary Commission, London 
1887, 228-234; D. Wilber, Afghanistan (Human 
Relations Area Files, New Haven 1956), 55; 
N. A. Kislyakov and A. Pershits, Narodi Predney 
Aziy, Moscow 1957, 23. 107, 124. (R. N. Frye) 
CAHAR MASALA [see nizamI c arudI SAMAR- 

CAIN [see habil wa kabil] 


CAIRO [see al-ijahira]. 

CAKJRDjf-BASHt. chief falconer, a high official 
of the Ottoman court. In the Fidnunndme of Mehem- 
med II (TOEM Supp. 1330 A.H., 12) he is mentioned 
among the aghas of the stirrup, immediately before 
the fashnaglr-bashl [q.v.]. During the 16th century 
the numbers and sub-divisions of the aghas of the 
hunt (shikar aghalarl) increased greatly, and the 
Cakirdit-bashl is joined by separate officers in charge 
of the peregrines, lanners, and sparrow-hawks 
(Shahindii-bashl, Doghandjl-bashl, and Atmad[adil- 
bashl). Until the time of Mehemmed IV (1058/1648- 
1 099/1687) the Doghandfi-bashi and his staff belonged 
to the Inner service (Enderun); the others to the 
outer service (Birun). During the 17th and 18th 
centuries the falconers dwindled in numbers and 

Bibliography: Gibb and Bowen i/i, 347-8; 

Ismail Hakki Uzuncarsili, Osmanh Devletinin 

Saray Teshildh, Ankara 1945, 420 ff. 

(B. Lewis) 

CAKMAK, al-Malik al-ZAhir Sayf al-Din, 
Sultan of Egypt, was in his youth enrolled 
among the Mamluks of Sultan Barkuk. He gradually 
rose, till under Sultan Barsbay he became Chief 
hddiib [q.v.]. Chief Master of the Horse, and finally 
Atabeg (Commander-in-Chief). On his deathbed 
in 842/1438, Barsbay appointed him regent to 
his infant son al-Malik al- c Aziz YOsuf. The various 
divisions of the Mamluks, originating in the body- 
guards of the Sultans Barkuk, NSsir Farad], Mu- 
'ayyad Shaykh and Barsbay, were at enmity with 
one another and their sole aim was to obtain all the 
wealth and influence they could. In the confusion 
that arose the only course open to Cakmak was to 
seize the reins of government for himself. Sultan 
Yflsuf was deposed, placed in confinement in the 
citadel, retaken after an attempt to escape and finally 
taken to Alexandria and kept under a mild form 
of custody. Soon afterwards the resistance of the 
governors of Damascus and Aleppo also collapsed; 
they had been defending Sultan YOsuf's claims to 
further their own interests. The Syrian rebels 
were defeated, the leaders executed and Cakmak's 
supremacy was assured in 843/1439. Like his 
predecessor Barsbay [q.v.] Cakmak wished to 
make war on the Christians under pretence 
of checking piracy on the north coast and there- 
fore sent ships via Cyprus to Rhodes but the 
Egyptians had to return as the resistance offered 
by the Knights of St. John, who were well prepared, 
was too strong for them. In the years 846/1442 
and 848/1444 the Egyptians again made unsuccess- 
ful attempts to conquer Rhodes, and had finally 
to make peace with the Knights. Cakmak's foreign 
policy was a successful one; he was on good 
terms with all Muslim rulers and did not, like 
Barsbay, fall into the error of causing irritation 
by petty trickeries. Against the advice of his 
amirs, he allowed Timur's son Shah Rukh to 
send a covering for the sacred Ka'ba, although 
this was a privilege of the Sultans of Egypt (see 
the article baibars in EI 1 ). The populace was still 
so strongly incensed against the Mongols that 
they actually attacked an embassy which included 
one of Timur's widows. He was also on good terms 
with the Ottoman Sultan and the princes of Asia 
Minor. In his domestic policy, in Egypt itself, he 
was not quite able to put a stop to the mis- 
management of the state monopolies [see barsbay]. 
Jews and Christians were tormented with strictly 
enforced petty regulations. He could not restrain 

the arrogance and outrages of the Mamluks so that 
the only way he could protect women from them on 
the occasion of festivals was to forbid them to go 
out. He himself was an exceedingly frugal and pious 
man, liberal only to the learned, and thought no 
price too high for a beautiful book; he left but little 
property behind him on his death. Through his 
example the morals of the court improved. When, in 
the year 854/1453, he felt the approach of death — 
he was now over 80 years old — he had homage paid 
to his son 'Uthman whom the Caliph chose to be 
Sultan. The amirs and officials of the court and a 
large multitude of the people attended his funeral, 
contrary to the usual custom sincerely grieving at 

Bibliography: Weil, Chalijen, v, 215-248; 
Muir, Mameluke or Slave Dynasty of Egypt, 149- 
155; al-Sakhawi, al-Daw' al-Lami', iii, 71-74; Ibn 
Taghribirdi, al-Nudium, ed. Popper, vol. vii, 30 ff . ; 
al-Manhal al-Sdji, ed. Wiet, no. 838; Ibn Iyas 
(Bulak), passim. (M. Sobernheim) 

CAKMAK, Mustafa Fevzi, also called Kavakh, 
marshal in the Turkish army. Born in Istanbul in 
1876, he was the son of an artillery colonel. He 
entered the war academy (Harbiye, [q.v.]) where he 
became a lieutenant in 1895, joined the staff course, 
and was gazetted as a staff captain in 1898. After 
spending some time on the general staff, he was 
posted to Rumelia where he became successively a 
Colonel, divisional commander, and Army Corps 
Chief of Staff. He served on the staff of the army of 
the Vardar during the Balkan War, and during the 
World War saw service at the Dardanelles, in the 
Caucasus, and in Syria. He became a general in 1914. 
In December 1918 he became, for a while, Chief 
of the General Staff in Istanbul, and in Feb. 1920 
Minister of War. He used his position to send arms 
and give other help to the nationalists in Anatolia, 
and in April 1920 left with Ismet [Inonii] to join them. 
In May he became minister of defence and on 21 
January 192 1 was elected president of the council 
of ministers of the Ankara government, and was 
sentenced to death in absentia in Istanbul. On 
2 April 1921, after the second battle of Inonii, he 
was promoted full general by the Grand National 
Assembly, and became acting Chief of the General 
Staff as well as premier and defence minister. He was 
formally elected as Chief of Staff by the Assembly on 
12 July 1922, while Ra'uf Bey became premier. In 
October 1922, after the victory of the Turkish forces 
on the Sakarya, the Assembly passed a motion of 
thanks to him (together with Ismet and Kazim 
Karabekir Pashas), and promoted him marshal 
(Mushlr). He remained chief of the General Staff 
until his retirement, ostensibly under the age limit, 
in January 1944. In 1946 he was elected as an 
independent candidate on the Democrat Party list, 
and in August was nominated as opposition candi- 
date for the Presidency, receiving 59 votes in the 
Assembly, as against 388 for Ismet Inonii. In 1948 
he appeared as honorary president of the newly 
formed Party of the Nation (Millet Partisi). He 
died on 10th April 1950. 

Bibliography: Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, Turk 
Meshurlan Ansiklopedisi, Istanbul, n.d., 90; 
Siileyman Kiilce, Maresal Fevzi Qakmak*, Istanbul 
1953; Elaine D. Smith, Turkey: Origins of the 
Kemalist Movement . . ., Washington 1959, 168-9. 

CALA [see BuraARA] 
CALATAYUD [see ual'at ayyOb] 
CALATRAVA ]see ijai/at rabAh] 


CALCUTTA (Kalikata), the capital of West 
Bengal and the largest city in India, situated about 
80 miles from the sea on the left or east bank of the 
Hugli, a branch of the Ganga (Ganges), which is 
navigable for the largest ocean vessels. A centre of 
rail, river and ocean traffic, and lying midway 
between Europe and the Far East, it is one of the 
busiest ports of the world. About five-sevenths of 
India's overseas trade is shared by Calcutta and 
Bombay, with Calcutta having the major share; 
about one-third of the country's organized factory 
industry is in its vicinity. It has a large international 
airport. Area, 32.32 sq.m.; pop. (March 1, 1951) 
2,548,677, a density of 139 persons per acre. In- 
cluding Howrah (pop. 433, 630) which is really a 
part of Calcutta, and the suburbs which are within 
half an hour's bus journey to the city, Calcutta has 
three and a half million people. 

The crowded metropolis of today grew out of a 
cluster of three mud villages at the end of the 17th 
century. Calcutta is first mentioned in a Bengali 
poem, Manasd-vijaya by Vipradasa (ASB text, 144) 
written in 1495, but the portion in which Calcutta is 
referred to is possibly a later elaboration. The first 
definitive mention of Calcutta then occurs in the 
AHn-i Akbari (Lucknow text, ii, 62), compiled about 
1596, as a rent-paying village in the sarkdr of Satgaon 
under the Mughal emperor Akbar. The foundation 
of the city occurred about a century later in 1690. 
The English merchants, who had been in Bengal 
for about fifty years, felt the necessity of a fortified 
place, and under the direction of Job Charnock and 
after two futile attempts after 1686 they finally 
settled at Sutanuti, the northern portion of present 
Calcutta, on 24 August, 1690. In 1696 the English 
were allowed to build a fort and two years later they 
secured permission from Prince c Azim, grandson of 
the emperor Awrangzlb, to rent the three villages of 
Sutanuti (north), Kalikata (centre) and Govindapur 
(south), which formed the nucleus of modern 
Calcutta. In 1707 Calcutta was made the seat of a 
separate Presidency. In 1717 the English were 
permitted by the emperor Farrukhsiyar to purchase 
38 villages in the vicinity of their settlement. The 
names of some of these 38 villages still survive in 
the street-names of the city today. In June, 1756 
Siradj al-Dawla, Nawwab of Bengal, captured it and 
during his temporary occupation he named it 
'Allnagar. Modern Calcutta dates from 1757 when, 
after the battle of Plassey (June), the English 
became virtual masters of Bengal; the old fort was 
abandoned and the present Fort William begun by 
Clive on the site of Govindapur. In 1772 the treasury 
of the province was transferred from Murshidabad 
to Calcutta, which in 1773 became the official 
capital of British India. It remained India's capital 
until 191 1 and that of Bengal as well until 1947. 

Though Calcutta is a creation of English rule, it is 
an important centre of Muslim life. On 1 March 1951 
Calcutta city had a Muslim population of 305,932 and 
including two of its immediate suburbs, Howrah and 
Garden Reach, Calcutta had a Muslim population 
almost equal to the entire population of Dhaka 
(Dacca), the capital of East Pakistan and the historic 
centre of Muslim activity. About 131,000 Muslims had 
left Calcutta on the eve of the census of 195 1 in view 
of the unsettled conditions of the time, and the census 
of 1961 is likely to show a considerable increase of 
Muslim population. Calcutta is an important centre 
of Muslim culture. The Calcutta Madrasa was 
founded in 1781 by Warren Hastings for the encour- 

agement of Islamic learning. It had among its 
Principals Islamic scholars of repute like H. Bloch- 
mann and Sir E. Denison Ross. The Asiatic Society, 
founded in 1784, possesses over 6,000 Arabic and 
Persian MSS. and has to its credit a large number 
of valued publications bearing on Muslim history and 
culture. The National Library has in its Buhar 
collection a good number of Arabic and Persian MSS. 
and has recently acquired the rich collection of the 
distinguished historian of Muslim India, Sir Jadunath 
Sarkar. The Indian Museum and the Victoria 
Memorial exhibit some rare and beautiful examples 
of Indo-Islamic paintings. The University of Calcutta 
has two Post-Graduate Islamic departments : 
(i) Arabic & Persian and (ii) Islamic History & 
Culture. In Calcutta lived the sons of TIpu Sultan, 
and the last king of Awadh (Oudh), Wadjid 'All Shah, 
who died in 1887. Of the Muslim monuments, the 
only one with any architectural pretensions is the 
mosque in Dharamtala St., built in 1842 by Prince 
Ghulam Muhammad, son of Tipu Sultan; the oldest 
are the Nimtala mosque (built some time after 1784), 
the mosque and tomb of Bhonsri Shah at Chitpur 
(1804) and Djumma Shah's tomb in Netadji Subhas 
(Clive) St. (1808). 

Bibliography: Ghulam Husayn Salim, Riydd 

al-Saldtin, Calcutta 1890-98; C. R. Wilson, Early 

Annals of the English in Bengal, vol. i, Calcutta 

1895; idem, Old Fort William in Bengal, 2 vols., 

London 1906; List of Ancient Monuments in 

Bengal, Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat Press, 1896; 

A. K. Ray, A short history of Calcutta, Calcutta 

1902; H. E. A. Cotton, Calcutta old and new, 

Calcutta 1907. (Sukumar Ray) 

CALDIRAN, the plain in north-western Persian 

Adharbaydjan, the western boundary forming part 

of the present-day frontier with Turkey (cf. Farhang-i 

DiughrdfiydH-yi Iran, iv (Tehran, 1330 shamsi), 154), 

which on the 2 Radjab 920/23 August 1514 was the 

scene of a decisive Ottoman victory over the 


The campaign was launched by Selim I, despite 
the reluctance of his troops and military advisers, 
on the 23 Muharram 920/20 March 1514 as the first 
enterprise of his reign after he had secured his 
throne by the elimination of his brothers, and is 
properly to be regarded as the final response to 
those separatist tendencies which for over half a 
century had been manifesting themselves among the 
Turkish tribal elements of Anatolia in darwish 
revolts or in active support for pretenders of the 
Ottoman line, and which now threatened to draw 
the entire province into the Safawid orbit. The 
profound disquiet of the region may be judged from 
the mass executions and arrests of suspected dissi- 
dents which preceded the actual military operations, 
and the gravity with which this situation was 
regarded is to be inferred from the risks which Selim 
felt compelled to take in order to achieve a final 
settlement. Whether the Safawids had inspired this 
dissatisfaction by their subversive missionary 
activities or merely benefited from the prevailing 
anti-Ottoman sentiments by appearing as an alter- 
native hegemony is difficult to determine; but it is 
clear that the counterheretical allure which the 
Ottomans gave to their attack upon the ShiT 
Muslims of the east was but the facade to a starkly 
political purpose. 

The campaign, which seems to have been modelled 
on that of Mehmed II against Uzun Hasan in 1473, 
is described in detail in the journal preserved in 
Ferldun Beg, although the fundamental logistical 

problems of moving an army of the size attributed 
to the Ottomans across home territories where they 
could not live off the land are scarcely touched upon. 
But that these could be solved and that the fractious 
troops could be held under discipline throughout 
all the unfamiliar hardships of campaigning in these 
regions was certainly the most impressive display of 
Ottoman might that Anatolia had ever witnessed 
and far more overawing to Shah Isma'il and his 
supporters than the firearms and artillery which 
usually figure so prominently in the narratives as the 
reason for the Ottoman victory (cf. Lutfi Pasha's 
highly romantic account of Isnia'il's astonishment as 
contingent after contingent of Ottoman troops took 
the field). 

The campaign may be regarded as having succeeded 
in its primary object in that it neutralized for over 
a generation the attraction exerted on Anatolia from 
the east. The "scorched earth" tactics of the retreat- 
ing Safawids prevented any long occupation of their 
invaded territories, and although Tabriz was entered 
by the Sultan on the 17th Radjab/7th Sept., within 
a week preparations were made for returning to 
winter quarters at Amasya. From here the following 
year operations were begun in south-eastern Anatolia 
which were to bring an end to the semi-independent 
principality of the Dhu '1-Kadr-oghH around 
Elbistan and add definitively to Ottoman territory 
Diyarbekr and northern Kurdistan. 

Bibliography : Among the general histories of 
the Ottoman Empire, Hammer-Purgstall's is still 
the most circumstantial account of this campaign 
(ii, 392 ff.), Zinkeisen (ii, 566 ff.) and Jorga (ii, 
327 ff.) affording it but casual mention; 1. H. 
Uzuncarsili, Osmanh Tarihi, ii, Ankara 1949, 
246 ff. adds a diagram of the battle. The Ottoman 
historians: Kamal Pasha- zade, Tawdrikh-i Al-i 
'Othmdn, ix, Millet, Ali Emiri, no. 29, f. 35b, ff. ; 
'All, Kunh al-akhbdr, Suleymaniye, Es'ad Ef., 
no. 2162, f. 238a, ff. ; Sa c d al-DIn, Tddi al-Tawdrikh, 
ii, Istanbul 1279, 239 ff.; Lutfi Pasha, Tawarikh-i 
Al-i 'Othmdn, ed. 'All, Istanbul 1341, 206 ff.; 
$olak-zade, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1287, 359 ff-, give 
very much the same picture as presented by 
Hammer-Purgstall (who, however, did not use 
Kamal Pasha-zade and Lu{fl Pasha) which can be 
usefully supplemented in certain aspects by the 
various Selim-ndmes (a fairly complete repertoire 
of which is to be found in A. S. Levend, Cazavdt- 
ndmeler, etc., Ankara 1956, 22 ff.), the most 
important being those of Shukri, British Museum, 
Or. 1039, f. 62b ff. (repeated in Djawri, Millet, 
Ali Emiri, no. 1310, f. 54a ff., and Yusuf Efendi, 
Suleymaniye, Es'ad Ef., no. 2146, f. naff.,) 
Kashfl, Suleymaniye, Es'ad Ef., no. 2147, f. 31a if.; 
Sa'di b. c Abd al-Muta c al, Topkapi, Revan, no. 
1277, f- 64a ff.; Abu '1-Fadl b. Idris BitlisI, 
British Museum, Add. 24,960, f. 63b ff . ; Sudjudi, 
Topkapi, Revan, no. 1 284/1, f. 5b ff.; Djalal-zade 
Mustafa Celebi, British Museum, Add. 7848, 
f. i2obff. The documents in Ferldun Beg, 
Munsha'dt al-saldfin, i, Istanbul 1274, 396 ff. 
(correspondence, journal of the campaign, fath- 
ndmes) are of exceptional importance. The 
Persian sources (a full discussion of which is to 
be found in Ghulam Sarwar, History of Shah 
IsmdHl Safawi, Aligarh 1939, 3-16) seek to 
palliate the magnitude of the defeat and their 
accounts are coloured by this purpose; the most 
important is that of Khwandamir, Habib al-siyar, 
iv, Tehran 1333, 543 ff., whose version underlies 
those of Hasan Riimlu, Afisan al-Tawdrikh, ed. 

C. N. Seddon, Baroda 1931, 143 ff. (with various 
expansions) and Iskandar Beg MunshI, l Alam- 
drd-yi 'Abbdsi, Tehran 1341, 31 ff. (who, in 
addition to the above two, uses also Ghaffarl's 
Djahdn-drd). The dominant early European 
account is that of Paolo Giovio, Historiae Sui 
Temporis, Paris 1558, i, 133-163 ff. (an Italian 
translation of this section is given in F. Sansovino, 
Historia Universale dell' Origine, Guerre et Imperio 
tie Tiirchi, Venice 1654, ff. 323-360); also in 
Sansovino are the Vita di Sack Ismael, etc. by 
Teodoro Spandugino (ff. 132-140) and the Vita et 
Lcgge Turchesca by G. A. Menavino (ff. 17-75), 
who, although claiming to have accompanied the 
Turks on this campaign, gives a highly distorted 
account of its outcome (a Latin translation in 
P. Lonicerus, Chronica Turcorum, Frankfurt 1578, 
i. »■ 95-97)- The narrative in R. Knolles, The 
Generall Historic of the Turks, London 1621, 
505-515, while noticing Menavino, follows Jovius 
throughout, as does also that of T. Artus in his 
continuation of De Vigenere's translation of 
Chalcocondylas, L'Histoire de la Decadence de 
I'Empire Grec, Paris 1650, i, 358-374, though this 
does include, too, the accounts in J. Leunclavius, 
Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, Frankfurt 1591, 
cols. 691-704, 742-745. P. Bizaro, Rerum Persi- 
carum Historia, Frankfurt 1601, is important only 
in that it contains the letter of H. Penia from 
Constantinople, dated 6 Nov. 1514, 275-278. The 
article by M. Tayyib Gbkbilgin in I A, fasc. 24, 
329-331, presents the familiar Ottoman version. 

(J. R. Walsh) 
CALENDAR [see anwa', ta'rIkh] 
CALICUT [see kalikat] 
CALIPH [see joialIfa] 
CALLIGRAPHY [see khatt] 
CAM (or Cham), A people of Malayo- Polynesian 
origin which settled before the Christian era on the 
southern coasts of the Indo-Chinese peninsula. The 
Cham appear in history at the end of the 2nd 
century A.D. with their foundation, in 192, of the 
kingdom of Champa [see sanf], which occupied the 
coastal provinces of present-day Viet-nam, from 
Quang-binh in the North to Binh-thuan in the South. 
Up to the 10th century Champa experienced a 
period of magnificence during which the Cham 
dynasties were able to extend their territories 
slightly and to develop their civilization. But during 
the following centuries the country came into open 
conflict with its Vietnamese and Khmer neighbours, 
and then suffered the Mongol invasions. These 
struggles, aggravated by internal revolts, quickly 
led Champa towards disintegration. In spite of a 
short period of victorious fighting during the reign 
of the famous Che Bong Nga (1360- 1390), and 
Chinese intervention on his side, the kingdom was 
nearing its end. In 147 1 the Vietnamese emperor 
Le Thanh Ton conclusively subjected Champa and 
it became a dependency of Viet-nam; a part of the 
inhabitants took refuge on Cambodian soil, and 
gradually it disappears from the history of the 
Far East. 

The Cham people, deeply affected by the culture 
of India, adopted its religion and writing in the 
second century. They practised Hinduism and 
Brahmanism up to the 15th century. 

Although the Muslims were already established 
in Champa from the middle of the 4th/ioth century 
(there is proof of the existence, from the 5th/ nth 
century onwards, of Arab trading < 
living in contact with the Cham), Islam v 


seriously practised by the Cham until after the fall 
of their kingdom. 

To-day two-thirds of the Cham living in Viet-nam 
still practise Brahmanism ; the other third, together 
with the Cham who emigrated to Cambodia, are 
Muslims. In the absence of precise and up-to-date 
statistics, there are an estimated 15,000 Cham living 
in the south of central Viet-nam (the provinces of 
Phan-rang and Phan-thiet) and 20,000 living in 
Cambodia (on the banks of the Mekong). 

Cham society, originally matriarchal and organised 
in clans, adopted, under influence from India, the 
caste system and Hindu customs. The Cham, skilful 
craftsmen and experienced farmers, with a reputation 
as courageous soldiers, lived as pirates, raiding the 
neigbouring provinces and trading in slaves. Nowa- 
days they constitute racial minorities in process of 
assimilation. Apart from work on silk and metals 
and the cutting of precious stones, the Cham were 
outstanding builders. Cham architecture has left us 
numerous sites and monuments, of which most are 
unfortunately in extremely bad condition. Cham 
monuments are all identical in silhouette, a tower 
with diminishing stories, built in pink sandstone, 
terra cotta, and above all in brick. However their 
style is not uniform. Hindu motifs can be recognised 
in their decoration. These towers were religious 
buildings (the cult of Shiva) all of whose interior 
furnishings have disappeared. The scenes on the 
bas-reliefs again give concrete expression to the 
Cham's pronounced love of music, which has had 
a very deep influence on the music of Viet-nam. 
Bibliography: Jeanne Leuba, Les Cham 
d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui, Hanoi 1915 (re-edited 
with the title Un royaume disparu, les Cham et 
leur art, Paris 1923) ; Georges Maspero, Le royaume 
du Champa, Paris 1928; Jean-Yves Claeys, In- 
troduction a I'itude de VAnnam et du Champa, in 
Bulletin des amis du Vieux Hue", Hanoi 1934. 

(G. Meillon) 
CAMALAL [see andi] 
CAMBAY [see kanbaya] 
CAMEL [see djamal] 

CAMEROONS, a former German colony on the 
west coast of Africa, now consisting of (a) an 
independent state, formerly under French trustee- 
ship, and (b) a territory at present (i960) under 
British trusteeship. It lies at the eastern end of the 
Gulf of Guinea, between Nigeria, Spanish Guinea, 
and former French Equatorial Africa. Area 503,600 
sq. km., 4,000,000 inhabitants, of whom 20,000 are 

Created as a result of German penetration from 
the Bight of Biafra towards Chad (1884-1910) and 
conquered by the Allied Forces between 1914 and 
1916, the Cameroons was divided in 1919 into a zone 
under British mandate (80,000 sq. km.) and a zone 
under French mandate (423,000 sq. km.). The first 
has in practice been integrated administratively 
with Nigeria, while the second has developed along 
distinctive autonomous lines. 

(a) Thanks to its geographical situation the former 
French Cameroons presents a remarkable assort- 
ment of climates and peoples, which make it as it 
were an intermediary zone between West Africa, 
Central Africa and Equatorial Africa. The relief 
map shows a narrow coastal plain separated from 
the forest plateau of the south by a range of fairly 
high mountains. North of the valley of the Sanaga 
the uplands and savannah country of Adamawa 
fall in a rugged escarpment to the Chad plain and 

the valley of the Benue. Along the Nigerian frontier 
a series of mountain ranges, including the Manen- 
gumba, Bamileke, Bamun, Alantika and Mandara 
massifs, culminates on the seacoast in the volcanic 
Mount Cameroon (4,070 m.). 

The population of the forest-covered south in- 
cludes pygmy hunters, Bantu and Bantu-type 
farmers and fishermen; in the central savannah and 
the Bamileke mountains, semi-Bantu farming 
peoples; in the uplands and the northern plains, 
'Sudanese' and 'Ubangians' of various origins; in the 
mountains, long-established palaeonigritic peoples; 
in all, 3,100,000 Africans and 15,000 immigrants. 

After the 1914-18 war, Cameroons was placed under 
a B Mandate by the League of Nations. In 1940, 
under Col. Leclerc, it rallied to Free France. In 1946 
the system of the mandate was replaced by 
that of the trusteeship of the United Nations, 
Cameroons becoming an Associated Territory of the 
French Union. In 1957 it was established as a State 
under trusteeship, possessing some degree of internal 
autonomy: the Prime Minister and his government 
were responsible to the Legislative Assembly sitting 
at Yaunde. A High Commissioner dealt with the 
spheres reserved to France — currency, defence, and 
public order. The administrative structure includes 
21 departments and some 60 arrondissements. 
Municipal administration is inspired by that of 
metropolitan France. The French government 
announced at the end of 1958 its intention of 
renouncing trusteeship and of recognising the in- 
dependence of the Cameroons on 1 Jan. i960; this 
decision, after arousing lively opposition in the 
United Nations Assembly from the Soviet block 
and certain Afro-Asian states, was carried through 
and made effective on the appointed date. 

The economy is predominantly agricultural 
(coffee, cocoa, vegetable oils, timber, cotton, 
bananas) with cattle husbandry important in the 
north. Current industrial development: electro- 
metallurgy at Edea, gold and diamonds in the east, 
tin in the west, petroleum in the south. Chief towns: 
the port of Duala (100,000 inhabitants), Yaunde, the 
capital (30,000), Garua capital of the north (15,000), 
Marua, Ngaundere, Edea, Nkongsamba, Fumban, 
Tchang, Kribi, Mbalmayo, and Ebolowa. 

The south is almost entirely Christianized: 
600,000 Catholics and 300,000 Protestants, with 
animist survivals, and a tendency toward the 
formation of syncretistic sects. 

Islam has some 600,000 followers in the northern 
plain, Adamawa and the Bamun massif. It seems 
to have penetrated the area about the 12th century, 
coming from the east (Wadai, Bagirmi) and the 
north-west (Kanem, Bornu), but experienced its 
period of great expansion only at the beginning of 
the 19th century, under the influence of the conquer- 
ing Fulani, successors of Uthman dan Fodio: his 
son Mohamman Bello and particularly his lieutenant 
Modibbo Adama (died 1847) who conquered Fumbina 
and gave it its present name of Adamawa. Adama 
took the title of Amiru {Amir) and made his 
capital at Yola (Nigeria) where the lamibe (Fulani 
chiefs) went to receive the investiture until the 
Franco-British conquest. His work was continued 
up to the beginning of the 20th century by the 
A mirs Mohammed Lawal, Sanda and Zubeiru; they 
were however not able to subdue the Kirdi (heathens) 
who took refuge in the mountains of the north. 

Since the European conquest, some groups of 
Muslim immigrants have arisen in the towns of the 
south, where they are butchers, peddlers, and shoe- 


makers. They are thought to number some 25,000. 
They do a little proselytising by marriage. 

Fulani influence prevails in the Islam of the 
Cameroons, with its tendency towards Mahdism. 
But, in addition to the 300,000 Fulani, there are in 
the north some Hausa, some Kotoko, and some 
Shua (or black Arab) Muslims of long standing, and 
Islam tends to spread among the pagan farmers of 
the plains and the Kirdi who have come down from 
the mountains. The Bamun of Fumban, long at war 
with the Fulani, saw their aristocracy converted by 
agreement or by force in 1917 by the Fon Njoya the 
Great who at this time took the title of Sultan and 
the name of Ibrahim. 

Higher Muslim education is little developed, and 
the modibbe (or malams) who wish to continue their 
studies have to go to Nigeria, Chad, or the Sudan. 

The Kadiriyya sect is the oldest, but not the most 
numerous; its principal centre is Garua. The 
Tidjaniyya sect has predominated since the convers- 
ion of Mohamman Bello, who received the wird of 
El Had] Omar about 1840; its adherents probably 
amount to some 300,000. Mahdism comes next in 
importance. Local mahdis appear every four or five 
years, but their influence is generally short-lived 
and localized. On the other hand, since the settlement 
of several thousand Fulani in the Sudan at the time 
of the British conquest of Nigeria, the Sudanese 
Mahdiyya has had numerous adherents in the 

Wahhabi influence is slight, exercised chiefly 
through the medium of former soldiers of the 
negro guard of King Ibn SaSid, nearly all Hausas. 
The Muslims have long remained aloof from local 
political trends. Precolonial institutions and hier- 
archies are better preserved among them than among 
the peoples of the south. Nevertheless, in contrast to 
the confessional and political divisions of the South, 
the westernized elite of the north have been called 
on to play an increasingly important role as arbi- 
trators, until, in 1958, a Fulani Muslim of modernist 
tendencies was appointed Premier of the newly 
formed State. 

Bibliography : Lembezat, Le Cameroun, Paris 

1952; Froelich, Cameroun-Togo, Paris 1956; 

Cardaire, Contribution a I'ttude de VI slam noir: 

I' I slam au Cameroun, Douala (Cameroons) 1949; 

Annual reports to SDN and UNO. 

(P. Alexandre) 

British Cameroons. This territory on the 
West Coast of Africa, between the Cameroon 
Republic on the east and Nigeria on the west, is 
that part of the old German colony of Kamerun 
which passed in 1919 into British control, first 
under a League of Nations mandate and subse- 
quently as a United Nations Trust territory. 
Following administrative practice, which is to some 
extent justified by real ethnic and cultural differen- 
ces, it is convenient to consider it as two distinct 

The Southern Cameroons [administrative capital 
Buea] has a total area of 16,581 square miles and a 
population of some 800,000. Until 1954 this territory 
was administered as an integral part of the Eastern 
region of Nigeria but a series of changes since that 
date have raised it to the status of a self-governing 
region within the Nigerian federation with its own 
regional government and a legislative assembly 
with a majority elected by universal adult suffrage. 
The political future of the region, which has not 
hitherto proved economically self-sufficient, is at 
present uncertain. The United Kingdom has under- 

taken to separate the administration of the region 
from that of the Federation of Nigeria by October 
i960, the date when the Federation assumes com- 
plete independence. A plebiscite is to be held not 
later than March 1961 to decide between incor- 
poration in Nigeria and reunion with the Cameroons 
Republic, the latter course being favoured by the 
present regional government. 

The tribal pattern of the territory exhibits a 
marked degree of political fragmentation. The bulk 
of its population, speaking a large number of Bantu 
and semi-Bantu languages, have their nearest 
affinities with neighbouring peoples in the Cameroons 
republic. The Tikor and Bali peoples who are 
dominant in the central grasslands have migrated 
into this area from the north-east in the last few 
centuries and their traditional culture is of the pagan 
Sudanic type. The Christian missions have a con- 
tinuous history in the area since the establishment of 
the Baptists at Victoria in 1858. The most reliable 
figures of missionary adherents show 58,000 Catholics 
and 65,000 Protestants but the number of those who 
have been strongly influenced by the missions is 
much greater. Islam is not numerically important. 

There are no known mineral resources of commer- 
cial value within the territory and no industry 
beyond the processing of palm oil and rubber. The 
country is overwhelmingly rural in character and 
even the largest towns, Mamfe and Kumba, have 
fewer than 10,000 inhabitants. Most of the exported 
cash crops of bananas, palm-oil, palm kernels and 
rubber are produced from the plantations admi- 
nistered by a government subsidised agency, the 
Cameroons Development Corporation. The growth 
of cash crops, especially cocoa, by individual small 
farmers is increasing with official encouragement, 
but the mass of the people in the interior are still 
engaged in subsistence agriculture as are those of 
the Northern Cameroons. 

The Northern Cameroons, an area of 17,000 
square miles with a population probably slightly 
smaller than the Southern Cameroons, is a narrow 
strip of territory more than 500 miles long but 
nowhere more than 80 miles wide which is divided 
into two by a "corridor" of Nigerian territory, 
some 45 miles wide, on either bank of the Benue. 
Administratively the territory has been completely 
integrated with the Northern Region of Nigeria. 
The greater part falls within the Adamawa Province, 
but the Dikwa emirate in the north, formerly a part 
of the old "empire" of Bornu is appropriately 
incorporated, as a division, in Bornu province and 
three districts in the south belong to the Benue 
province. By a plebiscite held under United Nations 
auspices in November 1959 the people of the territory 
have postponed the final decision as to whether or 
not it is to remain with Nigeria after independence. 
The ruling tribes, Kanuri and Shoa Arabs in Dikwa 
and Fulani in Adamawa, are strongly Muslim but 
much of the hill country has never fallen effectively 
under their influence and remains entirely pagan. 
There are Catholic and Protestant missions in 
Adamawa and a few thousand converts to Christianity 
have been made. [For an account of the religious 
history see the preceding section on the French 
Cameroons]. (D. H. Jones) 

CAMIENIEC [see kaminca] 

CAMPA.NER, a ruined city of Gudjarat in 
Western India, Lat. 22 29' N., long. 73° 32' E., 
about 78 miles south-east of Ahmadabad, taken by 
the Gudjarat sultan Mahmud Shah I 'Begada' on 
his conquest (889/1484) of the adjoining stronghold 


of Pawagarh, which had successfully resisted Ahmad 
Shah I in 821/1418. The Begada occupied Campaner 
forthwith, building a city wall with bastions and 
gates (called Djahanpanah; inscription EIM 1929-30, 
4-5), and a citadel (bhddar). He renamed the city 
Mahmudabad, and it was his favourite residence 
until his death in 917/1511; it remained the political 
capital of Gudjarat until the death of Bahadur 
Shah in 942/1536. When Gudjarat came under the 
Mughals after 980/1572 Campaner was the head of a 
sarkdr of 9 mahals (Jarrett, A'in-i Akbari, ii, 256; 
of 13 divisions, according to the Mir 7 dt-i Sihandari); 
it fell to the Marathas at the end of the 18th century, 
and came into British hands in 1853 ; almost deserted, 
it was not recolonized. 

Monuments. Of Mahmfld's seven-storeyed palace 
(Sat manzil) built in steps on the cliff edge opposite 
Pawagarh only the lowest storey remains; the other 
monuments other than the walls (cf. Bombay 
Gazetteer, iii, 307-8) are all mosques and tombs, 
which in their similarity exhibit a local style. The 
Diami' Masdjid, c. 929/1523, is inspired in plan by 
that of AhmadSbad [q.v.], 100 years older; but here 
there is a double clerestory in the liwan in the space 
of one dome only; the arcuate mahsura screen and 
the trabeate hypostyle liwan are well integrated; 
the side wings of the liwan are proportioned as a 
double square (8.5 by 17.0 metres); a zandna en- 
closure is formed by screening off the northernmost 
mihrdb; and the external surfaces, as in all the 
Campaner buildings, are the subject of rich plastic 
decoration — particularly the buttresses supporting 
each of the 7 sumptuous mihrabs. The other buildings 
— 10 mosques, many nameless tombs — are of similar 
style, characterized by refinement of decoration; 
the niches in the mindrs of the NaginS masdjid are 
of an exquisite marble tracery excelled only by 
that of Sidi Sayyid's mosque in Ahmadabad [q.v.]. 
The tombs use the arch more freely than the mosques, 
and their carved decoration is of consummate 
delicacy, skill and craftsmanship. 

Bibliography: J. Burgess, On the Muham- 
madan architecture of Bharoch. . . Champanir . . ., 
ASWI vi (= ASI, NIS xxiii), 1896 (text, measured 
drawings, plates); ASI Annual Reports, specially 
1925-6, 24-5, and 1929-30, 34-5; Bombay Gazetteer, 
iii; E. B. Eastwick, Champanir and Pawagadh in 
Indian Antiquary, ix (1880), 221-4; J. Fergusson, 
History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, ii, 242 ; 
E. B. Havell, Indian Architecture, 134-43; P. 
Brown, Indian Architecture {Islamic Period), 58-9. 

(J. Burton-Page) 
CAMPINA [see kanbaniya] 
CANAK-SAI/E BOfiHAzI (Canak-kale Bogazj) 
is the name now given in Turkish to the Darda- 
nelles. This narrow channel, which unites the 
Marmara and the Aegean Seas, has a length of about 
62 km. (Gelibolu-Cardak to Seddulbahir-Kumkale) 
and a width ranging from 8 km. down to 1250 m. 
(Canak-kale to Kilitbahir). The strait was known to 
the ancient Greeks as the Hellespont (6 'EXXtjcttov- 
tos, in Doric 6 'EXXaoTTOVTO?), a name that remained 
in usage amongst the Byzantines. It is called in some 
of the mediaeval Western sources and sea-charts 
Bucca Romaniae, Brachium S. Georgii (a term which 
denoted the entire channel separating Asia and 
Europe, i.e., embraced the Bosphorus as well as the 
Dardanelles), Bocca d'Aveo (Avido, Aveo, the 
ancient Abydos: "AfJuSo?) and also Dardanelo (cf. 
Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Hellespontos, and Tomaschek, 
17). To the Ottomans it was the Ak Deniz Boghazl, 

Kal c e-i Sultaniyye Boghazi and later Qanak-kal'e 

The more notable localities on or near the European 
shore of the Dardanelles are Bolayir, Gelibolu (i.e., 
Gallipoli, the ancient Kallipolis), Kilya (not far 
from the old Sestos), Eceabad (Edjeabad, formerly 
Maydos, i.e., the ancient Madytos), Kilitbahir 
(Kilid al-Bahr) and Seddulbahir (Sedd al-Baljr). 
Along the Asiatic shore are situated Qardak, Lapseki 
(the ancient Lampsakos-Lampsico, Lapsico, Lapsaco 
in the mediaeval Western sources), Canak-kale (near 
the old Abydos), Erenkoy and Kumkale (Kum 

Sultan Mehemmed II (855-886/1451-1481), in 
order to establish a more effective control over the 
Dardanelles, built new defences on either shore of 
the strait, amongst them a fortress close to the 
ancient Abydos. This fortress received the name of 
Kal c e-i Sultaniyye (according to Piri Re'is (Kitdb-i 
Bahriyye, 86), because a son of Mehemmed II, 
Sultan Mustafa, was associated with its construction. 
Cf. also Ibn Kemal, 100 = Transkripsiyon, 101, 
where it is called Sultaniyye). The town of Kal c e-i 
Sultaniyye counted amongst its inhabitants, during 
the 17th and 18th centuries, a considerable number 
of Armenians, Jews and Greeks. As a result of the 
establishment there (perhaps ca. 1740) of potteries, 
and of its subsequent reputation as a noted centre 
for the manufacture of earthenware, the town came 
to be known as Qanak Kal'esi (ianak = an earthen 
bowl), the older name falling out of current usage. 
Qanak Kal'esi belonged, in 1876, to the Ottoman 
wildyet of Djeza'ir-i Bahr-i Sefid and thereafter to 
the sandja& of Bigha. It is now the centre of the 
present province of Canak-kale. The town suffered 
much from fire in i860 and 1865, from the earthquake 
of August 1912, and from naval bombardment in 
1915 during the course of World War I. Qanak-kale, 
in recent years, has largely regained its former 
prosperity and was estimated, in 1940, to have 
24,600 inhabitants. 

The Ottoman Turks absorbed (c. 735-c 745/c 1335- 
c. 1345) into their own territories the emirate of 
KarasI [q.v.] and then, after the town had been 
ruined in the earthquake of 755/1354, established 
themselves at Gallipoli [see gelibolu], which served 
them as a point of departure for their subsequent 
conquest of Thrace. It was now, for the first time, 
that a Muslim state held control over the lands on 
either side of the strait. The Ottoman Sultan 
Bayazid I (791-805/1389-1403) strengthened the 
defences of Gallipoli (792/1390), further improve- 
ments being carried out there in the reigns of 
Mehemmed I (816-824/1413-1421) and Murad II 
(824-855/1421-1451). Ottoman control of the Darda- 
nelles was destined, however, to remain insecure, as 
long as the Sultan had no large and efficient fleet at 
his command: Christian naval forces sailed into the 
strait in 767/1366 (the "crusade" of Amedeo of 
Savoy, which brought about a brief restoration of 
Gallipoli to Byzantine rule), in 801/1399 (expedition 
of the Marechal Boucicaut to Constantinople), in 
819/1416 (the Venetian defeat of the Ottoman naval 
forces before Gallipoli) and again in 848/1444 (Papal 
and Venetian squadrons sent to the Dardanelles at 
the time of the Varna campaign). Sultan Mehemmed 
II (855-886/1451-1481), anxious to secure a more 
effective control of the Dardanelles, caused new 
defences to be built where the waters of the strait 
are at their narrowest, i.e., the fortresses of Kal c e-i 
Sultaniyye on the Asiatic, and of Kilid al-Bahr on 
the European shore. The manufacture and use of 


fire-arms had now advanced to such a degree that 
the Sultan was able to furnish these new defences 
with large guns capable of firing across the channel. 
A restoration of the two fortresses was carried out 
in 958/1551 during the reign of Sultan Sulayman 
Kanuni (926-974/1520-1566). At this time the region 
of the Dardanelles was included in the eydlet of 
Pjeza'ir-i Bahr-i Sefid, i.e., it formed, together with 
some of the islands and coastal areas of the Aegean 
Sea, the province of the Kapudan Pasha or High 
Admiral of the Ottoman fleet. 

The fortifications along the shores of the Darda- 
nelles fell gradually into disrepair during the late 
16th and early 17th centuries. It was not until the 
Cretan War (1055-1080/1645-1669) that the Porte, 
under the threat of a Venetian irruption into the 
strait, initiated new measures of defence. Kal c e-i 
Sultaniyye and Kilid al-Bahr now underwent 
(1069-1070/1658-1660) a thorough restoration. More- 
over, new forts were built at the Aegean mouth of 
the Dardanelles-Sedd al-Bahr on the European, and 
Kum Kal'e on the Asiatic side of the channel. The 
danger arising from the presence of a Russian fleet 
before the Dardanelles during the Ottoman-Russian 
war of 1182-1188/1768-1754 led to the creation of 
new forts along the shores of the strait, this task 
being carried out under the guidance of the Baron 
de Tott. A further effort was made to establish a 
more modern system of fortification in the Darda- 
nelles towards the end of the reign of Sellm III 
(1203-1222/1789-1807). The fact that in 1221/1807 
an English fleet under the command of Sir John 
Duckworth forced a passage into the strait under- 
lined once more the urgent need for a complete 
modernization of the defences on the Dardanelles. 
Control of the strait was to become thereafter a 
matter of more than local concern, the status of the 
Dardanelles (and also of the Bosphorus) being 
regulated in a series of international agreements 
negotiated during the 19th and 20th centuries. Of 
more recent events associated with the Dardanelles 
it will be sufficient to mention here the Gallipoli 
campaign of 1915-1916 fought in the course of 
World War I. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khurradadhbih, 103 ff.; 
Yakut, i, 374; al-ldrisl, Nuzhat al-Mushtdk, trans. 
Jaubert: Giographie d'Edrisi, ii, 135, 301 ff.; 
Dusturname-i Enveri, ed. Miikrimin Halil, Istanbul 
1928, 25 ff.; Ibn Kemal {i.e., Kemalpashazade), 
Tevdrih-i Al-i Osman, VII Defter, ed. Serafettin 
Turan (Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yaytnlarmdan, I. 
Seri, no. 5), Ankara 1954, 100 (= Transkripsiyon, 
ed. Serafettin Turan, Ankara 1957, 101); Piri 
Re'is, Kitdb-i Bahriyye, Istanbul 1935, 86 ff.; 
Sa c d al-Din, Tad± al-Tawdrikh, i, Istanbul A.H. 
1279, 54 ff.; Hadjdji Khalifa, Tuhfat al-Kibdr, 
Istanbul A.H. 1229, 130 ff.; Ewliya Celebi, 
Seydhatndme, v, Istanbul A.H. 1315, 301-322; 
Ducas, Bonn 1834, 19; Chalkokondyles, Bonn 
1843, 529 ff.; Critobulus, ed. C. Miiller, Fragmenta 
Historicorum Graecorum, v, Paris 1870, 146-147, 
151; N. de Nicolay, Navigations et Peregrinations, 
Lyon 1568, 52; M. de Thevenot, Relation d'un 
Voyage fait au Levant, Paris 1664, 32 ff. and 
141 ff.; P. du Fresne-Canaye, Voyage du Levant, 
ed. H. Hauser, Paris 1897, 159 ff.; G. J. Grelot, 
Relation Nouvelle d'un Voyage de Constantinople, 
Paris 1681, 3 ff., passim; J. Spon and G. Wheler, 
Voyage d'ltalie, de Dalmatie, de Grece, et du 
Levant, Lyon 1678, i, 203 ff.; Pitton de Tournefort, 
Relation d'un Voyage du Levant, Paris 1717, 
453 ff.; R. Pococke, A Description of the East, 

ii/2, London 1745, 102 ff., in, 143; Baron de 
Tott, Mlmoires sur Us Turcs et les Tartares, 
Amsterdam 1784, Pt. 3, 43 ft.; J. Dallaway, 
Constantinople, London 1797, 332 ft.; W. Eaton, 
A Survey of the Turkish Empire, London 1798, 
88 ff. ; A. Morellet, Constantinople ancienne et 
moderne et Description des Cdtes et Isles de I'Archipel 
et de la Troade, Paris An VII, ii/8, 146 ff. ; J. B. 
Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, i, Paris 1802, 
267 ff.; A. de Juchereau de St. Denys, Revolution 
de Constantinople en 1807 et 1808, Paris 1819, ii, 
53 ff.; F. de Beaujour, Voyage militaire dans 
VEmpire Othoman, Paris 1829, ii, 483 ff.; M. 
Michaud and M. Poujoulat, Correspondance 
d'Orient (1830-1831), Paris 1833-1834, i, 449 ff., 
ii, 1 ff. ; H. von Moltke, Brief e iiber Zustande und 
Begebenheiten in der Turkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 
1839, Berlin 1877, 51 ff-, 68 ff.; W. Ramsay, The 
Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London 1890, 
152 ff.; Tomaschek, 3, 15 ff.; H. Hogg, Turken- 
burgen an Bosporus und Hellespont, Dresden 1932; 
F. Babinger, Beitrdge zur Fruhgeschichte der 
Tilrkenherrschaft in Rumelien (14.-15. Jahrhundert), 
Munich 1944, 39 ff. ; H. J. Kissling, Beitrdge zur 
Kenntnis Thrakiens im 17. Jahrhundert (Abh. K. M., 
xxxii/3, Wiesbaden 1956, 47 ff.; V. Cuinet, La 
Turquie d'Asie, iii, Paris 1894, 743 ff., 758 ff., 
765; Pauly-Wissowa, viii, Stuttgart 1912, cols. 
182-193, s.v. Hellesspontos; lA, s.v. Canakkale 
(Besim Darkot and M. C. Sihabeddin Tekindag). 
Bibliographical indications will be found in lA, 
s.v. Canakkale on (i) the geological, geographical 
and hydrographical characteristics of the Dar- 
danelles and (ii) the campaign of Gallipoli in 
1915-1916. Cf. also BocgAZ-ici, and Pearson, 
576-577 (nos. 18440-18474), passim, for references 
relating to the international Problem of the Straits 
during the i8th-20th centuries. (V. J. Parry) 
CANARY ISLANDS [see AL-aiAzA'm al- 

CAND£Rl, town and old fort in north-central 
India, 24° 42' N., 78 9' E., on a tableland over- 
looking the Betwa valley on the east. Early references 
by al-BIruni (421/1030) and Ibn Battuta do not 
mention the fort and probably relate to a site some 
15 km. north-north-west known now as Bufhi 
[Urdu, 'old'] Canderl; here there are ruined Islamic 
fortifications among Hindu and Djayn remains, 
probably of the early 8th/i4th century, for although 
the city fell in 649/1251 to Ghiyath al-Din Balban, 
then na'ib of Nasir al-Din, whose aim was the seizure 
of booty and captives, it did not come into Muslim 
hands until c Ayn al-Mulk's defeat of the Radja 
Haranand in 705/1305. Four years later it formed 
the rendezvous for Malik Kafur's force before his 
march on Warangal in Telingana. The new Canderi 
seems to have been built by the Ghuri kings of 
Malwa in the early gth/isth century (inscriptions of 
Dilawar Khan and Hushang, in AR, ASl, 1928-9, 
128, and EIM 1943, 47), from whom it was wrested 
in the Malwa interramal struggles by c Ala' al-Din 
Shah Khaldji I in 842/1438 (Bayley's History of 
Gujarat [Ta'rikh-i Alfi], 123), and remained under 
the Khaldji's governors until the vacillating governor 
Bahdjat Khan revolted, supporting against Mahmud 
II his brother Sahib Khan, the puppet Muhammad II, 
and appealing to Sikandar Lodi of Dihll for support 
in 919/1513. Hereafter Canderi's position on the 
borders of Bundelkhand and Malwa led to its 
changing hands frequently: Sikandar's forces 
remained in occupation until 921/1515, but after 
their withdrawal it was seized by the Rana of 


Citawr who set up Medini Ray, Mahmud II's 
dismissed minister who had escaped the massacre 
at MandQ [q.v.], as governor; from him it was taken 
by Babur in 934/1528, who restored it to Ahmad 
Khan, son of Sahib Khan. Later it fell to the Purblya 
Radjput PQran Mai, who lost it to Shir Shah c. 947/ 
1540 but later retook it and massacred and degraded 
the Canderi Muslims, an act which brought retri- 
bution from Shir Shah in 950/1543 (Briggs's Ferishta, 
ii, 160). After Akbar had gained the suba of Malwa, 
Canderi became the headquarters of a sarkdr 
(AHn-i Akbari, i, 122), when it was said to have 
been a large city with 14,000 stone houses and over 
1200 mosques. Thereafter it passed frequently into 
Bundel hands, and after the early I2th/i8th century 
remained in Hindu possession. 

Monuments. The city is walled, with 5 gates, 
one of which is the KatlghatI hewn through the 
rock outcrop; the fort, which stands some 70 metres 
higher, is dependent for its water supply on a large 
tank at the foot of the hill, access to which is by a 
covered way. (Map in Cunningham, AS I, ii, Plate 
XCIII). The Diami c Masdjid is similar to that 
of MandQ with its tall domes over the liwan stilted 
between springing and haunch, but with the cornice 
supported by a row of serpentine brackets, a con- 
tribution of Gudjarat workmen; two tombs known 
as the madrasa and the Shahzadi ka rawda 
are of excellent workmanship in a similar style; 
probably somewhat earlier is the Kushk M ah a 11, 
a large square building with intersecting passages 
on each of the remaining four storeys which divide 
the interior into four quadrants, in the suburb of 
FatehabSd, 3 km. west, identified with the seven- 
storeyed palace (Sat manzil) whose building was 
ordered by Mahmud Shah I in 849/1445. At the 
western foot of the fort is an unattached gateway, 
the Badal Mahall darwaza, a triumphal arch 
between two tapering buttresses, somewhat over- 

Bibliography: Cunningham, ASI, ii, gives 
historical sketch with references to original 
sources in 404-12 (mainly Ferishta). Also C. E. 
Luard, Gwalior State Gazetteer, i, 1908, 209-12. 
Earliest inscr., 711/1312, in Ramsingh Saksena, 
Persian Inscriptions in the Gwalior State in IHQ, 
i, 1925, 653, there assumed to be from New 
Canderi though this is not certain. On the monu- 
ments, Cunningham, op. cit.; M. B. Grade, Guide 
to Chanderi, Arch. Dept. Gwalior 1928; ASI 
Annual Reports, specially 1924-5, 163-4; Sir John 
Marshall, The monuments of Muslim India, in 
Cambridge History of India III, 1928, 622 ff. 
(J. Burton-Page) 
CANKIRI (earlier also known as Kianghri, 
Kankri, and popularly as Canglrl or Cengiri), the 
ancient Gangra (in Arabic sources Khandiara or 
Djandiara), a town in the north of Central Anatolia, 
40 35' north, 33 35' east, at the confluence of the 
Tatllcay and the Aclcay, a tributary of the Kizll 
Irmak, at an altitude of 2395 ft. (730 m.) ; since 1933, 
on the Ankara-Zonguldak railway (105 m. (174 km.) 
from Ankara). The town was once the capital of a 
sandiak (liwd 3 ) of the eydlet of Anadolu; after the 
Tanzimdt, it became the capital of a sandiak of the 
wildyet of Kastamonu; under the Turkish Republic, 
it is the capital of a wildyet (il) with 3 kazas 
(Cankin, Cerkes, and Ilgaz/Kochisar). 

It was known even in antiquity as a fortified place, 
and was occasionally used by the Byzantines as a place 
of exile. Later it again gained importance because of 

its impenetrable fortress in the battles with the Arabs 
and the Turks. The Umayyads repeatedly advanced as 
far as Khandjara in their raids against the Byzantines. 
They did this in 93/711-12 (al-Tabari, ed. de Goeje, 
ii, 1236; Ibn al-Athir, ed. Tornberg, iii, 457; al- 
Ya'kubl, ii, 350 who calls the town Hisnal-Hadld), in 
109/727-28 (al-Ya c kubi, ii, 395). and in 114/731-32 
(Bar Hebraeus, Ketdbd de Maktebdnut Zabne, ed. 
Bruns and Kirsch, ii, 125; compare also al-Tabari, 
ii, 1561, and Theophanes under the year 6224). 
When the Byzantines sacrificed the eastern border 
provinces as a result of their defeat near Malazgird 
(Manzikert) in 1071, the Saldjuks and the Danish- 
mendids divided the loot. The former settled after 
a short intermission in Nicea (Iznik) and Konya, the 
latter spread over the northern half of Asia Minor 
from Amasya to Kastamonu. Canklrl is mentioned 
as being among the conquests of the first Danish- 
mendids in 468/1075-76 (Hasan b. c Ali Tokadl (?), 
Ta^rikh-i Al-i Ddnishmand, in Husayn Husam al-DIn, 
Amasya tarikhi, Istanbul 1322, II, 286 ff.; Hezarfenn, 
Tankih al-tawdrikh, in ZDMG, 30, 470). In 1101, an 
army of crusaders left Constantinople for the region 
of the Danishmend-oghlu, in order to rescue 
Bohemund of Antioch whom these had captured at 
Malatya and imprisoned in NIksar. The army con- 
quered Ankara and advanced towards Cankirl 
(praesidium Gangara), but the attack failed, and 
shortly afterwards the army was completely routed 
near Amasya by the united Saldjuks and Danish- 
mendids (Albert of Aix, 1. VIII, c. 8; Ibn al-Athir, 
ed. Tornberg, x, 203; cf. ZDMG 30, 476; Chalandon, 
Les Comnenes, i, 224 ff.). The Comnene emperor John 
conquered Canklrl in 11 34, with the aid of heavy 
siege-weapons, after he had attacked it without 
success in the previous year (Chronicle oj Niketas, i, c. 
6, and particularly John Prodromos ; see Chalandon, 
op. cit., ii, 84 ff.); but shortly after the emperor's 
departure, the fortress was recaptured by the 
Danishmendids, never to return to Byzantine rule. 

Subsequently we find Canklrl in the hands of the 
Saldjuks of Konya (cf. Chalandon, passim). After 
the collapse of the Rum Saldjuk empire, (Anatolia), 
Canklrl became part of the region of the Candar- 
oghlu of Kastamonu. For a short time the town 
formed part of the empire of the Ottoman Murad I 
(this according to c Aziz Astarabadl, Bezm u rezm), 
later it was taken from the Candar-oghlu by 
Bayazld I in 795/^392-93 (according to Neshri) or 
in 797/1394-95 (according to 'Ashikpashazade, and 
the anonymous chronicles; Sa c d al-dln, i, 150), 
together with the greater part of their possessions. 
In 1401, Timur returned them and finally, in 822/ 
1439, they were annexed by Meliemmed I ( c Ashik- 
pashazade, Istanbul edition, 88 f., ed. Giese, 79; 
Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 
Frankfurt 1591, col. 475; von Hammer's statements, 
GOR, i, 70, are based on a misunderstanding). During 
the subsequent peaceful period under Ottoman rule, 
Canklrl is very much in the background. Historians 
hardly mention it, though Ewliya Celebi (Seydhat- 
name, iii, 250 f.) and Katib Celebi (Djihan-numd, 
645), have left detailed descriptions of the town. 
The first mention by an European visitor dates 
from the years 1553-55, and is by Dernschwam (in 
his Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und 
Kleinasien, ed. Babinger, Munich 1923, 196). There 
is an eye-witness description by Ainsworth, almost 
300 years later. The town has also been visited and 
occasionally described by Russian and German 
travellers in Asia Minor. 

The fortress, which had been attacked by Arabs, 

CankIrI — Capar 

Danishmendids, Byzantines and Crusaders, is now 
in ruins. The only surviving monument is the grave 
of Karatekin, who conquered the town for the first 
Danishmendid prince, and is now revered as a saint. 
The prehistoric cisterns on the castle hill, which are 
described in detail by both Ewliya Celebi and 
Katib Celebi, have not yet been closely investigated, 
nor has the "Medjld Tash" (Tash Mesdjid), 
monastery of the Mewlewl Dervishes. This has 
inscriptions, which, according to what Ainsworth 
was told, date from the time of the Arab Caliphs. 
Some of the mosques are said to date back to 
Byzantine times (cf. Cuinet). The main mosque was 
built by Suleyman I in 996/1558-59. 

The extensive salt-mines near Maghara, 2 hours 
south-east of Canklrl (Cuinet, iv, 427, and Marcker), 
were already famous in Byzantine times. Their 
product was known as raYYprjviv 6cXa? (Nikolaos 
Myrepsos, at the end of the 13th century, in Du 
Cange, Glossar. ad scriptores med. et inf. Graec). 
Even today this salt is still being mined in the same 
way (at a rate of 3000 to 5000 tons a year.) The 
great earthquakes which have repeatedly shaken 
the town (the most recent in February 1944), were 
already mentioned in mediaeval times. Al-Kazwini, 
Athdr al-Bildd, ed. Wiistenfeld, 368, mentions one 
such catastrophe which destroyed the town in 
August 1050. 

According to Texier, the number of inhabitants in 
Canktrl in the middle of the 19th century was 16,000, 
predominantly Muslim. Amongst the inhabitants 
there were not more than 40 Greek families. In 1839, 
Tshihatsheff estimates about 1800 houses, 40 oi 
them Christian. For the end of the 19th century, 
Cuinet gives the following figures: 15,632 inhabitants, 
amongst these 780 Greek and 472 Armenian. The 
Sdlndme of Kastamonu gives the number of 
inhabitants as 11,200, Leonhard (1903) as 25,000 in 
5000 houses, J. H. Mordtmann about 30,000 in 
5000 houses, amongst these 150 Greek and 50 
Armenian families, who probably left after the 
First World War. The 1950 census gave the 
following figures: the town of Canklrl 14,161, the 
kaza 73,402, and the vilayet 218,289 inhabitants 
Bibliography: (apart from that already 
mentioned in the article) : Ritter, Erdkunde, 
xviii, 353 ff.; Le Strange, 158; W. Ramsay, The 
Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London 1890, 
258; Pauly-Wissowa, vii, 707 and 1258; W. F. 
Ainsworth, Travels and Researches in Asia Minor 
. . ., London 1842, i, 109 ft.; Ch. Texier, Asie 
Mineure, 617; v. Flottwell, Aus dem Stromgebiet 
des Qyzyl-Yrmaq (Halys), in Petermanns Mittei- 
lungen, Suppl. no. 114 (1895), 38 f. and 50 (with a 
plan of the ruins of the fortress); G. Marcker in 
Zeitschrift der Ges. f. Erdkunde, 34 (1899), 368 f. 
and 373; R. Leonhard, Paphlagonia, Berlin 1915, 
66 and 120 (with illustrations); V. Cuinet, La 
Turquie d' Asie, Paris 1894, iv, 551 ff. ; the year- 
books (Sdlndmes) of the wildyet of Kastamonu 
since 1286/1869-70; I A, iii, 357-359 (Besim 
Darkot). (J. H. Mordtmann-[Fr. Taeschner]) 
CANNANORE [see kannanur] 
CAO {(dm Persian transcription of Chinese ts'au), 
name given to the paper currency that was in circu- 
lation in Iran for about two months in the autumn of 
the year 693/1294. The Cao was introduced at the 
instigation of the Chief and Finance Minister of the 
Ilkhan Gaykhatu (1291-95), Sadr al-DIn Ahmad b. 
c Abd al-Razzak Khalidi or Zindjanl, following the 
example of China, and was issued for the first time, 
according to Rashld al-DIn, on the 19th Shawwal 

693/i3th September 1294, according to Wassaf and 
others somewhat later, namely in Dhu '1-Ka c da/ 
23rd September— 22nd October, at Tabriz and other 
provincial capitals where it was manufactured and 
distributed by the so-called Cao-Khdnas, specially 
constructed for the purpose at considerable expense. 
This new currency however met with very great 
opposition and the result was that trade and 
industry came to a standstill, the towns became 
depopulated and the country headed towards 
complete ruin, so that after two months the paper 
money had to be withdrawn from circulation in 
favour of the old coins. 

The Cao, made of the bark of the mulberry- tree, 
was oblong in shape and, in addition to some Chinese 
signs, bore the shahdda. Underneath this was the 
name "Irlndjln turci" (transcription of "Rin-6 c en 
rdorje" meaning "very costly pearl") which had 
been given to Gaykhatu by the Tibetan Bakhshls, 
and, inside a circle, the designation of the value: 
one (or one half) up to ten dinars. Besides this, these 
"bank-notes" — according to the continuator of the 
work of Bar Hebraeus — bore the red impression of 
the state seal in jade (the Altamga), granted by the 
Great Khan to the Ilkhans. As regards the method of 
printing, it may be assumed that this was done by 
means of wooden blocks. 

Bibliography : K. Jahn, Das iranische Papier- 
geld, ArO, x (1938), 308-340; B. Spuler, Die 
Mongolen in Iran', 1955, 88-89, 301-302, and 
the sources and publications listed in these two 
works. (K. Jahn) 

CAPANOfiHULLARf [see Supplement and 

CAPAR (Capar), the eldest son of Kaidu [q.v.] and 
great grandson of the Mongol Great Khan Ogedey 
(Uk/gatay: regn. 1229-41), after his father's death 
in 700/1301 and his own succession to the throne 
on the Imil in the spring of 702/1303 (Djamal Karshl 
in W. Barthold, Turkestan. Russian ed. i, 1900, 138), 
he fought in the beginning continually against the 
claims of Kubilay's successors upon the Great 
Khanate, considering it his own prerogative as one 
of Ogedey's descendants, who were the central 
"protectors of the genuine Mongol tradition". In 
August 1303, together with Duwa, the Khan of 
Caghatay's Ulus, he submitted to the Great Khan (the 
emperor of China) by means of an embassy to 
Khanbaligh (Peking). Thereby a plan for a Mongol 
federation with full freedom of movement for trade 
was to be realised. In September 1304 negotiations 
were made from China concerning it with the 
Ilkhan Oldjaytii [q.v.]. In fact, the federation did not 
last: with the aid of Chinese troops Duwa forced 
Capar out of his Ulus in West and East Turkestan, 
and succeeded him there. After Duwa's death 
(1306-7) Capar attempted to regain these provinces, 
but could not hold his own against Duwa's son Kebek 
(Turkish Kepek = "bran", cf. IbnBattiita, ii, 392) and 
was forced in 1309 to flee to China and the court 
of the Great Khan. Thereupon a Kuriltay in the 
summer of 1309 confirmed the almost complete 
disintegration of Ogedey's Ulus, whose inheritance 
was for the most part taken over by the Caghatay 
line (cf. the article Cingizids, II, beginning, and III). 
According to Rashld al-DIn (ed. Blochet, Djdmi* 
al-tawdrlkh, ii, 9), Capar looked "like a Russian 
or a Circassian", apparently no longer of pure 
Mongol stock. 

Bibliography: Wassaf, lith. Bombay 1269/ 
1852-53, 449/56, 509/21; KashanI, Ta'rikh-i 
Sultan Uldjaytu, (MS. Paris, Suppl. Persan 1419) 


fo 21V-27V. — W. Barthold, 12 VorUsungen . . 
Berlin 1935, 186 ff., 199/202; Barthold, Fot 
Studies in Central Asian Hist., Leiden 1956, 
128/32; R. Grousset, V Empire des steppes, Paris 
1939. 362 ff.; B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in Ire 
Berlin 1955, 107, 232, 451 (with further bibl.). 
Concerning the Mongol Federation, cf. W. Kotwicz, 
Les Mongols, promoteurs de Vidie de la paix univer- 
selle au dibut du XIII' siecle, in Rocznik Orien- 
talistyczny, xvi (1950), 428/34. (B. Spuler) 

CAPAROGHULLARI [see capanoghullarI, 

CAPITULATIONS [see imtiyaz]. 
CARACUEL [see karakay] 
CARAVAN [see azalay and kafila] 
CARAVANSERAI [see fundus] 
CAREJOY [see amul] 
CARLOWICZ [see karlofca] 
CARPETS [see kali] 
CARTHAGENA [see kartadjanna] 
CASABLANCA [see al-dar al-bayda 5 ] 
CASHNA-GlR, in Persian, 'taster', title of an 
official, generally an amir, at the court of the Muslim 
sovereigns (including the Mamluks) from the time 
of the Saldjukids. It is not always clear in what way 
he is connected with the overseer of the food, 
kh w dnsaldr ; perhaps the two are often confused. 
The title does not appear to be found, even in Iran, 
under previous dynasties, although caliphs and 
princes did undoubtedly have overseers for their 
food, and even had it tasted before they eat, as the 
dishes were always suspected of being poisoned. The 
term Cdshna-gir is also found as the name of a kind 
of crystal decanter (al-Tanukhi, Nishwdr, viii, ed. 
Margoliouth, Damascus 1930, 150). 

Bibliography: I. H. Uzuncarsih, ^Osmanh 
Devleti Teskildhna Medhal, Istanbul 1941, index. 

(Cl. Cahen) 
CASHNAGlR-BASHi chief taster, a high official 
of the Ottoman court. Already under the Saldjukids 
and other Anatolian dynasties the (ashnagir, amir 
iashnagir or amir-i dhawwdk appears among the 
most important officers of the Sultan. Ibn Bibl 
(Al-Awdmir al-'-AldHyya, edd. Necati Lugal and 
Adnan Sadik Erzi, Ankara 1957, 164) mentions the 
Iashnagir together with the mir dkhur and the amir 
madjlis. In the Kdnunname of Mehemmed II {TOEM 
Supplement 1330 A.H. n-12) the lashnagir-baM 
appears as one of the agha% of the stirrup, in the group 
headed by the agha of the janissaries. He follows 
after the Mir-i c Alam, Kapld^i-bashi, Mir dkhur and 
Cakirdjt-bashi, and precedes the other aghas of 
boluks [q.v.]. A document of 883/1478-9 lists 12 
dhawwdkin (tasters) as subordinate to their chief 
Sinan Bey (Ahmad Refik, Fdtih dewrine e a'id wethi- 
kalar, TOEM, no. 49/62, 1335-7, 15)- Later the 
numbers of tasters employed rose considerably, 
reaching as high as 117 ( c Ayn-i 'All, Kawdnin-i 
Al-i 'Othmdn, 97). In the 18th century, D'Ohsson 
mentions only 50, and gives the cashnagir-bashi a 
much lower rank, in the 5th class of the outside 
service (biriin), under the Commissioners of Kitchens. 
By this time he has clearly fallen in status, and has 
responsibilities more strictly related to the prepa- 
ration of food. 

Bibliography: Ismail Hakki Uzuncarsih, 
Osmanh Devleti Teskildhna Medhal, Instabul 1941, 
88; idem, Osmanh Devletinin Saray Teskildti, 
Ankara 1945, 426-7; Gibb-Bowen i/i, 348; 
D'Ohsson, Tableau, vii, 22-3. (B. Lewis) 

CASTILLE [see kashtala] 
CASTRO GIOVANNI [see kasr yani] 
CATALEJA (Catalca, ancient Metra). 1. 41 08' N, 
28 25' E. Thracian capital of the most rural of 
the 17 kadd's in the wildyet of Istanbul, 56 km. by 
asphalt road and 71.41 km. by rail (the station lies 
2.3 km. NE of town) WNW of Istanbul. Catalca 
borders the Kara su (ancient Athyras) stream at an 
altitude of 255 feet near the centre of a range of 
hills forming the backbone of the fortified "Catalca 
Lines" extending from the Black Sea at Karaburun 
to the Marmara at Buyiikcekmece. Catalca was 
taken from the Byzantines by Murad I in 775/1373. 
The fortifications were built during the Russo- 
Turkish war of 1294-5/1877-8, but were passed 
without fighting by the Russians in their advance to 
San Stefano. The Catalca Lines were a rallying 
point for Mahmud Shewket Pasha's forces which 
put down the abortive counter-revolution at Istan- 
bul in April 1909. In November 1912 retreating 
Turkish troops repulsed the Bulgarians at Catalca. 
The fortifications were reconditioned but saw no 
action in the 1914-18 and 1939-45 World Wars. 
Since 1950, Turkish forces have been substantially 
withdrawn with adverse economic consequences for 
the district. Some promise of producing oil wells 
and a proposed atomic reactor may counteract 
this trend. In 1955 the population was growing fast 
with 5,534 in town and 58,988 in the kazas 3 other 
nahiye's of Buyiikcekmece, Hadimkoy (Boyalik) and 
Karacakoy, and in its 67 villages. Population 
pressure on the land area of 1684 sq. km. is causing 
litigation. The district produces beets, sunflowers, 
grapes, vegetables and cattle. In 1953 there were 
only four small industries, some 30 shops, 2 
elementary and 1 middle schools in Catalca. 

2. Catalca is also the Ottoman name of Pharsala, 
a town and kadd> in Thessaly 60 km. SE of Trikala, 
captured in 799/1397 by Bayazld I (Hammer- 
Purgstall, i, 250). According to Shams al-DIn SamI 
(Kdmus al-AHdm, iii, 1867) it had a population of 
5,000 under Ottoman administration and boasted 
6 mosques, a medrese, many tekke's, notably that 
of Durbali Baba, the Bektashi and 91 villages in a 
fertile plain. 

3. Catalca is also the name of a village in the 
kada? of Nizip (Nisib) in the wildyet of Gazi Antep 
(GhazI 'Ayntab). The word Catal, or fork (cf. 
Tamklariyye Tarama Sdzliigii, i, Istanbul 1943, ii, 
1945, 213) figures in 82 names of inhabited places 
in Turkey (Tiirkiye'de Meskun Yerleri Kilavuzu, i, 
Ankara 1946, 240-1). 

Bibliography: Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, iv, 
map between 594-5, coordinates inaccurate; I. H. 
Danismend, . . . Kronoloji, i, 54-5, ii, 343, i v , 302, 
passim; F. S. Duran, Buyuk Atlas, Istanbul/ 
Vienna, n.d. (1957 ed. ?), 28; Encyclopaedia 
Britannica, 1956 ed., v, 314 ; Great Britain, 
Admiralty, I.D. 1129, A Handbook of Turkey in 
Europe, London, n.d. (1919 ?), Map 1 : 800,000, 
passim; idem, B.R. 507. Turkey, i, London 1942, 
passim; F. F. Greene, Report on the Russian Army 
and its campaigns in Turkey 1877-1878, New 
York 1908, 362-3; 427-8; Iktisat ve Ticaret Ansi- 
klopedisi, v, 340; Istanbul Sehri Istatistik Yilhgi 
1948, 6; de la Jonquiere, Histoire de V empire 
Ottoman, Paris 19 14, ii, 79, 408; E. Z. Karal, 
Osmanh Tarihi vi, 127; Mehmet Ali, Catalca 
Wildyeti, Istanbul 1341/1925; Mustafa Reshid 
Pasha, Bir wethika-i ta'-rikhiyye Catdldja miitareke 
mudhdkerdti, Istanbul, 1335/1917; E. Pears, Forty 
Years in Constantinople, New York 1916, 322, 


328, 342; Tiirkiye Ytlhgt 1948, 94; Vatan Memleket 
Ildveleri, Istanbul 1953, sv., Istanbul I, 3, 9; 
T. C. Basvekalet Istatistik Umum Miidiirlugii, 
1955 Genel Niifus Saytmt, Telgrafla Ahnan 
Neticeler, Ankara 1955, 6. (H. A. Reed) 

CATANIA [see sikilliya] 
CATEGORIES [see maijOlat] 
CATR [see mizalla] 
CAUCASUS [see sabs] 
CAUSE [see c illa] 

CA'CSH (modern Turkish: favus). A term used 
by the Turks to indicate (a) officials staffing the 
various Palace departments, (b) low-ranking military 
personnel. The word is met in Uygur, where it refers 
to a Tou-kiu ambassador; Mahmud Kashghari 
defines it as 'a man who controls promotion in army 
ranks, and supervises the maintenance of discipline'. 
The word cdHsh passed from the Pecenegs and 
Saldjukids to the Turks (cf. the [liyai; T^aouoio?, 
chief of the imperial messengers of the Lascari and 
Paleologi). The Persians used it as a synonym for 
sarhang and durbdsh, and under the Arabs it became 
variously did'ush, shdHsh, shdwish, and shd'ush. It is 
still seen in the latter form in N. Africa, where it 
means a court usher or mace-bearer. 

Under the ancient Turks, the Saldjukids, the 
AyyQbids, and the Mamluks, the idtush formed a 
privileged body under the direct command of the 
ruler, and often appointed to a special r61e. Under 
the Ottoman Turks, the id'ushes of the Dlwan were 
part of the official ceremonial escort when the Sultan 
left the palace, or when he was receiving viziers, 
foreign ambassadors etc. The Sultan or Grand 
Vizier also used them as ambassadors and envoys 
to convey or carry out their orders. The cd'ush 
bashl, chief of the id'ushes of the Dlwan, acted as 
deputy to the Grand Vizier, particularly in the 
administration of justice; being a court official, he 
was a member of the "aghas of the stirrup". The 
id'ushes of the Dlwan were either paid out of 
treasury funds or allotted ze'dmets or arpalibs. 
Furthermore, in the odiafr of the Janissaries, the 
5th Orta consisted of 330 cd'ushes, men already of 
long service, under the command of a bdsh-id'ush. 
The ranks of (d'ush and id'ush wekili were used 
in the cavalry and navy at the beginning of the 
19th century. When the army was reorganized in 
1241/1826, a id'Ush held the equivalent rank of a 
sergeant, and the system remains the same to 
this day. 

In certain religious sects and orders {e.g., Yazldi 
and Rifa c i), the title id'ush corresponded to a 
grade in the hierarchy of the sect. There were 
also id'ushes in the guilds, where they were re- 
sponsible for seeing that the rulings of the Guild 
Council were enforced. 

Bibliography: Important bibliography con- 
tained in the article 'favus' by M. F. Kopriilii, in 
lA, iii, fasc. 25, 362-369. Additional works: 
Gibb-Bowen, I/i, 1950, index; L. Brehier, Les 
Institutions de I'Empire byzantin, Paris 1949, 148. 

(R. Mantran) 
CAWDORS (or Djavuldur), a Turcoman 
tribe, the first settlers of which came to Khwarizm 
in the 16th and 17th centuries, the bulk following in 
the 1 8th century. After the wars against the Khanate 
of Khiwa, a proportion of them was driven off to the 
Manglshlak peninsula, whence some clans emigrated 
to the steppes of Stavropol'. Part of the tribe sub- 
mitted to Khiwa and settled permanently in 
It is now a sedentary tribe with a population of 

some 25,000, in the Nukhus area (Autonomous 
Soviet Socialist Republic of Kara-Kalpakistan). 
[See: tOrkmen]. (Ed.) 

CAWGAN (Pahlawl: iubikdn; other forms: 
iuygdn (attested in Ibn Yamin); iulgdn (cf. Ml, in 
Vullers, Lexicon persico-latinum; compare Arabic 
sawladian); Greek: T^uxavlov, French: chicane), stick 
used in polo (boh: Tibetan for 'ball', introduced into 
England around 1871); used in a wider sense for 
the game itself, (guy-u) iawgdn bdzi, "game of (ball 
and) Iawgdn"; also used for any stick with the end 
bent back, particularly those for beating drums. The 
iawgdn is not the same as the mall (malleum), which 
is a hardwood sledge-hammer. According to Quatre- 
mere (Mamluks, i, 123), the sawladian, a bent stick, 
was used for mall (polo), and the diukan (iawgdn), 
with a hollow scooped out of the end, for rackets; but 
Van Berchem (C.I. A. Jerusalem-ville, publ. IFAO, 
1923, 269, n. I) raises the objection that al-Kal- 
kashandl does not make this distinction. The game 
originated in Persia, and was generally played on 
horseback, though sometimes on foot (iawgdn 
piydda bdzi, testified by the Akbar-ndma, quoted by 
Quatremere, 130). The earliest reference to it is in 
the short historical romance, Kdrndmagh-i Ardasher-i 
Pdbhaghdn ("Deeds and exploits of Ardashir") 
written in Pahlawl in the early 7th century: Ardashir 
(Noldeke, 39) and his grandson Ohrmizd (id., 68) 
excelled at the game; the latter passage is reproduced 
almost word for word in al-Tabari (quoted by 
Quatremere, 123), and put into the form of a poem 
by Firdawsl (Shdhndma, tr. Mohl, v, 274), but 
in both texts Ohrmizd is replaced by his father 
Shapur. Quatremere's detailed and learned note 
provides many quotations: from Cinnamus, on the 
popularity of T^uxdviov in Byzantium (122); from 
the Aghdni and al-Mas c udI, on the sawladian (124); 
from the Kdbus-ndma, on the dangers of the game 
(125) and the notable accidents it had caused (ibid., 
and 127, 129); from Abu Shama, on its suitability 
for keeping soldiers and horses in good physical 
condition; from various other writers (its popularity 
with the Mongols, Kurds, and rulers of Egypt) 
(126-28); on the metaphorical use of guy, iawgdn and 
sawladian in prose and poetry (130-132). To these 
literary texts many more could be added, but it 
suffices to mention the references to Firdawsl (tr. 
Mohl, especially vii, 224; and F. Wolff, Glossar zu 
Firdosis Schahname, under goy and iSgdn), Nizami 
(Khusraw u Shirin: description of a game between 
two teams of female players, led respectively by 
the king and his favourite), Sa c dl (cf. Masse, Essai 
sur Saadi, 228), a poem of Hafiz (Diwdn, ed. 
Kazwini-Ghani, no. 271, and ed. Khalkhali, no. 268, 
v. 6), and above all the short mystical poem of 
c ArifI (15th century), Guy u Cawgdn (see Bibl.). The 
game began by one of the players throwing the ball 
as high into the air as possible; another caught it 
and did the same thing, and thus the ball passed from 
team to team (there were originally four players in 
each team; see Firdawsl, op. cit., ii, 250 ff. and 288). 
The Kdbusndma (cf. R. Levy, A Mirror for Princes, 
London 1951, 86) kept the same number of players, 
"in order to avoid a dangerous scramble". Anthony 
Sherley gave a brief description of the game at the 
end of the 16th century, when he was at the court 
of the Shah 'Abbas (quoted by Sykes, 341); 12 
players divided into two teams, and each carried 
a long-handled iawgdn no thicker than the finger. 
Chardin (approx. 1675) described the game as 
follows: "the object is to get the ball through the 
opposing side's posts, which are at the end of the 

CawgAn — Cay 

pitch and through which one can pass (Voyages, iii, 
181); ... as the stick (lawgan) is short, the riders 
must bend below the level of the pommel .... and 
strike the ball on the gallop; the game is played 
between teams of 15 or 20 players" (440). A similar 
account is given in the early 19th century by 
Malcolm (History of Persia, i, 299 n.) ; both he 
and Chardin remark on the shortness of the 
lawgan, and here they are at variance with Sherley. 
But the information given by Sherley on the position- 
ing of players and posts and the size and shape of 
the mallets agrees with the pictures on two 16th 
century miniatures, one in the British Museum 
(MS. Add. 27257, fol. 107), the other in the Imperial 
Persian Library (reproduced in "Iran", publ. by 
New York Soc. in conjunction with UNESCO). They 
illustrate the text from Nizami's Khusraw and, 
Shirin (mentioned above); one can clearly see the 
lawgdn's long thin handle and convex end (lawgdns 
of the same shape can be seen in the Victoria and 
Albert Museum, Salting Bequest miniature, no. 1228, 
1 6th cent., and another miniature reproduced in 
Rene Grousset, Civilisations de VOrient, i, 243, 16th 
century). In the British Museum miniature (Add. 
27257) the mallets have circumflex-shaped heads; 
another 16th century miniature (H. d'Allemagne, 
Du Kurdistan au pays des Bachktiaris, i, 160) reveals 
both the above head and also the hammer type, 
with tapering handles. Others were shaped rather 
like a golf club; see A. Sakisian, La miniature 
persane, fig. 48 (dated 1410, Shlraz school). An 
even earlier shape is mentioned by Cinnamus (quoted 
by Quatremere, 122: "stick with a large round end, 
inside which small cords are intertwined" — it was 
thus a sort of racket) and by the Inshd? (quoted by 
Quatremere, ibid., "a stick with a bulging conical 
head made out of wood", i.e., "convex"; mahdudba 
should be corrected to mahduba) ; this short spoon- 
shaped lawgan figures on a modern miniature of 
Indo-Persian style, signed and dated (Sykes, 336); 
another Indo-Persian miniature, more realistic, of 
the 18th cent., is contained Kuhnel, Miniatur- 
malerei in Islam. Orient, pi. 112. The text of the 
InsM? (and of two others, Nuwayri and Khalil 
Dhahiri, quoted by Quatremere) concerns the 
djukanddr, an official responsible for the care of 
the lawgdns and for the conduct of the game. The 
coat of arms (two curved lawgdns placed back to 
back) of this officer is known from the inscriptions 
and coats of arms, on the one hand, of a madrasa in 
Jerusalem (built by Il-malak, djukanddr to the 
Mamluk sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-Nasir, 1340), 
and of a lantern inscribed with the name of the 
same person, preserved in the Istanbul Museum 
(studied by M. van Berchem, C.I. A. Jerusalem-mile, 
266-270, publ. IFAO, Cairo 1923), and on the other 
hand, of the tomb of a djukanddr (d. at Maragha, 
1328) of the Egyptian sultan KalS'un (A. Godard, 
Athdr-e Iran, i, 1936, 144-149, fig- 101 & 103). 
According to Sykes, the political chaos following 
the fall of the Safawids resulted in the disappearance 
of the game, and now it is played only in certain 
parts of India; Sykes claims to have reintroduced 
it into Tehran ca. 1897. 

Bibliography : Makrlzl; Histoire des sultans 
mamlouks de VEgypte, trans. M. Quatremere, i, 
121, n. 4; Geschichte des ArtachSir i Pdpakdn, 
tr. from the Pahlawi by Noldeke, (Beitrdge z. 
Kunde der Indogerman. Sprachen, Festschrift 
Benfey, Gottingen 1879, iv, 22 ff.); A. Chris- 
tensen, VIran sous les Sassanides, 416, n. 4 
(ref. to Inostrantzev) ; Pseudo-Djahiz, Livre de 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

la Couronne (trans, by Ch. Pellat), 101-102; 
Ibn Kutayba, 'Uyun al-Akhbdr, Cairo ed., i, 
133-134; ed. Brockelmann, 166-167, unreliable 
and difficult text: advice to the players); J. J. 
Modi, The Game of Ball-Bat-chowgangui — among 
the ancient Persians, as described in the Epic of 
Firdowsi, in J[R]ASB, 1891, vol. xviii, 39 ff . ; 
'Arifi, The Ball and the Polo Stick (Guy tchilgdn) 
or Book of Ecstasy (Hdlndme), R. S. Greenshields 
ed., London 1931 (reviewed by H. Mass6, with 
trans, of certain extracts, in J A, vol. ccxxiii 
('933)> 137-141; P. M. Sykes, Ten Thousand 
Miles in Persia or eight years in Iran, London 
1902, chap, xxix; Syria, vol. xiii, 208, n. 3. On 
the djukanddr and his coat of arms: Yakoub 
Artin Pacha, Contribution d I'etude du blason en 
Orient, London 1902, 131 ff. and reproductions of 
10 lawgdns; L. A. Mayer, Saracenic Heraldry, 
Oxford 1933, index (s.vv. jukdnddr and polo- 
sticks (jukdn). On the present rules of the game: 
Encyclopaedia Britannica (s.v. Polo). (H. Masse) 
CAY. Tea appears to be mentioned for the first 
time in an Arabic text by the author of the Akhbdr 
al-Sin wa'l-Hind (ed. and transl. by J. Sauvaget, 18), 
under the form sdkh, whereas al-Biruni, Nubadh fi 
Akhbdr al-Sin, ed. Krenkow, in MMIA, xiii (1955), 
388, calls it more correctly dja'. It was introduced 
into Europe towards the middle of the 16th century 
by the Dutch East Indies company; but it is only 
in the middle of 17th century that its use spread, 
particularly in England. 

In Morocco the first mention of tea dates back to 
1700. It was a French merchant, with business 
contacts in the Far East, who introduced it to the 
sultan Mawlay Isma'il. For a long time this com- 
modity remained rare and expensive. At first the use 
of tea was known only to the bourgeoisie, but it 
afterwards spread to all classes of society. In Morocco 
mint tea has become the national drink. Its proper- 
ties, and the ceremonies of its preparation and 
consumption have been the subject of several poems 
in Arabic and Berber ; at the court of the sultans of 
Morocco a special corps of officials, called mwdlin 
dtdy, was formed to prepare it. 

In Morocco, in Mauretania, and in the departments 
of Oran and Algers, the name of tea is dtdy. Tunisia 
and the department of Constantine use tdy. In Libya 
shdhi is found; this perhaps represents the Eastern 
Arabic shay, contaminated, by popular etymology, 
with the root sh-h-w. 

The radical tdy certainly seems to come from the 
English 'tea', but with the pronunciation (tei) which 
this word had until about 1720, when it rhymed 
in fact with 'obey' and 'pay' (cf. Yule, Hobson- 
Jobson, 1903, 905). It is known that it was English 
merchants who introduced the use of tea in Morocco, 
and that for a long time they kept a virtual monopoly 
on its importation. 

As for the prefix a-, which figures in western 
Maghrib! names, it must represent the Berber 
definite article in the masculine singular. Indeed, in 
Morocco and Tlemcen, its presence dispenses with 
the use of the Arabic definite article. Therefore the 
word dtdy was probably borrowed through Berber; 
it is established that in the 17th century the prin- 
cipal centres for importation were Agadir and then 
Mogador, which are situated in Berber-speaking 
country. [For Cay and Caykhdna in Persia and 
Central Asia, see supplement]. 

Bibliography : J. L. Miege, Origine et deve- 
loppement de la consommation du thi au Maroc, in 
Bulletin iconomique et social du Maroc, xx (1957), 

Cay — CeCens 

377 (includes a bibliography on the subject); 

W. Marcais, Textes arabes de Tanger, 215; L. 

Brunot, Textes arabes de Rabat, Glossary, i; P. 

Odinot, Le Monde Marocain, 158; E. Levi- 

Provencal, Les manuscrits arabes de Rabat, 115, 

n° 339; Justinard, Les Ait Ba 'Amrdn, in Villes 

et Tribus du Maroc, viii (1936), 57). 

(G. S. Colin) 

CECENS, name given by the Russians to a 
Muslim people living in the valleys of the southern 
tributaries of the Sunja and Terek Rivers in the 
Central Caucasus (native name = Nakhcio or 

The Cecens belong to the linguistic family of the 
Ibero-Caucasian peoples; their language forms with 
Ingush, Batzbi and Kistin a special group rather 
close to that of the Daghistani languages. 

The Cecens are the descendants of autochthonous 
Ibero-Caucasian tribes which were driven back and 
kept in the high mountains, between the pass of 
Daryal and the valley of Sharo-Argun, by the Alains. 
Nearly all their history until the 18th century is 
unknown; we know only that it is in the 16th 
century that their tribes of shepherds began to 
emigrate into the piedmont which today forms the 
northern part of the Cecens country (in Russian 
"Cecnya"). At first subject to the Kabard princes 
[q.v.], they made themselves independent in the 
18th century, a little before the arrival of the 

Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school penetrated into 
their country only from the 17th century, both 
through Daghistan and Crimea, but until the middle 
of the 18th century it remained rather superficial; 
it was firmly implanted only at the end of the century 
thanks to the influence of the Nakshbandls. Among 
their western neighbours, the Ingush [q.v.], it was 
implanted still later, in the first half of the 19th 
century. At the beginning of the 20th century some 
traces of animism still persisted (cult of the patron 
spirit of the clan). 

At the time when the first Russian detachments 
appeared, the Cecens were divided into clans, of which 
some were grouped together in tribes: Micik, Ickeri, 
Aukh, Kist, Nazran, Karabulakh, Ghalghay (this 
latter gave birth later to the Ingush nation). The 
term "Cecen" was applied by the Russians to the 
whole of these tribes in the middle of the 18th 
century from the name of the "Cecen" aul on the 
river Argun where, in 1732, there occurred the first 
combat between a Russian detachment and the 
natives. The Russian advance toward the south 
began in the middle of the 18th century and was 
accelerated after the annexation of Eastern Georgia 
in 1801 ; it was slow and methodical, marked by 
the construction of fortresses, the establishment of 
Cossack colonies and the destruction of the villages 
of the natives, who were driven always back toward 
the high mountains. The Cecens offered fierce 
resistance to the Russian advance. A popular 
movement, directed by the Shaykh Mansur Ushurma, 
burst out in 1785 and was crushed only in 1791. In 
the first half of the 19th century the Cecen country 
became the principal bastion of the imamate of 
Shamil (cf. Daghistan and Shamil), and the 
Russian domination was imposed only in 1859; 
it was moreover marked by frequent revolts, of which 
the most important, that of 'Alibek Aldamov of 
Simsiri in 1877, lasted a year and spread to all the 
Cecen country. In 1865, an important group of 
Cecens, nearly 40,000, emigrated to Turkey. On the 
eve of the revolution of 1917, the Cecen country was 

pacified and partially colonized by Russian colonists 
(especially Cossacks) in the plains of the north. 
Moreover, the discovery of the petroliferous strata 
at Groznty attracted a growing number of Russian 
workers (10,000 in 1905, more than 20,000 in 1917). 

Until the Revolution, Cecen society preserved a 
very archaic proto-feudal social structure, less 
developed than that of their Daghistan and Kabard 
neighbours. The great patriarchal family of 40 to 
50 people maintained its position almost everywhere 
as also the rigorously exogamous clans, taipa, 
gathering together the descendants of a common 
ancestor. Finally, Cecen society did not recognize 
any division into social classes, all the Cecens con- 
sidering themselves as uzdens, "nobles". 

Soviet Cecnya. — After the October Revo- 
lution, the Cecen country was the last bastion of 
native resistance against the Soviet regime (Imamate 
of Uziin HadjdjI, cf. Daghistan); on 20 January 
1921, it was included in the Mountain Republic 
(Gorskaya Respublika), and on 30 November 1922 
upper Cecnya was set up as the Cecen Autonomous 
Region. On 7 July 1924 the Ingush country situated 
to the west of Cecnya was, in its turn, transformed 
into the Ingush Autonomous Region (cf. Ingush). 
On 4 November 1929 the lower country with Grozniy 
was included in the Cecen Autonomous Region. In 
January 1934, the two autonomous regions were 
joined into one, the Cecen-Ingush Autonomous 
Region, which was transformed on 5 December 1936 
into the Cecen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist 
Republic. Ou 25 June 1946 a decree of the Supreme 
Soviet of the U.S.S.R. abolished the Republic, and 
Cecen and Ingush people were deported to Central 
Asia (the same decree affected other Caucasian 
peoples: Balkars, Karacays [qq.v.]). On 9 January 
1957 a new Supreme Soviet decree rehabilitated the 
deportees and re-established the Cecen-Ingush 
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, authorizing 
the survivors to return to their country between 
1957 and i960. 

At present, the Cecen-Ingush A.S.S.R. (area 
19,300 sq. km.) has a total population of 700,000 
inhabitants (1958), the Cecens representing as yet 
only a minority. 

The census of 1939 counted 407,724 Cecens, of 
whom roughly 30,000 were in the A.S.S.R. of 
Daghistan and the rest were in their own Republic; 
the Ingush numbered 92,074 in the western part of 
the Republic (the high valleys of Asa, Sunja, and 
Kambileyka). The capital Grozniy, a big industrial 
centre (226,000 inhabitants in 1926), is an almost 
entirely Russian city. 

The Cecen-Ingush now form a "nation", divided 
into two "nationalities" very closely related to one 
another. In fact, nothing distinguishes these two 
peoples except the fact that the Ingush have taken 
only a negligible part in the Shamil movement. They 
speak very similar languages, Ingush being simply a 
dialect of Cecen. The Cecen language properly 
speaking is divided into two dialects — Upper Cecen 
(or Caberloy), spoken in the nountains, and the 
Lower Cecen of the plains; this latter, the basis of 
the written language, is endowed with a Latin 
alphabet (after a fruitless attempt to transcribe 
Cecen into Arabic characters). For its part, Ingush 
was established as a written language in 1923 (based 
on the Lower Ingush dialect of the plains) and also 
transcribed into Latin characters. In 1934, after the 
fusion of the two Autonomous Regions, Cecen and 
and Ingush, the two written languages were unified 
into a single language — "Cecen-Ingush", written 

CeCens — Celebi-zAde 

from 1938 in a Cyrillic alphabet. At present, they 
are once more officially separated. The new Cecen- 
Ingush literature has developed only during the 

t per 

Bibliography: N. E. Yakovlev, Voprosl 
izuieniya Celenyt zev i ingushey, Groznly 1927; 
A. R. Berge, Cetn ya i (eientzi, Tiflis 1859; and 
Shamil i Cetnya, in Voennly Sbornik, St. Peters- 
burg 1859, ix; D. D. Mal'sagov, Celeno-Ingush- 
skaya dialektologiya i puti razvitiya Ceteno- 
Ingushskogo literaturnogo (pis' mennogo) yazlka, 
Grozniy 1941; and Kul'turnaya rabota v Celine i 
Ingushii v svyazi s unifikatziey alfavitov, Vladi- 
kavkaz 1928; A. Dirr, Einfuhrung in das Studium 
der Kaukasischen Sprachen, Leipzig 1928. 

peninsula, which was one 

of the areas of early 

Christianization, and the 

south-western peninsula, 

where Islam also started it 

penetration in the 16th 

century, the island rema 

ned inaccessible to the 

influence of foreign religio 

ns until the second half 

of the 19th century. A n 

w Christian community 

then came into existence in Central Celebes, inhabited 
by the Jo-Radja. It is said that this community 
suffered a great deal from the military activity of 
the Dar al-Islam movement after Indonesia became 
a republic in 1949; reliable information is lacking, 
however. The Muslim community of the south- 
western peninsula is not very different from those 
elsewhere in Indonesia; some details on its history 
are given under Makasar. For a general discussion 
of Indonesian Islam cf. djawa. (C. C. Berg) 

CELEBl (Turkish), "writer, poet, reader, sage, 
of keen common sense" (thus Mohammad Khol in 
Khuldsa-i c Abbasi, in P. Melioranskiy, Zapiski 
VostoCnago OtdUeniya, xv, 1904, 042; similarly 
Ahmed Wefik Pasha in Lehdie-i 'Uthmdni, i, 1876, 
482). It is a term applied to men of the upper classes 
in Turkey between the end of the 13th and the 
beginning of the 18th century, as a title primarily 
given to poets and men of letters, but also to princes 
(thus all the sons of Bayazid I (d. 805/1403) were 
given it). An Adharbaydjanl poet of the gth/i5th 
century, Kasim-i Anwar (died 835/1431-2) uses 
Celebi also in the sense of the mystical term 'Beloved', 
i.e., God (C. Salemann in Zapiski Vost. Old. xvij, 
1907, XXXIV). Heads of an order were also called 
Celebi; it was applied to the head of the Maw- 
lawi [q.v.] order from the time of Djalal al-DIn 
Ruml's successor, Celebi Husam al-DIn (died 1284/ 
683 [q.v.]) right into the 20th century. According 
to its usage, the word would thus correspond 
roughly to the Persian Mirza [q.v.] from amir-zdda. 
In its secular meaning the word has been replaced by 
Efendi [q.v.] in the Ottoman empire since ca. 1700. 
Occasionally, Celebi also appears as a proper name. 
In Syrian and Egyptian Arabic, shalabi/dialabi today 
has the meaning of 'barbarian'. 

There has been no satisfactory explanation of the 
origin of the word. The following have been sug- 
gested: 1) as late as the 7th/i3th (!) century, borrowed 
by the Nestorian Mission from the Syrian selibha 
'cross', which was subsequently taken to mean 
a worshipper of the crucifix (Ahmed Wefik Pasha, 
Lehdje, loc. cit.); the same, though taken over con- 
siderably earlier: Viktor, Baron Rosen in Zapiski 
Vost. Old. v, 305 if.; xi, 310 ff.; with additional 
source references also found in P. Melioranskiy, 
Zapiski Vost. Old. xv, 1904, 036 ft. ; cf. also Menges, 
as in the bibliography; the same, but taken over 

in Anatolia, perhaps through Kurdish intermedia- 
tion (cf. below, no. 4): Nikolay N. Martinovitch, 
JOAS 54 (1934), 194-9 (although the Nestorians never 
played a role in Anatolia) ; 2) from the Arabic djalab, 
pi. djulbdn, "imported slave", a separate body in the 
Mamluk period in Egypt, which was specially 
trained in administrative work, Woldemar, Frh. 
von Tiessenhausen in the Zapiski, xi, 1898, 307 ff. ; 
3) from the Greek xaXklenr,!; "beautifully speaking, 
singing, writing", hence, as early as Byzantine 
times, "of high rank": thus Celebi would appear to 
have developed in Anatolia: V. Smirnov in Zapiski 
xviii, 1908, 1 ff. (according to a private communica- 
tion from F. Dolger, 3/I/1959, the meaning "of 
distinguished rank" is, however, not verifiable in 
Greek): 4) taken from the Kurdish theleb "God", 
thelebi "noble lord, wandering minstrel" which, 
in turn, had come into that language "from a 
non-Indo-Europian language" : this is the explanation 
given by Nik. Jak. Marr in Zapiski xx, 1910, 99/151, 
and it is based on his Japhetic theory; 5) from the 
Anatolian Turkish talabjldldb "God" (there are 
examples in the 13th- 15 th centuries in Mansuroglu, 
and in later centuries current particularly among 
the Yiiriiks [q.v.], a word which, according to 
Muhammad Kho'I, Khuldsa-i ' Abbasi [excerpt from 
Mirza Mahdl Khan, Sengldkh] comes from the Greek. 
K. Foy, in MSOS, Westasial. Studien, ii, 124; 
P. Melioranskiy in the Zapiski, xv, 1904, 042; W. 
Barthold also favours this view (in which case the 
development would be opposite to that of the Iranian 
word khvadhai "lord" > khuda "god"); 6) Man- 
suroglu (see bibliography) is undecided, but he does 
not believe in the foreign origin of the word. — 
Several of these attempts at a derivation (1, 2, and 4 
in particular), seem impossible and far fetched. 
Though the word is apparently of Anatolian origin, 
there is no evidence of its Greek descent [as — on the 
contrary— Efendi]. It seems doubtful whether Ibn 
Battuta (ed. Defremery and Sanguinetti, ii, 270), 
means "Greek" in his mention of the meaning of 
the word Celebi "in the language of Rum" (thus W. 
Barthold), or whether this is merely a reference to 
its use in Anatolia. To the Greeks (such as G. 
Phrantzes, Chron. 70), the word Celebi appears 

Bibliography: The most recent survey of 
the etymology is by M. Mansuroglu, in the 
Ural-Altaische Jahrbiicher, xxvii, 1955, 97/99; 
E. Rossi in Turk Dili Arashrmalari Yilhgi: 
Belletcn 1954, 11/14; K. H. Menges in Supplement 
to Word VII, Dec. 1951, 67/70. Concerning the 
Greek sources of the word, G. Moravcsik, Byzan- 
tino-Turcica', Berlin 1958, ii, 311. 

(W. Barthold-[B. Spuler]) 
CELEBI EFENDI [see djalal al-din, mawlana] 
CELEBI-ZADE (or KuCuk celebi-Zade) Isma'il 
c Asim Efendi, 18th century Ottoman historian, poet 
and shaykh al-isldm. His familiar name (lakab) derives 
from his father Kucuk Celebi Mehmed Efeudi 
(Sidiill-i '■Othmani, iv, 205) who was "foreign secre- 
tary" (re'is iil-kuttdb) for about ten months in 1108- 
09/1699 (Rashid, TaMkh, ed. 1282, ii, 387, 421). He 
was born in Istanbul, and, from the statement of 
Miistaklm-zade Siileyman Efendi (Tuh/e-i Khattdftn, 
Istanbul 1928, 650) that he was 77 years of age at 
the time of his death, his birth should be fixed about 
1096/1685 about 1096/1685. His contemporary, 
Salim Efendi (Tedhkire-i Shu'-ard, Istanbul, 1315, 
452) says that he was given the grade of mulazim 
by Faydullah Efendi in 1 108/1696-97, but, as M. 
C. Baysun suggests (lA, fasc. xxv, 371b), this was 

CELEBI-ZADE — Ceremiss 

probably an honorary degree conferred on the boy 
of twelve out of respect for his father's position 
— an action quite in character for this notoriously 
simonistic shaykh al-islam. (cf. Na'ima, Ta'rikh, 
ed. 1280, vi, Supp., 6-7. It is probable that the 
mustakillan of Selim's text should be corrected to 
mustakbilan, "in anticipation"). His teaching career, 
all of which was passed in Istanbul, began in 
1120/1708 at the madrasa of Ken'an Pasha, from 
where he advanced to the Dizdariyye (1125/1713), 
the Ahmed Pasha in Demir Rapt (1130/1718), the 
c Arifiyye (1131/1719) and finally (1135/1723) the 
madrasa founded by his father-in-law, the kadi 
'■asker c Omer Efendi, in Molla GuranI (Salim, op. cit. 
and Isma'il c Astm, Ta'rikh, ed. 1282, no). On 
28 Ramadan 1 135/5 April 1723, he was appointed 
official historiographer [wakd'i'-niiwis) in succession 
to Rashid Efendi, which post he filled until about 
II43/I730 when his patron, the Grand Vizier 
Ibrahim Pasha, was sacrificed to the rebels and his 
favourites driven from office (cf. Ahmad III). In 
1145-46/1732-33, he was kadi of Yefli Shehr (Larissa 
in Thessaly); in 1152-53/1738-39. ° f Bursa; in 
1 157-58/1744-45, of Medine; and in 1161-62/1748-49, 
of Istanbul. His next appointment did not come 
until 1170/1757, when he was made kddi c asker of 
Anatolia for one year; and on the 5 Dhu '1-Ka c da 
1172/30 June 1759, he attained the ultimate dignity 
of shaykh al-islam, in which office he died after 
eight months (28 Djumada II 1173/16 Feb. 1760). 
He was buried next to his father-in-law, c 6mer 
Efendi, in the courtyard of Molla GuranI (Hafiz 
Huseyn Efendi Ayvansarayi, Ifadikat al-Diewdmi 1 , 
Istanbul 1291, i, 208). 

His history (twice printed as a supplement to that 
of Rashid: Istanbul 1153 and 1282) covers the 
period 1135-41/1722-29, and although, even by the 
standards of the official histories, notably super- 
ficial and frequently little more than a court chronicle, 
it has some of the virtue of its defects in being a 
wholly characteristic expression of the frivolity and 
complacency of the so-called Tulip Period of Ottoman 
history. In his verse he uses the poetic signature 
(makhlas) 'Asim; and while his stature as a poet is 
overshadowed by such great contemporaries as 
Nedim, Seyyid Wehbl and Neyll, nevertheless, his 
diwdn (lithographed, Istanbul 1268), with its 
graceful language and delicate sententiousness, has 
always been regarded as one of the masterpieces of 
this period in which Ottoman diwdn poetry finally 
develops its own recognizably authentic voice. His 
abilities and range as a prose writer can be better 
appreciated from his collected letters (Milnshe'dt: 
Istanbul 1268) than from his history, where he 
deliberately models his style on that of Rashid 
Efendi. His only other surviving work is a trans- 
lation from the Persian commissioned by Damad 
Ibrahim Pasha of the Sefdret-ndme-i Cin of Ghiyath 
al-DIn al-Nakkash (Browne, iii, 397; M. F. Koprulu, 
MTM, ii (1331), 351-68) under the title '■AdidHb al- 
LatdHf (ed. C A1I Eralri, Istanbul 1331)- A Mawlid 
risdlesi attributed to him by Miistaklm-zade (op. 
cit. 651) is otherwise unknown. 

Bibliography: The only reliable biographical 
information is in the notice by M. C. Baysun 
already referred to (but on 372a, 1. 3, for cemdziyel- 
evvel read, after Salim, Djumada II). Babinger, 
293, is a not entirely exact translation of the 
Sidiill-i '■Othmani, i, 366, which itself contains 
errors. Both Djemal al-DIn, Ayine-i Zurafd', 
Istanbul 13 14, 45 and Rif c at Efendi, Dawhat 
al-MeshdHkh, Istanbul n.d., 101 derive from 

Wasif, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1219, i, 179. In addition 
to Salim, op. cit., Safal (Tedhkire, Millet, C A1I 
Emlrl, 771), 279 and Ramiz (Addb-t Zurafd', 
Millet, C A1I Emirl, 762), 173 are contemporary 
opinions of his poetry. Apart from the short 
article of c Ali Djanib, Ifaydt, i, no. 20 (1927), 
3-5, no study has been made of his diwdn, which, 
moreover, requires re-editing from the Bayezld MS., 
no. 5644, with marginal corrections in his own 
hand. Sadeddin Niizhet Ergun, Turk $airleri, i, 
108-m, contains extracts from some of the 
sources mentioned above; references to Fatln, von 
Hammer, Gibb, etc. may be found in Babinger. 

(J. R. Walsh) 
CELEBI ZADE EFENDI [see sa c Id efendi] 
CENDERELI [see djandarlI] 
CEPNI, an Oghuz tribe, which holds an 
important place in the political and religious history 
of Turkey, and in the history of its occupation by 
the Turks. The most intimate milrids of HadidjI 
Bektash belonged to this tribe, an important branch 
of which must therefore have been living in the 
Kirshehir region in the 13th century. In the second 
half of this century there was another important 
group of the Cepni in the Samsun region, who in 
676/1277 successfully defended Samsun against the 
forces of the Emperor of Trebizond, and in the 14th 
century played the chief part in the conquest of the 
Djanik (Ordu-Giresun) district; the HadidjI Emirli 
principality which controlled the Ordu-Giresun 
region in the 14th century was probably founded by 
this tribe. At the beginning of the 16th century the 
region round Trabzon, especially to the west and 
south-west, was in their hands and was hence called 
wildyet-i Cepni after them. From the 16th century 
onwards they began to penetrate the region east of 
Trabzon too, where even in the 18th century the 
Cepni were waging fierce struggles with the local 
people. Thus the Cepni played a very important 
r61e in the conquest and turcicization of the Samsun- 
Rize area. 

Important groups connected with this tribe are 
found in other parts of Turkey too in the 15th and 
1 6th centuries. The largest lived in the Sivas region 
and practised agriculture. There was another im- 
portant group among the Tiirkmens of Aleppo, one 
branch of which began to settle in the c Ayntab area 
in the 16th century; another, generally called the 
Bashtm Klzdllu, migrated to western Anatolia and 
settled in the districts of Izmir, Aydln, Manisa 
and Balikesir. 

There was another important branch of the 
Cepni in the Ak-koyunlu confederation; they were 
led, in the time of Uzun Hasan and his first succes- 
sors, by Il-aldt Beg, and were later in the service of 
the Safawids. In the 16th century there were Cepni 
also in the Erzurum district, and some clans around 
Konya and Adana too. 

In the 15th and 16th centuries there were many 
villages named, after the tribe, Cepni; in some cases 
the name survives to the present day. Bektashi and 
Ktzllbash doctrines were from of old widespread 
among the Cepni. 

Bibliography : Faruk Stimer, Osmanh dev- 
rinde Anadolu'da yasayan bazi Vcoklu Og»z 
boylarma mensup tesekkiiller, in Iktisat Fakiiltesi 
Mecmuasi, x, 441-453, Istanbul 1952. 

(Faruk SCmer) 
CERAMICS [see Fakhkhar] 
CEREMISS (native name Mari), people of the 
eastern Finnish group, living principally in the basin 
of the Middle Volga to the north-east of Kazan in 


the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the 
Maris as well as in the neighbouring territories: 
A.S.S.R. of Tatars tan and of Bashkiria, regions 
(oblasf) of Gorki, of Kirov and of Sverdlovsk of the 
R.S.F.S.R. The total number of Ceremiss reached 
481,300 in 1939; they are divided into three distinct 
groups by their dialects and their material culture. 
The Ceremiss of the plains (lugovle) live on the left 
bank of the Volga, those of the highlands (gornle) 
on the right bank, and the eastern Ceremiss emi- 
grated in the 18th century into the valley of the 
river Belaya in Bashkir country. 

The Ceremiss descend from the Finnish-Ugrian 
tribes of the Volga, subjugated in the 8th century 
by the Khazars, then, between the 9th and the 13th 
century, by the Bulghars. It is through the medium 
of these latter that the Arabs became acquainted 
with the Ceremiss (under the name of Sarmis). After 
the destruction of the Kingdom of Greater Bulgaria, 
the Ceremiss fell under the domination of the 
Golden Horde, then of the Khanate of Kazan. The 
ancestors of the present Ceremiss were never con- 
verted to Islam, but they submitted, nevertheless, 
as early as the high Middle Ages, to the indirect 
influence which we recognise in our own day in 
certain ritual terms: payrdm (the feast of spring), 
fiaram (sacred grove), keremet designating the spirit 
of the forests (from kardma = miracle). 

Conquered by Russia in the 16th century, the 
Ceremiss were from that period very strongly marked 
by Russian culture and, in the 19th century, the 
majority were officially converted to orthodox 
Christianity. At the end of the 19th century, only 
the Ceremiss of the eastern group remained Animists 
(the Ci-maris). 

From the outset of 1905 to the October Revo- 
lution and even beyond, one notes among the 
Ceremiss living in contact with the Tatars and the 
Muslim Bashkirs numerous conversions to Islam. It 
is unfortunately impossible to judge the new in- 
fluence of Islam on the Ceremiss because the converts 
generally adopt the language and customs of the 
Tatars and "Tatarize" themselves. 

Bibliography: I. N. Smirnov, Ceremisl, 
Istori6eskiy-£tnografi6eskiy oierk, Kazan 1889; and 
Ocerki drevney istoriy narodov Srednego Povolz'ya 
i Prikam'ya, in Materiall i Issledovaniya po Arkhc- 
ologiy SSSR, no. 28, Moscow 1952; Ya. Yalkaev, 
Materiall dlya bibliografi£eskogo ukazatelya po 
marivedeniyu, 1762-1931, Joshkar-Ola 1934. 

(Ch. Quelquejay) 
CERIGO [see coka adasII 

CERKES, The name of Cerkes (in Turkish cerkas, 
perhaps from the earlier "kerkete", indigenous name : 
Adighe) is a general designation applied to a group of 
peoples who form, with the Abkhaz [q.v.], the Abaza 
(cf. Beskesek Abaza) and the Ubakh, the north- 
west or Abasgo- Adighe branch of the Ibero-Caucasian 

The ancestors of the Cerkes peoples were known 
among the ancients under the names of EtvSot, 
KepxeTat, Zixfoi, Zuyo(, etc., and lived on the 
shores of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea and in 
the plains of the Kuban to the south and the north 
of this river, extending perhaps to the Don. 

In the 10th century, the Russians settled in the 
peninsula of Tainan (the principality of Tmutarakan) 
and entered into contact with the Cerkes, whom 
their chronicles designate under the name of Kasog 
(Georgian name = Kashak, Kasagi in Ossete). From 
the 13th to the 15th century, the north-west Cau- 
casus was subjected to the Golden Horde and it is 

after the collapse of the latter that the eastern 
Cerkes tribes (the present Kabard) began to play a 
r61e in the history of the Caucasus. 

The Kabard princes maintained in the 16th 
century friendly relations with the rulers of Moscow 
(the second wife of Ivan IV was a Cerkes princess). 
In the 17th century the Kabard tribes led the 
coalition of Caucasian peoples which halted and 
repulsed the advance of the Kalmiks and from that 
era, the Cerkes held supremacy which they lost 
only after the Russian conquest. 

Distribution of the Cerkes Tribes. — Before 
the Russian conquest in the middle of the 19th 
century, the Cerkes peoples, numbering more than 
a million, inhabited the north-west Caucasus (country 
of the Kuban) and a part of the eastern coast of the 
Black Sea and the peninsula of Taman up to the 
neighbourhood of the Abkhazi. 

The principal tribes were: 

— The Natukhay (Natkuadj) in the peninsula of 
Taman and near the estuary of the Kuban. 

— The Shapsug, divided into the "Great Shapsug", 
on the left bank of the lower Kuban and along the 
river Afips, and the "Little Shapsug" on the shores 
of the Black Sea. These two tribes spoke the same 
dialect; more to the East, in the basins of the 
tributaries of the Kuban Belaya, Pshish and Psekups 
lived the largest of the Adighe tribes: the Abadzekh. 
Before 1864, these three tribes formed 9/10 of the 
total of the entire population of Western Adighe 
tribes. Among the other Western tribes, the most 
important were the Mokhosh on the river Farsu, the 
Temirgoy (Kemgui, Cengui) between the Laba and 
the Kuban; the Bjedukh at the confluence of the 
rivers Pshish and Psekush with the Kuban; the 
Khatukay between the lower Belaya and the 
Pshish, and finally the most eastern of the western 
tribes: the Besleney to the south-east of the Mokhosh. 

The eastern tribes or Kabards (Kaberdey) [cf. 
Kabarda] lived from the 18th century in the 
basin of the upper Terek and some of its tributaries. 
They were divided into two groups: the tribes of 
the Great Kabarda, between the rivers Malka and 
Terek (to the west of the Terek) and those of the 
Little Kabarda (between the Sunja and the Terek, 
to the east of the latter river. 

To these tribes must be added two others who 
were of non-Adighe origin but who were in point 
of fact assimilated by the Cerkes and whose history 
is indissolubly bound to that of the latter: the 
Ubakh [q.v.] and the Abaza (cf. Besekesek- 

After the conquest of the country by the Russians, 
the greater part of the western Cerkes emigrated in 
1864-65 to Turkey and there remained in Russia 
only a small fraction of them. The last Soviet census 
(1939) counted only 164,000 Kabards and 88,000 
western Adighe thus distributed: 

1. — Kabard : The 152,000 in the Kabard-Balkar 
A.S.S.R. and 7,000 to 8,000 in the two Autonomous 
Regions of Adighe and Karacay-Cerkes (atils 
Katzkhabl', Bleceps and Khodz'). In addition, the 
census of 1939 counted as Kabards the 2000 Kabard- 
speaking Armenians of Armavir (territory of Kras- 
nodar) of the Armenian-Gregorian religion, the 2100 
"Cerkes of Mozdok" of the A.S.S.R. of North Ossetia 
who are Kabards converted to orthodox Christianity, 
and finally a little group (500 to 600) of Kabard- 
speaking Jews of the district of Mozdok. 

2.- — The Besleney: about 30,000, of whom 
20,000 are in the Autonomous Region of Karacay- 
Cerkes (this group adopted the literary language of 

the Kabards and is assimilated by the Kabard 
nation), and 10,000, in the Autonomous Region of 
Adlghe and near Armavir, who adopted the literary 
language of the Adlghe. 

3. — The Lower Adlghe: in number about 
55,000, principally in the Autonomous Region of 
Adlghe. After the migration of 1864-65, the tribal 
differences shaded off rapidly, and the scattered 
elements of the tribes remaining in Russia con- 
solidated in an "Adlghe Nation" commune; only the 
following tribes still conserve some peculiarities of 
dialect and custom: the Abadzekh, about 5,000 
around the aul Khakurinov (their dialect is on its 
way to disappearance) ; the Bjedukh, about 12,000 
who populate 38 auls to the south of the Kuban 
and an aul near Armavir; finally, the Shapsug to 
the number of 10,000 on the shores of the Black 
Sea (14 auls to the north and south of Tuapse) with 
a little islet in the peninsula of Taman. 

Language: With Abkhaz, Ubakh and, according 
to some, Abaza (which others consider a simple 
Adighe dialect), the Cerkes languages form the 
north-west branch of the Ibero-Caucasian languages. 
The Cerkes group is divided into several dialects of 
which two are now literary languages: 

1. — Eastern Adlghe ("high Adlghe") or Kabard, 
including diverse speech characteristics a little 
different from one another. The speech of the Great 
Kabarda serves as the basis of the Kabard literary 
language used in the Kabardo-Balkar A.S.S.R. and 
in the Autonomous Republic of the Karacay- 
Cerkes, transcribed in the Latin alphabet since 1925 
(after a trial of the Arabic alphabet in 1924). In 1938, 
the Latin alphabet was replaced by the Cyrillic. 

2. — Lower Adlghe (or K'akh), including dialects 
closely related to one another: Bjedukh, Shapsug, 
K'emirgoy (or Temirgcy), as well as the rest of the 
Abadzekh and Khakuci dialects. The Bjedukh and 
K'emirgoy dialects serve as the basis of the Adlghe 
written language used in the Autonomous Republic 
of the Adlghe. The first attempts to give the Adlghe 
a written language trace back to 1855 (handbook 
of the Adlghe language of c Umar Besney). In 1865, 
Atakujin and in 1890 Loparinski aimed toward an 
Adlghe Cyrillic alphabet. 

Between 1917 and 1920 there were again attempts 
to give Adlghe a script: Domatov worked out an 
Arabic alphabet and Saltokov modified Lopatinski's 
Cyrillic alphabet. Finally, in 1925, Adlghe received 
a Latin alphabet, replaced in 1935 by Cyrillic. From 
1925, the linguistic unity of the Cerkes people was 
broken and the two written languages, Adighe and 
Kabard, thereafter developed alone different lines, 
in spite of the vain attempt to reunite them in 1930, 
at the time of the conference of the Committee on 
the new Latin alphabet at Moscow. 

Halfway between Kabard and Lower Adlghe is 
found the Besleney dialect, which belongs to Lower 
Adlghe but is full of Kabard elements. 

The written Kabard and Adlghe literatures appear- 
ed after the establishment of the Soviet regime. The 
Cerkes had until then only an oral literature, 
principally of folk-lore, which included two types in 
particular: the legends of Nartes (mythological- 
heroic legends) which the Cerkes share in common 
with some other Caucasian people such as the 
Ossetes, and the heroic-historical songs which 
Shora-Bekmurzin Nogmov gathered and published 
(see bibliography). 

Religion. — The Cerkes are Sunni Muslims of the 
Hanafi school. Islam was brought in the 16th century 
by the Nogais [q.v.] and the Tatars of the Crimea, 

first to the Kabards, then, in the 17th century, to 
the western Adlghe. Penetration was slow and at 
first reached only the feudal nobility. It is only at 
the beginning of the 18th century, thanks to the 
zeal of the Khans of the Crimea and the Turkish 
pashas of Anapa, that Islam was imposed on all 
of the people, replacing Christianity (introduced 
as early as the 6th century by Byzantium and, 
between the 10th and the 12th centuries, by 
Georgia) and the ancient pagan religion of which 
one still finds traces among the western Adlghes. 

Before their conversion to Islam, the Cerkes 
worshipped agrarian divinities: Shible, god of storm 
and thunder, Sozeresh, protector of the sowings, 
Yemish, protector of the flocks, Khategnash, god 
of the gardens, etc. The cult of the god of thunder 
was linked to the worship of trees and sacred groves 
where, even recently, were offered sacrifices and 
prayers. A particular cult was dedicated to Tlepsh, 
god of the blacksmiths and doctors. The Cerkes had 
neither temples nor clergy; sacrifices were entrusted 
to the care of an old man elected for life. 

Justice was rendered according to the Adlghe- 
Khabza 'ddat, a veritable unwritten code of law which 
governed all Cerkes life and which was adopted by 
neighbouring peoples more or less subject to the 
influence of Kabard and Adlghe princes: Ossetes 
[q.v.], Karacays [q.v.], Balkars [q.v.] and Nogays [q.v.]. 

Social Structure and Customs. — Until the 
second half of the 19th century, the Cerkes people 
maintained a very archaic social structure different 
according to the tribes. The Kabards had a highly 
developed feudal system; their society, comprising 
up to thirteen classes, formed several groups clearly 
differentiated and not easily penetrated: 1. — at the 
summit of the social hierarchy, the princes {pshs) 
among whom the wall was the chief of the Kabard 
people; 2. — under them, the nobles (uork, uorkkh, 
or uzden) subdivided into four classes according to 
the rights and obligations which bound them to the 
princes; 3. — the free peasants {tfokhotl) who, in 
certain circumstances, were kept to attend the psk? 
and the uork ; 4. — the serfs (og or pshsth) and finally, 
at the bottom of the ladder, the slaves (unaut). 

The same feudal system, less rigorous however, 
existed also among the Adlghes and the lower eastern 
Cerkes tribes (Besleney, Bjedukh, Khatukay). On 
the other hand, the western Adlghe tribes (Natukhay, 
Shapsug, Abadzekh) did not have princes. Among 
them the uork class was weak, while that of the 
tfokhotl was the most numerous and the strongest. 
They are sometimes called the "democratic Adlghe 
tribes", as opposed to the Kabard "aristocratic 

The reasons for this difference are not known. 
Some think that the western tribes passed the feudal 
stage in the 18th century after the long struggle 
which set the Abadzekh, Shapsug and Natukhay 
tfokhotl against the princes of Bjedukh (battle of Bziiik 
in 1796), thanks also to the action of Hasan Pasha, 
ser'asker of Anapa, who abolished in 1826 the privi- 
leges which the nobles of these three tribes enjoyed. 

For others, on the contrary, the social evolution 
toward feudalism had been retarded by several 
factors, notably the economic influence of the Greek 
colonies, then the Italian and Turkish. This last 
opinion seems nearer the truth, because at the 
beginning of the 20th century one finds among the 
western tribes strong survivals of the patriarchal 
clan system which had disappeared among the 
eastern Adlghe. The clan (tleukh) was divided into 
several groups of great patriarchal families (alikh) 

which formed in their turn rural communities 
(psukho), autonomously united and independently 
administered by the councils of the elders. 

All the Cerkes tribes maintained some customs 
characteristic of the patriarchal and feudal stages: 
I. — blood vengeance in cases of murder, which was 
a right and an absolute duty for the whole of the 
clan; 2.— atalikat, which consisted of having 
children raised from birth in the families of strangers, 
often vassals (boys till 17-18 years). Atalikat created 
a sort of foster brotherhood which served to tighten 
the feudal bonds and unite the Cerkes tribes; 

3. — diverse traditions concerning hospitality, con- 
sidered sacred. The guest became, by right of 
protection, a veritable member of the clan of his 
host, who put his life and his property at the service 
of his guest. Hospitality was extended even to the 
exile (abrek or khadjret). If this latter succeeded in 
touching with his lips the bosom of the mistress of 
a strange house, he became a member of the family, 
and the master of the house had to provide for his 
safety. Among other customs of the clan stage 
figured the swearing of brotherhood (kunak) by 
which a man became a member of another clan; 

4. — customs concerning marriage. Exogamy inside 
the clan or the great patriarchal family was strictly 
observed especially by the Kabards. The kalym 
(purchase of the fiancee) was universally practised, 
and could only be avoided by resorting to abduction, 
a frequent occurrence, in case of refusal by the 
parents. The pretence of forcible abduction remains 

n essential rite in the marriage ceremony. 




at the end of the civil war that the Soviet regime was 
established in the regions inhabited by the Cerkes — in 
the spring of 1920, first in the country of the Adtghe, 
then in that of the Kabard. Administratively, th« 
Cerkes were divided into three territorial 


of th 


in the basin of the Kuban and its tributaries be- 
longing to the territory (kray) of Krasnodar, formed 
27 July 1922 under the name of the Autonomous 
Region of Adighe-Cerkes, then, on 13 August 1928, 
under that of the A.R. of Adlghe. This territory has 
an area of 4400 sq. km. and a population of 270,000 
people (in 1956), of whom the Adtghe represent only 
a minority. The capital Maikop is a Russi 

e Autoi 

n of t 

s Kai 

6 ay- Cerkes in the high valleys of the Great and 
Little Zelencuk belonging to the territory (kray) of 
Stavropol', which the Cerkes share with a Turkish 
people (the Karacay [q.v.]). This territory, formed 
12 January 1922, was divided, 26 April 1926, into 
two administrative unities : the Autonomous Region 
of the Karacay and the national civil district of the 
Cerkes, elevaled 30 March 1928 to the status of 
Autonomous Region. In 1944 the Karacay were 
deported and their Autonomous Region abolished, 
but after their rehabilitation, the Autonomous 
Region of the Karacay-Cerkes was re-established 
9 January 1957. Its area is 14,200 sq. km., and the 
population, in 1956, was 214,000 people, in majority 
Russian and Ukrainian. 

— The Kabard-BalkarAutonomousSo viet 
Socialist Republic, in the mountainous part of 
the Central Caucasus. It was formed 1 September 
192 1 as the Autonomous Region of the Kabard to 
which was added 16 January 1922 the national civil 
district of the Balkar, thus constituting the Kabard- 
Balkar Autonomous Region, which became on 5 
December 1936 an Autonomous Republic. In 1944, 
following the deportation of the Balkar, the Republic, 

with the loss of a part of Balkar territory, was renamed 
the Kabard A.S.S.R. Finally, on 9 February 1957, the 
Balkar having been rehabilitated and authorized to 
return to their territory, the Republic became once 
more the Kabard-Balkar A.S.S.R. Its territory 
comprises 12,400 sq. km., and its population, in 
1956, was 359,000 inhabitants. In 1939, the Kabard, 
Balkar and other Muslims represented 60% of the 
population, living mainly in the mountainous areas ; 
Russians and Ukrainians (40% of the population) 
constitute the majority of the population of the 
capital Nal'&k (72,000 inhabitants in 1956) and 
predominate in the plain of Terek. 

Bibliography : A very complete bibliography 
appears in the article by Ramazan Traho, Litera- 
ture on Circassia and the Circassians, in Caucasian 
Review, no. 1, 1955, Munnich, 145-162. It included 
more than 250 titles of works and articles in 
Russian, in western languages (French, English, 
German, Turkish, Hungarian, and Polish) and 
in Cerkes languages dealing directly or indirectly 
with the Cerkes people. It is sufficient therefore 
to note here a few recent works: 

In French: A. Namitok, Origines des Circas- 
siens, Paris 1939; G. Dumezil, Introduction a la 
grammaire comparie des Ungues caucasiennes du 
Nord, Paris 1933 ; and Etudes comparatives sur Us 
langues caucasiennes du Nord-Ouest, Paris 1932. 
In German: A. Dirr, Einfiihrung in das 
Stadium der Kaukasischen Sprachen, Leipzig 1928 ; 
F. Hancar, Urgeschichte Kaukasiens, Vienna- 
Leipzig 1937. 

In English: J. B. Baddeley, The Russian 
Conquest of the Caucasus, London 1908; W. S. Allen, 
Structure and system in the hbaza Verbal complex in 
Transactions of the Philological Society, 1956, 127- 
76, with extensive linguistic bibliography. 

In Russian: Adigeiskaya Avtonomnaya Oblast', 
Maikop 1947; Kabardinskaya ASSR, Nal'cik 1946 
Sh. B. Nogmov, Istoriya Adtgeyskogo Naroda sosta- 
xlennaya po predaniyam Kabardintzev, NaPcik 
1947; K. Stal, Etnografiteskiy oierk Cerkesskogo 
naroda, in Kavkazskiy Sbornik, xxi, Tiflis 1900; 
S. A. Toharev, Etnografiya narodov SSSR, Moscow 
1958, 246-258; D. A. Ashkhamaf, Grammatika Adi- 
geiskogo yaztka, Krasnodar 1934; T. M. Borukaev, 
Grammatika Kabardino-Cerkesskogo Yaztka, Nal'dik 
1932 ; idem, Yazlki severnogo Kavkaza i Dagestana, 
i, Moscow-Leningrad 1935; N. F. Yakovlev and 
D. A Ashkhamaf, Grammatika Adtgeyskogo 
literaturnogo yaztka, Moscow-Leningrad 1941. 

(Ch. Quelquejay) 
ii. Mamluk period. The Circassians are 
designated in Mamluk sources as Diarkas or 
Diardkisa (sing. Diarkasi). There are also alter- 
native spellings: Carkas or Cardkisa (sing. Carkasi); 
Sharkas or Shardkisa (sing. Sharkasl) and less fre- 
quently Diihdraks. Circassia is variously known as 
bildd al-Diarkas, or simply Diarkas and occasionally 
as Diabal al-Djarkas. According to al-Kalkashandl 
the Circassians live in poverty and most of them 
are Christians (Subh al-A'-shd, v, 462, 1. 5). 

The Circassians, who, since the closing decades of 
the 8th/i4th century and up to the end of the 
Mamluk sultanate (922/1517), constituted the 
predominant element of Mamluk military society, 
were quite important in that sultanate from its very 
inception in the middle of the 7th/i3th century. 
They occupied a most prominent place in the 
Burdiiyya [q.v.] regiment founded by Sultan Kala'un 
(678-689/1279-1290). Whether the decline of that 
regiment weakened their power or not, is an open 

question. The Kipdak Turks, the ruling race during 
the first hundred and thirty years or so of the 
sultanate's existence, feared them very much 
because of their ambitious character, haughtiness 
and inclination to trouble and discord. As a matter 
of fact the Kipdaks succeeded in nipping in the bud 
a dangerous military coup of the Circassians during 
Ramadan-Shawwal 748/December 1347-January 1348 
(Sultan Hasan's reign). These Circassians were 
the favourites of Hasan's immediate predecessor, 
Sultan HadjdjI (747-8/1 346-7), who "brought them 
from all quarters and wanted to give them prece- 
dence over the Atrdk" {Nudium, v, 56, 11. 14-20). 
Sultan Hadidji's reign was apparently too short for 
his plan to be carried out, and thus the Circassians' 
rise to power had been postponed for another 35 
to 45 years. 

It was Sultan Barkuk, himself a Circassian and a 
member of the Burdjiyya regiment, who brought 
about the final victory of his own race, by the syste- 
matic purchase of increasing numbers of Circassian 
Mamluks and by drastically cutting at the same time 
the purchase of Mamluks of other races. He is 
justly called "the founder of Circassian rule" 
{al-RdHm bi-dawlat al-Qiardkisa) {Nudium v, 362). 
Though he regretted his action towards the end of 
his life, as a result of a Circassian attempt to assassi- 
nate him (Nudium, v, 585, 598), it was too late for 
him to change the situation which he himself had 
created. His son and successor, Sultan Faradj (809- 
815/1406-1412), paid with his life for his attempt to 
break the Circassians' growing power by means of 
large-scale massacres. As early a writer as al- 
Kalkashandi, who completed his book in 815/1412, 
states: "In our time most of the amirs and army 
have become Circassians . . . The Turk Mamluks 
of Egypt have become so few in number that all 
that is left of them are a few survivors and their 
children" Subh al-A c shd, iv, 458, 11. 16-19). Sultan 
al-Mu 5 ayyad Shaykh (815-824/1412-1421), who is 
described by Ibn Taghrlbirdi as resembling the 
former Mamluk sultans (muliik al-salaf) in that his 
criterion for the choice of soldiers was not race, 
but efficiency and courage (al-Manhal al-Sdfi, iii, 
fol. 168a, 1. 2i-i68b, 1. 4), had some success in 
curbing the power of the Circassians by strengthening 
the Kipcak-Turk element in Mamluk military 
society. But after his death the Circassians regained 
their supremacy, which they maintained without 
any serious challenge till the end of Mamluk rule. 

Mamluk sources ascribe the rise of the Circassians 
at the expense of the Kipcak-Turks mainly to 
factors existing within the Mamluk sultanate. 
Equally important, however, were factors prevailing 
in the Mamluks' countries of origin. The decline of 
the Golden Horde during the latter half of the 
8th/i4th century and the internal wars that broke 
out there must have greatly influenced the decision 
of Egypt's rulers to transfer the Mamluks' purchasing 
centre to the Caucasus. 

The writers of the Circassian period held, generally 
speaking, a very high opinion of the Kipcak-Turks 
and harshly criticized the Circassians, to whom they 
ascribed the sultanate's decline and misery. Typical 
in this respect are Ibn Taghrlbirdl's following words : 
Referring to Tashtamur al- c A15l, formerly dawdddr 
and later atdbak al-'asdkir (commander-in-chief), who 
was removed by amirs Berke and (later Sultan) Bar 
kuk, he says: "The time of Tashtamur was a flour- 
ishing and plentiful time for the Mamluk sultanate 
under his wise direction, and that condition prevailed 
until he was removed from office and thrown into 

prison. In his place came Barkuk and Berke, who 
did things in the sultanate from which the population 
suffers till this day. Then Barkuk became sole ruler, 
and turned the affairs of the realm upside-down, and 
his successors have maintained his policy down to 
the present. For he gave precedence to the members 
of his own race over the others, and gave those of 
his own Mamluks (adildb) who were related to him 
large fiefs and high offices while they were still in 
their minority. This is the main cause of the decline 
of the realm. Indeed, is there anything more grave 
than to set the minor over the senior? This is at 
variance with the practice of the former sultans; for 
they did not recognise the superiority of any one 
race. Whenever they found a man who displayed 
wisdom and courage, they showed him preference 
and favour. No-one was given office or rank who 
was not worthy of it" (Manhal, iii, f. 185b, 11. 14-23). 

Though this and other statements of the same 
kind contain a very substantial element of truth, 
they certainly should not be taken at their face 
value. The Circassians might have accelerated the 
process of the realm's decline, but many of the 
factors that brought about that decline had already 
been quite visible in the closing decades of Kipcak- 
Turk rule. 

The predominance of the Circassian race in the 
later Mamluk period was much stronger and much 
more comprehensive than that of the Kipcak Turks 
in the early period. Unlike the Kipdak Turks the 
Circassians were very hostile to the other Mamluk 
races, whom they relegated to a state of political 
insignificance. No other Mamluk race was so much 
imbued with the feeling of racial solidarity and of 
racial superiority as they were. Under their rule, 
al-djins, meaning the Race, denoted the Circassian 
race. Similarly al-kawm, the People, was applied 
only to the Circassians. 

Of all Mamluk races the Circassians were the only 
ones who claimed to trace their origin to an Arab 
tribe, namely, the Banu Ghassan, who entered Bilad 
al-Rum with Djabala b. al-Ayham at the time of 
Heraclius' retreat from Syria (Ibn Khaldun, Kitdb 
al- c Ibar, v, 472, 11. 4-18. Ibn Iyab, v, 193, 1. 3). This 
legend was still alive in Egyptian Mamluk society 
under the Ottomans (see bibliography). 

Bibliography: D. Ayalon, The Circassians in 

the Mamluk Kingdom, in JAOS, 1949, 135-147; 

idem, Studies of the Structure of the Mamluk Army, 

in BSOAS, 1953, 203-228, 448-476, '954, 57"9o; 

idem, Vesclavage du Mamelouk, Jerusalem 1951. 

P. M. Holt, The exalted lineage of Ridwdn Bey: 

some observations on a seventeenth-century Mamluk 

genealogy, in BSOAS, 1959, 221-230. 

(D. Ayalon) 

iii. (Ottoman period) Replacing the Genoese 
on the Black-sea coasts the Ottomans took A nab a 
(Anapa) and Koba (Copa, cf. Heyd, ii, 190) 
in 884/1479 (cf. Hasht Behisht), but the Circassian 
tribes in the hinterland continued to be dependent 
on the Crimean Khans (see kIrIm) who as under the 
Golden Horde sent their sons to be brought up 
among the Circassians (see at auk). Along with the 
marriages of the Crimean princes with the Circassian 
noblewomen this secured the attachment of the 
Cerkes; they gave the Khans a yearly tribute con- 
sisting of slaves as well as auxiliary forces. The 
Crimean Khans styled themselves rulers of Tagh-ara 
Cerkes or Cergdl. Circassia served also as a refuge for 
the Tatar-Noghay tribes from the Dasht who came 
often to mingle with them especially in the Kuban 
basin and the Taman peninsula. Later on the 

Cerkes — Cerkes edhem 

Crimean Khans built there fortresses such as 
Coban-kal<a, Nawruz-Kirman. Shad-Kirman 
and settled in them Noghays to defend the country 
against the Cossacks (Kazak) and the Kalmuks. 
Not infrequently the Cerkes co-operated with the 
Cossacks, too. In his major efforts to subdue the 
rebellious Cerkes tribes Saljib Giray Khan made five 
expeditions in Circassia, the first against Kansawuk, 
beg of Zhana in 946/1539, the second and the third 
against Kabartay (Kaberda). He forcibly settled 
on the upper Urup the tribes who had taken refuge 
in the high Baksan valley. Later in 956/1549 he made 
his last expedition against the Khatukay (Sdhib 
Giray TaMhhi, Blochet, Cat. Man. Turc. supp., 164). 
But after his death the Cerkes, especially those of 
Zhana and Psheduh (Pzhedukh) sacked the Taman 
peninsula, threatened Azak [q.v.] and sought the 
protection of Ivan IV (see Belleten, no. 46, 1948, 364). 
At the same period the Cossacks, stationed on the 
Terek, also became a threat to Crimean-Ottoman 
influence in Kabartay. 

The strengthening of Tatar-Circassian relations 
resulted in the spread of Islam among the Cerkes. 
But in 1076/1664-65 Ewliya Celebi (vii, 708-758) 
found that many tribes were still pagans and those 
professing Islam preserved their old religious beliefs 
and practices. Mehmed Giray IV induced the islamiz- 
ed tribes of Kabartay to give up pig-raising. 

The Ottoman Sultans recognized Crimean sover- 
eignty over the Cerkes, but this did not prevent 
their sending orders and granting titles to the 
Circassian chieftains as vassal begs (see Belleten, 
no. 46, 399). In 978/1570 Selim II wrote to the Czar 
not to interfere with the Cerkes, his subjects 
(Belleten, 400). 

In 1076/1665, on his way from Taman to Albrus, 
Ewliya Celebi (vii, 698-768) found first the Noghays 
in Coban-eli then Shkageh tribe (cf. J. Klaproth, 
Voyage, i, 238) on the Black Sea coast, Great and 
Small Zhana tribes at the foot of the Hayko moun- 
tains, and further east Khatukay, Ademi, Takaku ( ?), 
Bolatkay, Bozoduk (Pzhedukh), Mamshugh (?), 
Besney (Besleney), and Kabartay tribes. He also 
reported that in this period the Kalmuk raids caused 
the Cerkes tribes in the Kuban and Kabartay 
regions to retreat to the inaccessible parts of the 
mountains, while in the west the Cossacks were 
pressing hard the Cerkes in the lower Kuban and 
the Tamam peninsula. 

When from the early 18th century onwards Cir- 
cassia was seriously threatened by Russian expansion 
they became more and more co-operative with the 
Ottomans. In 1 148/1735 they repulsed the Russian 
forces on the other side of the Kuban. But with the 
treaty of Kuciik-Kaynardja in 1188/1774 the Otto- 
mans recognized the independence of the Crimean 
Khanate with its dependencies north to the Kuban 
which in 1 197-1783 were annexed by Russia. The 
Kabartays were already in Russian control in 
1 188/1774. 

In order to form a defence line against the Russians 
on the Kuban the Ottomans were now much in- 
terested in Circassia and built or rebuilt the for- 
tresses of Soghudjuk (Sudjuk), Gelendjik, Noghay, 
and Anapa in 1 196/1782 and tried to reorganize the 
Cerkes as well as the newly arrived Tatar immigrants 
from the Crimea and the Noghays from Dobrudja. 
Ferah c Ali Pasha (1196/1782-1 199/1785), an admi- 
nistrator of unusual ability, encouraged his Ottoman 
soldiers to establish family ties with the Cerkes 
which strengthened Ottoman influence and furthered 
the spread of Islam among the Cerkes. Anapa 

rapidly developed as the chief commercial centre of 
the area. Meantime Shavkh Mansur, a forerunner of 
Shaykh Shamil [q.v.] in the Cecen area found a 
response among the Cerkes for his preaching of the 
Holy War against the Russians (for this period see 
the important account of Mehmed Hashim, the 
Diwdn Kdtib of Ferah 'All Pasha, MS. in Topkapt, 
Revan, no. 1564, cf. Djewdet, Ta'rikh, iii, 168-272). 
During the Ottoman-Russian war of 1201-1206/ 
1787-1792 a Khanate of Kuban was created with the 
Tatars under Shahbaz Giray while the Cerkes co- 
operated with the Ottoman army under Battal 
Huseyin Pasha and won some successes. But in the 
end Anapa, the main Ottoman base, fell (1205/1791). 
With the peace treaty the Kuban river was fixed as 
the border line between the Russian and Ottoman 
empires. After the peace, while the Ottomans 
neglected the area, the Russians formed a line of 
fortresses along the border and settled large groups 
of Cossacks there. At the same time they annexed 
Georgia and, taking control of the Daryal Pass, 
encircled Circassia. By the treaty of Adrianople 
1 245/1829 the Ottomans had to give up their rights 
on Circassia in favour of Russia. The Circassians, 
however, sustained a long and fierce struggle against 
the invaders until 1281/1864 and, according to an 
Ottoman report, 595,000 Circassians left their 
country for Turkey between 1272/1856 and 1281/ 
1864. These were settled in Anatolia as well as in 
Rumeli (see Bulgaria). According to the census of 
1945 there were in Turkey 66,691 Circassians still 
speaking their mother-tongue. Under the Ottomans, 
especially from the 17th century onwards, Circassian 
slaves occupied an important place in the Ottoman 
ttul [q.v.] system and many of them reached high 
positions in the state (see Ta?rikh-i 'Atd, 5 vols. 
Istanbul 1291-1293). 

Bibliography: Idris Bidlisi, Hasht Behisht 
(Babinger, 48), Kemal Pashazade, Tawdrikh-i 
Al-i '■Othman, facsimile ed., TTK Ankara 1954, 
520; 'All, Kunh al-Akhbdr, (Babinger, 129); 
Ewliya Celebi, Seydhatndme, vii, Istanbul 1928, 
698-767; Katib Celebi, Djihdn-numd, Istanbul 
1 145, 403; Mehmed Hashim, Ahwdl-i Abdzd ve 
Cerdkise, Topkapl Sarayl, Revan kit. no. 1564; 
Risdla fi ahwdl-i Klrim wa Kuban, Atlf Ef. Kiitii- 
phanesi, no. 1886; A. Djewdet, Ta'rikh, 12 vols. 
Istanbul 1271-1301; idem, Kirim we Kafkas 
Ta'rikhCesi, Istanbul 1307; Nuh al-Matrukl, Niir 
al-Makdbis fi Tawdrikh al-Cerdkis, Kazan 1912; 
L. Widerszal, British Policy in the Western 
Caucasus, 1833-1842, Warsaw 1933; N. A. 
Smirnov, Rossiya i Turtsiya v XVI-XVII vv. 
2 vols. Moscow 1948; E. N. Kusheva, Politika 
Russkogo gosudarstva na sevemom Kavkaze v 
I 552-53 gg-, in Istoriceskiye Zapiski, xxxiv (1950), 
236-87; H. Inalcik, Osmanh-Rus Rekabetinin 
Mensei ve Don-Volga Kanali Tesebbusu, in 
Belleten 46 (1948), 349-402; W. E. D. Allen and 
P. Muratoff, Caucasian Battlefields, Cambridge 
1953; Mirza Bala, art. Cerkesler, in IA. 

(Halil Inalcik) 
CERKES EDHEM, Cerkes Reshid, and Cerkes 
Mehmed Tewfik, Turkish guerrilla leaders, sons of a 
Circassian farmer in Emre near Karacabey (wildyet 
of Bursa). Reshid, the oldest, was born in 1869 (or 
1877 ?— see T.B.M.M. 25a yildoniimunu ams 
[1945], 63), Edhem, the youngest, in 1883-4. Reshid 
fought with the Ottoman forces in Libya and the 
Balkans, where he was "Deputy Commander in 
Chief" for the provisional government of Western 
Thrace (September 1913), and sat for Saruhan in 


Cerkes edhem - 

the last Ottoman Chamber and the Ankara National 
Assembly. All three brothers took leading parts in 
the nationalist guerrilla movement, Edhem dis- 
tinguishing himself against the Greeks at Salihli 
and Anzavur's Kuwwa-yl Mehmediyye (summer 
1919) and in suppressing the anti-Kemalist revolts 
at Diizce and Yozgad (spring 1920). As Commander 
of Mobile Forces (Kuwwa-yi Seyydre, with his 
brother Tewfik as deputy) he came into increasingly 
sharp conflict with the regular army command, 
especially after Edhem's defeat by the Greeks at 
Gediz (24 October 1920) and the appointment of 
Ismet [tnonii] as commander-in-chief of the Western 
front. An ad-hoc commission of the National Assem- 
bly failed to resolve the dispute. After a decisive 
clash with the Turkish regulars (Kutahya, 29 
December), Edhem, his brothers, and several 
hundred Circassian guerrillas fled behind the Greek 
lines (5 January 1921). The Ankara Assembly 
denounced the brothers as traitors and expelled 
Reshid; later the brothers were among the 150 
persons (yuzellilikler) excepted from the amnesty 
provisions of the Lausanne Treaty of 1923. Edhem 
and Reshid went to Greece, Germany, various Arab 
countries, and eventually to 'Amman. In 1935 they 
were briefly detained there under suspicion of 
plotting against Ataturk, and in 1941 Edhem was 
again detained in 'Amman because of his support of 
the movement of Rashld 'Ali in 'Iraq. He died of 
throat cancer in 'Amman on 7 October 1949. Reshid 
returned to Turkey after the Democrat Party 
victory of 1950 and died in Ankara in 1951. Tewfik 
spent his exile years in Haifa as an oil refinery 
n and died soon after his return to Turkey 

Bibliography: Tevfik Biyikhoglu, Trakyd>da 
mittt miicadele, Ankara 1955-56, i, 77 f., 87; ii, 
30 f. ; [Cerkes Edhem], Qerkes Ethem hadisesi, ed. 
Cemal Kutay, i-iii, Istanbul 1956; Yunus Nadi, 
Qerkes Ethem kuvvetlerinin ihaneti (Ataturk 
Kiituphanesi 16), Istanbul 1955; Ali Fuad Cebesoy, 
Milli miicadele hahralari, Istanbul 1953, 403-09, 
452, 466-70, 497-505; Kemal [Ataturk], Nutuk, 
1934 edn., ii, 9, 27-85; OM, xv, 572; D. A. Rustow 
in World Politics, xi, 513-552 (1959); private 
communication from Reshid's son Arslan in 
Manshiyya, Jordan, April i960, courtesy of 
Messrs. Waleed and Abdel-Kader Tash. 

(D. A. Rustow) 
CERKES [see muhammad pasha cerkes] 
CESHME. a Persian word meaning "source, 
fountain" which has passed into Turkish with the 
same sense. It is the name of a market-town in Asia 
Minor with a wide and safe natural harbour on the 
Mediterranean coast, at the entrance to the Gulf 
of the same name, at the north-western extremity 
of the peninsula of Urla opposite the island of Chios, 
26 20' W., 38 23' N. It is the chief town of a kaza 
in the vilayet of Izmir. The town has (1950) 3,706 
inhabitants; the kaza, 12,337. Originally part of the 
principality (later sandjak) of Aydln, it was Ottoman 
from the time of Bayazid II. There is a citadel with 
a mosque of Bayazid II, of 914/1508. The present 
town, which is quite modern, occupies the site of 
the ancient harbour of Erythrae. There are hot 
springs at Ilidja. 

A Russian fleet of nine ships of the line and a few 
frigates, divided into three squadrons commanded 
by Spiridov, Alexis Orlov and Elphinston, which 
sailed from Kronstad to aid the rebel Mainots, 
attacked the Turkish fleet at Ceshme. The Turkish 
fleet consisted of sixteen ships of the line besides 

frigates and small craft and was commanded by the 
JCapudan-Pasha Husam al-Din with Djeza'irli 
Hasan Pasha and Dja'far Bey. The Russian and 
Turkish flagships both caught fire at the same 
moment and those of the crew who could saved 
themselves by swimming (n Rabi' I 1183/5 July 
1770). The remainder of the Turkish fleet was set 
on fire the following night. This defeat of the Turks 
at Ceshme was the fore-runner of the Peace of 
Kiiciik Kaynardja. 

Bibliography: Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme 

ix, 107 f. ; 'Ali Djewad, Dioehrdfivd lughdti, 308; 

von Hammer, Histoire de I'Empire Ottoman, vol. 

xvi, 252 = vol. viii, 358 of German edition; Baron 

de Tott, Mimoires, iii, 35 ff. ; v. Cuinet, Turquie 

d'As e, vol. iii, 488 ff.; I A, iii, 386-88 (by M. C. 

Sehabeddin Tekindag) where further references 

are given; for a detailed discussion of the naval 

battle see R. C. Anderson, Naval Wars in the 

Levant, Princeton 1952, 286 ff. 

(Cl. Huart-[Fr. Taeschner]) 

CESHMlZADE, Mustafa Rashid, Ottoman histo- 
rian and poet, one of a family of '■ulama' founded by 
the Kddi'asker of Rumelia, Ceshmi Mehmed Efendi 
(d. 1044/1634) A grandson of the Shaykh al-Isldm 
Mehmed Salih Efendi, and the son of a kadi in the 
Hidjaz, he entered the 'Ilmiyye profession, and 
held various legal and teaching posts. After the 
resignation of the Imperial historiographer Mehmed 
Hakim Efendi [q.v.], he was appointed to this office, 
which he held for a year and a half. He then returned 
to his teaching career, which culminated in his 
appointment as miiderris at the Dar al-Hadith of the 
Sulaymaniyye. His history, which covers the period 
1180-82/1766-68, was used by Wasif [q.v.]. The 
Turkish text was first published by Bekir Kiitukoglu 
in 1959; but a Swedish translation of his account of 
the war in Georgia in 1180-2/1766-8, with a brief 
account of some events in Cyprus, Egypt and 
Medina, was included by M. Norberg in his Turkiska 
Rikets Annaler, v, Hernosand 1822, 1416-1424. He 
died in Sha'bSn 1184/Nov. 1770, and was buried at 
Rumeli Hisari. 

Bibliographie : B. Kiitukoglu (ed.), Qesmiz&de 

Tarihi, Istanbul 1959; Sidjill-i '■Othmani, ii, 389; 

'■Othmanli Muellifleri, iii, 45; Babinger 302. 

(B. Lewis) 

CEUTA [see sabta] 

CEYLON. The Muslims constitute only 6.63% 
of Ceylon's population — roughly 550,000 out of a 
total of 8,000,000. Of this community, which is 
multi-racial in its composition, the Ceylon Moors 
form the most significant element and count 463,963. 
The Malays are the next in importance. They 
number 25,464. Nearly all of the remaining groups 
are of Indian origin; their ancestors first came to 
Ceylon after the British occupation of its Maritime 
Provinces during the 18th century. 

As a result of the insufficiency of available evidence 
and the lack of sustained effort and encouragement 
in respect of the investigations involved, which 
require a good knowledge of several languages, each 
of them with a different background and most of 
them with distinctive characters, the ethnology of 
the Ceylon Moors has yet remained an inadequately 
explored field of research. A scientific and com- 
prehensive treatment of the subject would indeed 
illumine some of the obscure aspects of Ceylon's 
history — e.g., the nature and extent of the contacts 
the Muslims of Ceylon (Moors) had for several 
with their brethren in faith in lands far 
; the political relations which Ceylon 

through these Muslims maintained with the Muslim 
World particularly during its period of glory; and 
the volume of Ceylon's external and internal trade 
and its geographical distribution during the early 

The Muslims of Ceylon were given the appellation 
of 'Moors' by the Portuguese who first came to 
Ceylon in 1505 and encountered these Muslims as 
their immediate rivals to trade and influence. This 
name, however, has persisted, having gained cur- 
rency in Ceylon through its wide use by the Colonial 
Powers concerned, even though this term 'Moors' had 
been previously unknown among the Muslims them- 
selves. 'Sonahar' was the name familiar to them, 
deriving its origin from 'Yavanar', an Indian word 
connoting foreigners especially Greeks or Arabs. 

These Moors were the descendants of Arab settlers 
whose numbers were later augmented by local 
converts and immigrant Muslims from South India. 
With regard to the date of the arrival of the first 
Arab settlers, Sir Alexander Johnstone holds that 
it was during the early part of the 2nd/8th century. 
"The first Mohammedans who settled in Ceylon were, 
according to the tradition which prevails amongst 
their descendants, a portion of those Arabs of the 
house of Hashim who were driven from Arabia in 
the early part of the eighth century by the tyranny 
of the Caliph c Abd al-Melek b. Merwan, and who, 
preceeding from the Euphrates southward, made 
settlements in the Concan, in the southern parts of 
the peninsula of India, on the island of Ceylon and 
at Malacca. The division of them which came to 
Ceylon formed eight considerable settlements along 
the north-east, north, and western coasts of that 
island; viz: one at Trincomalee, one at Jaffna, one 
at Mautotte and Mannar, one at Coodramalle, one 
at Putlam, one at Colombo, one at Barbareen and 
onr at Point-de-Galle." 

The presence of these settlers is strikingly corro- 
borated by the accounts found in Muslim sources 
with regard to the proximate cause of the Arab 
conquest of Sind, during the time of Caliph al- 
Walid. His governor, al-Hadjdjadj of 'Irak, initiated 
this conquest, under the leadership of c Imad al-Din 
Muhammad b. Kasim, as a punishment for the 
plunder of the ships that carried the families of the 
Arabs who had died in Ceylon, together with presents 
from the King of Ceylon to the Caliph. 

It is reasonable to suppose that during the 2nd/ 
8th century and subsequent centuries these Arabs 
came in increasing numbers and settled down in 
Ceylon without entirely losing touch with the areas 
of their origin. Ceylon exercized a special fascination 
on these seafaring Arabs as a commercial junction 
of importance which afforded possibilities of profi- 
table trade in pearls, gems, spices and other valued 
articles. Settlement was encouraged by the tolerant 
and friendly attitude of the rulers and people of the 

After the sack of Baghdad in 1258 A.D., Arab 
activities in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean 
diminished considerably. Muslim influence, however, 
did not thereby cease entirely. It began to emanate 
from India where by the 7th/i3th century the 
Muslims had firmly established themselves along 
the western coast and possessed a virtual monopoly 
of external trade. 

It may therefore be concluded that the Muslims 
of Ceylon began, as a result, to rely on India for 
their cultural leadership as well as for their commer- 
cial contacts. An Indian element was thus added 
into the composition of the local Muslim (Moor) 

community. Despite the racial admixture that took 
place in consequence and the new manners and 
customs that were acquired, the individuality of 
the community was preserved on account of the 
cherished memory of its Arab origin and the emphasis 
that was placed on Islam as the base of its communal 

These Muslims were not treated as aliens, but 
were favoured for the commercial and political 
contacts with other countries they gained for Ceylon, 
for the revenue they brought to the country and the 
foreign skills they secured, e.g., medicine and 
weaving. Besides they encouraged local trade by 
the introduction of new crafts, e.g., gem-cutting and 
of improved methods of transport, e.g., thavalam- 
carriage-bullocks. They were therefore allowed to 
establish their local settlements, e.g., Colombo, 
Barberyn, with a measure of autonomy and with 
special privileges. The important seaports of Ceylon 
were virtually controlled by these Muslims (Moors). 

With the advent of the Portuguese in 1505 the 
Muslims (Moors) suffered a change in their status 
from which they never again recovered. The Portu- 
guese regarded them as their rivals in trade and 
enemies in faith. The Dutch who superseded the 
former as rulers of the sea-board were not prepared 
to give the Muslims even a small share of their 
commercial gains and therefore promulgated harsh 
regulations to keep them down. Deprived of their 
traditional occupation, many of them were forced 
to take to agriculture. To this could be mainly 
attributed the concentrations of Muslim peasantry 
in areas like Batticaloa. 

It was during the Dutch period the Malays — who 
form an important element of the Muslim community 
of Ceylon — came to Ceylon, many of them brought 
by the Dutch as soldiers to fight for them and some 
as exiles for political reasons. When the Dutch 
capitulated to the British, the Malay soldiers joined 
the British regiments specially formed. On their 
disbandment the Malays settled down in Ceylon. 
Their separate identity has been preserved by the 
Malay language which they still speak in their homes. 

The British did not follow the undiluted policy 
of proselytization pursued by the Portuguese. Nor 
were the British so harsh as the Dutch in their 
economic exploitation of Ceylon. To that extent, 
under the new rulers, the Muslims fared better. Yet 
they could not gain any special favour, on account 
of their irreconcilable attitude towards the ways 
and culture of the West which they identified with 
Christianity. This, no doubt, handicapped the 
Muslims severely in the political, economic and 
educational spheres but ensured the preservation 
of their communal individuality despite the 
smallness of their numbers and the loss of cul- 
tural contacts with the Muslim World. As a result 
till about the beginning of the current century 
the Muslims of Ceylon remained culturally isolated, 
educationally backward and politically insignificant. 

The Muslims, however, could not continue to 
ignore the trend of events taking place in Ceylon 
and India. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, who founded 
in 1875 the Mohamedan Anglo-Oriental College, was 
the leader of the Aligarh Movement in India with 
its emphasis on educational reforms. Arumuga 
Navalar, who countered the efforts of the Christian 
Missionaries in North Ceylon, established in 1872 an 
English school under Hindu management. The 
Buddhist Theosophical Society established an 
English school in 1886 which finally developed into 
the present Ananda College, Colombo. In this 

ceylon — Chat 

year the Anagarika Dharmapala who was actively 
associated with the inauguration of this Society 
resigned his Government post to devote his entire 
time to Buddhist activities. During this period the 
Muslims of Ceylon had in M. C. Siddi Lebbe a leader 
of vision who understood the significance of these 
changes. He had for several years canvassed the 
opinion of his co-religionists for a new educational 
approach but he had not been heeded. It was at this 
time, in 1883, that c Ur5bi Pasha [q.v.] came as an 
exile to Ceylon. He provided a powerful stimulus 
for a reappraisal on the part of the Muslims of 
Ceylon in regard to their attitude towards modern 
education and Western culture. All these together 
culminated in the establishment in 1892 of Al- 
Madrasa al-Zahira under the patronage of 'UrabI 
Pasha which has since blossomed into Zahira 
College, Colombo. 

The Ceylon Muslims — apart from isolated in- 
stances — belong to the Shafi'i school of Sunnis. In 
the realm of Law the following special enactments 
pertaining to them may be cited — the Mohammedan 
Code of 1806 relating to matters of succession, 
inheritance etc., Mohammedan Marriage Registration 
Ordinance no. 8 of 1886 repealed by Ordinance 
no. 27 of 1929 and now superseded by the Muslim 
Marriage and Divorce Act no. 13 of 195 1 which 
confers upon the Kadis appointed by the Govern- 
ment exclusive jurisdiction in respect of marriages 
and divorces, the status and mutual rights and 
obligations of the parties; the Muslim Intestate 
Succession Ordinance no. 10 of 1931 and the Muslim 
Mosques and Charitable Trusts or Wakfs Act no. 51 
ol 1956 which provides a separate Government 
Department with a purely Muslim Executive Board. 
Of these the Mohammedan Code of 1806 is of special 
value to students of Islamic Civilization, for it 
contains many provisions which are in conflict with 
the principles of Muslim law stated in standard text 
books on that subject. Wherever such conflict 
occurs the view has been taken that it is the duty 
of the courts in Ceylon to give effect to the provisions 
of the Code, which formed the statute law of this 
country, although they may clash with well-esta- 
blished principles of Muslim law." 

Tamil is the home-language of the great majority 
of the Muslims of Ceylon. In the Tamil language 
as spoken and written by the Muslims of Ceylon 
and of South India, a number of Arabic words are 
used, which in many cases have displaced their pure 
Tamil equivalents. The term Arabic-Tamil has 
therefore gained currency to indicate the Tamil of 
the Muslims. At one time Arabic-Tamil was written 
in the Arabic script, j ^ ; J being improvised 
to denote four Tamil sounds unknown to Arabic, 
and being represented by 6_, 5 by }6_, e by 6 and 
a by ,j=6. Today Arabic Tamil is being generally 
written in the Tamil alphabet with or without 
diacritical marks. The literature of the Muslims of 
Ceylon has to be treated as part of the Arabic-Tamil 
literature of South India. Although Ceylon has 
produced its quota of poets and writers in Arabic- 
Tamil none has reached the stature of their well- 
known South Indian counterparts. 

The Muslims of Ceylon received their first political 
recognition when in 1889 a nominated seat was 
assigned to them in the Legislative Council. This 
representation was increased to 3 elected members 
in 1924. The Donoughmore Constitution of 1931 
abolished communal representation but the Soulbury 
Constitution of 1947 envisaged a certain measure 

of communal representation through territorial 
electorates specially delimitated. In the present 
House of Representatives, elected in 1956, there are 
7 Muslim M.P.s among 95 territorially elected 

Bibliography: Tennent, Ceylon. An Account 
of the I stand- Physical, Historical and Topogra- 
phical, London 1859; Fr. S. G. Perera, City of 
Colombo 1505-1656, Ceylon Historical Association 
1926 ; Inductions from Governor-General and Council 
of India to the Governor of Ceylon, 1656-1665, 
Colombo 1908 ; Queyroz, The Temporal and Spiritual 
Conquest of Ceylon, Colombo 1930; I. L. M. Abdul 
Azeez, A Criticism of Mr. Ramanathan's Ethnology 
of the Moors of Ceylon, Colombo 1907; M. M. 
Uwise, Muslim Contribution to Tamil Literature, 
Ceylon 1953; M. C. Siddi Lebbe, Muslim Neisan. 
An Arabic Tamil Weekly. (1882-1889), Ceylon; 
Ceylon Census Reports 1901, 1911, 1946; Report 
of the Special Commission on the Ceylon Constitution 
1928, His Majesty's Stationery Office; Report of 
the Commission on Constitutional Reform, Cmd 6677, 
J 945; Jennings & Tambiah, The Dominion of 
Ceylon, London 1952 ; Tamil Lexicon, University 
of Madras 1928; Massignon, Annnaire du Monde 
Musulmon, 155. (A. M. A. Azeez) 

CEYREK, a corruption of Persian laharyak (1/4), 
has in Turkish the special meaning of a quarter of 
an hour, or a coin, also known as the beshlik, or five 
piastre piece, originally the quarter of a medjidiyye, 
introduced in 1260/1844 during the reign of c Abd 
al-MadjId and issued by the succeeding rulers until 
the end of the Ottoman Empire. The silver leyrek 
had a fineness of 830, weighed 6.13 grams and 
measured 24 mm. in diameter. (G. C. Miles) 

CHAM [see cam] 

CHAT, an ancient town, situated on the bank 
of the Ghaggar and 14 miles from Ambala (India), 
is now practically desolate, with the exception of 
a few huts of Gudjdjars (milk-sellers) and other 
low-caste people atop a prehistoric mound, still 
unexcavated. It was a mahdll in the sarkdr of 
Sirhind, suba of Dihli, during the reign of Akbar, 
with a cultivable area of 158,749 bighas yielding a 
revenue of 750,994 dams annually. Its name suggests 
that in pre-Muslim days it was a settlement of 
Chattas, i.e., Chatlaris (more accurately Kshattriyas), 
a martial Hindu tribe. Apart from being a flourishing 
town peopled mainly by the Afghans and the Radjputs 
it was, during the early Mughal period, a military 
station garrisoned by 650 cavalry and 1,100 infantry. 
Its history is closely connected with that of Banur 
[q.v.] only 4 miles away. During the Sayyid and 
LodI periods, as the vast ruins, the dilapidated 
but very spacious Djami' Masdjid of the pre-Mughal 
period and the extensive grave-yard indicate, 
it was a town of considerable importance, and 
became the seat of one of the four branches of the 
Sayyids of Barha, called the Chat-Banurl or Chat- 
rawdi Sayyids, of whom Sayyid Abu '1-Fadl WasitI 
was the first to settle in this town (see AHn-i Akbari, 
vol. i, transl. Blochmann, 430-1). In 1121/1709 it 
was over-run and laid almost completely waste by 
the Sikhs under general Banda Bayragl. Shaykh 
Muhammad Da'im, the commandant of Ambala, 
who encountered the Sikh army was defeated and 
fled in dismay to Lahore. The most wanton 
cruelties were perpetrated on the inhabitants of 
Chat and Banur and very few escaped the sword 
or forced apostasy. Since then Chat has remained 
a dependency of Patiala and has never regained 
its lost prosperity. Al-Bada'uni (Eng. transl. iii 47) 

Chat — chitral 

mentions one Shaykh Da'ud of ChatI, but appa- 
rently Chati has been misread for Djuhni, more 
accurately Djuhniwal, once a small town in the 
pargana of Multan, and the translator has ob- 
viously confounded Chat. 

Bibliography: Abu '1-Fadl, AHn-i Akbari 
(Eng., transl. Blochmann and Jarrett), i 428, 
430-1, ii, 70, iii, 296; al-Bada'uni, Muntahhab al- 
Tawdrlkh (Eng. transl.) iii, 47 n 4 ; History of the 
Freedom Movement, Karachi 1957, i, 145 (where 
other references are given) ; Gokul Chand Narang, 
Transformation of Sikhism, Lahore 1912, 174-6; 
James Brown, India Tracts (London), 9-10; 
S. 'Alamdar Husayn WasitI, Hadika-i Wdsitiyya 
(Ms. Rida Library, Rampur); Settlement Report 
(Banur Tehsil), Patiala 1904; Patiala State 
Gazetteer, s.v.; Hari Ram Gupta, Later Mughal 
History of the Panjab, Lahore 1944, 46; Kh w 5fi 
Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubdb (Bibliotheca Indica), 
ii, 652-3 ; Bdbur-nama (Eng. transl. A. S. Beveridge), 
ii, 645 (there it is written as Chitr). 

(A. S. Bazmee Ansari) 
CHATR, CHATTAR [see mizalla] 
CHECHAOUEN [see shafshawanI 
CHERCHELL [see sharshal] 
CHESS [see shatrandj] 
CHINA [see al-sIn] 
CHIOS [see saijIz] 

CHITRAL (Citral), a princely state and a feder- 
ated unit of the Republic of Pakistan, situated between 
35° 15' and 37° 8' N. and 71° 22' and 74° 6' E. with 
an area of about 4,500 sq. miles, and a population 
of 105,000 in 1951, contiguous to Soviet Russia, 
Afghanistan and the Peoples' Republic of China. 
The state takes its name from the capital city, 
Citral, also known as Kashkar or Citrar, two ancient 
names still in favour with the people who call 
themselves Kashkaris. The origin of Kashkar is not 
known; the theory that it is composed of Kdsh — a 
demon and ghdr — a cave must be dismissed as 
absurd. The Chinese, after their conquest sometime 
in the first century B.C., called the area Citar, said 
to mean a green garden. Babur, in his memoirs, 
uses the same word for Chat [q.v.], apparently struck 
by the large number of flower-gardens in and around 
the town (Bdbur-ndma, transl. A. S. Beveridge, i, 
383). The state, with an estimated annual income 
of 13,000,000 rupees, is now commonly known as 
Citral; although the natives still prefer the older 
form Citrar. 

A mountainous country, its ice-caps and glaciers 
are a permanent source of water-supply for the lush 
green valleys of the Hindu-Kush whose off-shoots 
divide Citral into several orographic regions. 
Bounded by the unnamed kiihistdns of Dir and Swat 
(qq.v), the Himalayas and the Karakoram Range 
there are many famous passes and peaks in Citral. 
The Durah Pass (14,500 ft.) leads to Badakhshan 
[q.v.] and is open for only three months in the year. 
From ancient times it has served as an important 
caravan route between Citral and the Central Asia. 
The Baroghil pass (12,500 ft.) across the Yarkhun 
valley connects China and Soviet Russia with 
Citral and caravans from Kashghar and Khotan 
[qq.v.] were a common sight till recently. The other 
important passes are Shandur (12,500 ft.) and 
Lowara'I (10,230 ft.) which lead to Gilgit and Dlr 
respectively. The Lowara'I pass, the only link 
between Citral and the rest of West Pakistan, 
remains snow-bound for at least seven months in 
the year, and when open it can only be negotiated by 
jeep traffic. During the snow-bound period travellers 

cross into Citral on foot and merchandise is carried 

The main occupation of the people is agriculture 
or cattle-grazing, though the state is rich in mineral 
and forest wealth, which awaits large-scale exploi- 
tation. There are believed to be considerable deposits 
of antimony, iron-ore, lead, sulphur, mica, crystal and 
orpiment. The Ta'rikh-i Citral mentions gold, silver, 
lapis-lazuli, topaz and also turquoise among the 
rare minerals found. 

Communications are a great problem] -no roads 
worthy of the name exist. However, a good motor 
road, mainly for strategic purposes, is under con- 
>s the Lowara'I Pass and is expected 
be completed by the end of 1959. A proposal to 
all-weather road, through a tunnel 
under the Lowara'I Pass, connecting Peshawar with 
Citral, was also mooted but, in view of the huge 
cost involved, has been abandoned. 

Since her accession to Pakistan in 1947, Citral 
has made rapid progress in almost all spheres of life. 
There are now 85 regular schools including two high 
schools and two ddr al-'uliims for religious instruc- 
tion, as compared to two middle schools and a few 
maktabs before accession. Education up to matri- 
culation standard is free, and facilities are also 
provided for higher education outside the state. 
Two well-equipped hospitals and a number of 
dispensaries have been opened to provide free 
medical aid to the people. Small-scale and cottage 
industries have been set up and a fruit-crushing 
factory has been established at Dolomus, near 
Citral. Other measures for raising the standard of 
living of the people have also been taken. 

Very little is known about the early history of 
Citral. The aborigines have been called Pishacas and 
described as cannibals. They are said to have been 
subdued by the Chinese in the first century B. C. 
Nothing reliable is known thereafter till the 3rd/ 
10th century when we have archaeological evidence 
to prove that Citral was under the sway of king 
Djaypal of Kabul in 287/900 and that the people 
were Buddhists. Cinglz Khan is also said to have 
made inroads into Citral, but this lacks historical 

The founder of the present ruling dynasty was one 
Baba Ayyub, an alleged grandson of Babur, who 
after the departure of his father, Mirza Kamran, 
to Mecca, wandered into Citral and took up service 
with the ruling monarch, a prince of the Ra'islyya 
dynasty. His grandson Sangln 'All I is said to have 
found favour with the ruler, who appointed him his 
first subject. Gradually he assumed great power, 
and on his death in 978/1570 his two sons Muhammad 
Rida 5 and Muhammad Beg succeeded to the offices 
he had held. On the death of the Ra'Isiyya prince, 
Muhammad Rida' became the virtual ruler, but soon 
after he was murdered by his nephews for the 
excesses which he had perpetrated against them 
and their father, Muhammad Beg. In 993/1585 
Muhtaram Shah I, one of the sons of Muhammad 
Beg, peacefully dethroned the last Ra'Isiyya ruler 
of Citral, whose descendants he deported to Badakh- 
shan, and himself assumed the reins of government. 
In 1024/1615 Mahmud b. Nasir Ra'isiyya attacked 
Citral with a large force of BadakhshSnl troops, 
defeated Muhtaram Shah I, granted him pardon but 
expelled him from Citral. In 1030/1620 Muhtaram 
Shah I returned to Citral after murdering Mahmud 
Ralsiyya, only to be attacked for the second time 
in 1044/1634. Subsequently Muhtaram Shah I had to 
leave the country because of the defection of his 

troops. He was driven from pillar to post and was 
ultimately killed in an encounter with the people 
of Gilgit [q.v.], who were, however, very severely 
punished in 1124/1712 by his son and successor 
Sangin c Ali II, for the murder of his father. Sangln 
'AH II, having despaired of regaining his lost 
principality went to Afghanistan, then a province 
of the Indian Mughal empire. 

On the accession of Shah 'Alain Bahadur Shah I 
[see bahadur shah I] to the throne of Delhi, Sangln 
'AH II came down to India and entered in 1120/1708 
the service of Shah 'Alam, who appointed him 
custodian of the shrine of Ahmad Sirhindl [q.v.]. 
With the monetary assistance rendered by the 
Mughal emperor Sangln 'All II was able to enrol 
Swat levies who helped him reconquer the lost 
territory. Sangln 'AH II was murdered in 1 158/1745 
by some members of the Ralsiyya dynasty and 
was followed by a number of weak and effete rulers. 
In 1189/1775 Framarz Shah, a nephew of Muhtaram 
Shah I, came to the throne. He was a military 
adventurer and led a number of campaigns against 
the neighbouring territories of Gilgit, Nagar and 
Kafiristan. He also attacked Caght Serai in Afgha- 
nistan and occupied it after a fierce battle. He was 
murdered in 1205/1790 by one of his uncles, Shah 
Afdal, who occupied the throne. On his death in 
12 10/1795 his brother Shah Fadil succeeded him. 
Then follows a series of internecine battles, and the 
picture becomes so confused that it is difficult to 
follow the events with historical precision. 

Shah Fadil was succeeded in 1213/1798 by Shah 
Nawaz Khan, his nephew, who repulsed with heavy 
losses an attack on Citral in 1223/1808 by Khayr 
Allah Khan b. 'Ismat Allah Khan, one of his cousins. 
He was, however, forced to quit the throne but was 
proclaimed ruler for the third time in 1234/1818. 
In the meantime Muhtaram Shah II, one of the 
brothers of Shah Nawaz, had become a prominent 
figure in state affairs. Citral was then divided into 
small units each under a local chieftain, the most 
powerful of whom was Mulk Aman, the ruler of 
Citral proper. On his death in 1249/1833 Muhtaram 
Shah II, entitled Shah Kator, assumed power, 
brushing aside the minor sons of Mulk Aman. After 
a hectic and picturesque political career of 28 years 
Muhtaram Shah II, burdened with age, died in 
1 253/1837 and was succeeded by his son Shah Afdal 
II. In 1257/1841 Gawhar Aman, a son of Mulk Aman 
and ruler of Warshi^um (Yasin and Mastudj) 
unsuccessfully invaded Gilgit whose ruler appealed 
for help to his overlord, the Dogra RSdja of Kashmir. 
In 1265/1848 Gawhar Aman again attacked Gilgit 
but was forced to retire. by the Kashmir troops who 
occupied Gilgit. In 1269/1852 the inhabitants of 
Gilgit, sick of the Dogra excesses, secretly invited 
Gawhar Aman who, after a pitched battle, defeated 
the Sikhs and occupied Gilgit. 

The Maharadja of Kashmir, smarting under the 
blow, again invaded Gilgit in 1273/1856 but the very 
next year Gawhar Aman, taking advantage of the 
Kashmir ruler's preoccupation with the tumult in 
India, drove out the Sikh garrison. A series of 
skirmishes then followed, neither side gaining the 
upper hand. Meanwhile Gawhar Aman died and the 
fort of Gilgit was recaptured by the Kashmir troops 
in 1277/1860. Earlier in 1271/1854 Gulab Singh, the 
ruler of Kashmir was said to have entered into an 
alliance with Shah Afdal, the Mehtar of Citral, 
against Gawhar Aman, but this statement is without 
foundation as Shah Afdal had already passed away 
in 1270/1853 and succeeded by his son Muhtaram 

Shah III, nick-named Adam-Kh'ur (man-eater). In 
spite of his valour, generosity and prowess he was 
disliked by the people who deposed him and placed 
Aman al-Mulk on the throne. In 1285/1868 Citral 
was attacked by Mahmud Shah, the ruler of 
Badakhshan, who suffered an ignominious defeat. 
In 1296/1878 the Mehtar of Citral made an engage- 
ment with the Maharadja of Kashmir by which the 
latter acknowledged the supremacy of the former, 
accepting in return a subsidy of 12,000 rupees 
(Srinagar coinage) annually. 

In 1297/1880, after the defeat of Pahlwan Bahadur, 
ruler of Upper Citral, the entire territory became 
united for the first time under one chief, Mehtar 
Aman al-Mulk, who also became the master of 
Mastudj, Yasin and Ghizr. In 1303/ 1885-6 Citral was 
visited by the Lockhart Mission followed in 1306/ 
1888 by another under Captain Durand which was 
instrumental in getting the annual subsidy, paid by 
the Kashmir Darbar, raised to 12,000 rupees in 
1309/1891. In 1310/1892 Afdal al-Mulk succeeded 
his father, Aman al-Mulk, who had died suddenly, 
but was soon afterwards murdered by his uncle, 
Shir Afdal, who was, in turn attacked and expelled 
by Nizam al-Mulk, governor of Yasin and an elder 
brother of Afdal al-Mulk, then a refugee in Gilgit. 
In 1312/1895 Nizam al-Mulk was shot dead by his 
half-brother, Amir al-Mulk, who seized the fort. 
Citral was soon invaded by 'Umra Khan, the wall 
of Djandol and master at that time of Dir [q.v.]. He 
was joined by Shir Afdal, an exile in Afghanistan. 
Both 'Umra Khan and Shir Afdal made common 
cause against the small British Indian force which, 
according to the treaty of 1307/1889, had been 
stationed at Citral. When it was learnt that Amir 
al-Mulk had made secret overtures to 'Umra Khan 
and his ally, the British Agent placed him under 
detention and provisionally recognized Shudja' al- 
Mulk, a boy of 14 years, and a son of Aman al-Mulk 
as the Mehtar. 

The British Political Agent, with a mixed force 
of 400 native and British troops, had occupied the 
fort before placing Shudja' al-Mulk on the throne. 
The garrison attacked the forces of 'Umra Khan 
and Shir Afdal but met with little success. Then 
began the historic seige of Citral by 'Umra Khan 
and his confederates which lasted from 3 March 
1895 to 19 April 1895, and was finally raised by the 
entry into Citral of the advanced guard of the main 
relief force on 26 April 1895 which had been despat- 
ched via Malakand and Dir. Shir Afdal fell a prisoner 
into the hands of the British while 'Umra Khan 
escaped to Afghanistan. Amir al-Mulk and his 
leading men were deported to India as a punishment 
for their complicity in the trouble which necessitated 
large-scale military operations. Shudja' al-Mulk was 
confirmed as the Mehtar and since then Citral has 
enjoyed an unbroken period of peace and progress. 
During the Afghan War of 1338/1919 the Citral 
Scouts fully co-operated with the British. The 
Mehtar was allowed a sum of 100,000 rupees as his 
contribution to the expenses of the war, and the 
same year the title of His Highness, with a personal 
salute of 11 guns, was conferred on him. In 1345/1926 
the Mehtar entered into an agreement with the 
Government of India for the prevention of smuggling 
of narcotics through Dir and Swat, into British India. 

An enlightened ruler, Shudja' al-Mulk introduced 
modern amenities like electricity, tele-communica- 
tions and automobiles into the state and constructed 
roads, forts, grain godowns, irrigation channels and 
schools. He also built a Djami' Masdjid, said to be 

the most beautiful and the largest building between 
Gilgit and Peshawar. He is known as the 'Architect' 
of modern Citral. 

On his death in 1355/1936 he was succeeded by 
his son Nasir al-Mulk. A ruler endowed with literary 
taste, his Persian poetic work, the Sahlfat al-Takwin, 
a study of the theory of evolution in the light 
of the Kur'anic teachings, has won him praise and 
admiration from indigenous scholars. In 1362/1943 
his younger brother Muzaffar al-Mulk succeeded him. 
It was he who offered the accession of Citral to 
Pakistan in 1367/1947. He was succeeded by Sayf 
al-Rahman in 1369/1949 who, on his death in an 
air-crash in 1374/1954, was succeeded by his infant 
son, Sayf al-Mulk Nasir, a boy of 3 years of age. The 
state is now ruled by a Council of Regency presided 
over by the Political Agent, Malakand Agency 
through the Wazlr-i AHam, an officer appointed by 
the Government of Pakistan. 

Bibliography : Muhammad 'Aziz al-DIn, 
TdMkk-i Citral (in Urdu), Agra 1897; Imp. 
Gazetteer of India, Oxford 1908, 300-4; H. C. 
Thomson, The Chitral Campaign, London 1895; 
H. L. Nevill, Campaigns on the North-West 
Frontier, London 1912, index; G. W. Leitner, 
Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893, London n.d., 
104-6 and appendix II; C. U. Aitchison, A Collect- 
ion of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads relating 
to India, Delhi 1933, xi, 414-17; Memoranda on 
the Indian States (an official publication of the late 
Government of India), Delhi 1940, 206-10; G. 
Robertson, Chitral, London 1898 ; W. R. Robertson, 
The Chitral Expedition, Calcutta 1898; Biddulph, 
Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, Calcutta 1880; T. H. 
Holdich, The Indian Borderland, (chaps, xi, xiii), 
London 1901 ; EI', s.v. (A. S. Bazmee Ansari) 

II. Name, languages and tribes. 

Khowar Chetrar, together with corresponding 
forms in neighbouring languages, goes back to 
*Ksetrat(i ?). Sanglecl Sam-Catrad, etc. contains 
an ancient name of N. Chitral (cf. BSOS, vi, 44 if.). 

Of the 105,529 (1951) inhabitants of Chitral the 
great majority (90,000) speak Khowar, the language 
of the Kho tribe and of the state. It extends east of 
the Shandur pass as far as Ghizr in Yasln. Khowar 
is an Indo-Aryan language of archaic type, cf., e.g., 
iron hip, aSru tear, hardi heart, iSpaSur father-in-law, 

tc. But it contains, apart from more 

recent borrow- 

lgs from'Pers., Ar. and Hind., also 1 

he Pamir dialects, as well as a num 

er of words of 

iddle Iranian origin. Some words 

are borrowed 

om, or shared with Burushaski 

ind Sina, and 

ords ai 

•oi u 

Other Indo-Aryan languages are: Kalasa (3,000) 
spoken, mainly by pagans, in two dialects in the 
side-valleys of S. Chitral. Kalasa is closely related 
to Khowar. The Kalas are said to have occupied 
Chitral right up to Resun, and to have been pushed 
back within the last few hundred years by the Khos, 
whose original home was in Torikho and Mulikho in 
N. Chitral. — Phalura (Dangarik) (3,000) is spoken in 
some side valleys of S. E. Chitral by original immi- 
grants from Cilas. It is an archaic form of Sina. — 
Gawar-Bati is spoken at Arandu, close to the Afghan 
border, and also across it. In the same neighbourhood 
we find Darnell in one village.— Gudjuri (2,000) is 
spoken by Gudjur herdsmen who have filtered 
through from Swat and Dir. 

Kati, a Kafir language, has been introduced into 
S. Chitral within the last few generations by settlers 


from Kamdesh and the upper Bashgal valley in 

Iranian languages: Persian (Badakhshi) (1,000) at 
Madaglasht in the Shishi Kuh valley.— Pashto (at 
least 4,000) in the Arandu district. — Wakhi, spoken 
by a few settlers in upper Yarkhun. Yidgha, an 
offshoot of MundjI in Mundjan, is spoken by the 
Yidgh (Idagh, etc.) tribe, settled since long in the 
upper Lotkuh valley, below the Dorah pass. 

At a not too remote date we must suppose that 
Chitral was divided between Khos and Kalases, and 
the ancestors of these languages must have been 
introduced from N.W. India at a very early stage 
of development. A couple of short Sanskrit inscrip- 
tions have been found. Khowar has no written 
literature, [except a translation of the Gandj-i 
Pashto (Calc, 1902, romanized), and a short 
prayer book in Urdu script (Nimei, 1958)-] But the 
language is rich in songs and popular tales (silogh < 

With the exception of most Kalases the inhabitants 
are Muslim, mainly Maulais. The last pagan Katis 
were converted in the 1930s. But many traces of 
pre- Islamic customs and festivals remain. Note also 
Khowar dasman priest, probably < Skt. 'daksamant. 

The Khos are divided into three social classes: 
Adamzadas, nobles, or at any rate free-holders; 
Arbabzadas, comparatively well off, being paid for 
their services to the Mehtar, and on that account 
with a higher status than the very poor Fakir Miskin. 

Each class contains a number of clans, some of 
which carry patronymical names, other such indicat- 
ing foreign origin, while others are difficult to analyse. 
Also the Kalas and Yidgh tribes are divided into 

The Khos are dolicho- to mesocephalic, of middle 
height, and often with eyes and hair of medium 
colour, a few are fair-haired and blue-eyed. Kalases 
and Katis are more decidedly dolichocephalic, and 
the Katis also of greater height. 

Bibliography: Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindoo 
Koosh, Calcutta 1880; D. J. T. O'Brien, Grammar 
and vocabulary of the Khowar dialect, Lahore 1895 ; 
Linguistic Survey of India, viii, II. G. Morgen- 
stierne, Report on a linguistic mission to Afghani- 
stan, Oslo 1926; idem, Report on a lingu. miss, to 
N.W. India, Oslo 1932; idem, The name Munjan 
and some other names of places and peoples in the 
Hindu-Kush, BSOS, vi; idem, Iranian elements 
in Khowar, in BSOS, viii; idem, Some features of 
Khowar morphology, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprog- 
idenskap, xiv; idem, Sanscritic words in Khowar, 

S. K. Belva 

■ Felici 



1957; A. Stein, Serindia, i, 26 ff., 

Anthropology : T. A. Joyce, Serindia, iii, 135 1, 
ff.; B. S. Guha, Census of India 1931, 1/3, x, ff., 
Delhi 1935; A. Herrlich, in Deutsche im Hindu- 
kusch (with bibliography), 170 ft., Berlin 1937. 
Kalas and Kati: R. C. F. Schomberg, Kafirs 
and Glaciers, London 1938; H. Siiger, Ethnological 
field-research in Chitral, Sikkim and Assam (Kgl. 
Danske Videnskabers Selskab, hist. fil. Med- 
deleher, 36, 2), Copenhagen. 

(G. Morgenstierne) 
CHITTAGONG, Tset-ta-gong, Catigrama, or 
Catgam is the main sea-port in East Pakistan 
and the head-quarter of the district bordering on 
Arakan. The town, which has a population of 
294,046 (1951 census) inhabitants, stands on the 
right bank of the Karnaphuli river, ten miles from 
the sea, and has a good natural harbour away from 
the flooded plains of Bengal and the silt-depositing 


mouths of the Ganges. Its origin is obscure. The 

early Arab geographers speak of only Samandar on 

the bank of probably the Brahmaputra as a sea-port 

in this region. Chittagong comes in to prominence 

from the 8th/i4th century onward, and is referred 

to as the Porto Grando by the Portuguese. It was 

first conquered by the Muslims in 738/1338 possibly 

from the Arakanese who often disturbed the peace 

of the city. In 918/1512 the Bengal Sultan c Ala 3 al- 

Din Husayn Shah ousted the Arakanese and named 

it Fathabad. For about a hundred years when the 

Mughals were consolidating their position in Bengal, 

Chittagong again reverted to the Arakanese, and 

only in 1076/1666 it was finally conquered by the 

Mughal governor Shayista Khan, who renamed it 

Islamabad and had a Djami 1 mosque built there. 

The district of Chittagong has a large mixture of 

foreign populace, the men of Arab descent being 

in good proportion. The Arab influence is also 

observable in the Chittagonian dialect. Several stories 

about the Mdhi Sawdr (riding on fish, i.e., coming 

by sea) saints are current here. About four miles 

from the town stands the locally famous dargdh 

dedicated to the memory of Bayazld Bistaml. 

Within the city can be seen the tomb of Shaykh 

Badr al- c Alam, a saint of the 14th century, and the 

dargdh of Pdnl Pir [q.v.], a group of five saints not 

definitely specified but very popular in this region. 

Another object of great local reverence is the Kadm-i 

Rasul [q.v.] (a stone replica of the foot-print of 

the Prophet), preserved in a 17th century mosque. 

Bibliography: J. N. Sarkar, The conquest of 

Chatgaon, in JASB 1907; idem, The Feringi 

pirates of Chatgaon, in JASB 1907; A. H. Dani: 

Early Muslim Contact with Bengal, in Proceedings 

of the First Pakistan History Conference, Karachi 

195 1 ; Hamidullah: Ta'rikh-i Cdtgdm (a Persian 

history of the 19th century). (A. H. Dani) 

CHIVALRY [see furOsivva] 

CHOCIM [see khotin] 

CHRONOLOGY [see ta'riioj] 
CID [see al-sid] 

CIFT-RESMI also called Hft-haW or kulluk- 
aklasi, in the Ottoman empire the basic raSyyet 
(see re c aya) tax paid in principle by every Muslim 
peasant, raHyyet, possessing one lift. The term lift 
(original meaning = "pair") was used to denote the 
amount of agricultural land which could be ploughed 
by two oxen. It was fixed as from 60 to 150 doniims 
according to the fertility of the soil (one dbnum was 
about 1000 sq. m. = no6sq. yds.). We find a lift- 
aklasl in Anatolia under the Saldjukids at the rate 
of one dinar [q.v.]. On the other hand the Ottoman 
lift-resmi had striking similarities with the Byzantine 
taxes paid by the paroihoi to the ^ronoi'a-holders. 
It is to be noted that, as an 'urfi tax, it appeared in 
its original form in the lands conquered from the 
Byzantines in Western Anatolia and Thrace, and 
was applied there both to the Muslim and Christian 
re'dyd alike, whereas in other parts of the empire 
the Christians were subjected to a different raHyyet 
tax, namely the ispendje or ispenle. 

In the K dnunndme of Mehemmed II it is stated that 
lift-resmi was the money equivalent of seven services 
such as the provision of hay, straw, wood etc., for 
the ttmar-holder. For these services, khidmets or 
kulluks, twenty-two akla [q.v.] were to be paid as 
iifi-resmi. Those possessing half a (iff, nim-lijt, were 
to pay half. Regardless of his personal condition, 
every raHyyet possessing a lift or half a lift had to 
pay this tax, and this gave it the character of a 

land-tax. In the ioth/i6th century Abu '1-Su c ud and 
others attempted to include it among the sharH 
taxes as kharddj-i muwazzaf. 

Married peasants with land amounting to less 
than half a lift, or possessing no land of their own, 
were called benndk [q.v.], and were subject to lower 
rates, for example 6 or 9 aklas, which were later 
increased to 9, 12 and 18. In the Kdnun-ndme of 
Mehemmed II the benndk were supposed to be 
subject only to three services, the money equivalent 
of which was 6 or 9 aklas. Lastly the re'-dyd classified 
as kara or mudjerred, the very poor or bachelors, 
who possessed no land of their own, paid this tax 
at the lowest rate of 6 aklas. 

Thus lift-resmi can be regarded as the basic unit 
of a graduated tax system, and even tutun-resmi and 
donum-resmi can be included in the same system. 

Originally the rate of lift-resmi was 22 aklas, but 
in 862/1458 it was raised to 33 aklas in the sandjaks 
of the eydlet of Anadolu. It was further raised in 
some parts of Anatolia with additions made in favour 
of subashls [q.v.] and sandjak-begs [q.v.], but under 
Suleyman I this innovation was abolished as causing 
confusion. Applied to Syria after its conquest with 
a higher rate of 40, and in Eastern Anatolia of 50 
aklas it remained however, 22 aklas in Rumeli (see 
the list in my Osmanhlarda Raiyyet Rusumu, in 
Belleten, no. 92, 1959). Partial or total exemptions 
from lift-resmi were granted by imperial berdts in 
return for some public services required from the 
re'-dyd. But in the ioth/i6th century many such 
exemptions were abolished. 

As a rule lift-resmi was included in the timdr [q.v.] 
revenue of the sipdhi. But it lost its importance when 
after 990/1582 the akla decreased in value and the 
'awdrid [q.v.] became a form of regular taxation 
imposed on the re'dyd. (Haul Inalcik) 

CIFTLIK is the ordinary word for farm in 
Turkish, but in the Ottoman times it designated, at 
first, a certain unit of agricultural land in the land- 
holding system, and then, later on, a large estate. 
It was formed from lift (pair, especially a pair of 
oxen) from the Persian djuft with the Turkish 
suffix, lik. Originally, a liftlik was thought of 
as the amount of land that could be ploughed by 
two oxen. Cift and liftlik were used synony- 
mously. In the Slav areas of the Ottoman empire 
the term bashtina was often substituted for liftlik. 
In the Ottoman land-holding system during the 
period in which the timdr [q.v.] organization prevailed, 
liftlik was a term applied to a holding of agricultural 
land comprising 60 or 80 to 15- doniims (one donum 
equals approximately 1000 sq.m.), the size varying 
with the fertility of the soil. The liftlik was the 
basic land unit used in all forms of land-holding, 
miri, wakf, and miilh or mdlikdne. From the legal 
point of view, however, the kind of liftlik varied 
with the type of tenure. 

The raHyyet liftliks which the re'dyd, Christian 
and Muslim peasants, possessed by tapu [q.v.] and 
for which they paid the 'ushr [q.v.] and lift-resmi 
[q.v.] taxes to the land-holder, made up by far the 
greater part of the agricultural lands. As a rule, 
liftliks were not to be subdivided because such a 
situation would, in the judgement of Abu '1-Su c ud, 
make it impossible to collect the taxes imposed on a 
liftlik as a whole. In reality, however, during the 
land surveys, tahrir [q.v.], it was found that many 
liftliks had lost their original form as a result of 
sub-division, and the lift-resmi were no longer 
being collected. In order to preserve the liftlik, 
which was essential to the land-holding system of 


the time, and which had been the basis for land and 
hearth taxes in the area even before the Ottomans, 
it was decreed that if land recorded in the defters 
[see daftar] as liftlik was found divided among 
several persons it was to be restored to its original 
form, and if a raHyyet in possession of a liftlik died 
leaving several sons, they were to possess it col- 
lectively, meshd'an. 

In addition to the raHyyet Iiftliks we also find 
what we can call the military Iiftliks which, unlike 
the former, were in the direct possession of the 
military. In this category we find the khdssa Iiftliks 
of the Hmar-holders and the Iiftliks in the military 
organizations of the yaya, musellem and doghcmdji 
etc. Their common feature was that they were not 
subject to the raHyyet taxes. But, while the khdssa 
Iiftliks, also known as kilil-yeri, were exploited by 
the Hmar-holders under a sharecropping system, 
ortakdjilik or mukdta'a [q.v.], the yaya and musellem 
Iiftliks were cultivated, as a rule, by the yayas and 
musellems themselves. These Iiftliks were never to 
change their original character and usually were 
named by their original possessors as Mehmed-yeri, 
'Ali-yeri, etc. There were attempts by the military 
to add raHyyet lands illegally to their khdssa Iiftliks. 
But, in the ioth/i6th century, most of the military 
Iiftliks were transformed by the government into 
raHyyet iiftliks and assigned as timdrs. In the case 
of the khdssa Iiftliks in Bosnia [see Bosna], the 
reason given for their transformation in 936/1530 
was that they lay uncultivated. 

The Iiftliks in the wakf and miilk or mdlikdne 
lands were the same in size as other iiftliks and were 
usually cultivated by the raHyyet. During the reigns 
of Bayazid I, Mehemmed II, and under the 10th/ 
1 6th century Sultans, a great part of these iiftliks 
too was converted into timdrs. For example, in 
Erzindjan in 947/1540, each zawiye [q.v.] under a 
shaykh was assigned a liftlik while the rest of the 
land was distributed among the timdrs. 

As early as the 8th/i4th and gth/i5th 
the Ottoman Sultans granted influential m 
villages or large timdrs as Iiftliks. In these instances 
we are no longer dealing with the liftlik as a land 
measure, but as a personal estate, granted by the 
Sultan. For example, in the defter of Pasha-sandjaghi 
dated 859/1455 (Belediye Kiit. Istanbul, Cevdet 
kit. no. 0.89) we find a number of people, among 
them the Court physician Mehmed ShirwanI and the 
Sultan's tutor Seydl Ahmed, in possession of timdrs 
as liftlik (ber wed±h-i liftlik). Such large lands were 
sometimes given as miilk {ber wedjh-i miilkiyyet). The 
revenues of these Iiftliks were farmed out by their 
possessors, who usually lived in the towns, for a sum 
of money which was called mukdta c a. The possessor 
of the liftlik was usually required to equip one 
soldier (.eshkiindji) for the Sultan's army. 

Even in this early period we find some newly 
opened lands or mazra'-as [q.v.] held directly as 
iiftliks by members of the military class who, as a 
rule, paid the government a sum of money which 
was also called mukdfa'a. Therefore, these Iiftliks 
were also known as mukd(a<ali Iiftliks. In central 
and northern Anatolia the Iiftliks which were 
possessed by the pre-Ottoman aristocratic families 
under the names of mdlikdne or yurd were given the 
same status with the obligation of supplying an 
eshkundii. The Iiftliks which were opened in the 
uncultivated lands by the military were subject only 
to the Htshr tax. By the end of the ioth/i6th century 
the number of such Iiftliks in the hands of the 
Janissaries increased rapidly. But, in general, the 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

tendency in the ioth/i6th century was to convert 
all types of military Iiftliks into raHyyet Iiftliks so 
that the raHyyet taxes might be included in the 

With the disruption of the timdr system, this 
course of development was reversed. During and 
after the period of confusion between 1003/1595- 
1018/1609, a great part of the raHyyet Iiftliks found 
their way into the hands of the kapt-kulu and 
palace favourites, and the old practices such as 
possession of timdrs as Iiftliks, miilk or mukdta'alt 
Iiftliks were now widespread. In the same period, 
moreover, when the peasantry abandoned their 
lands en masse and scattered throughout Anatolia, 
which is known in Ottoman history as the Great 
Flight, the Janissaries and others took possession of 
the re'dyd Iiftliks by tapu. The accumulation of 
Iiftliks in the hands of a'-ydn [q.v.], rich and in- 
fluential men in the provinces, however, was mainly 
due to the mukdta'a system. This again was an old 
practice but now, with the disorganization of the 
timdr system, the timdr lands were increasingly 
rented as mukdta c a to private persons bidding the 
highest price. In reality however, through admini- 
strative abuses, the influential men managed to 
obtain them. Aghas and a'-ydn with large mukdta c a 
holdings, Iiftliks, emerged everywhere in the empire, 
especially during the 12/18 century. Nedjatl (Siiley- 
maniye Kiit. Esad ef. no. 2278, v. 43), writing in that 
century, complained that many timdrs had been 
seized by the a'-ydn and ahl-i Htrf, officials, in the 
provinces. It was on the mukdta'a lands that the 
power of the great a'ydn rested in that century, and 
from this period on the word liftlik was used to 
designate large personal estates. The attempts to 
break up these Iiftliks made by the Tanzimat [q.v.] 
reformers did not meet with any great success and 
this became the underlying factor in the peasant 
uprisings in the Balkans in the I3th/igth century. 
Under the Turkish Republic a law passed in 1945 
(modified in 1950) provided that the large estates 
were to be broken up and distributed to the peasants 
in need of land. 

Bibliography : 0. L. Barkan, Kanunlar; 

idem, Turk Toprak Hukuku Tarihinde Tanzimat, 

in Tanzimat, Istanbul 1940, 321-421; H. Inalcik, 

Tanzimat ve Bulgar Meselesi, Ankara 1943 ; idem, 

Osmanhlarda Raiyyet Rusumu, in Belleten 92 

(i959)» 575-6o8; idem, Land Problems in Turkish 

History, in The Muslim World, xlv (1955), 221-228; 

1A, 25. cuz (1945), 392-397- (Haul Inalcik) 

ClGHALA-ZADE ( djighala-zade ) Yusuf 

SINAN PASHA (c. 1545-1605), also known as 

Caghal (Djaghal)-oghlu, belonged to the Genoese 

house of Cicala. He was born at Messina in Sicily and 

received the Christian name Scipione Cicala. His 

father, the Visconte di Cicala, was, according to 

Gerlach, a "corsair" in the service of Spain, while his 

mother is said (cf. L'Ottomanno, of L. Soranzo) 

to have been "Turca da Castelnuovo". The Visconte 

and his son, captured at sea by Muslim corsairs 

in 968/1561 (some of the sources give the year 

as 967/1560), were taken first to Tripoli in North 

Africa and then to Istanbul. The father was in due 

course redeemed from captivity and, after living for 

some time at Beyoglu, returned to Messina, where 

he died in 1564. His son, Scipione, became, however, 

a Muslim and was trained in the Imperial Palace, 

rising to the rank of silahddr and later of Kapldjl 

Bashl. Cighala-zade, through his marriage first to 

one (980-981/1573) and afterwards (983-984/1576) to 

another great-grand-daughter of Sultan Sulayman 


KanunI, found himself assured of wealth, high 
office and protection at the Porte. 

He became Agha of the Janissaries in 982/1575 
and retained this appointment until 986/1578. 
During the next phase of his career he saw much 
active service in the long Ottoman-Persian war of 
986/1578-998/1590. He was Beglerbeg of Van in 
991/1583, assumed command, in the same year, of 
the great fortress of Erivan — he was now raised to 
the rank of Vizier — and also had a prominent rdle. 
once more as Beglerbeg of Van, in the campaign of 
993/1585 against Tabriz. As Beglerbeg of Baghdad, 
an appointment which he received in 994/1586, 
Cighala-zade fought with success in western Persia 
during the last years of the war, reducing Nihawand 
and Hamadan to Ottoman control. 

After the peace of 998/1590 he was made Beglerbeg 
of Erzurum and in 999/1591 became Kapudan Pasha, 
i.e., High Admiral of the Ottoman fleet— an office 
that he held until 1003/1595. During the third Grand 
Vizierate (1001-1003/1593-1595) of Khodja Sinan 
Pasha he was advanced to the rank of fourth Vizier. 
The Ottomans, since 1001/1593, had been at war 
with Austria. Cighala-zade, having been appointed 
third Vizier, accompanied Sultan Mehemmed III 
on the Hungarian campaign of 1004-1005/1596. He 
tried, but in vain, to relieve the fortress of Khatwan 
(Hatvan), which fell to the Christians in Muharram 
1005/September 1596, was present at the successful 
Ottoman siege of Egri (Erlau) (Muharrem-Safer 
1005/September-October 1596) and, at the battle 
of Mezo-Keresztes (Hac OvasI) in Rabi c I 1005/ 
October 1596, shared in the final assault that turned 
an imminent defeat into a notable triumph for the 
Ottomans. Cighala-zade, in reward for his service 
at Mezo-Keresztes, was now made Grand Vizier, 
but the discontent arising from the measures which 
he used in a effort to restore discipline amongst the 
Ottoman forces, the troubles which followed his 
intervention in the affairs of the Crimean Tatars, and 
the existence at court of powerful influences eager 
to restore Damad Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.] to the Grand 
Vizierate, brought about his deposition from this 
office, after he had been in control of the government 
for little more than a month (Rabi c I-Rabi £ II 1005/ 
October-December 1596). 

Cighala-zade became Beglerbeg of Sham (Syria) in 

Djumada I 1006/December 1597-January 1598 and 

then, in Shawwal 1007/May 1599, was made Kapudan 

Pasha for the second time. He assumed command, 

in 1013/1604, of the eastern front, where a new war 

between the Ottomans and the Persians had broken 

out in the preceding year. His campaign of 1014/ 

1605 was unsuccessful, the forces that he led towards 

Tabriz suffering defeat near the shore of Lake 

Urmiya. Cighala-zade now withdrew to the fortress 

of Van and thence in the direction of Diyarbekir. 

He died, in the course of this retreat, during the 

month of Radjab 1014/November-December 1605. 

Bibliography: SelanikI, Ta'rlkh, Istanbul 

1281 A.H., 198 ff., 292, 299, 334, 342-343; PecevI, 

Ta'rikh, ii, Istanbul 1283 A.H., 25, 87, 97 if., 107, 

111-112, 191, 192, 197, 198, 204 ff., 261 ff., 284; 

Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat-ndme, vii, Istanbul 1928, 

157, 179, 180; Na'ima, Ta'rlkh, Istanbul 1281-1283 

A.H., i, 146 ff., 167 ff., 172 «-, 368, 379, 387-388 

(Djighala-zade Sinan Pasha oghlu Mahmud 

Pasha), 393 ff., 425 ff.; Iskandar Beg MunshI, 

Ta'rikh-i 'Alam Ard-i 'Abbdsi, Tehran 1955-1956, 

i, 311 ff., 403 ff., 470 and ii, 635, 656, 660-672 

passim, 678-685 passim, 695, 702-705 passim, 

768, 769; S. Gerlach, Tagebuch, Frankfurt-am- 

Main 1674, 27, 217, 244-245, 265-266, 269; G. T. 
Minadoi, Historia delta Guerra fra Turchi et 
Persiani, Venice 1588, 221-222, 307, 315-317 
passim, 324, 326, 330, 344, 345; L. Soranzo, 
L'Ottomanno, Ferrara 1599, 10-12; The Travels of 
John Sanderson in the Levant 1584-1602, ed. Sir 
W. Foster (Hakluyt Society), London 1931, 319 
(index); C. Hughes, Shakespeare's Europe {Un- 
published Chapters of Fynes Moryson's Itinerary), 
London 1903, 26 and 46; Purchas His Pilgrimes, 
viii, Glasgow 1905, 311, 313, 316, 320; Ambassade 
en Turquie de Jean de Gontaut Biron, Baron de 
Salignac, 1605-1610 (Correspondance diplomatique 
et documents inidits), in Archives Historiques de la 
Gascogne, fasc. 19, Paris 1889, 12, 19, 20, 21, 30 
and also 393-397 passim; G. Sagredo, Memorie 
Istoriche de' Monarchi Ottomani, Venice 1673, 
665, 671, 684, 749-750, 751-752, 759-761, 767-769, 
773 and 830-838 passim; E. Alberi, Relazioni degli 
Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato, ser. 3, Florence 
1840-1855, i, 380, ii, 143, 180, 249, 288-292 passim, 
355-356 and iii, 292, 374, 424-432 passim; N. 
Barozzi and G. Berchet, Lc Relazioni degli Stati 
Europei lette al Senato dagli A mbasciatori Veneziani 
nel secolo decimosettimo, ser. 5: Turchia, Pt. I, 
Venice 1866, 34, 38, 39; E. de Hurmuzaki, Docu- 
mente privMre la Istoria Romdnilor, iii/2 (1576- 
1600), Bucharest 1888, 215, 225; Calendar of 
State Papers, Venetian: 1581-1591, London 1894, 
583 (index), 1592-1603, London 1897, 582-583 
(index) and 1603-1607, London 1900, 551 (index); 
I. Rinieri, Clemente VIII e Sinan Bassd Cicala. 
Studio storico secondo documenti inediti, Rome 
1898 (also to be found in La Civilta Cattolica, 
ser. 16, vols. 9 (Rome 1897), 693-707 and 10 
(Rome 1897), 151-161, 272-285, 671-686, and ser. 
17, vol. I (Rome 1898), 165-176); G. Oliva, Sinan- 
Bassd (Scipione Cicala) celebre rinnegato del secolo 
XVI: Memorie storico-critiche, in Archivio Storico 
Messinese, Anni VIII-IX, Messina 1907-1908; 
Hammur-Purgstall, iii, 423 and iv, 17, 44-45, 86, 
171-180 passim, 229-230, 245, 248, 261, 264, 
268-272 passim, 287, 301, 321, 330, 332, 358-359, 
376-379. 620, 633, 669-670; N. Jorga, Geschichte 
des osmanischen Reiches, iii, Gotha 1910, 183-185 ; 
H. Laoust, Les Gouverneurs de Damas .... (658- 
1156/1260-1744): Traduction des Annates d'Ibn 
Tulun et d'Ibn Gum'a, Damascus 1952, 196 
(Sinan Pacha b. al-Gaffal); c Othman-zade Ta'ib, 
Hadikat al-Wuzara', Istanbul 1271 A.H., 47 ff.; 
Sami, Ramus al-AHdm, iii, Istanbul 1308 A.H., 
1822; Sidfill-i '■Othmdni, iii, in and iv, 319 
(Djighala-zade Mahmud Pasha); I. H. Uzun- 
carsili, Osmanh Tarihi, iii/2, Ankara 1954, 235, 
354-357, 39i; 1A, s.v. Cigala-zade (M. Tayyib 
Gokbilgin). (V. J. Parry) 

CILICIA. The name. In Assyrian writings the 
name Khilakku refers primarily to the western part 
of the region, Cilicia Trachea, but also includes a 
part of Cappadocia, whilst the Cilician plain is called 
the Kue. In classical times the name Cilicia covered 
both western and eastern parts, Cilicia Trachea and 
the plain of Cilicia. The name does not occur among 
the Arab geographers, who call Cilicia simply the 
region of the thughur [q.v.], or frontier towns. The 
form Kilikiya (or Kilikiya) is not met until modern 
times (see Ibn al-Shihna, al-Durr al-muntakhab, 180), 
but it is a direct derivation of the ancient name 
if, as is thought, the Turkish name for Cilicia 
Trachea, 16-11 or Icel [q.v.] (lit. 'the interior region') 
in fact comes from Kilikia. 

Geographical outline. Cilicia is wedged 

between the Anatolian plateau to the north-west 
and the Syrian frontier to the south-east. Its 
southern edge is fringed by the Mediterranean, 
which here reaches its most easterly extremity, and 
it is guarded to the north by the Taurus range, 
over which the Cilician Gates assure communication 
with the plateau. To the east are the Amanian 
Gates (al-Lukam), and to the west, a short distance 
beyond Selindi (ancient Selinonte), begins the 
province of Pamphylia (region of Adalia). Cilicia 
has at all times possessed a great strategic importance 
on account of the Cilician and Amanian Gates. 
Although the mountains and sea which isolate 
Cilicia have given it a marked individuality, it has 
rarely been able to maintain its own independance 
for long, even when it was the kingdom of Lesser 
Armenia or the Turcoman principality of the 
Ramadan-oghlus. Most of the time, from the Hittites 
to the Ottomans, it has been incorporated by con- 
quest into the great empires of the eastern Mediter- 

Cilicia falls naturally into three geographical 
regions, Cilicia Trachea, the Cilician Taurus, and 
the Plain of Cilicia. Cilicia Trachea (lit.: 'rough, 
rugged') is a mountainous region to the west, its 
coast dotted with ports where pirates took refuge 
when chased by Pompey's ships. It is virtually 
without means of communication to the Turkish 
interior, and has patches of cultivable land only in 
a few valleys, such as Gok Su (ancient Calycadnus) 
whose waters flow into the sea near Silifke. It is 
consequently a very poor region, and contains only 
a few small towns (Silifke, ancient Seleucia, Mut, 
on the road from Silifke to Karaman and Konya, 
and in the west Anamur on the coast and Ermenek 

The frontier between Cilicia Trachea and the 
coastal plain on the one hand and the Taurus on the 
other is the small river Lamos which has its spring 
in the Taurus. The Cilician Taurus is a strip 300 km. 
long by only 50 km. wide stretching in a south-west- 
north-east direction, and including the massifs of 
Dumbelek, Bulghar Dagh (corruption of Bugha, the 
Turkish translation of Taurus) and the Ala Dagh, one 
peak of which rises to 3600 m. The Ala Dagh con- 
tinues northwards to the Hadjln Dagh. The Anti- 
Taurus begins to the east, on the left bank of the 
Zamanti Su, formerly Karmalas, a tributary of the 
Sayhan (Saros). Its mountains can easily be crossed, 
however, as the high waters have cut many valleys 
through them in forcing their way from the Cap- 
padocian plateau down to the Mediterranean. The 
Tarsus Cay, ancient Cydnus, in Arabic Baradan, 
rises in the Bulghar Dagh massif and brings Tarsus 
its water. Between the Bulghar Dagh and the Ala 
Dagh are the valleys of the Cakit Su and Korkiin Su, 
the Cakit being a tributary of the Korkiin which 
in turn is a tributary of the Sayhan. The road called 
the Cilician Gates climbs over passes and runs 
through these valleys. On the northern side it 
connects Tarsus with Uluklshla via Bozantl (ancient 
Podandos-Budandun) where the narrowest defile, 
the Cilician Gates properly so called, is at Giilek 
Boghaz, 1 160 m. high on the upper reaches of the 
Tarsus Cay. 

The most important part of Cilicia is the plain 
(Greek Pedias, Turkish Cukurova), a product of the 
alluvial deposits of its two large rivers, the Sayhan 
(ancient Saros) and the Djayhan (ancient Pyramus). 
Along the left bank of the Djayhan's lower reaches 
is a less elevated outcrop of the Taurus range, the 
Djabal al-Niir or Djabal Missis. Sheltered from the 


north by the great mountain barrier, the Cilician 
plain is open to the southern winds, enjoys the 
climate and flora of Mediterranean regions, and is 
extremely fertile. Crops peculiar to hot countries 
can be grown there, and apart from sugar-cane 
plantations there is also intensive cultivation of 
cotton. The main towns of Cilicia were always 
situated in this area. To the north, at the foot of 
the Taurus but still Mediterranean in climate, lie 
Sis (at the present day Kozan) and c Ayn Zarba 
(ancient Anazarba), to the south Missisa (Mop- 
suestia) on the Djayhan, Adana on the Sayhan, 
Tarsus, Ayas (ancient Aigai) on the western coast 
of the gulf of Alexandretta, and Alexandretta on 
its eastern side. Mersln, to the west of Tarsus, is 
a relatively recent town, today named Icel. 

In the Islamic epoch Cilicia Trachea and Seleucia 
belonged to the Greeks, the frontier between the 
two empires being formed by the Lamos (in Arabic 

Under the Ottomans Cilicia constituted the 
wildyet of Adana, and was divided between the 
sandjaks of 16-11, Adana and Kozan in the north, 
and of Djebel Bereket around the gulf of Alexan- 

The main towns of Cilicia are connected by the 
Aleppo-Fevzipasha-Adana-Ulukishla railway, with a 
branch line running via Tarsus to Marsina. 

Cilicia has often been stricken by earthquakes; 
Michael the Syrian (iii, 17) and Tabarl (iii, 688) 
record the one which occurred on 23 June 803; it 
blocked the river Djayhan and partly destroyed the 
walls of Missisa. Another one occurred in 11 14 (see 
EI 1 s.v. missis). The most recent occurred in 1952. 
Bibliography: K. Ritter; Die Erdkunde von 
Asien. Allgemeine Erdkunde, xviii & xix, Klein- 
asien, Berlin 1858-59; V. Cuinet, La Turquie 
d'Asie, Paris 1890-95, ii, 3-108; W. M. Ramsay, 
The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, London 
1890, 349 ff., 361-387; Le Strange, chap, ix; 
Pauly-Wissowa, xi, 385 ff. ; E. Banse, Die Tiirhei, 
1919, 165-185; R. Blanchard, L'Asie Occidental, 
vol. viii of the Geographic Universelle by Vidal de 
la Blache & Gallois, 69 ff. ; Gaudefroy-Demom- 
bynes, La Syrie a I'ipoque des Mamelouks, 98-100; 
CI. Cahen, La Syrie du Nord a I'ipoque des Croisades, 
1938, 134-155; M. Canard, Hist, de la dynastie des 
H'amddnides, i, 278-285 ; see also the special 
monographs by Favre & Mandrot, Voyage en 
Cilicie, 1874, in Bull, de la Soc. de Giogr., 1878; 
and V. Langlois, Voyage dans la Cilicie et les 
montagnes du Taurus, Paris 1861. 
Historical outline. When the Arabs had con- 
quered Syria, Heraclius ordered the g 
towns between Alexandretta and Tarsus t( 
their positions (see missis). It is probable that part 
of the civilian population had to do likewise. The 
Arabs did not immediately take over these towns, 
but restricted themselves to raids into the region or 
across it into Anatolia, leaving small garrisons 
behind them as a security measure. On his return 
from an expedition in 31/651-652, Mu'awiya is said 
to have destroyed all the fortresses as far as Antioch. 
However, records exist of the Arabs' capture of 
Tarsus in 53/672-673, which seems to indicate that 
it had been reoccupied by the Greeks or defended 
by its inhabitants. In 65/685, furthermore, the army 
of Constantine Pogonatus advanced as far as Mop- 
suestia (Missisa). From 84/703 onwards the Arabs 
began to settle in Missisa, stationing a garrison 
there during part of the year. They realized the 
advantage which would accrue in permanently 

holding the Cilician positions, and c Umar b. c Abd 
al- c Aziz abandoned his plan to destroy all the 
fortresses between Missisa and Antioch. Sis, at the 
foot of the Taurus, was captured in 103/751-732. 
In the first decades of the second century of the 
hidira it became apparent that the Arabs intended 
to settle in the area; Missisa was colonized by the 
Zott [q.v.] with their buffaloes, and a bridge was 
built over the Sayhan to the east of Adana, in order 
to secure communications across the country. 
Although the Arab armies had no difficulty in 
traversing the country by way of the Cilician Gates, 
its occupation was still precarious. There was as 
yet no systematic organization of the frontier 
strongpoints, or thughiir, still dependant on the 
found of Kinnasrin, which Mu'awiya or Yazid b. 
Mu'awiya had detached from Hims (cf. Ibn al- 
Shihna, 9). But already the positions had been 
transformed into ribdt, that is to say posts manned 
by voluntary defenders of the faith, noted for both 
their religious and military zeal. Al-Dinawari, 345, 
points out that after his dismissal from office 
Khalid al-Kasri [g.v.] obtained from the caliph 
Hisham permission to go to Tarsus, where he 
remained for some time murdbit an . 

After the 'Abbasid revolution the Byzantines did 
not take advantage of the disturbed situation to 
reconquer Cilicia, but instead concentrated their 
attention on the regions of Malatya and Kalikala. 
After the dynasty had become firmly established, 
and particularly in al-Mahdi's reign, the c Abb5sids 
undertook to fortify and populate the Cilician 
positions, above all at Missisa and Tarsus. HSrun 
al-Rashid was the most vigorous exponent of the 
frontier policy. In 170/786-787 he detached the 
frontier strongholds from the Djazira and djund of 
Kinnasrin and put them under a separate govern- 
ment called al- c Awasim [q.v.] (al-Tabari, iii, 604; Ibn 
al-Shihna, 9); Cilicia now became part of the c Awasim 
found. Its reorganization served both defensive and 
offensive purposes; it helped protect Muslim territory 
against Byzantine incursions (cf. a poem of Marwan 
b. Abi Hafsa in Tabari, iii, 742), provided a secure 
operational base for the Muslim armies which, by 
tradition, carried out one or two raids each year into 
Greek territory, and served as a permanent base 
for volunteer troops and murdbitun. The fortification 
of the positions went in hand with the launching 
of expeditions across the Cilician Gates during the 
reign of Harun al-Rashid and his successors. A vital 
step in the successful execution of these operations 
was the Muslim capture of Lulon (al-Lu'lu'a) in 
217-832. Its fortress guarded the northern side of a 
pass which led over the Cilician Gates from Podandos 
(Budandun, present-day Bozanti) to Tyana. 

A considerable Christian population lived in the 
strongholds or the countryside around them. The 
Muslims recruited some of them as guides for their 
expeditions (see A1EO Alger, xv, 48), but they also 
sometimes acted as informers for the Byzantines, 
and it was perhaps as an act of reprisal that al- 
Rashid had all the thughiir churches destroyed in 
191/807 (Tabari, iii, 712-713; Michael the Syrian, 
iii, 19 if.). 

The small river Lamos, demarcation line between 
Cilicia Trachea and Arab Cilicia, was periodically 
the scene of the exchange of prisoners or their 
resale to the enemy; historians have left their records 
of these dealings, in particular al-Mas c udi in Tanbih, 

After MuHasim's famous campaign against 
Amorium in 223/838, which marks the end of the 

spectacular expeditions into Anatolia, it gradually 
became the custom to appoint special amirs to 
Cilicia, mostly resident in Tarsus. Although nomi- 
nally dependant on the c Aw5sim governor or the 

r of Syria, they enjoyed a certain degree of 
autonomy and were responsible for the defence of 
the country and the organization of annual land and 

sxpeditions. Some of the amirs of Tarsus became 
quite famous, e.g., c Ali al-Armani, the eunuch 
Yazman (Greek Esman), Ghulam Zurafa (alias Leo 
of Tripoli and Rashik al-Wardaml) Damyana, 
Thamal, Nasr al-Thamali. For some time Cilicia, 
with its c Awdfim and thughiir, passed from the 
control of the central government and became 
dependency of Tulunid Egypt (260/873-286/891). 
This was a troubled chapter of its history, due to 
the dispute between the Tulunids and the central 
power, the intractability of the amirs, and the 
avages incurred through Byzantine raids. The 
eturn of Lu'lu'a (Lulon) to Byzantium in 263/876- 
877 constituted a serious threat to Cilicia. Never- 
theless the ribat of Tarsus developed during that 
period, and assumed greater proportions, as is 
shown by the sources used by Kamal al-DIn in the 
geographical introduction to his Bughyat al-Jalab 
(see A1EO Alger, xv, 46 ff.) and the descriptions of 
al-Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal (see tarsus). In parti- 
cular, the caliph al-Mu c tazz and his mother spent 
great sums on maintaining special units of murdbitun 
under military and religious leaders. At a time when 
the spirit of holy war gave a particular character 
to Cilicia, there flocked to the country a great number 
of scholars, traditionists, ascetics and fervent religious 
men, intent on fulfilling the personal obligation of 
foihdd, teaching the old traditions and spreading a 
spirit of purest orthodoxy among the soldiers and 
the civilian population. The more well-known of 
them were Ibrahim b. Adham b. Mansur [g.v.], who 
died some time between 160 and 166 (776-783), and 
Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Fazari (d. 188/804) (Ibn 
'Asakir, ii, 254). Several of these persons are 
mentioned in the obituaries of al-Dhahabi and Abu 
'1-Mahasin, often carrying the nisba of Thagri or 
Tarsusi (see under 181, 196, 273, 297 etc.). Yakut 
(iii, 526) also noted their arrival in great numbers 
(cf. i, 529). It is known that Ahmad b. Tulun was 
educated at Tarsus. Muslim festivals were celebrated 
in great brilliance there. Abu '1-Mahasin (iii, 60) 
considered the feast of breaking the fast in Tarsus 
to be one of the four wonders of Islam. 

In the first part of the 4th/ioth century Cilicia came 
under the rule of the Ikhshid, the governor of Egypt, 
who received his investiture from the caliph. After the 
clash between the Ikhshid and the Hamdanid amir 
Sayf al-Dawla, who won control of northern Syria 
and Aleppo, the governor of the frontier province 
submitted to the amir of Aleppo, and the amirs of 
Tarsus henceforth participated in Sayf al-Dawla's 
expeditions. But the Tarsus fleet, weakened by the 
policy of the caliph al-Mu c tadid, who had had it 
destroyed, was only a minor factor in the struggles 
of the 4th/ioth century. In the second half of the 
century the threat of Byzantium from the north 
caused constant disturbances and rebellions, and the 
operations of 352/963-354/965 resulted in the com- 
plete reconquest of Cilicia by the Greeks (or Byzan- 
tines). It remained Byzantine for more than a cen- 
tury, during which time the outflow of Muslims was 
accompanied by a considerable inflow of Armenians, 
stimulated by the Byzantine practice of using Arme- 
nian officers to administer the country. After the 
Saldjukid raids had driven back those Armenians 

who had settled in Cappadocia after the Turkish 
conquest of Armenia, their number now increased 
once more, and, after the battle of Manzikert in 
1071, a virtual Armenian principality was created, 
stretching from Melitene to Cilicia. Its head was the 
Armenian Philaretus, a former general of Romanus 
Diogenes, and he established his capital at Mar'ash 
(see Chalandon, Alexis Comnine, 95 ff.; J. Laurent, 
Byzance et les Turcs Seldjoucides, 81 ff. ; idem, 
Byzance et Antioche sous le curopalate Philarete, in 
Rev. des Et. arm., ix (1929), 61 ff.; Grousset, Histoire 
des Croisades, I, xl, ff.). The Armenian chiefs Oshin 
of Lampron (present-day Namrun Yayla, north- 
west of Tarsus) and Ruben of Partzepert (north 
of Sis) were perhaps his vassals. They retained their 
fiefs when Philaretus departed from the scene, 
defeated by the Turks. The Turks had ravaged 
Cilicia even before Manzikert, and shortly before 
the arrival of the Crusaders (Michael the Syrian, 
iii, 179) they seized the main towns, though failing 
to subjugate the Armenian princes in the Taurus. 
The latter joined forces with the Crusaders in 1097 
and helped Baldwin of Boulogne and Tancred 
to reconquer the Cilician towns. There followed a 
period in which the towns continually changed 
hands in the struggle between Byzantium and the 
Frankish principality of Antioch. Alexis Comnenus 
recaptured them from Bohemond of Antioch, only 
to lose them once more to the latter's nephew 
Tancred, who in 1103 handed them over to his 
uncle upon his release from the imprisonment 
inposed by the Danishmandid of Malatya. In 1104 
they were retaken by the Byzantine general Mona- 
stras (Anna Comnena, XI, xi, 6; ed. Leib iii, 49). 
They remained the scene of dispute until 1108, 
when Bohemond was forced to sign a treaty acknow- 
ledging the authority of Alexius Comnenus over 
the whole of Cilicia (Anne Comnena, XIII, xii, 21; 
ed. Leib iii, 134-135). His nephew Tancred however 
did not abide by the treaty. 

The descendants of Ruben continued to consolidate 
the development of an Armenian state, and sought 
to bring all of Cilicia under their control. Thoros I, 
who had driven off the Saldjukids in 1107-1108 
(Tournebize, Histoire. politique et religieuse de 
VArminie, 171; Cahen, La Syrie du Nord a I'epoque 
des Croisades, 253; Matthew of Edessa, in Hist. arm. 
des Croisades, i, 84-85), captured Sis and Anazarba 
from the Greeks. During the reign of his successor 
Leo I (1129-1137), Bohemond of Antioch attempted 
to re-establish his authority in Cilicia, but this 
brought him unto a fatal conflict with another 
aspirant to Cilicia, the Danishmendid of Cappadocia 
(Michael, iii, 227). Around 1132 Leo captured Tarsus, 
Adana and Missisa from the Greeks (Chalandon, i, 
235, ii, 108-109) (or from the Franks, according to 
Cahen, 354). He followed this up with the seizure 
of Sarvantikar, on the western flank of the Amanus. 
This led to a rupture with Raymond of Poitiers, 
count of Antioch, but the quarrel was patched up 
shortly afterwards when Leo was faced with a new 
Byzantine threat from the north, and as a token of 
reconciliation he ceded the plain of Cilicia to 
Raymond. John Comnenus invaded Cilicia in n 37, 
and regained all the towns except Anazarba, and 
in the following year took Leo and his son prisoner. 
Leo was carried off to Constantinople, where he died 
in 1 142. Once more Cilicia was Byzantina, and 
remained so until Leo's son, Thoros, who had 
escaped from Constantinople after accession of 
Manuel Comnenus in 1143, regained a foothold in 
upper Cilicia; Thoros II (1145-1169) retook <Ayn 

Zarba and the other towns in Cilicia in 1151-52, and 
defended them successfully against Mas'ud, the 
Saldjukid of Konya, who fought at the instigation of 
Manuel Comnenus. Thoros also aided Reynald of 
Chatillon, count of Antioch, in his attack on Byzan- 
tine Cyprus. Manuel Comnenus, however, was not 
willing to allow the situation to deteriorate any 
further. In 1158 he invaded Cilicia, reoccupied all 
the towns, and reduced the country once more to 
a Byzantine province. The emperor's camp was 
established at Mardj al-DIbadj (Baltolibadi, north 
of Missisa; see Honigmann, Ostgrenze, 121, and 
Cahen, 152), and Reynald of Chatillon went there to 
tender his submission. Thoros, who had taken 
refuge at Vahka, north of Sis on the upper Sayhan, 
subsequently did likewise, and in return the emperor 
made him governor of Missisa, c Ayn Zarba and 
Vahka, bestowing on him the title of Sebastos. But 
in 1 162, when his brother Sdefane perished in an 
ambush laid by the Byzantine governor Andronicus 
Comnenus, Thoros once more raised the standard of 
revolt, and seized c Ayn Zarba together with other 
Cilician towns. Amalric, king of Jerusalem, intervened 
to re-establish peace. In 1164 Thoros sided with the 
Franks in their conflict with Nur al-Din. He died 
in 1169. His brother Mleh, whom he (Thoros) had 
exiled, rallied to the side of Nur al-Din, and with 
the aid of the latter's troops regained possession of 
Cilicia and obtained official recognition by Manuel 
Comnenus. He was assassinated in 1175, and his 
nephew Ruben III succeeded him. The latter was 
driven by betrayal into the hands of Bohemond III 
of Antioch, and the price of his release, negotiated 
by his brother Leo with Hethoum (Het'um, Haythum) 
of Lampron, was the cession of Missisa, Adana and 
Tell Hamdun to Antioch. However, he recaptured 
them later. In 1187 he abdicated in favour of his 
brother Leo (1187-1198), who in 1198 became the 
first king of Armenia-Cilicia when crowned in Tarsus 
by the Catholicos and the papal delegate. It was in 
Leo's reign that Frederick Barbarossa's Crusade 
arrived in Cilicia. Frederick was drowned in the Caly- 
cadnus (Gok Su), and part of his forces returned to 
Germany. The remainder were greeted by Leo upon 
their arrival in Tarsus. His reign was marked by a 
long conflict with the Saldjukid of Konya, Kayka'us 
(1210-1219); the king's troops succeeded in taking 
the stronghold of Laranda (present-day Karaman) 
in 12 1 1, but as a consequence of their defeat in 
1216 he had to cede Laranda, Lu'lu'a (in the Bozanti 
region, north of the Cilician Gates) and a part of 
Cilicia Trachea to the Saldjukid (Grousset, iii, 266; 
Documents armeniens, i, 644). Another feature of 
Leo's reign was his constant attempt, after Bohe- 
mond's death in 1201, to secure the succession to 
Antioch for Raymond Ruben. Although Raymond 
was Bohemond's grandson, he was also the son of 
Leo's niece Alice, and moreover had been brought 
up in Armenia. But Raymond had a strong compe- 
titor in Bohemond IV, count of Tripoli, who had 
the support of al-Malik al-Zahir of Aleppo, and 
Bohemond IV in the end triumphed. 

After Leo's death in 12 19, Raymond Ruben 
tried in vain to win possession of Cilicia. He was 
taken prisoner at a battle near Tarsus by the bailiff 
of Constantine, of the Lampron family, and died 
in captivity (1222). Philip, son of Bohemond IV 
and his wife Isabelle (Leo's daughter), was crowned 
his successor. But as he was considered too 'Frankish' 
and not sufficiently Armenian, he was arrested by 
Constantine and put to death by poison. This act 
was one of the reasons which provoked an inter- 

vention by 'Ala' al-din Kaykubad (1219-37). On the 
instigation of Bohemond IV, he laid waste the 
region of Upper Cilicia in 1225 and reduced Constan- 
tine to subjection. The latter persuaded the Hospi- 
tallers to give him their stronghold at Seleucia, which 
they had occupied ever since Leo had handed it over 
to them in 1210. In 1226 Constantine obtained the 
succession for his son Hethoum, who married 
Philip's widow Isabella. 

Hethoum reigned until 1270, and from the bilingual 
coins minted under his and Kaykubad's name we 
know that in the early years of his reign he acknow- 
ledged Saldjukid suzerainty (de Morgan, Histoire du 
peuple arminien, 202-3). With other Muslim and 
Christian princes he took part in the struggle against 
Cingiz Khan, but when the Mongol general Baydju 
crushed the Saldjukid Kaykhusraw in 1243, he 
transferred his obedience to the Mongols and sur- 
rendered them Kaykhusraw's mother, wife, and 
daughter. In consequence the Saldjukids reacted 
sharply against Cilicia in 1245, and Hethoum was 
able to avert defeat only by summoning Mongol 
assistance. His position as a vassal of the Mongols 
was formalized on several occasions; in 1247 he 
dispatched the High Constable Sempad to Mongolia; 
in 1254 he paid a personal visit to the Mongolian 
court; he supplied Armenian contingents for the 
Mongolian expedition to Syria, and co-operated in 
the economic blockade of Egypt by withholding 
exports of Cilician timber (see Mas-Latrie, Histoire 
de Chypre, i, 412; Grousset, iii, 632). From that time 
onwards the Armeno-Cilician kingdom, or the land 
of Sis as Arab historians call it, increasingly became 
the object of Mamluk attacks, as the following 
examples bear witness: (i) 664/1266, a retaliatory 
expedition under Baybars captured, pillaged, and 
burnt down Sis, Misslsa, Adana, Ayas and Tarsus; 
(ii) 673/1275, another expedition by Baybars seized 
Misslsa, Sis, Tarsus and Ayas, and carried out raids 
into the Taurus; (iii) 682/1283, a campaign under 
Kala'un against Alexandretta, Ayas and Tell 
Hamdun; (iv) 697/1297, an expedition led by 
Ladjln against Alexandretta, Tell Hamdun, Sis, 
Adana, Misslsa, Nudjayma, etc., during which the 
strongholds were occupied and a tribute of 500,000 
dirhams was imposed; (v) in 703/1303, as the pay- 
ments had not been made regularly, and as the 
strongholds were firmly held, a new expedition 
forced the Armenians to pay the tribute in advance 
and conformed the surrender of the strongholds; 
(vi) 705/1305, as a result of further defaults in 
payment, a new expedition was launched, in which 
the Mongols rendered assistance to the Armenians 
and defeated the Mamluks; but when Egyptian 
reinforcements arrived, the king had to pay; (vii) 
715/1315, the tribute was raised to one million 
dirhams; (viii) 720/1320; (ix) 722/1322, Ayas was 
captured, and to the tribute were added 50% of the 
revenues from the Ayas customs authority and the 
sale of salt; (x) 735/1335, a further expedition 
following a reprisal raid by the populace of Ayas on 
the merchants of Baghdad; (xi) 737/1337, a new 
expedition launched by Malik Nasir Muhammad 
because payments of the tribute had stopped. It 
captured Sis (destroying its citadel in the process) 
and secured surrender of the forts under the name 
al-Futflhat al-Djahaniyya (from the Armenian 
corruption of Djayljan). They included Misslsa, 
Kawarra, Haruniyya, Sarvantikar, Bayas, Ayas, 
Nudjayma, and Humaysa. Further raids were 
carried out in 756/1355 and 760/1359. The frequency 
of Mamluk incursions indicates that they did not 

consolidate their occupation of the country after 
each expedition. Then, in 776/1375, a final expedition 
brought the end of Sis as an independent kingdom. 
Sis itself fell to the Mamluks, and Leo V was captured 
and was not released until 1382. The Armeno- 
Cilician kingdom became incorporated into the 
Mamluk empire (on the above events see the following 
under relevant dates : al-Makrizi, Suluk, ed. Mustafa 
Ziyada, and Quatremere's translation, Hist, des suit, 
maml.; Mufaddal b. Abi '1-Fada 5 il, trans, and ed. 
Blochet, Patr. Or. xii & xiv; Abu '1-Fida' and his 
continuator Ibn al-Wardl, Ibn Iyas, Ibn Kathir, 
Biddya, Abu '1-Mah5sin. See also note on the ex- 
peditions in AIEO Alger, 1939-41, 53-54, with other 
references, and G. Wiet, L'Egypte arabe, vol. iv of 
the Histoire de la Nation igyptienne, 417, 425, 449, 
466, 475. 483-484- See also Zettersteen, Beitrage zur 
Geschichte der Mamluken Sultane, index; the articles 
on Missis, adana, ayas, sis. For the relations 
between the Armenians and the Karaman-oghlus, 
see the article karaman and F. Taeschner, Al- 
Umari's Bericht iiber Anatolien, index). 

A Mamluk governor, the Turcoman Yiiregiroghlu 
Ramadan, who established himself at Adana in 
1378, inaugurated the small Ramadan-oghullari 
[?.«.] dynasty, nominally vassals of the Mamluks. 
In 1467 Cilicia was invaded by Shahsuwar, of the 
Dh u '1-Kadr [?.«.] dynasty. Between 1485 and 1489 
the Ottomans attempted to win control of Cilicia, 
but it was not until 1516 that they succeeded in doing 
so, Sultan Selim I capturing it during his expedition 
to Egypt. The Ramadan-oghullari were not removed 
from power however, and they remained vassals of 
the Ottomans until the end of the 16th century. 
Cilicia was then fully integrated into the Ottoman 
Empire. In 1833 Ibrahim Pasha, the son of Mehmet 
'All who had revolted against the Porte, carried 
out a victorious campaign in Cilicia, and the province 
was ceded to his father by the treaty of Kiitahya. 
To this day traces of the campaign can be seen in 
the Cilician Gates. Cilicia was returned to Turkey in 
1840 and became part of the vilayet of Aleppo. In 
1866 a military force was sent from Istanbul to assert 
the authority of the central government over the 
local derebeys [q.v.] and tribal chiefs. This prepared 
the way for extensive agricultural settlement, which 
was accomplished in part with the help of Muslim 
migrants and repatriates from the Crimea and from 
the lost Ottoman territories in Europe and North 
Africa. (Djewdet Pasha, Ma'rildat, TTEM, no. 14/91, 
(1926), 117 ff.; W. Eberhard, Nomads and Farmers 
in south eastern Turkey ; problems of settlement, Oriens, 
vi (1953), 32-49). It was occupied by French troops 
from 1918 to 1922, and handed back to Turkey by 
the Franco-Turkish treaty of Ankara. The plain of 
Cukurova is now one of the most flourishing agri- 
cultural areas in Turkey. 

Bibliography : Apart from the works mention- 
ed in the text, see, for the classical period, Well- 
hausen, Die Kampfe der Araber mit den Romdern 
in der Zeit der Umaijiden, in NKGW Gottingen, 
Phil.-Hist. Kl., 1901, 414 ff. The texts of Tabari, 
Ya'kubl, Baladhuri, Kitdb aW-Uyun, etc., are 
translated by Brooks, The Arabs in Asia Minor, 
641-750, JHS, xviii (1898), 162-206, xix (1899), 
19-33. Byzantine and Arabs in the time 0/ the early 
Abbassids, 750-813, EHR, xv (1900), 728-747, xvi 
(1901), 84-92. For the following period, until 959, 
see Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, i, French ed., ii 
(in Russian), ii, pt. 2 (texts translated into French). 
For the Hamdanid period, M. Canard, Sayt al- 
Daula, Recueil de textes, Algiers 1934; idem, 



Hisloire de la dynastie des Hamddnides, i, Algiers 
195 1. For the Crusades and the period immediately 
preceding them, see Grousset's Histoire des 
Croisades, 3 vols., 1934-36; Runciman's History 
0/ the Crusades, 3 vols., 195 1-4; works mentioned 
in the text above, by Chalandon, N. Iorga. Brive 
histoire de la Petite Armenie-d' Armenie Cilicienne; 
L. Laurent, de Morgan, CI. Cahen (index) ; Michael 
the Syrian, Chronique, translated and edited by 
Chabot, Bar Hebraeus, Chronography, translated 
and edited by W. Budge, and the Recueil des 
Historiens des Croisades (western, Armenian and 
oriental historians). See the article armIniya, 
with its map, which includes Cilicia (note that 
Cydnus and Tarsus have been wrongly located) ; 
and K. J. Barmadjian. map of Cilicia, 1 ; 800.000.; 
also see the articles adana, ayas, c ayn zarba, 
missis, sis, Tarsus, and their respective biblio- 
graphies. (M. Canard) 
ClLLA [see khalwa] 

CIMKENT, chief town of the region of South 
Kazakhstan of the Soviet Socialist Republic of 
Kazakhstan, situated on the river Badam, which 
flows into the river Arls, tributary of the Sir-Darya. 
The town is mentioned in the £afar-ndma of 
Sharaf al-DIn Yazdl as a "village" near the city of 
Sayram. After its capture by the Kalmiiks in 1864, 
Sayram declined to the advantage of Cimkent; but 
at the time of the Russian conquest (1281/1864) 
Cimkent was still only a fortified market-town, 
surrounded by a clay wall and dominated by a 
small citadel. According to the Russian census 
carried out a little after the conquest, the town 
comprised 756 houses. 

On the eve of the October Revolution, Cimkent 
was mainly known as a summer resort frequented 
by the residents of Tashkent on account of the 
mildness of its climate and the excellence of its 
water. It had in 1897 12,500 inhabitants, of whom 
800 were Russians and 150 Jews. The environs of 
Cimkent included at the end of the 19th century 
numerous prosperous Russian villages and several 
native villages, of which the most important were 
Sayram, and the Asbldjab or Asfidjab of the Arab 

The very rapid development of the city dates 
from the Soviet period. In 1926 it comprised 21,000 
inhabitants, in 1939 74,200 and in 1956 130,000. 
Cimkent is an important road centre at the junction 
of the roads which wend their way from Russia (by 
way of Aktiibinsk and Kzyl-Orda) and from Siberia 
(by way of Alma-Ata) towards Tashkent, and is an 
important railway junction where the Diambul-Aris. 
Kzyl-Orda and Cimkent-Lenger railways intersect. 
Before the Revolution Cimkent was an agri- 
cultural centre which subsisted principally from the 
plantations of cotton (introduced in 1897) and from 
the harvesting of the medicinal plant artemisia cinae 
from which santonin is prepared. 

Since the discovery in 1932 of veins of lead at 
Acisay and Karamazor, and of coal at Lenger, 
Cimkent has become an important industrial city 
(factories of chemical and pharmaceutical products, 
combined with non-ferrous metals). The city in- 
cluded in 1956 35 primary and secondary schools, 
19 secondary technical schools and two colleges (the 
Teachers' Institute and the Technological Institute 
of Building Materials). 

The population of the city is very mixed, the 
Russians now constituting the majority of the in- 
habitants; the Muslim community includes Kazakhs 
and some Ozbeks. (Ch. Quelquejay) 

ClN [see al-sin] 

CINEMA [sinimd). History. Cinema is a newly 
imported art into the Muslim world; as such, it is a 
facet of the Western impact on the inhabitants and 
expresses their interest in Western technical achieve- 
ments and forms of entertainment. Silent films were 
apparently first imported into Egypt by Italians 
(1897), attracting considerable interest. Film shows 
for Allied troops, during World War I, familiarized 
many Near Easterners with the cinema. The influx of 
foreign films, the construction of entertainment halls, 
and the intellectual curiosity of the local intelligentsia 
made Egypt the centre of film shows and afterwards 
of local production. Most films shown then in the 
Near East were comedies or Westerns; in Egypt, 
mainly the former were emulated. Local production 
by foreign technicians, with Egyptians starring, 
started on silent films (1917); despite their medio- 
crity, they were warmly received. Simultaneously, 
cinema clubs sprang up, which eagerly discussed 
film-techniques and published in Arabic short-lived 
cinematic periodicals. Full-length Egyptian silent 
films were first produced (1927) by, respectively, 
the directors Widad 'Urfi and Lama Brothers, at 
a minimum cost. All rather resembled photographed 
sequences of a play, but were nonetheless welcomed 
by the public. This success encouraged Yusuf Wahbi 
to experiment with a sound film: he took to Paris, 
for synchronization, an Arab silent film, A wlad al- 
dhawdt (apparently patterned after Fr. Coppee's 
Le coupable), in which he himself had starred. Its 
enthusiastic reception in Egypt assured the future 
of the Arabic-speaking film. Arabic film pro- 
duction has been speeded up in the last generation. 
In 1934, the large Studio Misr was founded near 
Cairo; others followed. Halls were built, chiefly in 
the towns. Production was encouraged, during World 
War II, by the lack of Italian and German 
competition. Commercial success led to quantity 
predominating over quality; the resulting lower 
standards were due also to inexperience in direction 
and photography, and to shortage of technical 

Acting and actors. Most Arab filmstars are 
in Egypt. Some former theatre actors or singers are 
idolized, e.g., leadingmen: the late comedians 'All 
al-Kassar and Nadjlb al-RIhani, the living Yusuf 
Wahbi, protagonist of the "social" film on local 
themes. Some leading ladies can act in character 
roles; most others sing well. 

Characteristics and Themes. The Arabic- 
speaking film has been, until recently, rather 
imitative of its European or American counterpart, 
but artistic and technical standards are generally 
lower. While in recent years the overriding impor- 
tance of music has somewhat declined, it is still 
customary to introduce a sub-plot that includes 
vocal and instrumental Arabic music and dancing. 
Another drawback to the plot is the somewhat 
faulty script-writing, due to the limited experience 
of local actors-authors. While scripts adapted from 
foreign films, plays or novels {e.g., al-Bu^asd? — Les 
misirables, with 'Abbas Faris) were usually success- 
ful, those frequently composed at the bid of a 
producer-actor have often resulted in an unimagi- 
native plot. The main types of films are: a. the 
historical (generally on themes chosen from Arab or 
Islamic history; in Egypt — also from Pharaonic 
times), b. the social drama or melodrama (once 
popular for its tear-jerking appeal, later for its 
social aims), c. the musical, d. the comedy or slap- 
stick farce (usually on local background), e. adventure 


and detective films. The first two are the best, 
artistically. Colloquial Arabic (Egyptian dialect) is 
employed in most. 

Attitudes. While encouraging the cinema fin- 
ancially, to a degree, Arab governments have 
supervised and censored it. Censorship has been 
on socio-political lines, often also on moral and 
religious grounds. Pressure of Muslim religious 
circles prevented filming a script on Muhammad and 
the Four Caliphs (Egypt) ; on other occasions, it has 
opposed love films (Egypt), attendance of adolescents 
(Jordan) and women (Syria, Jordan). Conservative 
circles still regard acting as lewd. Features, documen- 
taries and educational films have been initiated by 
the United Arab Republic for propaganda amongst 
civilians and soldiers. 

The Arab countries. Outside Egypt, there is 
little film production. Morocco and Tunisia produce 
short films and occasional newsreels. Similar ex- 
periments in Syria and, more recently, in 'Irak, 
were short-lived. With few exceptions, most rural 
and lower urban audiences, in Arabic-speaking 
communities, prefer Egyptian films. Yemen imports 
very few films, while Saudi Arabia has banned their 
public showing on ethical grounds. 

Other countries. The above applies, in varying 
degrees, to other Muslim countries too. In most, a 
part of the film production and distribution is in 
governmental hands, particularly documentaries 
and educational films. Legislation in most provides 
for censorship on national and political grounds 
(internal tranquillity, avoiding offence to friendly 
States), as well as religious succeptibilities and 
public morals. Turkey appears to have the most 
active film industry, although most films shown are 
American. Educational films are provided gratis 
to cinema owners (who must exhibit them). Good 
feature-films on local themes have been produced, 
with marked American influence {e.g., Ebediyete 
kadar). Belly-dancing (of the Arabic-film type) and 
music continue, however, as an integral part of many 
films. Iran has started its own film production in 
Tehran only since 1945, on a modest scale. Most 
feature-films are comedies or have simple plots, 
often describing the rich city heir who falls in love 
with the peasant girl; kissing on the screen is 
discouraged. Sub-titling of foreign films or post- 
synchronizing them in Persian (the latter very 
efficiently done) is compulsory. In addition to other 
cinema halls, in Teheran a cinema club holds regular 
showings of good foreign films for its members and 
friends. In Afghanistan, the Government has 
established, by decree, a State monopoly of the 
cinema. There is no film production. Cinema halls 
are in Kabul and Kandahar. Women hardly ever go 
to the cinema, unless it is for rare private showings, 
specially arranged for them. Pakistan. Before 
partition, Indians controlled production and ex- 
hibition, as well as all technical work ; their departure 
left Pakistan with hardly any film industry. Even- 
tually this rallied and Pakistani companies now 
produce full-length and short films ; their main studios 
are in Lahore. Urdu films are also made in India. In 
Indonesia, a Government-controlled company pro- 
duces a few feature-films annually, as well as a weekly 
newsreel and some documentaries and short educa- 
tional films. Private companies produce only few 
feature-films. Indonesia-produced films are exported 
to Singapore, Malaya and North Borneo. 

Bibliography: Y. Farigh, Nigahi bi-sinimd-yi 

Irani, in Sadat, Aban 1336S./1957, 118-126; 

M. Ha'irabedian, Les films igyptiens el ceux de 

Hollywood, Paris 1950; J. M. Landau, The Arab 
cinema, in Middle Eastern Affairs, iv, Nov. 1953, 
349-358; idem, Studies in the Arab theater and 
cinema, Philadelphia 1958; Badr Nash 'at & 
Fathl Zaki, Muhakamat al-film al-misri <ard 
wa-nakd al-sinimd 'l-misriyya mundh nasVa- 
tihd, n. p., 1957; J. Swanson, Mudhakkardt 
mu'assis sind'at al-sinimd fi Misr (serial in 
Dunyd 'l-kawdkib, 1953-1954); Tournie officielle 
de la nouvelle troupe igyptienne sous la direction 
de Youssef Wahbi, n. p., n.d., [1955?]; Zaki 
Tulaymat, Khayf min al-fann al-sinimdH fi Misr, 
in al-Kitdb, i, Jan. 1946, 415-422; UNESCO, 
Reports of the commission on technical needs. Press 
film radio, ii-v & Suppl. ii, Paris 1948-1952 ; Sinema 
Tiyatro, Ankara (monthly). (J. M. Landau) 
CiNGANE, one of the names applied to the 
gipsies in the east, which has passed into various 
European languages (e.g., Hungarian Czigdny, 
French Tsigane, Italian Zingari, German Zigeuner) 
and appears in Turkish as Cingene. The origin of the 
name is still uncertain; one suggestion is that it 
comes from Cangar or Zingar, said to be the name 
of a people formerly dwelling on the banks of the 
Indus. It is supposed that the Sasanid Bahram V 
Gur (420-438 A.D.) first brought the gipsies from 
India to Persia, and that they spread thence over 
the world. In the relevant passages in Firdawsi and 
Hamza IspahanI these Indians are called Lull or 
Zott [qq.v.]. Other names commonly used are Nawar 
in Syria, Ghurbat or Kurbat in Syria, Persia, Egypt 
and elsewhere. In Egypt the name Ghadjar is also in 
use, while the gipsies of Egypt are fond of calling them- 
selves Baramika (descendants of the Barmakids). 
Although the Indian origin of the gipsies is now 
generally accepted, various groups of them have 
long claimed Egypt as their earliest home; hence 
their English name, and hence too the Spanish 
Gitano, French Gilane, Turkish Kipti and Hungarian 
Faraonipe. The term Bohimien, by which they are 
also known in France, is due to their having first 
come to that country via Bohemia. Other names 
may be found in the works of Anastase, De Goeje 
and Gokbilgin cited below. Their name for themselves 
in their own language is Romany, the adjective of 

As in other countries, the gipsies of the east are 
smiths, tinkers, pedlars, jugglers, musicians and 
bear- trainers; some are sedentary while others lead 
a wandering life. The sedentaries are generally 
despised by those who adhere to the old ways. 

No reliable statistics about them exist, but they 
are certainly quite numerous in Persia and Turkey. 
It has been fairly conclusively shown (by G. L. 
Lewis; see Bibliography) that one tribe of 'Yuruks' 
in western Anatolia is in fact gipsy, and it seems 
likely that other Turkish gipsies are similarly hiding 
behind this blanket-term. 

Some gipsies are nominally Christian, others 
nominally Muslim (thus the Geygellis are said to 
be c AlewI but not to intermarry with other c Alewis) ; 
in reality they have their own religion and political 
organization, which need not be discussed here; a 
useful short account will be found in Funk and 
Wagnall's Standard Dictionary of Folklore, s.v. 
Romany Folklore. 

Bibliography: A. G. Paspati, Etudes sur les 
Tchingianis ou Bohimiens de I'Empire Ottoman, 
Constantinople 1870; P. Bataillard, Sur les 
Origines des Bohimiens ou Tsiganes, Paris 1876; 
Miklosich, Vber die Mundarten und die Wander- 
ungen der Zigeuner Europa's, Vienna 1872-80; 


P. Anastase in Mashrik 1902; De Goeje, Mimoires 

d'histoire et de giographie orientates, no. 3 ; 

R. A. Stewart Macalister, Language of the Nawar 
or Zutt, the Nomad Smiths of Palestine, London 
1914; W. R. Halliday, The Gypsies of Turkey 
(Chapter I in his Folklore Studies Ancient and 
Modern), London 1924; R. L. Turner, The position 
of Romani in Indo Aryan, Gypsy Lore Socy. Mono- 
graph iv, London 1927; Koprulii-zade Mehmet 
Fuad, Turk halk edebiyah ansiklopedisi, article 
Abdal, Istanbul 1935; G. L. Lewis, The Secret 
Language of the Geygelli Yiiruks, in Zeki Velidi 
Togan'a Armagan, Istanbul 1955; lA, s.v. Cinge- 
neler (by M. Tayyib Gokbilgin) ; articles in Journal 
of the Gypsy Lore Socy., passim. (G. L. Lewis) 
In the Soviet Union Clnganes are found in the 
Crimea, in Adharbaydjan and in Central Asia. The 
census of 1926 gave a number of 4,000 Muslims out 
of the 61,294 gipsies included in the census, but it is 
probable that the real figure is higher. S. A. Tokarev 
(&tnografiya Narodov SSSR, Moscow 1958) esti- 
mates the number of Muslim gipsies in Central Asia 
at 5,000, and- that of Adharbaydjan as "some 
thousands". According to the statistics of 1926, 
there were at that time 3,710 Muslim gipsies still in 
Ozbekistan, 300 in Turkmenistan, and an indeter- 
minate number, probably quite high, in the region 
of Kuliab and in the Soviet Socialist Republic of 

The Cinganes of the Soviet Union comprise several 
groups, which are fairly distinct from each other by 
their language and customs. They are known either 
by local names: "KaracT", "Lull", "Mazang", 
"Djugr", "Kavol", or by names of trades: Zargaran, 
Kasagaran, Mardjan-furush. They call themselves 
"lorn" or "dom". The Lull and the Djugi live in 
Ozbekistan and speak mainly Persian (Tadjikl) ; a 
Turkish-speaking minority speak Ozbek. The gipsies 
of Adharbaydjan (Karaci) and Kuliab (Kavol) speak 
only Persian. A group from the region of Kuliab 
still usts a distinctive language of its own which has 
not yet been studied, and which I. M. Oranskiy 
(Indoyazitnaya etnografiteskaya gruppa "AFGON" 
v Sredney Aziy, in Sov. Etn., no. 2, 1956, 117-124) 
considers to be an Indian dialect. Their Tadjik 
neighbours call them 'Afghans', and wrongly confuse 
them with the latter, who are quite numerous in the 
southern part of the Kuliab region. According to 
Oranskiy and Tokarev the Djugi, the Lull, and the 
Mazang still use a 'secret language'. The gipsies of 
Central Asia and of the Crimea are theoretically 
Sunnis and those of Adharbaydjan Shi'is. 

(Ch. Quelquejay) 
ClNGIZ-KHAN, the founder of the Mongol 
world-empire, was born in 1167 A.D. on the right 
bank of the Onon in the district of Deli'un-Boldok 
in the present-day Chita Region in eastern Siberia. 
The ultimate sources for the details of his early 
life are two Mongolian works, the Secret History 
of the Mongols, composed in 1240 (or perhaps as late 
as 1252), and the Allan Debter or "Golden Book", 
the official history of the Imperial family. This 
latter work has not survived in the original, but the 
greater part of it is reproduced in the Dx&mi'- al- 
Tawdrikh of Rashid al-Din and there is likewise an 
abridged Chinese translation, the Shing-wu chHn- 
cheng lu or "Account of the Campaigns of Cingiz- 
Khan", composed some time before 1285. There is 
naturally in both sources a great deal of purely 
legendary material. The Secret History begins with 
a long genealogy in which Cingiz-Khan's line of 
descent is traced back through many generations 

to the union of a grey wolf and a white doe; and in 
both authorities the new-born child is represented 
as clutching in his hand, in token as it were of his 
future career as a world-conqueror, a clot of blood 
of the size of a knuckle-bone. 

Cingiz-Khan's father, Yesugei, was the nephew 
of Kutula, the last khan or ruler of the Mongols 
proper, who were afterwards to give their name to 
all the Mongolian-speaking peoples. The Mongols 
had been the dominant tribe in Eastern Mongolia 
during the first half of the 12th century but had 
been forced to yield place to the Tatar, a tribe in 
the region of the Buir Nor, who in 1161, in alliance 
with the Chin rulers of Northern China, had inflicted 
a crushing defeat upon them. Though now leaderless 
and disorganized the Mongols still continued the 
struggle against the Tatar, for we find that at the 
time of Cingiz-Khan's birth his father had brought 
in two Tatar chieftains as prisoners of war. One of 
these was called Temudjin-Uke and it was after him 
that Cingiz-Khan received his original name of 
Temiidjin. The word means "blacksmith" and this 
gave rise to the legend, already current at the time 
of William of Rubruck, that the world-conqueror 
had begun his career at the forge. 

When Temiidjin was nine years old his father, 
following the exogamous practice of the Mongols, 
took the boy with him upon a journey into the 
extreme east of Mongolia to find him a bride amongst 
his mother's people, the Konklrat. According to the 
custom Yesugei left his son to be brought up in the 
tent of his future father-in-law, whose daughter, the 
10-year old Borte, was destined to be the mother 
and grandmother of Emperors. Upon the homeward 
journey Yesugei fell in with a party of carousing 
Tatar. Unable to refuse the invitation to share in 
their feast he was recognized by his former enemies, 
who poisoned his food; and he lived only long 
enough to reach his own encampment and dispatch 
a messenger to fetch back Temiidjin from the 

With Yestigei's death his family was deserted by 
his followers under the instigation of the Taici'ut, a 
clan with aspirations to the leadership of the tribe. 
His widow, a woman of spirit, attempted, at first 
with some success, to rally the people to her; but 
in the end she and her young children were left to 
their own resources in the expectation that they 
would die of starvation. They survived however 
upon a diet of roots and berries eked out with such 
fish as Temiidjin and his brothers were able to catch 
in the Onon and such small prairie birds and animals 
as they were able to shoot with their bows and 
arrows. It was in a quarrel over game of this sort 
that Temiidjin is said to have been involved in the 
murder of one of his half-brothers. 

He had grown almost into manhood when the 
Taici'ut, learning of the family's survival, made a 
raid upon the little encampment with the object of 
seizing Temiidjin and preventing any possibility of 
his succeeding to his father's position. He escaped 
into the forests and for some days eluded his pursuers. 
When finally captured he was not put to death but 
was kept as a perpetual prisoner, the Taici'ut taking 
him with them from encampment to encampment 
with a cangue or wooden collar about his neck. One 
evening, when they were feasting along the bank 
of the Onon, he made off in the dark and, to avoid 
detection, submerged himself in the river with only 
his face above water. When the pursuit started his 
hiding-place was discovered by a member of a 
kindred tribe, who however befriended the young 


man and saved him from immediate danger by 
persuading the Taifi'ut to postpone their search till 
the morning. In the meanwhile Temiidjin found his 
way to the tent of his benefactor, who concealed 
him once again from his enemies and then provided 
him with the means of escape. 

It was soon after this adventure that Temiidjin 
bethought himself of the bride awaiting him in 
Eastern Mongolia and he paid a visit to the Konklrat 
to lay claim to her. Borte brought him as her entire 
dowry a black sable skin, a circumstance worthy 
of mention, since with this sable skin Temiidjin was 
to lay the foundations of his future fortune. He 
offered it as a present to Toghrtl, the ruler of the 
Kereyt, a Nestorian Christian tribe, whose territory 
lay along the banks of the Tula in the region of the 
present-day Ulan Bator. Toghrtl, better known to 
history as Ong-Khan (he is the Prester John of 
Marco Polo), had been the anda or blood-brother of 
Temudjin's father. He expressed his pleasure at the 
gift and took the young man under his protection. 
Not long passed before Temiidjin had need of his 
patron's assistance. The Merkit, a forest tribe on the 
southern shores of Lake Baikal in what is to-day the 
Buryat A.S.S.R., raided Temudjin's encampment 
and carried off his newly married bride. With the 
aid of Toghril and Djamuka, a young Mongol 
chieftain, who was his own anda, Temiidjin was able 
to defeat the Merkit in battle and to recover his wife. 
For a time, after this campaign, Temiidjin and 
Djamuka remained firm friends, pitching their 
tents and herding their animals side by side; but 
then an estrangement arose between them and they 
parted company. The reason for this estrangement 
is not clear but Barthold's theory, according to 
which Temiidjin represented the Mongol aristocracy 
whilst Djamuka was the champion of the common 
people, no longer finds acceptance. 

It was immediately following the break with 
Djamuka that the Mongol princes acclaimed Temiidjin 
as their khan and conferred upon him the title by 
which he is known to history: Cingiz-Khan or, in 
its Anglicized form, Genghis Khan. The meaning of 
this title is not clear. The most likely interpretation 
is that offered by Pelliot, who sees in Cingiz a 
palatalised form of the Turkish tengiz "sea" and 
translates the title accordingly as "Oceanic Khan". 
i.e., "Universal Ruler". It is not without significance 
in this connexion that when shortly afterwards 
Djamuka set himself at the head of a rival confede- 
ration of tribes he received the title of Gur-Khan,. 
which also means something like "Universal Ruler". 

With his elevation to the Khanate of his tribe 
Cingiz- Khan was now a power to be reckoned with 
in the domestic wars of the Mongol peoples. In 1196 
his patron Toghril was expelled from his throne and 
was for a time an exile at the court of the Kara- 
Khitay. He owed his restoration, in 1198, to the 
intervention of Cingiz-Khan. In the same year both 
rulers were the allies of the Chin in an expedition 
against the Tatar. For their contribution to the 
Chinese victory Toghril received the title of wang 
or "prince", whence his name of Ong-Khan, and 
Cingiz-Khan a much lesser title. In 1199 Cingiz- 
Khan and Ong-Khan launched a joint attack on 
the Nayman, a largely Christian tribe, apparently of 
Turkish origin, in Western Mongolia. The success 
of this campaign was nullified by the pusillanimous 
conduct of Ong-Khan, who first of all deserted 
Cingiz-Khan on the eve of a battle and then had to 
appeal for aid from his protege when himself attacked 
by the Nayman. Despite this experience the two 

princes remained allies and on several o 
1201 and 1202 defeated the confederation of tribes 
headed by Cingiz-Khan's former friend Djamuka. 
In 1202 Cingiz-Khan took his final revenge upon 
his old enemies the Tatar in a campaign which 
resulted in their total extermination as a people. 
Meanwhile his relations with Ong-Khan had been 
steadily worsening and it now came to open war. 
The first battle was indecisive and seems in effect 
to have been a defeat for Cingiz-Khan, who with- 
drew for a while into the extreme N.E. of Mongolia 
to a lake or river called Baldjuna, the identity of 
which has not been satisfactorily established. He 
soon rallied however and in a second battle (1203) 
gained an overwhelming victory over his opponent. 
Ong-Khan fled westwards to meet his death at the 
hands of a Nayman frontier guard, and the Kereyt 
ceased to exist as a people, being forcibly absorbed 
into the Mongols. 

Cingiz-Khan was now in complete control of 
eastern and central Mongolia. Only in the west, 
where the Nayman had been joined by Djamuka 
and the Merkit chieftain Tokto'a, was his supremacy 
still challenged. Forestalling an attack by his 
enemies Cingiz-Khan defeated them in a battle in 
which the Nayman ruler lost his life (1204). His son, 
Kucliig, fled westwards, along with the Merkit 
Tokto'a, to make a last desperate stand on the 
upper reaches of the Irtish: Tokto'a was killed by 
a stray arrow and Kiifliig, continuing his flight 
westwards, was granted asylum in the territory of 
the Kara-Khitay. Djamuka, meanwhile, deserted 
by his followers, had been betrayed into the hands 
of Cingiz-Khan, who, with the execution of his 
one-time anda, at last found himself the absolute 
master of Mongolia. At a kuriltay or assembly of the 
Mongol princes held near the sources of the Onon 
in the spring of 1206 he caused himself to be pro- 
claimed supreme ruler of all the Mongol peoples. 
Having also at this kuriltay reorganized his military 
forces he was now in a position to embark upon 
foreign conquests. 

Already in 1205 he had attacked the kingdom of 
the Tangut or Hsi Hsia, a people of Tibetan origin 
who inhabited the region of the great bend in the 
Yellow River, i.e., what is now the province of 
Kansu and the Ordos Region. Two further campaigns 
(in 1207 and 1209) reduced the Tangut to the status 
of tributaries and the way lay open for an assault 
upon North China proper. In 121 1 the Mongols 
invaded and overran the whole area north of the 
Great Wall, but the Wall itself presented a barrier 
to further advance. In the following year their cause 
was promoted by the rising of a Khitan prince in 
southern Manchuria; and in the summer of 1213 they 
finally forced their way through the Wall and spread 
out over the North China plain. By the spring of 
121 5 they controlled the whole area north of the 
Yellow River and were converging from three 
directions upon Pekin. The Chin Emperor was now 
offered and accepted terms of peace and secured 
the withdrawal of the Mongol forces by the payment 
of tribute which consisted, in effect, in the immense 
dowry of a Chin princess bestowed in marriage upon 
Cingiz-Khan. Circumstances however led to the 
Mongols' almost immediate return. Pekin was 
captured and sacked (summer of 1215), and the 
Emperor fled to K c ai-feng on the southern banks 
of the Yellow River. Though the war still continued 
— and, in fact, the subjugation of North China was 
not finally completed until 1234, seven years after 
Cingiz-Khan's death — Cingiz-Khan now left the 


command of operations in the hands of one of his 
generals, Mukali of the Djalayir tribe, and, in the 
summer of 1216 returned to his headquarters in 
Mongolia, there to turn his attention to events in 
Central and Western Asia. 

Kiiclug the Nayman, who had sought refuge with 
the Kara-Khitay, had dethroned the last of their 
rulers and made himself master of their territories. 
In 1218 a Mongol army under the famous general 
Djebe invaded Semirechye and Sinkiang and 
pursued Kucltig from Kashghar over the Pamirs into 
Badakhshan, where with the co operation of the 
local population he was captured and put to death. 

The accession of Semirechye and Sinkiang to his 
Empire gave Cingiz-Khan a common frontier with 
Sultan Muhammad Kh w arizm-Shah [q.v.]. Relations 
between the two rulers had been established already 
in 1215, when Cingiz-Khan had received an embassy 
from the Sultan before Pekin. In 1216, or more 
probably in 1219, a battle took place to the N.E. 
of the Aral Sea between a force commanded by 
Sultan Muhammad and a Mongol army led by 
Cingiz-Khan's eldest son Djoci which was returning 
from a successful campaign against the remnants 
of the Merkit. The encounter was indecisive and does 
not in any case seem to have contributed to the 
ultimate outbreak of hostilities. This was the result 
of the execution, ordered by the governor of Otrar, 
of an ambassador of Cingiz-Khan and a caravan of 
Muslim merchants accompanying him, a massacre 
apparently sanctioned by the Sultan himself. A 
second ambassador sent by Cingiz-Khan to demand 
satisfaction was likewise executed; and war became 
inevitable. Massing his forces on the Irtish in the 
spring of 1219, Cingiz-Khan had by the autumn of 
that year arrived before the walls of Otrar. He left a 
detachment under the command of his sons Caghatay 
and Ogedey to lay siege to the town, at the same 
time sending Djoci upon an expedition down the 
Sir-Darya, whilst he himself with the main army 
advanced upon Bukhara. Abandoned by its defen- 
ders, the town surrendered after a siege of only 
three days (first half of February, 1220). Samarkand, 
the next objective, offered as little resistance: it fell 
on 10 Muharram/19 March. Otrar had already 
capitulated and the besiegers of that town took part 
in the capture of Samarkand. 

From Samarkand Cingiz-Khan dispatched his two 
best generals, Djebe and Subetey, in pursuit of 
Sultan Muhammad, who upon receiving news of the 
Mongols' rapid advance had fled panic-stricken to 
the West. Doubling backwards and forwards across 
Persia the Sultan finally found refuge in an island 
off the eastern shores of the Caspian, where he died, 
it was said, of a broken heart. The generals continued 
their westward drive and passing through Adhar- 
baydjan and over the Caucasus descended into the 
steppes of what is now Southern Russia to defeat 
an army of Russians and Kipcak on the River 
Kalka in the Crimea. They then returned along the 
northern shores of the Caspian to rejoin Cingiz- 
Khan in Central Asia. 

Cingiz-Khan meanwhile had passed the summer of 
1220 resting his men and animals in the pastures of 
the Nakhshab area. In the autumn he captured 
Tirmidh and then proceeded up the Oxus to spend 
the winter of 1220-1 in the conduct of operations in 
the region of the present-day Stalinabad, as also in 
Badakhshan. Early in 1221 he crossed the Oxus and 
captured Balkh. Already after the capture of 
Samarkand he had dispatched Caghatay and Ogedey 
northwards to lay siege to Sultan Muhammad's 

capital at Gurgandj. He now sent Toluy, his youngest 
son, to complete the conquest of Khurasan, a task 
he accomplished with a thoroughness from which 
that province has never recovered. At Marw there 
were massacred according to Ibn al-Athir a total of 
700,000 men, women and children, whilst Diuwayni 
gives the incredible figure of 1,300,000. As for 
NIshapur, "it was commanded", says Diuwayni, 
"that the town should be laid waste in such a manner 
that the site could be ploughed upon; and that in 
the exaction of vengeance [for the death of a Mongol 
prince] not even cats and dogs should be left alive". 
After the capture of Harat Toluy rejoined his father, 
who was laying siege to the town of Talakan between 
Balkh and Marw ar-Rudh (not to be confused with 
another town of similar name, the present-day 
Talikhan in the Afghan province of Badakhshan) . 
The summer of 1221 Cingiz-Khan passed in the 
mountains to the south of Balkh. In the meantime 
Djalal al-Din, the son of Sultan Muhammad, had 
made his way to Ghazna and at Parwan to the N.E. 
of Carikar had inflicted a crushing defeat upon the 
Mongol force dispatched against him, the only 
reverse suffered by the Mongols during the whole 
campaign. Cingiz-Khan, upon receiving news of this 
battle, advanced southwards at great speed in 
pursuit of Sultan Djalal al-DIn, whom he finally 
overtook on the banks of the Indus. Hemmed in on 
three sides by the Mongol armies and with the river 
behind him Djalal al-Din, after offering desperate 
resistance, plunged into the water and swam to the 
farther side, surviving to conduct sporadic warfare 
against the Mongols for three years after Cingiz- 
Khan's death. 

The Battle of the Indus, which took place according 
to Nasawi on the Shawwal 618/24U1 November 1221, 
marks the end of Cingiz-Khan's campaign in the 
West. He began to prepare for the homeward 
journey and having explored the possibility of 
returning though India via Assam and Tibet finally 
turned back along the route he had been following. 
He travelled by easy stages, spending the summer of 
1222 in mountain pastures on the Hindu-Kush and 
the following winter in the neighbourhood of Samar- 
kand. The spring and summer of 1223 he passed in 
the region of the present-day Tashkent; in the 
summer of the following year he was on the upper 
reaches of the Irtish; and it was only in the spring 
of 1225 that he finally reached his headquarters in 

In the autumn of the following year he was again 
at war with the Tangut, but did not live to see the 
victorious outcome of this final campaign. He died 
on 25 August 1227 whilst resting in his summer 
quarters in the district of Ch'ing-shui on the Hsi 
River in Kansu. The authorities give no clear 
indication as to the cause of his death but a fall 
from his horse which he sustained whilst hunting 
during the previous winter may well have been a 
contributory factor. 

Of his personal appearance there appears to have 

survived only one contemporary record, that of 

Djuzdjani, who describes him as being at the time 

of his invasion of Khurasan "a man of tall stature 

and vigorous build, robust in body, the hair on his 

face scanty and turned white, with cat's eyes". 

Bibliography: Of the Secret History of the 

Mongols there is a Russian translation by S. A. 

Kozin (Leningrad 1941), a German translation by 

Erich Haenisch (2nd ed., Leipzig 1948), a Turkish 

translation by Ahmet Temir (Ankara 1948), an 

incomplete French translation by Paul Pelliot 


(Paris 1949), and an English translation by 
F. W. Cleaves (Cambridge, Mass. i960). Of a 
French translation of the Shlng-wu chHn-chlng lu 
by Paul Pelliot and Louis Hambis (Histoire des 
Campagnes de Genghis Khan) only the first volume 
has so far appeared (Leiden 1951). See also 
Haenisch, Die letzten Feldziige Cinggis Han's und 
sein Tod nach der ostasiatischen Oberlieferung, in 
Asia Major, ix (1933). Djuwayni's history is now 
available in the translation of J. A. Boyle {The 
History of the World-Conqueror, 2 vols., Manchester 
1958) and the relevant portions of Rashld al-Dln 
in the translations of A. A. Khetagurov and 
O. I. Smirnova {Sbornik letopisei, i, 1, and i, 2, 
Moscow 1952). See also Ren6 Grousset, Le Con- 
quirant du Monde (Paris 1944). 

(J. A. Boyle) 
CINGIZIDS, the four sons of Cingiz Khan [q.v.] 
by his marriage with his favourite wife Borte, and 
their descendants. In contrast to them Cingiz 
Khan's brothers and their sons, as well as the descend- 
ents of Cingiz Khan by other marriages, were of 
importance only in the first decades of the Mongol 
Empire, after which they fell into the background. 
In accordance with the will of Cingiz Khan, the 
empire conquered by him (including the parts 
whose acquisition had not yet been accomplished 
and which did not in fact take place until 1236/42 
or 1255/59) was divided among his four sons: 
I) Djoii (£i°£i), who may not have been a real 
descendent of Cingiz Khan (see further Cingiz 
Khan); II) Caghatay (Djaghatay); III) Ogedey 
(Ogoday, Ogotay, Pers. Ok/gaday); IV) Toluy 
(Tuluy, cf. these articles). 

I) Djoii died before his father, in about February 
1227. His legacy (Ulus), the Kipiak Plain and West 
Siberia (including Khwarizm) passed to his descend- 
ants. These were in part as early as the 13th century 
(Berke [q.v.]), and certainly by the first half of the 
14th century, Muslims (SunnI), and played an 
extraordinary role in the spread of Islam. 

A) His second son Batu (d. 1255) took over the 
Kipcak Plain and founded the empire of the Golden 
Horde. His descendants ruled there until 1360 (for 
details cf. BatO'ids, with a genealogical table). 

B) After 16 years' confusion the rule of the Golden 
Horde 1376. passed to the descendants of Batu's older 
brother Orda, who had taken control of the so-called 
"White Horde" in Western Siberia. Little is known 
about him, his immediate descendants and the 
situation in that region. After the two year rule of 
his seventh generation descendants Urus Khan and 
two of his sons, Toktamlsh [q.v.] finally appears in 
the full light of history. Expelled by Tlmiir [q.v.] 
in 798/1395, four of his sons were later (815-822/ 
1412-1419) able to assert themselves as nominal 
rulers of the Golden Horde (apart from the major 
domus Edigii, Russ. Yedigey, d. 1419, who exercised 
actual power). Since that time (and already from 1395 
of 1412) the progeny of Urus Khan ruled as Khans. 

After 842/1438 the territory of the Golden Horde 
dissolved into several separate states in which 
descendants of Cingiz Khan likewise ruled: 

a) The "Great Horde" in which a great-great 
grandson of Urus Khan, Kiiciik Mehmed (Muham- 
mad), assumed power about 1438, and whose 
descendents were able to retain it until 908/1502. 

b) The Khanate of Astrakhan [q.v.] where suc- 
cessors of Kiiciik Mehmed ruled until 965/1557. 

C) Parallel to that the descendants of a hitherto 
insignificant third line, that of Batu's and Orda's 
brother Togha Temur (Tuka Timur), managed to 

share in the dismemberment of the Kipcak. Of 
these, the following succeeded: 

c) Ulugh Mehmed (murdered in 850/1446), after his 
expulsion from the "Great Horde", to the Khanate 
of Kazan (Russ. Kazan [q.v.]) which his successors 
(among whom were the princes of Kasimov, see "e") 
lost in 960/1552 to the Russians. 

d) Ulugh Mehmed's nephew, HadjdjI Giray ([q.v.]; 
A. 870/1466), held fast (definitively in 1449) to the 
Crimea (see kIrIm) where his successors, under the 
dynastic name Giray, ruled as the last descendants 
of Cingiz Khan in Europe, until the annexation of 
the Crimea by the Russians in 1783. 

e) In the small Tatar principality of Kasimov 
([q.v.], region of Ryazan), various princes (finally 
a princess) of the line of Ulugh Mehmed (see 
,'c"), of Kiiciik Mehmed (see "a"), of Giray (see 
"d"), and of the Siberian Shaybanids (cf. "E d") 
ruled between 856-861/1452-56 and about 1092/ 
1 68 1. Some of them (including the last ruler) became 
converted to Orthodox Christianity and became the 
forefathers of Russian noble families. 

f) Descendants of the branch ruling in Astrakhan 
(see 'b") had fled after the Russian conquest to the 
Shaybanids in Bukhara (see "E a"). One of them, 
Prince Djan b. Yar Muhammad, married the daughter 
of the Shaybanid Khan Iskandar (968-991/1560-83). 
After the extinction of the male line of the Bukhara 
dynasty in 1006/1598, their son Baki Muhammad 
assumed the rule of the land. The new dynasty was 
called "AstrakhSnid", "Ashtarkhanid" or "Djanid" 
[q.v.], and ruled in Bukhara [q.v.] until their dis- 
placement in 1200/1785 by the House of Mangit [q.v.]. 

D) Among the descendants of a further son of 
Pjoci, Moghol (or Tewal?; P. Pelliot, Notes 52/54 
considers "Boal" better), his grandson Xoghay 
([q.v.]; Mongol "Nokhay" 'dog') played a significant 
role as major domus for several rulers of the Golden 
Horde, until he was killed in a civil war in 699/1299. 
His descendants are known for a further two genera- 
tions before they disappear. — Apparently the 
Nokhay people [q.v.] is called after him. 

E) Finally, the descendants of DjocTs youngest 
son Shiban (Arabicized "Shayban") lived originally 
in the region southeast of the Urals (somewhere 
between the source of the Tobol in the west and the 
Upper Irtish in the east, modern Kazakhstan) where 
they preserved their nomadic life. When the inhabit- 
ants of Orda's "White Horde" under Toktamish 
migrated far into the Kipcak Plain, the Shaybanids 
[q.v.] occupied their territoiy, and the peoples under 
their rule came to be called Ozbek (q.v.]; Russ. 
Uzbek). Of Shiban's descendents, the Shaybanids. 
Abu'l-Khayr([j.t>.], i, 135) expelled in 851/1447 the 
Timurids [q.v.] from Khwarizm [q.v.] and in the region 
north of the Sir Darya [q.v.]. He ruled the area from 
there to the neighbourhood of Tobol'sk, but was 
weakened by the devastating attacks of the Oirats 
([q.v.] ; Kalmuks) into his territory as well as by the 
struggles with the Kazakhs [q.v.] and died in 873/1468. 
His grandson Muhammad ShaybanI [q.v.] conquered 
Transoxania in 906/1500, where he broke the rule of 
the Timurids, penetrating finally into modern Afgha- 
nistan [q.v.] as well as Khurasan [q.v.]. The founder 
of the Safawid dynasty [q.v.], Isma'il I [q.v.] managed 
to expel him from there and to defeat him near 
Marw in 916/1510, where Muhammad ShaybanI was 
killed. With that move, the power of the Cingizids was 
restricted to the area north of the Amu Darya, and 
of this to a frontier zone between Persian Shi'I and 
Turkish Sunni influence (not without isolated shifts 
in both directions in the course of time). 

The reign of the Shaybanids endured in Trans- 
oxania, where they ruled: 

a) until 1007/1598 in Bukhara, where the ruling 
family died out with <Abd Allah II ([g.v.], i, 46 ff.; 
991-1007/1583-98). The Dianids succeeded (see "C f"). 

b) in Khwarizm [g.v.], later called for the most 
part Khiwa. which had fallen in 911-912/1505-6 to 
Muhammed Shaybani, the tributary line of the 
c Arabsh5hids succeeded in 911/1512 in the person of 
Ilbars I (1512-25). To this line belongs the famous 
historian Abu '1-Ghazi Bahadur Khan {[g.v.], i, 120 ff. ; 
1053-1076/1643-65), the author of the "Shadiarat 
al-Atrak". The line ruled until 1 106- 7/1694-95, when 
the power passed to the erstwhile "Condottieri" 
(Inak) of the Kungrat family [q.v.] who after 1219/ 
1804 called themselves "Khan". 

c) A further branch of the Shaybanids under 
Shah Rukh I, a descendent of Abu '1-Khayr, esta- 
blished himself in Farghana [q.v.] in 1122/1710. He 
founded the Khanate of Khpkand [q.v.] which was 
annexed in 1S76 by the Russians. 

d) Finally in 886/1481 the Shaybanid prince Ibak 
(d. 899/1493) was able to wrest the neighbourhood of 
the town of Tiimen (Russ. Tyumen) from the hands 
of the Khan of Sibir (who was not a Cingizid). In 
973/1565 his grandson Kucum expelled the last 
Khan of Sibir [q.v.] and put down his successors, 
though after 1579 found himself oppressed by Russian 
attacks and gradually pushed out of his territory, 
until he had to flee to the Noghays after a defeat 
on the Ob' in 1007/1598, dying there in 1009/1600. 
His son Ishim Khan managed to hold out on the 
Upper Tobol' until about 1035/1625. 

e) Kasimov (cf. "C e"). 

II) The descendants of the second son Caghatay 
([q.v.], d. 640/1242) persisted for almost as long, 
managing to hold their ground against the de- 
scendents of Ogedey (see III) in the 7th/i3th cen- 
tury, and to win out against them in 700/1309 [See 
Capar]. After that date inner Asia belonged to 
their area of rule (Ulus). From then on there were 
various struggles with the Ilkhans {[g.v.]; see also 
under "IV B") in Persia, and invasions into India, 
particularly between 697/1297 and 706/1306. 

Caghatay's great grandson Barak {[g.v.]; usually 
called by Muslims "Burak") and the latter's son 
Duwa (about 691/1291 to 706/1306) had with Chinese 
aid asserted themselves against Kaidu (see III). 
Duwa's son Kebek (Kopek) was able in 709/1309 to 
take possession of the latter's inheritance, (d. 726/ 
1326) His brother Termashirin (727-735/1326-34) 
was converted to Islam, taking with him the dynasty 
and gradually (though not without setbacks) the 
territory it ruled into the sphere of Islam. His 
death was followed by a temporary cleavage in the 
Ulus of Caghatay: 

a) The branch of the house ruling in Transoxania 
was converted to Islam. 

b) In the eastern part of the Ulus, since called 
Mogholistan (the land of seven rivers/Dieti suw/ 
Semirecye; the area round Issik Kul as well as the 
western Tarim Basin with KSshgar) ruled a line 
under whom Islam only spread slowly. 

A renewed unity of the two parts by Tughluk 
Temiir [q.v.] was finally broken by Tlmur's victory 
in 765/1363 by which Transoxania came to develop a 
separate character, where Turkish now definitely 
attained to leadership. Beside Tlmur Caghatayids 
continued to rule as nominal Khans until 805/1402. 
The Khans in Mogholistan could not be eliminated, 
despite Timur's persistent efforts. 

Rather after TImur's death in 808/1405, they were 

able gradually to regain influence in Transoxania. In 
particular, Esen Bogha II (833-867/1429-62) proved 
himself a dangerous opponent of the Timurids. 
Between him, the Kara Koyunlu [g.v.], the Ak 
Koyunlu and finally, the rising Safawids [g.v.], the 
Timurids (with the exception of the Great Moghuls) 
were gradually worn down. Their territory fell finally 
to the Shaybanids {[g.v.]; see also above "I E") and 
to the (eastern) Caghatayids from Mogholistan, among 
whom Yunus (874-891/1469-86), raised as a hostage 
in Shiraz, took possession in 889/1484 of Tashkent 
[q.v.] and Sayram [g.v.]. His successors maintained 
themselves there, reaching out at the same time — in 
opposition to China — towards Ha-mi and Turfan 
[g.v.], to whose islamization they decisively con- 
tributed. In Transoxania the Caghatayids were 
definitively eliminated in 914-15/1508-09 by the 
Shaybanids. Only Mogholistan east of T c ien-shan 
remained in the hands of this dynasty, who were 
forced to share their power with the clan of Dughlat 
[g.v.], centred at Kashghar. Living for the most 
part in harmony, both families took part in the 
struggle for Ha-mi and Turfan against China, a 
struggle which lasted still in the 16th century. 
Apparently at the end of that century a particular 
branch of the Caghatayids established itself in Turfan, 
and in 1057/1647 and 1068/1657 sent embassies to 
China. By the end of the 16th century Caghatayid 
power had split in several parts. It was fully ended 
in 1089/1678 when Khan Isma'Il of Kashghar [g.v.] 
attempted to get rid of the control of the Khodia 
[g.v.] which, divided in two parts, since the end 
of the ioth/i6th century had been the real leaders 
in that region, which was organised in separate 
city states in the form of theocracies. 

III) Cingiz Khan's third son Ogedey [g.v.], in 
accordance with his father's will and with the 
approval of his agnates, succeeded his father as the 
Great Khan from 627/1229 until 639/1241. His son 
Goyiik (Pers. Guyuk) too had his honour from 
644/1246 to 646/1248. The widows of both, Toregene 
(Pers. Turaklna) and Oghul Kaymish, conducted the 
regency in 639-644/1241-46 and 646-649/1248-51. 
Under Batu's influence however this line was un- 
able to maintain itself in the Great Khanate, 
which passed to the line of Tolui (see IV). None 
the less, Kaydu, a nephew of Goyiik, held his own 
in Ogedey's Ulus on the Imil, in the Tarbagatay 
Mountains and in modern Afghanistan. He conducted 
long wars with the princes of the House of Caghatay 
(II), especially Barak, as well as with the Great 
Khan Kubilay, whose "nomadic" rival he was. He 
adhered to the old Mongolian religious traditions, 
and died in 1301 on the return march from an 
assault on Karakorum [g.v.]. His son and successor 
Capar (Capar; [g.v.]) resumed the struggle against 
the descendents of Caghatay and Kubilay, but had 
to flee from Kebek (see II) in 1309 to the court of 
the Mongol Emperor of China. Thereupon the Ulus 
of Caghatay ceased to exist. 

IV) Cingiz Khan's youngest son Toluy had a 
such received as Ulus the territory of the actuals 
Mongolia. Since his sons Mongke (Pers. Mangu; 
[g.v.]) 1251-1259, and Kubilay [g.v.] 1259-94, were 
Great Khans into whose hands until 1280 all of 
China had fallen, there was a dynastic connexion 
between Mongolia with its capital Karakorum and 
the Middle Kingdom, where the Mongol dynasty 
was called Yuan. A third brother Arik (Erik) B6ge, 
who attempted to establish himself in Mongolia, was 
forced to surrender in 1264 and died in 1266 in 
Kubilay's custody. His great-grandson Arpa ruled 


Cingiz Khan t 1227 

. Djocit 1 

6 generations Golden Horde 

(Golden Temur 

1256-67) 7 generations 

D. Moghol 
1 generation 

in Kazakhstan 

Urus Khan T015 Khodja 
(Golden Horde) I 

(1374-6) Toktamlsh 

t 1406-7 

c) Ulugh Ghiyath al-DIn 

Mehmed 1 1447 I 

I d) Crimea 

Kazan (House of Giray) 

Golden Horde 

4 sons a ) Bukhara 

(Golden Horde) 1500-1598 

Barak (Bui 
t 1271-: 

I L " 



Great Khan 






a) Great 
(until 1502) f ) Eianids of Bukhara 

Astrakhan (until 1557) 

inids of Bukh 

) Khwarizm c) Khokand d) Siberia e) Kasimov 

512-1694-5 1710-1876 1565-c. 1625 (also princes 

of other 


until 1681) 

a) Khans of b) Khans 

Transoxania of 

until 1402 Mogholistan 

[supremacy I 

I 7 

Khans of Khans of 

Transoxania Mogholistan 

(junior and 

branch) Kashghar 

in til 1509 until 1678 

(fled 1309) 

Mongke A. Kubilay 

Great Khan Great Khan 

(1251-9) (1259-94) 

Khans of 

B. Hulegii 
t 1265 
, I. 

Several Tribes 

The numbers and letters of this geneological table correspond with the numbers and letters of the article "cincizids". 


for a few months in 1335/36 as Ilkhan (see "IV B"). 

A) Kubilay inclined more and more towards 
Buddhism, and his successors as emperors of China 
were completely absorbed in the indigenous culture 
and in the Chinese religion. The essential cau; 
this was that alter Kubilay's death in 1294 the ei 
Mongol network collapsed, as the other branches of 
the house had sooner or later converted to Islam, . 
the Ilkhans of Iran in 695/1295, who had hitherto 
particularly cultivated their relations with Khan- 
baligh ("Khan-city" ; Peking). The Yuan dynasty, 
driven out of China in 1368, maintained the rule in 
Mongolia, where the various branches of the h 
drifted apart, though having nothing to do with 
Islam. At the end of the 16th century among the 
Mongols (as a linguistic community) Buddhism 1 
established in its Tibetan form of "Lamaism" of 
the "Yellow Church". The Kalmuks [q.v.] too 
brought this religion to the Volga where 
preserved it. After 1649 the Mongols in the Ordos 
region were again subject to Chinese authority. 

B) A fourth brother of Kubilay, Hiilegii (Pel 
Hulagu; [q.v.] d. 1265) conquered in 653-658/1255-59 
Persia, 'Irak and Mesopotamia and, temporarily, 
Syria. He destroyed the c Abbasid caliphate and 
founded the empire of the Ilkhans [q.v.']. He and 

inclined to Buddhism, but with Ghazan [q.v.] in 695/ 
1295 were converted to Islam, in which they vai 
Mated openly between Sunni and Shi'I (Oldjeytu, 
d. 716/1316). The Ilkhan empire collapsed after 736/ 
1335 in civil wars, and the last offspring of 
line, (A)Nushirwan disappeared from history 
754-5/I353-4. The heritage of the Ilkhans was finally 
taken over by Timur. 

Bibliography: A. C. Mouradgea d'Ohsson, 
Histoire des Mongols 1 , 4 vols., Amsterdam 1852; 
H. H. Howorth, History of the Mongols, 4 vols, 
and suppl., London 1876/88, 1927; R. Grousset, 
U Empire des steppes, Paris 1939; W. Barthold, 
12 Vorlesungen iiber die Geschichte der Tiirken 
Mittelasiens, Berlin 1935 ; B. Spuler, Die Mongolen- 
zeit 2 , Leiden 1953 (English version, i960). 

Genealogical Tables: E. de Zambaur: 
Manuel de ginialogie . . . s , Hanover 1955, Tables 
241-76 (and lists of rulers); N. I. Veselovskiy, in 
Izv. otd. russk. yazlka i slovesnosti Imp. Akad. 
Nauk XXI/i (1916-17), 8-9. 

Maps : A. Herrmann, Atlas of China, Cambridge 
Mass. 1935, 49-55; B. Spuler, a) Mongolenzeit, as 
above ;-b) in Westermanns Atlas zur Weltgeschichte, 
Braunschweig 1957, 72 ft., 99; Hist. Atlas of the 
Muslim Peoples, Amsterdam 1957, 26 ff., 31, 37; 
Zambaur, Map 4. 

In addition, see the bibliography for the indi- 
vidual branches of the Cingizids, for the individual 
members of the family, and for the above- 
mentioned geographical and town names. 

(B. Spuler) 
ClNlOT (Cinyot), An ancient town in the 
district of Djhang (West Pakistan), situated in 
31° 43' N. and 73° o' E., on the left bank of the 
Clnab with a population of 39,042 in 1951. It was, 
in all probability, once a settlement of Chinese who 
not only gave their name to the town but also to 
the river that flows past at a distance of 2 miles only. 
Attempts have been made to identify it with 
Sakala, the capital of the White Huns, visited by the 
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang. In 800/1398 it was 
captured by Timur, during his Indian campaign, 
and remained thereafter in the possession of his 
dependents. In 876/1471 Sultan Husayn b. Kutb al- 

Din Lingah, the wall of Multan, dispossessed Malik 
Mandjhi Khokhar, agent of Sayyid c Ali Khan, the 
governor of Cinlot under Buhlul Lodl. In the mean- 
time Buhlul Lodl appointed his son Barbak Shah 
as the governor of the Pandjab. His appointment 
was, however, resented by Sultan Husayn who met 
him in a fierce combat near Multan; defeated his 
troops and pursued them right upto Cinlot. The 
troops of Barbak Shah, however, succeeded in 
occupying the town and killed the local commandant. 
In 925/1519 Babur occupied it in pursuance of a 
resolve to regain the territory which once was held 
by his ancester, Timur. He ordered his troops not 
to indulge in plundering or over-running because 
he considered it to be a part of his patrimony. 
Prior to Babur's occupation the town was in the 
possession of c Ali Khan b. Dawlat Khan Yusuf- 
Khayl, governor of the Pandjab. 

Thereafter it remained under the Mughals and in 
the days of Akbar it had a brick-fort garrisoned by 
5,000 infantry. During the second half of the 12th/ 
18th century it suffered heavily from Durrani 
inroads and Sikh depredations; the town was badly 
disturbed and the residents knew neither peace nor 
security. In 1264/1848 it again suffered under 
Narayan Singh, the Sikh commandant. The very 
next year it became a British possession with the 
annexation of the Pandjab in 1 265/1 849. 

Cinlot now consists of the main town and two 
suburbs, one of which has grown up round the tomb 
of Shaykh Isma'il. It is a well-built town and many 
of the houses, owned by the Khodjas, are lofty and 
commodious. The Khodjas are well-known for their 
great wealth and extensive business relations. 
They came to this town after its occupation by 
Randjit Singh, the Sikh Maharadja. 

Sa c d Allah Khan 'Allami al-Tamimi the cele- 
brated chief Minister of Shahdjahan and the 
physician c Ilm al-Din al-Ansari, better known to 
history as Wazir Khan, the Mughal governor of 
Lahore during the reign of Shahdjahan, were 
both natives of Cinlot. Sa c d Allah Khan made a 
gift to his townsmen of the exceedingly handsome 
Djami c Masdjid built of stone obtained from the 
neighbouring hills; Wazir Khan built the famous 
mosque of Lahore still known after him and founded 
the town of Wazirabad. Some of the masons 
employed on the Tadj Mahall (Agra) are said to 
have been drawn from Cinlot, most probably at the 
instance of Sa'd Allah Khan, who knew all about 
their skill in masonry, and one of those who built 
the (Sikh) Golden Temple at Amritsar was also a 
resident of Cinlot. This town was also famous for 
■ing and some very fine specimens of 

old t. 

Bibliography: Bdbumdma (Eng. transl. A. 
S. Beveridge), 380-2; Sudjan Ray, Khuldsat al- 
Tawdrlkh (ed. M. Zafar Hasan), Delhi 1918, 78, 
293-4; Punjab District Gazetteers (Jhang), Lahore 
1910, 163-5; D. G. Barkley in JRAS (1899), 
132-3; <Abd al-Hayy Nadawi, Nuzhat al-Khawdtir , 
Haydarabad (Deccan) i375/i955, 154, 279-80; 
Elliot and Dowson, iv , 232.; c Abd al-Hamid Khan, 
Pawns of Pakistan, Karachi n.d. 129-35. 

(A. S. Bazmee Ansari) 
CINTRA [see shintara] 

ClRAGH-I DIHLl ("Light of Dihli"), the 
lakab of Shaykh NasIr al-DIn MahmOd b. 
Yahya YazdI, Awadhi, said to be based on a 
remark of his contemporary Shaykh c Abd Allah b. 
As'ad al-Yafi'I (d. 768/1367) (Firishta, ii, 781', 747 3 , 
Djamail, 141b). He was one of the most eminent 


disciples of Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Awliya 3 . His 
father Yahya was born in Lahore. Later the family 
settled at Awadh (Ayodhya), where his father 
traded in woollen cloth or cotton (pashmina in 
Khayr al-Madidlis, var. panbe in Akhbdr 80). It was 
in Awadh that Mahmud was born, but he was not 
yet nine, when his father died. His widowed mother 
arranged for his education with a distinguished 
scholar of those days Mawlana c Abd al-Karim 
Sharwanl (Nuzhat al-Khawdtir, ii, 70), with whom 
he studied up to al-Marghlnanl, Hiddyat al-Fikh, 
and Pazdawl, Usui, (Brockelmann, I 373, S I 637). 
When Sharwanl died the young Mahmud completed 
his education in the usual sciences with Mawlana 
Iftikhar al-Din Muhammad al-Gilani {Nuzha, ii, 15). 
When he was about twenty-five, he renounced the 
world and for seven years went through a rigorous 
course of self-discipline and self-mortification, and 
fought against the passions with prayer and fasting. 
At forty-three he moved to Dihli and became a 
disciple of Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Awliya 5 , i.e., 
Muhammad Bada'uni. After this he visited Awadh 
only occasionally and was mostly attending on his 
murshid at the Diamd'at Khdna at KHokhafi, on 
the bank of the Diamna. 

He resided in Dihli in the house of his old friend 
and fellow-disciple Shaykh Burhan al-DIn Gharib 
{?.».]. Towards the end of 724/1324, or a few months 
later, his Shaykh, who was then about 94, appointed 
him his successor in Dihli, to carry on his life-work 
and passed on to him the souvenirs (khirka, rosary 
«tc.) of his own Shaykh (Farid al-Din) (Mandwi, 115, 
cf. Kirmani, 220-2). He followed his Shaykh punct- 
iliously in the path of poverty and patience, resig- 
nation (in the will of God) and acceptance {taslim 
wa ridd) and remained celibate like him. After the 
death of his Shaykh he guided the people for thirty- 
two years. Kirmani (242 ff.) gives several instances 
of his remarkable power of thought-reading. 

He and most of his khalifas lived in strict obedience 
to the shari'a, and engaged themselves in teaching 
religious sciences and the spreading of knowledge 
(cf. Ghulam 'All Azad, Subhat al-Mardfdn, 30). 
A contemporary faklh, Kamal al-DIn, the author of 
Turfat al-FukaW (in verse), who visited his 
khdnakdh, confirms it thus: 

"On every side Jurisprudence and (its) 
Principles were being taught, 
On every side God, and the Apostle were 
being mentioned". 

Har (araf dars-hd zi fikh u 
Har (araf dhikr az Khuddm 
(Panjab University MS. f. 1 

When Sultan Muhammad Tughluk 725-52/1324-51) 
adopted a hostile policy against the '■ulama? etc. 
(for reasons discussed by Mahdl Husayn), he created 
difficulties for the Shaykh too in various ways. The 
sultan would take him along with him on his travels 
and on one occasion he put him in charge of his 
wardrobe. The Shaykh bore all these troubles and 
annoyances patiently, keeping in view the injunc- 
tions of his master (Kirmani 245 f.; Djamali 138b; 
Mandwi 115; Akhbdr 81, 91; Firishta, ii, 747; 
Bada'unl, i, 242). However his relations with the 
sultan's successor, Firuz Shah, were much better, 
and the Shaykh supported the sultan's ascent to 
the throne (Barani (Bib. Ind.), 535; 'Afif (Bib. Ind.) 
29; Mubarak Shdhi (Bib. Ind.) 121; Bada'unl, i, 
24if. ; Tabakdt-i Akbari, i, 225). True to the tradition 
of the great Cishtl Saints, he compiled no book 

(Akhbdr, 81) but his obiter dicta, and anecdotes about 
him, were collected by Hamld Kalandar (Akhbdr, 
109, 86). The work called Khayr al-Madidlis, begun 
in 755/1354 and completed in 756/1355, is divided 
into 100 Madidlis (Assemblies). The Shaykh himself 
revised this work. A takmila (supplement) was 
added to it by the author, after the death of the 
Shaykh. The narrative is given in simple Persian 
and the account is full and detailed. For quotations 
from it see Ahhbar, 109-112, 82-5. An Urdu trans- 
lation of it exists (Ta'rikh Mashayikh Cisht i62n, 
i83n). A number of his sayings reveal a learned and 
illumined personality. For an Arabic verse of his 
see Akhbdr, 97. 

The enormous influence which he wielded in 
Dihli and outside it (northern India and Deccan) 
in his own and the following generations, becomes 
clear from the lengthy list of his notable disciples 
and khalifas, who are noticed in detail in the Akhbdr, 
129-148, 141, 142-146, 147-149 and 85, (see also 
Nuzhat al-Khawdtir. ii, 159), including as it does, 
among others such names as those of Kadi c Abd al- 
Muktadir (d. 791/1389; see also Subha, 29, Nuzhat 
al-Khawdtir. (ii, 70), Sayyid Muhammad b. Yusuf, 
usually known as Gesudaraz (died in Gulbarga in 
825/1422, see Firishta, ii, 748, Rieu, 347), Sayyid 
Djalal Bukharl Makhdum-i Djahaniyan (d. 785/1384 
in Sindh), Ahmad Thanesarl (died in Kalpi; who 
won consideration from Amir Timur (Akhbdr, 142), 
Mutahhar of Kara (for whom see the Oriental 
College Magazine, Lahore, May 1935, 107-160, Aug. 
1935, 48-216, Akhbdr, 85 f.), and Mawlana Khwadjagl 
(Akhbdr 141). To this list may be added the names of 
(Akhi Siradj Parwana, the Shaykh's khalifa in 
Bengal, Husam al-Din of Nahrawala (Gudjarat) 
(Firishta, ii, 748, 747), and Muhammad Mudjlr 
Wadjlh al-DIn Adib, author of the Miftdh al- 
Diindn (Rieu, 40 f.). 

The Shaykh died after a short illness on the 18th 
Ramadan 757/15 September 1356, and was buried 
in his own house (Kirmani, 247), appointing no 
successor, and the relics he had received from his 
Shaykh were buried with him. This symbolised the 
end of the first series of the great Cishtl Saints in India. 
A mausoleum was built on his tomb by Sultan Firuz 
Shah. A tomb close to the Shaykh's is popularly sup- 
posed to be that of Sultan Bahlol Lodl. For a descrip- 
tion of it see List of Muhammadan and Hindu Monu- 
ments, Delhi Province, iii, Mahrauli Zail, Calcutta 1922, 
Bibliography: Apart from the authorities 
quoted above, the following are important: 

Muhammad Mubarak al-Kirmanl, Siyar al- 
Awliyd 1 , Delhi 1302, 236-247; Djamali, Siyar al- 
'■Arifln no. n, my MS., ff. 136-140, 141b; Abu 
'1-Fadl, AHn-i Akbari (Bib. Ind.) ii, 218; Amin-i 
Ahmad-I RazI, Haft Iklim no. 402; <Abd al-Hakk, 
Akhbdr al-Akhydr, Delhi 1309, 80-6, 129 f., 
134 f., 139, 141 f., 147-149, 151 ; Mandwi, Adhkdr-i 
Abrdr (Urdu version of Gulzdr-i Abrdr), Agra 
1326, 115; Dara Shukoh, Safinat al-Awliyd', 
Lucknow 1872, 100 f. ; Hakim <Abd al-Hayy 
Lakhnawi, Nuzhat al-Khawdtir. Haydarabad- 
Deccan, 1350, ii, 158 f.; Rahman C A1I Tadhkira 
c Ulamd-i Hind, Lucknow 1914, 238; Beale, 
Oriental Biographical Dictionary, Calcutta 1881, 
205 ; idem, Miftdh al-Tawdrikh, 89 ; Ghulan Sarwar, 
Khazinat al-Asfiyd', Lahore 1283, 340-5; Agha 
Mahdl Husayn, The Rise and fall of Muhammad 
bin Tughluq, London 1938, 209 ff., Muhammad 
Hablb, Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud, Chirdgh-i 
Dehli as a great historical personality, in IC, xx/2 
(1946), 129 ff. ; Storey, i, 942 n. i; Khalik Ahmad 


Nizam!, Ta'rikh-i Mashayikh-i Cisht (Urdu) 
Delhi n.d., 181-6. (Mohammad ShafI) 

CIRAGHAN (plur. of (irdgh, means of illumina 
tion such as candle, torch or lamp), the name o 
a palace on the European side of the Bosphoru 
between Beshiktash and Ortakoy. First built by 
Sultan Murad IV for his daughter Kaya Sultan, it 
was rebuilt by Damad Ibrahim Pasha, the Grand 
Vizier of Sultan Ahmad ,for his wife Fatima Sultan. 
During the sultan's frequent visits, the famous 
tiraghdn festivities (the illumination of tulip gardens 
with candles and lamps, tortoises with candles 
on them also wandered about in the gardens) 
were celebrated here. It was rebuilt of wood by 
Sultan Mustafa III for this daughter Beyhan Sultan, 
with a magnificient hall 180 tr. in length, various 
ceremony halls, valuable floors and interior deco- 
rations. Demolished in 1859 by Sultan c Abd al- 
Medjid, the reconstruction began in the time of 
Sultan c Abd al- c Az!z in 1863 and was completed in 
1869. Made of stone, its architectural style was a 
mixture of classical styles to suit eastern taste. 
The building on the beach consisted of three parts, 
the facade with its mosaics, marble columns and 
stone work, the interior with its interior decorations, 
ceilings, wooden wall linings and doors inlaid with 
mother of pearl were separate works of art. After 
his deposition in 1876, Sultan c Abd al-'Aziz stayed 
there until his suicide. The deposed Sultan Murad V 
was forced to live there for 27 years. With small 
alterations, it was used as a Parliament house for 
Senate and the Chamber of Deputies and 
destroyed by fire three months later on 7 Muharram 
1328/19 January 1910. The walls and the imperial 

Bibliography: C. E. Arseven, Turk Sanati 

Tarihi, Fasc. 8 ; M. Z. Pakalin, Qiragan Sarayi in 

Ayhk Ansiklopedi, Istanbul 1940; T. Oz, Qiragan 

Sarayi, in Panorama, no. 1, Istanbul 1945; M. T. 

Gokbilgin, Qtragan Sarayi in lA, Vol. 19, Istanbul 

1943); M. Z. Pakalin, Osmanh Tarih Deyimleri, 

Istanbul 1948. (Tahsin Oz) 

CIRCASSIANS [see cerkes] 

CIRCUMCISION [see khitan] 

CIRMEN, located at the site of Burdipta, a 

fortress of the ancient Thracians (cf. Tomaschek, 

325), is called T£spvO(juavov in the chronicle of 

the Byzantine historian Kantakuzenos (cf. also 

Chalkokondyles, who mentions a Kep(juavov x&pov 

and Crunomecl in the Serbian sources. It lies on 

the south side of the river Maritsa, not far above 

Adrianople (Edirne) and was, at the time of the 

earlier Ottoman conquests in the Balkans, a point 

of some strategic importance, since it commanded 

a ford across the river. At Cirmen, in September 

I37i/Rabi c I 773), the Ottomans inflicted a crushing 

defeat on the southern Serbs led by the princes 

Vukasin and Ugljesa. As the tide of Ottoman 

conquest in the Balkans advanced further towards 

the north and west, so the significance of Cirmen 

as a fortress began to decline. Ewliya Celebi describes 

it as it il kal'esi, i.e., a fortress of the interior, 

without garrison and equipment and with its walls 

in a state of disrepair. Cirmen was during the 14th- 

19th centuries the centre of a saniiak in the eydlet 

of Rumeli, but sank thereafter to the status of a 

ndhiye in the kada> of Mustafa Pasha Kopriisii 

belonging to the wildyet and sandiak of Edirne. 

Bibliography : Sa c d al-Din, Tddi al-Tawarikh, 

i, Istanbul A.H. 1279, S3, 518, 54i; Ewliya 

Celebi, Seydhatndme, iii, Istanbul A.H. 1314, 423; 

Kantakuzenos, i, (Bonn 1828), 191, ii (Bonn 1831), 

526, iii (Bonn 1832), 243; Chalkokondyles, Bonn 
1843, 31; J. von Hammer-Purgstall, Rumeli und 
Bosna, Vienna 1812, 49; P. A. von Tischendorf, 
Das Lehnswesen in den moslemischen Staaten, 
Leipzig 1872, 62, 64; C. Jirecek, Die Heerstrasse 
von Belgrad nach Constantinopel und die Balkan- 
passe, Prague 1877, 99. 108; W. Tomaschek, Zur 
Kunde der Hamus-Halbinsel, SBAk. Wien, Phil.- 
Hist. CI., Bd. 113, Vienna 1886, 325; N. Jorga, 
Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, i, Gotha 1908, 
240-241; St. N. Kyriakides, [Ju^avTivat MsXerai 
11-V, Thessalonike 1937, 189; F. Babinger, 
Beitrdge zur Fruhgeschichte der l'urkenherrschaft in 
Rumclien (14.-15- Jahrhundcrt), Briinn, Munich, 
Vienna 1944, 29 (note 113), 50; H. J. Kissling, 
Beitrdge zur Kenntnis Thrakiens im 17. Jahr- 
hundcrt (Abh. K.M., XXXII/3), Wiesbaden, 38, 
38 and 116 (index); O. L. Barkan, Kanunlar, 
Istanbul 1943, 257-259; M. Tayyib Gokbilgin, 
XV -XV I. asirlarda Edirne ve Pasa Livdsi, 
Istanbul 1952, 12 ff., 261 ff., 515 ft'., and 561 
(index) (cf. also, ibid., Vakfiyeler, 235 ft.); Sami, 
Kdmus al-AHam, iii, Istanbul 1891, 1873 and vi, 
Istanbul 1898, 4309 (s.vv. Cirmen, and Mustafa 
Pasha Kopriisii). (V. J. Parry) 

CISHTI, Khwadja Mu c iN al-DIn Hasan, one of 
the most outstanding figures in the annals of Islamic 
mysticism and founder of the Cishtiyya order [see 
the following article] in India, was born in or about 
536/1 141 in Sidjistan. He was in his teens when his 
father, Sayyid Ghiyath al-Din, died leaving as 
legacy a grinding mill and an orchard. The sack of 
Sidjistan at the hands of the Ghuzz Turks turned his 
mind inwards and he developed strong mystic 
tendencies. He distributed all his assets and took to 
itineracy. He visited the seminaries of Samarkand 
and Bukhara and acquired religious learning at the 
feet of eminent scholars of his age. While on his 
way to 'Irak, he passed through Harvan, a kasaba 
in the district of Nishapur. Here he met Khwadja 
'Uthman and joined the circle of his disciples. For 
twenty years he accompanied his mystic teacher on 
his Wanderjahre. Later on he undertook independent 
journeys and came into contact with eminent saints 
and scholars like Shaykh <Abd al-Kadir Gilani, 
Shaykh Nadjm al-Din Rubra, Shayl<h Nadjib al-Din 
c Abd al-Kahir Suhrawardi, Shaykh Abu Sa c id 
Tabriz!, Shaykh c Abd al-Wahid Ghaznawi— all of 
whom were destined to exercise great influence on 
contemporary religious thought. He visited nearly 
all the great centres of Muslim culture in those 
days — Samarkand, Bukhara, Baghdad, Nishapur, 
Tabriz, Awsh, Isfahan, Sabzawar, Mihna, Khirkan, 
Astarabad, Balkh and Ghaznin — and acquainted 
himself with almost every important trend in Muslim 
religious life in the middle ages. He then turned 
towards India and, after a brief stay at Lahore, 
where he spent some time in meditation at the tomb 
of Shaykh c Ali al-Hudjwiri, reached Adjmer before 
its conquest by the Ghurids. It was here that he 
married at an advanced age. According to c Abd al- 
Hakk Dihlawi (d. 1642) he took two wives, one of 
them being the daughter of a Hindu radja. He had 
three sons— Shaykh Abu Sa'id, Shaykh Fakhr al-Din 
and Shaykh Husam al-Din — and one daughter, 
Bibi Djamal, from these wives. Bibi Djamal had 
strong mystic leanings but his sons were not inclined 
towards mysticism. Nothing is known about Abu 
Sa'id; Fakhr al-Din took to farming at Mandal, near 
Adjmer; while Husam al-Din disappeared mysteri- 
ously. Mu c in al-Din died at Adjmer in 633/1236. His 
tomb is venerated by Hindus and Muslims alike 


f Islar 



and hundreds of thousands of people from all over 
the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent assemble there on 
the occasion of his c urs (death anniversary). 

The dargdh area contains many buildings — gates, 
mosques, hospices, langars etc. — constructed by the 
rulers of Malwa, the Mughal emperors, nobles, 
merchants and mystics during the past several cen- 
turies. Muhammad b. Tughluk (626-752/1325-1351) 
was the first Sultan of Dihli who visited his grave 
(Futuh al-Saldtin, Madras, 466). The KhaldjI Sultans 
of Malwa constructed the tomb of the saint. It was 
during the reign of Akbar (963-1014/1556-1605) that 
Adjmer became one of the most important centres 
of pilgrimage in the country. The Mughal emperors 
displayed great reverence for the mausoleum of the 
saint. Akbar undertook a journey on foot to Adjmer, 
and Shah Djahan's daughter, Djahan-Ara, cleansed 
and swept the tomb with her eyelids. 

Khwadja Mu'in al-DIn laid the foundations of 
the Cishtl order in India and worked out its principles 
at Adjmer, the seat of Cawhan power. No authentic 
details are available about the way he worked in the 
midst of a population which looked askance at every 
foreigner. It appears that his stay was disliked 
by Prithvi Radj and the caste Hindus but the 
common people flocked to him in large numbers. 
He visited Delhi twice during the reign of Iletmish 
(1210-1235), but kept himself away from the centre 
of political power and quietly worked for a cultural 
revolution in the country. His firm faith in wahdat 
al-wudjud (Unity of Being) provided the necessary 
ideological support to his mystic mission to bring 
about emotional integration of the people amongst 
whom he lived. Some of his sayings, as preserved in 
Siyar al-Awliyd', reveal him as a man of wide 
sympathies, catholic views and deep humanism. He 
interpreted religion in terms of human service and 
exhorted his disciples "to develop river-like gene- 
rosity, sun-like affection and earth-like hospitality". 
The highest form of devotion (td'at), according to 
him, was "to redress the misery of those in distress; 
to fulfil the needs of the helpless and to feed the 
hungry". The Cishtl order owes to him the ideology 
which is expounded in the conversations of Shavkh 
Nizam al-Din Awliya' (FawdHd al-Fu'dd) and other 
Cishtl mystic works of the 7th/i3th and the 
8th/i 4 th centuries. 

Bibliography : No contemporary record of the 
saint's life or teachings is available. The works 
attributed to him — Gandj al-Asrdr, Anis al- 
Arwdh, Dalil al- < Arijin and Diwdn-i MuHn — are 
apocryphal. (See Prof. M. Habib, Chishti Mystic 
Records of the Sultanate Period, in Medieval India 
Quarterly, Vol. i, no. 2, 15-22; K. A. Nizami, 
Studies in Medieval Indian History, Aligarh 1956, 
40-42). The earliest notices are found in Surur 
al-Sudur (conversations of Shaykh Hamld al-Din 
al-Siifl, a disciple of the saint, compiled by his 
grandson — MSS Hablbgandj and personal col- 
lection) and Siyar al-Awliya' (Delhi 1301, 45-48), 
but they contain very few details about his life. 
The first detailed account of his life is given by a 
sixteenth century mystic, Shaykh Djamali (Siyar 
al-'Arifin, Delhi 1311, 4-17) who collected whatever 
material he could in foreign lands. All later hagio- 
logical works, with a few exceptions, have con- 
fused fact with fiction and incorporated all kinds 
of legends. This literature may be of value in 
tracing the growth of legends round the Khwadia's 
person; its historical value is, nevertheless, very 
meagre. For later authorities, Abu '1-Fadl, AHn-i 
Akbari, Sir Sayyid ed., 207; Ghawthi. Gulzdr-i 

Abrdr, As. Soc. of Bengal Ms. D. 262, f. 8v-io; 
Ta'rikh-i Firishta, Nawal Kishore, 1281, ii, 375- 
378; 'All Asghar Cishtl, Djawdhir-i Faridi, Lahore 
1301, 146-163; c Abd al-Hakk Dihlawl, Akhbdr al- 
Akhydr, Delhi 1309, 22-24; <Abd al-Rahman, 
Mir'dt al-Asrdr, MS personal collection, 408-426; 
Siyar al-Aktdb, Nawal Kishore, Lucknow 1331 
100-141; Ghulam Mu'in al-DIn, Ma c dridi al- 
Waldyat, MS personal collection, i, 3-27; Tadj 
al-DIn Ruh Allah, Risdla Hal Khanwdda-i Cisht, 
MS. personal collection, f. 2a-5b; Baha alias 
Radja, Risdla Ahwdl Pirdn-i Cisht, MS personal 
collection, 77-8o; Dara Shukoh, Safinat al-Awliyd?, 
Agra 1269, no. no; Djahan-Ara, Munis al-Arwdh, 
(MSS Storey, 1000); Ikram Baraswl, Iktibds al- 
Anwdr, Lahore 132-147; Rahlm Bakhsh Fakhri, 
Shadjarat al- Anwar, MS personal collection, 
I4ib-i62b; Nadjm al-DIn, Mandkib al-Habib, 
Delhi 1332; Muhammad Husayn, Tahkikdt-i 
Awldd-i Khwadja Sdhib, Delhi; Imam al-DIn 
Khan, MuHn al-Awliyd', Adjmer 1213; Babu L51, 
Wakd'-i Shah MuHn al-Din, Nawal Kishore; 
K. A. Nizami, Ta'rikh-i MashdHkh-i Cisht, Nadwat 
Khadim Hasan, MuHn al-Arwdh, Agra 1953; 
al-Musannifln, Delhi 1953, 142-147; Storey, 943. 

(K. A. Nizami) 
CISHTIYYA, one of the most popular and 
influential mystic orders of India. It derives 
its name from Cisht, a village near Harat (marked 
as Khwadja Cisht on some maps), where the real 
founder of the order, Khwadja Abu Ishak of Syria 
(Mir Khurd, Siyar al-Awliyd 1 , Delhi 1302, 39-40; 
Djaml, Najahdt al-Uns, Nawal Kishore 1915, 296) 
settled at the instance of his spiritual mentor, 
Khwadja Mamshad c Ulw of Dinawar (a place in 
Kuhistan, between Hamadan and Baghdad). The 
silsila is traced back to the Prophet as follows : Abu 
Ishak, Mamshad c Ulw Dinawari, Amln al-DIn Abu 
Hubayrat al-Basri, Sadld al-DIn Huzayfat al- 
Mar'ashl, Ibrahim Adham al-Balkhi, Abu '1-Fayd 
Fudayl b. c Iyad, Abu '1-Fadl c Abd al-Wahid b. 
Zayd, Hasan al-Basri, c Ali b. Abl Talib, the Prophet 
Muhammad. Shah Wall Allah (d. 1763) has doubted 
the validity of the tradition which makes Hasan al- 
Basri a spiritual successor of C A1I (Al-Intibdh fi 
Saldsil-i Awliya* Allah, Delhi 1311, 18), but his 
views have been criticised by Shah Fakhr al-DIn 
Dihlawl (d. 1784) in his Fakhr al-Hasan (commentary 
on this, by Mawlana Ahsan al-Zaman, Al-Kawl al- 
Mustahsin fi Fakhr al-Hasan, Haydarabad 1312). 
The pre-Indian history of the Cishtl order cannot 
be reconstructed on the basis of any authentic 
historical data. Khwadja Mu'In al-Din Sidjzl Cishtl 
[see preceding article] brought the silsila to India 
in the 12th century and established a Cishtl mystic 
centre at Adjmer, whence the order spread far and 
wide in India and became a force in the spiritual life 
of the Indian Muslims. Khwadja Mu'In al-DIn was 
connected with the founder of the silsila by the 
following chain of spiritual ancestors: Mu'in al-DIn 
Hasan, 'Uthman Harvani, Hadji Sharif ZindanI, 
Mawdud Cishtl, Abl Yusuf, Abl Muhammad b. 
Ahmad, Abl Ahmad b. Farasnafa, Abu Ishak, 
(The earliest lists of the great Cishtl saints in the order 
of their spiritual succession are given in Futuh al- 
Saldtin, Madras, 7-8; Khayr al-Madxdlis, Aligarh, 
7-8; Siyar al-Awliyd', Delhi, 32-45; Alisan al-Akwal, 
MS personal collection). 

A: History of the Order 

Shaykhs (circa 597/izoo to 757/1356), («) Era of 
the Provincial Khanakahs (8th/i4th & 9th/ 
15th centuries), (iii) Rise of the Sabiriyya 
Branch (gth/i5th century onwards), and (iv) 
Revival of the Nizamiyya Branch I2th/(i8th 
century onwards). 

The saints of the first cycle established their 
khanalfahs mainly in Radjputana, U.P. and the 
Pandjab. Some of them, like Hamid al-Din Sufi, 
worked out the Cishti mystic principles in the 
rural areas; others lived in frasabas and towns 
but scrupulously avoided identification with the 
centre of political power. They refused to accept 
dfdgirs and government services; did not per- 
petuate spiritual succession in their own families 
and looked upon 'learning' as an essential qualifi- 
cation for spiritual work. Under Shaykh Farid 
Gandj-i Shakar and Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya 3 , 
the influence of the order was extended to the whole 
of India, and people flocked to their hospices from 
distant parts of the country. The silsila possessed 
during this period a highly integrated central 

in the various provinces of India. Some of them had 
taken up their residence in provincial towns at the 
instance of their master; others were forced by 
Muhammad b. Tughluk to settle there. It is significant 
that the arrival of these saints in provincial towns 
coincided with the rise of provincial kingdoms. In 
these circumstances many of these saints could not 
keep themselves away from the provincial courts. 
The traditions of the saints of the first cycle were 
consequently discarded and the comfortable theory 
was expounded that mystics should consort with 
kings and high officers in order to influence them 
for the good. State endowments were accepted and, 
in return, spiritual blessings and moral support was 
given to the founders of the new provincial dynasties. 
The principle of hereditary succession was also 
introduced in the silsila. 

Shaykh Siradj al-Din, popularly known as Akhi 
Siradj, introduced the silsila in Bengal. His disciple 
Shaykh 'Ala 3 al-Din b. As'ad was fortunate in 
having two eminent disciples — Sayyid Nur Kutb-i 
'Alam and Sayyid Ashraf Djahangir Simnani — who 


Kutb al-Din Bakhtiyar (d. 634/1236) 

Farid al-DIn Gandj-i Shakar (d. 644/1265) 

Nizam al-Din Awliya 3 Djamal al-Din Nadjib 

(d. 726/1325) (Dihli) (d. before 644/1265) al-Din Mutawakkil 

I (Hansi) (d. 670/1271) (Dihli) 

Ala 3 al-DIn 
). Ahmad Sabir 

1 1 

iwlana Muwayyid Shams al-Din 
al-Din Yahya 

Nasir al-Din 

(d. 757/1356) 

Kadi Muhyl 

structure which controlled and guided the activities 
of those associated with it. Muhammad b. Tughluk's 
policy (1325-1351) of forcing the saints to settle in 
different parts of the country paralysed the central 
organization of the Cishtls. Shaykh Nasir al-Din 
Ciragh and a few other elder saints refused, at the 
risk of their lives, to co-operate with the Tughluk 
Sultan, but many of the younger mystics entered 
government service. Shaykh Nasir al-Din was also 
called upon to protect the mystic ideology and 
institutions against the attacks levelled by Ibn 
Taymiyya [q.v.]. After him the central organization 
of the Cishti order broke down and provincial 
khdnattdhs, which did not owe allegiance to any 
central authority, came into existence. 

It was mainly through the disciples of Shaykh 
Nizam al-Din Awliya 3 that the Cishti order spread 

played a very important role in popularising the 
Cishti silsila in Bengal, Bihar and eastern U.P. 
When Radja Kans established his power in Bengal, 
Sayyid Nur Kutb-i 'Alam organized public opinion 
against him and persuaded Sultan Ibrahim Sharkl 
of Djawnpur (1402-1440) to invade Bengal. Nur 
Kutb-i 'Alam and his descendants had a share in 
creating that religious stir which ultimately led to 
the rise of the Bhakti movement in Bengal and 

The Cishtiyya order was introduced in the Deccan 
by Shaykh Burhan al-DIn Gharib who settled at 
Dawlatabad and propagated the Cishti mystic 
principles. The city of Burhanpur was named after 
him. His disciple, Shaykh Zayn al-DIn, was the 
spiritual master of 'Ala 3 al-Din Hasan Shah (1347- 
1359), the founder of the BahmanI kingdom. Later 


Siradi al-Din Kutb al-DIn Naslr al-DIn 

Akhl Siradi Munawwar Ciragh 

<d. 759/1357) (d. circa 760/ (d. 757/1356) 

(Gawf, 1358) (Hansi) (Dihli) 

Bengal) I 

C A15 3 al-Din b. | 

As c ad Lahurl 

Bengali . 

(d. 8oi/hq8) r I 

(Pandwal Niir al " D " m T5d J al - Din S^""" 

v 1 ' Suwar (d. circa 784/1382) 

I I 

Nur Kutb-i Sayyid Ashraf 

c Alam pjahangir 

(d. 313/1410) Simnani (d. 808/1405) 

(Pandwa) (Kacoca) 

Burhan al-Din 


Husam al-Din 

Shah Barak 

Wadjih al-DIn 

Kamal al-DIn 

Mughith al-DIn 

Gharib (d. circa 









(d. circa 


(d. circa 




Zayn al-DIn 

Husam al-DIn 
(d.822/ I4 77) i 


I ( 

Radii Hamid 

Shah (d. 901/1495) 



Hasan Tahir 

of Diawnpur 

(d. 901/1503) 



Mir Sayyid 
Yad Allah 
(d. 8 4 9/ I4 45) 
Shaykh Piyara 
(d. 865/! 460) 



(d. 900/1494). (Malawa 

near Kanawdj) 

Shaykh Sa c d Allah 

(grandfather of 

Shaykh c Abd 

al-Hakk Muhaddith 


Kadi c Abd 





c Abd al-Fath 


Siradi al-Din 
(d. 814/14") 

Mahmud known 
as Shaykh Radjan 

Hasan Muhammad 

Shah Kalim Allah 





Shams al-DIn Turk (Panipat) 

Djalal al-Din Mahmfld (Panipat) 

Ahmad <Abd al-Hakk (d. 838/1434) (Radawll) 

Shaykh c Arif (Radawli) 

<Abd al-Ahad 
(father of Shaykh 
Ahmad Sirhindi) 



Djalal al-DIn 

(d. 990/1582) 

Nizam al-Din 
Faruki (Balkh) 
a 1036/1626) 

Kutb al-DIn 

Shaykh Hamid 

(d. 1033/1623) 


c Abd al-Rahman 

(author of 
Mir'dt al-Asrdr) 

Muhammad Sadik 

Muhammad Sa'Id 

Sayyid Muhammad Salim 
(d. 1175/1761) 

Muhammad Ikram 

(author of 
Iktibds al- Anwar) 

Shah c Abd al-Bari 

Sayyid Amanat 'Ali 
(d. 1280/1863) 

Hafiz Muhammad Husayn 
(author of Anwar al-'Arifin) 


Hadji Imdad Allah of 

Thana Bhawan (d. 1317/1899) 


I L_ 

Muhammad Kasim Ashraf 'Ali 

Nanawtawl (d. 1295/1878) (Thana Bhawan) 
(founder of the I 

madrasa of Deoband) Sayyid Sulayman 
Nadawl (d. 1953) 


Mahmud Hasan, 

Shaykh al-Hind 

(d. 1920) (Di oband) 

Husayn Ahmad 

MadanI (d. 1957) 


Khalil Ahmad 'Abd al-Rahman 

Anbethawi Muhaddith (Amroha) 

(d. 1927) (Medina) 


on, a disciple of Shaykh Naslr al-DIn Ciragh, Sayyid 
Muhammad Gisu Daraz, set up a Cishti centre at 
Gulbarga. He was a prolific writer and a scholar of 
several languages. Through him the silsila spread in 
the Deccan and Gudjarat. 

In Gudjarat, the silsila was introduced by two 
less known disciples of Khwadja Kutb al-DIn— 
Shaykh Mahmud and Shaykh Hamid al-Din. Later 
on, three disciples of Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya' — 
Sayyid Hasan, Shaykh Husara al-DIn MultanI and 
Shaykh Barak Allah reached there. But the work 
of organizing it on effective lines was undertaken by 
c AUama Kamal al-Din, a nephew of Shaykh Naslr 
al-Din Ciragh. His son, Siradj al-Din, refused to 
accede to the request of FIruz Shah BahmanI (1397- 
1422), to settle in the Deccan and applied himself to 
the task of expanding the silsila in Gudjarat. 
Besides, some other saints of the Cishti silsila 
settled in Gudjarat. Shaykh Ya c kub, a khalifa of 
Shaykh Zayn al-Din Dawlatabadl, set up a Cishti 
khanakdh at Nahrwala; Sayyid Kamal al-Din 
Kazwlnl, who belonged to the line of Gisu Daraz, 
settled at Bharoi. Shaykh Rukn al-Din Mawdud, 
another saint of the silsila, became a very popular 
figure in Gudjarat. His disciple, Shaykh c AzIz Allah 
al-Muta wakkil-ila'llah, was the father of Shaykh 
Rahmat Allah, the spiritual mentor of Sultan 
Mahmud Begafa (862-917/1458-1511). 

The Cishtiyya order was organized in Malwa by 
the following three disciples of Shaykh Nizam al-DIn 
Awliya': Shaykh Wadjlh al-DIn Yusuf, Shaykh 
Kamal al-DIn and Mawlana Mughlth al-DIn. Wadjlh 
al-Din settled at Canderl, Shaykh Kamal-al-DIn and 
Mawlana Mughith settled in Mandii. 

Very little is known about the founder the Sabi- 
riyya branch, which came into prominence in the 
9th/i5th century when Shaykh Ahmad c Abd al-Hakk 

set up a great mystic centre at Rudawli. The main 
centres of this branch of the Cishti silsila were 
Kalyar (near Roorkee in the Saharanpur district 
of U.P.), Panlpat, Rudawli (38 miles from Bara 
Bank! in Awadh), Gangu (23 miles u.c. of Saha- 
ranpur, in U.P.), Thanesar (near Panlpat), Djhan- 
djhana (in Muzaffarnagar district, U.P.) Allahabad, 
Amroha (in the Muradabad district of U.P.) 
Deoband (in Saharanpur district, U.P.); Thana 
Bhawan (in Muzaffarnagar district, U.P.) and Na- 
nawta (in Saharanpur district). Shaykh c Abd al- 
Kuddus was the greatest figure of the Sabiriyya 
branch. He left Rudawli in 1491, at the suggestion of 
the famous Afghan noble, c Umar Khan, and settled 
at Shahabad, near Dihll. In 1526, when Babur 
sacked Shahabad, he went to Gangu and settled 
there. His epistolary collection, Maktubdt-i Kuddusi, 
contains letters addressed to Sikandar Lodi (1488- 
1517), Babur (1526-1530) Humayun (1530-1556) 
and a number of Afghan and Mughal nobles. The 
relations of the Sabiriyya saints with the Mughal 
emperors were not always very cordial. Akbar 
(1556-1605) no doubt paid a visit to Shaykh 
Pjalal al-DIn Faruki at Thanesar, but Djahangir 
(1605-1627) became hostile towards his disciple, 
Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Faruki, because he had 
met the rebel prince, Khusraw, when he was 
passing through Thanesar. Djahangir forced him to 
leave India. Dara Shukoh had great respect for and 
carried on correspondence with Shaykh Muhibb 
Allah, but Awrangzlb was very critical of his 
religious views. Shah c Abd al-Rahlm joined the 
movement of Sayyid Ahmad Shahld and died fighting 
at Balakot in 1830. Hadji Imdad Allah migrated from 
India in 1857 and settled at Mecca. He attracted a 
very large number of externalist scholars to his 
mystic fold. Many of the outstanding Indo-Muslim 


Shah Fakhr ai-Din (d. 1 199/1784) 



Nflr Muhammad (d. 1205/1790) 
(Maharan, in Bahawalpur) 


1 1 

Muhammad c Akil Hafiz Djamal Shah Muhammad 

(d. 1229/1813) (d. 1226/1811) Sulayman(d. 1267/1850) 
(Cacran, Pandjab) (Multan) (Taunsa, near Dera 

I I Ghazi Khan) 

Gul Muhammad Khuda Bakhsh 
hmadpuri (d. 1243/1827) (Multan) 
(author of Takmilah-i I 

Siyar al-A wliyd') I 

Shah Muhyl al-DIn 


Muhammad C A1I Hadji Nadjm al-Din 

(d. 1266/1849) (d. 1287/1870) (Fathpur, near 
(Khayrabad, U.P.) Djhundjhunu, Radjputana) 

Ghulam Haydar c Ali 

Shah (d. 1908) 
(Djalalpur, Pandjab) 

Hakim Muhammad 

Hasan (d. 1904) 


'ulamd' of the post-1857 period, like Mawlana 
Rashld Ahmad Muhaddith of Gangu, Mawlana 
Muhammad Kasim Nanawtawl, Mawlana Ashraf 
c Ali Thanawl, Mawlana Mahmud al-Hasan Deobandl, 
Sayyid Sulayman Nadawi, Mawlana Husayn Ahmad 
MadanI, Mawlana Khalll Ahmad, Mawlana Muham- 
mad Ilyas Kandhlawi, Mawlana Ahmad Hasan 
Muhaddith Amrohwl, may be counted amongst 
his spiritual descendants. Almost all the great 
l ulama' of Deoband [q.v.'] are spiritually associated 
with the Cishtiyya silsila through him. 

The Nizamiyya branch of the Cishtiyya silsila was 
revitalised by Shah Kallm Allah Djahanabadl. He 
belonged to that famous family of architects which 
had built the Tadj Mahall of Agra and the Djami< 
Masdjid of Dihli, but he dedicated himself to 
spiritual work and infused new life into the almost 
defunct Cishti organization. After Shaykh Naslr al- 
Din Ciragh, he was the greatest Cishti saint who 
revived the old traditions and strove to build up a 
central organization of the silsila. His disciples 
spread in the distant south also. His chief khalifa, 
Shaykh Nizam al-DIn, worked in Awrangabad. The 
latter's son, Shah Fakhr al-DIn, came to Dihli and 
set up a mystic centre there. It was through his two 
khalifas, Shah Nur Muhammad of Maharan and 
Shah Niyaz Ahmad of Bareilly, that the silsila 
spread in the Pandjab, N.W. Frontier, and U.P. 
Shah Nur Muhammad's disciples set up khdnakdhs 
at the following places in the Pandjab: Taunsa, 
Cacran, Kot Mithan, Ahmadpur, Multan, Siyal, 
Gulra, and Djalalpur. Shah Niyaz Ahmad worked 
mainly in Dihli and U.P. 

B: Ideology 
The early Cishti mystics of India had adopted 
the 'Awdrif al-Ma'drif of Shaykh Shihab al-DIn 
SuhrawardI as their chief guide book. On it was 
based the organisation of their khdnakdhs, and the 
elder saints taught it to their disciples. The Kashf 
al-MahH&b of Hudjwlri was also a very popular 
work and Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Awliya 5 used to 
say: "For one who has no spiritual guide, the 
Kashf al-Mahdjub is enough". Apart from these 
two works, the malfuzdt (conversations) of Shaykh 
Nizam al-DIn Awliya 5 , Shaykh Naslr al-DIn Ciragh, 
Shaykh Burhan al-DIn Gharib and Sayyid Mu- 
hammad GIsu-Daraz give a fairly accurate idea 
of the Cishti mystic ideology, (i) The cornerstone of 
Cishti ideology was the concept of wahdat al-wudjud 
(Unity of Being). It supplied the motive force to 
their mystic mission and determined their social 
outlook. The early Cishti saints, however, did not 
write anything about wahdat al-wudjiid. Mas'ud 
Bakk's Mir'dt al-'Arijin and his diwdn, Nur al- c Ayn, 
gave currency to these ideas and his works became 
a popular study in the Cishti khdnakdhs. Later on, 
Shaykh c Abd al-Kuddus wrote a commentary on 
Ibn al- c ArabI's books and he was followed by 
Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Thanesari, who wrote two 
commentaries on 'Iraki's Lama'dt. One of his 
khalifas, Shaykh c Abd al-Karim Lahuri, wrote a 
Persian commentary on the Fusus al-Hikam. 
Shaykh Muhibb Allah of Allahabad was a very 
powerful exponent of the ideology of wahdat al- 
wudiud. Awrangzlb, who was more influenced by 
the school of Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindl, ordered his 
books to be burnt, (ii) The Cishtis looked down 
upon possession of private property as a negation 
of faith in God. They rejected all worldly goods and 
material attractions (tark-i dunyd) and lived on 
jutuh, which were not demanded as charity, (iii) They 

believed in pacifism and non-violence and con- 
sidered retaliation and revenge as laws of the animal 
world. They lived and worked for a healthy social 
order — free from all dissensions and discriminations. 

(iv) Ir 

with tl 

'There are two abuses among the mystics", 
early Cishti mystic, "djirrat and mukallid. Mukallid 
is one who has no master; djirrat is one who visits 
kings and their courts and asks people for money", 
(v) The summum bonum of a mystic's life, according 
to Cishtis, is to live for the Lord alone. He should 
neither hope for Heaven nor fear Hell. Man's Love 
towards God may be of three kinds: (a) mahabbat-i 
Isldmi, i.e., love which a new convert to Islam 
develops with God on account of his conversion to 
the new faith; (b) mahabbat-i muwahhibi, i.e., love 
which a man develops as a result of his 'effort' in 
the way of following the Prophet; and (c) mahabbat-i 
khdss, i.e., love which is the result of cosmic emotion. 
A mystic should develop the last one. (vi) The 
Cishti mystics did not demand formal conversion 
to Islam as a pre-requisite to initiation in mystic 
discipline. Formal conversion, they said, should not 
precede but follow a change in emotional life. The 
Cishti attitude contrasted sharply with the Suhraw- 
ardi principles in this respect. 

C: Practices 
The following practices were adopted by the 
Cishtis in order to harness all feelings and emotions 
in establishing communion with Allah: (i) Dhikr-i 
Diahr, reciting the names of Allah loudly, sitting in 
the prescribed posture at prescribed times; (ii) 
Dhikr-i Khafi, reciting the names of Allah silently, 
(iii) Pds-i Anfds, regulating the breath; (iv) Murd- 
kdba, absorption in mystic contemplation; (v) Cilia, 
forty days of spiritual confinement in a lonely 
corner or cell for prayer and contemplation. The 
efficacy of audition parties {samd c ) in attuning 
a mystic's heart to the Infinite and the Eternal 
was also emphasised. Some Cishti mystics believed 
in Cilla-i ma'kiis ("inverted Cilia") also. One who 
practised it tied a rope to his feet and had his 
body lowered into a well, and offered prayers in 
this posture for forty nights. 

D. Literature 

The literature of the silsila may be considered 
under five heads: (a) malfuzdt (conversations) of the 
saints, (b) maktubdt (letters) of the saints (c) works 
on mystic ideology and practices, (d) biographical 
accounts of saints and (e) poetical works. Only 
major and representative works have been in- 
dicated here. 

(a) Malfuzat: The malfuz literature of the 
Cishti saints throws valuable light on their thought 
and activities. The art of maJ/uz-writing was intro- 
duced in India by Amir Hasan Sidjzl, who compiled 
the conversations of Shaykh Nizam al-DIn Awliya' 
in his FawdHd al-Fu'dd, Nawal Kishore 1302. 
Other important collections of malfuzdt are the 
following: Khayr al-Madidlis, conversations of 
Shaykh Naslr al-DIn Ciragh, compiled by Hamld 
Kalandar (ed. K. A. NizamI, Aligarh); Surur al- 
Sudur, conversations of Shaykh Hamld al-DIn Sufi, 
compiled by his grandson (MSS Hablbgandj and 
personal collection; see Proceedings of the Indian 
History Congress, Nagpur Session, 1950, 167-169); 
Ahsan al-Akwdl, conversations of Shaykh Burhan 
al-DIn Gharib, compiled by Mawlana Hammad 
Kashani (MS personal collection, see J.Pak.H.S., 
vol. iii Part I, 40-41). Djawdmi' al-Kaldm, con- 



versations of GIsu-Daraz, compiled by Sayyid 
Muhammad Akbar Husaynl (Uthmangandj) ; Anwar 
aW-Uyun, conversations of Shaykh Ahmad 'Abd 
al-Hakk (compiled by Shaykh 'Abd al-Kuddus), 
Aligarh 1905. LatdHf-i Kuddusi, conversations of 
Shaykh 'Abd al-Kuddus by Rukn al-Din, Delhi 
1311; Fakhr al-Tdlibin (conversations of Shah 
Fakhr al-DIn, compiled by Rukn al-Din Fakhri), 
Delhi 1315; Ndfa<- al-Sdlikin, conversations of 
Shah Sulayman of Taunsa, by Imam al-Din, Lahore 
1285. The following collections of the conversations 
of the Cishti saints, Anis al-Arwdh, Dalil al-'Arifin, 
FawdHd al-Salikin, Asrdr al-Awliya 3 , Rabat al- 
Kulub, Rabat al-Muhibbin, Miftdh al-<-Ashikin, 
Afdal al-FawdHd, are apocryphal, but are useful in 
so far as they represent the popular interpretation ol 
Cishti ideology. 

(b) Maktubat : SahdHf al-Suluk, letters of 
Ahmad Fakir, Djhadjdiar; Bahr al-Ma'-dni, letters of 
Sayyid Dja'far Makki, Muradabad 1889; Maktubdt-i 
Ashrafi, letters of Sayyid Ashraf Djahanglr Simnani 
(MS Aligarh); Maktubat of Sayyid Nur Kutb-i 
'Alam (MS Aligarh) ; Maktubdt-i Kuddusi of Shaykh 
'Abd al-Kuddus (Delhi); Maktubdt-i Kalimi of 
Shah Kallm Allah Djahanabadi, Delhi 1301. Copies 
of some letters said to have been addressed by 
Khwadja Mu'In al-Din to Khwadja Kutb al-Din are 
also available, but their authenticity has not been 

(c) Works on mystic ideology and prac- 
tices: The two earliest Cishti works on mystic 
ideology are in the form of aphorisms — the Mulhamdt 
of Shaykh Pjamal al-DIn Hanswi, Alwar 1306, and 
Mukh al-Ma'-ani of Amir Hasan Sidjzi (MS Muslim 
University Library, Aligarh). The Usui al-Samd' of 
Fakhr al-Din Zarradi, Djhadjdjar 1311, contains 
an exposition of Cishti attitude towards music 
parties. Amongst other Cishti works, the following 
may be particularly noted: Rukn al-DIn 'Imad, 
ShamdHl-i Ankiyya (MS As. Soc. of Bengal); 'Abd 
al-Kuddus, GhardHb al-Fu'dd (Muslim Press, Djhadj- 
djar) ; Nizam al-Din Balkhi, Riydd al-Kuds, Bidjnor 
1887; Shah Kallm Allah, Murakka-i Kalimi, Delhi 
1308; Siwa al-Sabil (MS Rampur); Nizam al-Din 
AwrangabadI, Nizam al-Kulub (Delhi 1309); Fakhr 
al-DIn Dihlawl, Nizam al-Akd'id (Urdu trans., 
Delhi 1312); Risdla <-Ayn al-Yakin, Delhi. 

(d) Biographical works: The earliest bio- 
graphical account of the Cishti saints of the first 
cycle is found in Mir Khurd's Siyar al-Awliyd* 
compiled in the 8th/i4th century. Late in the 19th 
century, Khwadja Gul Muhammad Ahmadpurl 
wrote a Takmila to the Siyar al-Awliyd', Delhi 1312. 
Other important biographical works include, Djamall, 
Siyar al-'Arifin, Delhi 131 1; Nizam al-Din Yamani, 
LatdHf-i Ashrafi, Delhi 1395; Tadj al-Din, Risdla 
Hal Khdnawdda-i CisM (MS personal collection); 
Baha alias Radja, Risala Ahwdl Pirdn-i CisM (MS 
personal collection) ; 'All Asghar Cishti, Djawdhir-i 
Faridi, Lahore 1301; 'Abd al- Rahman, Mir'dt al- 
Asrdr (MSS, Storey 1005); Allah Diya', Siyar al- 
Aktdb, Lucknow 1881; Mu'In al-DIn, MaHridi al- 
Wildyat (MS personal collection); 'Ala 3 al-DIn 
Barnawi, Cishtiyya-i Bihishtiyya (MSS., Storey 1008) ; 
Akram Baraswi, Iktibds al- Anwar, Lahore 1895; 
Muhammad Bulak, Matlub al-Tdlibin (MSS, Storey 
1014), Rawda al-Aktdb, Delhi 1304; Mir Shihab al- 
DIn Nizam, Mandkib-i Fakhriyya, Delhi 1315; 
Rahlm Bakhsh, Shadiarat al- Anwar MS, personal 
collection); Muhammad Husayn, Anwar al-'Arifin, 
Lucknow 1876; Nadjm al-Din, Mandkib al-Mahbu- 
bayn, Lucknow 1876; Ghulam Muhammad Khan. 

Mandkib-i Sulaymdnl, Delhi 1871; Ahmad Akhtar 
MIrza, Mandkib-i Faridi, Delhi 1314; HadI 'All 
Khan, Mandkib-i Ifdfiziyya, Kanpur 1305; NithSr 
'All, Khawdrik-i Hddwiyya, Delhi 1927. 

(e) Poetical works: The diwdns attributed to 
Khwadja Mu'In al-DIn and Khwadja Kutb al-DIn 
Bakhtiyar are apocryphal. The Surur al-Sudur says 
that Shaykh Hamid al-DIn had left poetic composit- 
ions in Arabic, Persian and HindwI. Only a few 
couplets are now available. The earliest poetical 
work of an Indian Cishti mystic is the Diwdn-i 
Diamdl al-Din Hanswi, Delhi 1889. Amir Khusraw. 
though associated with the Cishti order, did not 
produce any work exclusively on mysticism, but 
some of his poems contain verses which throw light 
on mystic tendencies of the period. Mas'ud Bakk's 
Diwdn, Yusuf Gada's Tuhjat al-NasdHh, Lahore 
1283, and Shah Niyaz Ahmad's Diwdn-i Bay Niydz, 
Agra 1348, are steeped in Cishti ideology. 

Bibliography: Besides works cited in the 
article, see: 'Abd al-Hakk Muhaddith, Akhbdr al- 
Akhydr, Delhi 1309; Ghulam Sarwar, Khazinat 
al-Asfiyd y , Lucknow 1873; Mushtak Ahmad, 
Anwar al- c Askikin, rlaydarabad 1332. 'Ashik 
Ilahi, Tadhkirat al-Khalil (Meerut); Sayyid 
'Abd al-rlayy, Nuzhat al-Khawdtir. Haydarabad; 
Ashraf 'All Thanawl, Al-Sunnat al-Qiilliya fi 
'l-Cishtiyya al- c Uliyya, Delhi 1351; Muh. Habib: 
Shaykh Nasir al-Din Cirdgh as a Great Historical 
Personality, in Islamic Culture, April 1946; idem, 
Cishti Mystic Records of the Sultanate Period, in 
Medieval India Quarterly, Vol. I, no. 2; K. A. 
Nizami; Ta'rikh-i M ashdHkh-i CisM, Delhi 1953; 
idem, The Life and Times of Shaykh Farid al-Din 
Gand[-i Shakar, Aligarh 1955; idem, Early Indo- 
Muslim Mystics and Their Attitude towards the 
State, in Islamic Culture, October 1948-January 




ClTR [see ghashiya] 

ClWI-ZADE, Ottoman family of scholars, 
two of whom held the office of Shaykh al- Islam in 
the ioth/i6th century; they take their name from 
the mudarris Ciwi Ilyas of Menteshe (d. 900/1494-5). 

1. Muhyi al-DIn Shaykh Muhammad ('Kodja 
Ciwizade'), the son of Ciwi Ilyas, b. 896/1490-1, was 
appointed Kd$i of Cairo in 934/1527-8, Kadi 'asker 
of Anadolu in 944, and Shaykh al-Isldm (on the death 
of Sa'dl Ef.) in Shawwal 945/Feb. 1539. He was 
dismissed (the first Shaykh al-Isldm not to hold 
office for life) in Radjab 948 ( ?or 949), on the pretext 
that he had given an unsound fatwd (Lutfl Pasha, 
Ta'rikh, 390): the real reason was probably his 
hostility to tasawwuf (ShukdHk [Medjdl], 446, and 
cf. H. Kh. [Fliigel], iv, 429). In 952/1545 he replaced 
Abu '1-Su'ud, now Shaykh al-Isldm, as Kddi'-asker 
of Rumeli, in which office he died (Sha'ban 954/ 
Sept. 1547). 

His brother 'Abdi Celebi, who trained the young 
Feridun [?.«.], was Bash-Defterddr from 954/1547 (cf. 
L. Forrer, Rustem Pascha, 145) until his death in 
960, and his son-in-law Hamid Ef. was Shaykh al- 
Isldm from 982/1574 to 985. 

2. Muhammad, son of the above, b. 937/1531, was 
successively Kadi of Damascus (977/1569), Cairo, 
Bursa, Edirne and Istanbul, then Kadi 'asker of 
Anadolu (983/1575) and of Rumeli (985), in which 
posts he won a great reputation for uprightness. 
Having incurred the enmity of Sokollu Mehemmed 
Pasha, he was dismissed, but in 989/1581 he was 
re-appointed to Rumeli; he became Shaykh al-Isldm 
in the same year, and died in office (28 pjum. I 
995/6 May 1587). 

His son Muljammad Ef. (d. 1061/1651) and his 
grandson 'Ata'ullah Ef. (d. 1138/1725) both rose to 
be Kddl'-asker. 

Works: Besides the recorded works of Muhyi 
al-DIn (H. Kh. [Flugel] nos. 5990, 8721 \fetwas, = 
GAL II', 569, to which add MS. Esad Ef. 958] and 
11585; GAL S II 642, S III 1304) and Muhammad 
(H. Kh. nos. 774 [MS. Nur-i c Osm. 2061, which is 
now lost] and 8805 [MSS. Nur-i c Osm. 1959, 1st. Un. 
Lib. AY 610/3]; GAL II» 573 [where the Nur-i c Osm. 
reference should read 2060]), there are in the various 
collections in the Suleymaniye Library of Istanbul 
several risdlas, attributed simply to 'Civizade'. 
Bibliography: The main sources are, for 
Muhyi al-DIn, Shaka'ik [Medjdl], 446; for Muham- 
mad, 'Atal's dhayl to the ShakdHk, 292; and for 
both, Taki al-DIn al-Tamimi, al-Tabakdt al-saniyya 
fi taradiim al-Ifanafiyya (in MS.). Further 
references in I A , s.v. Civizade [M. Cavid Baysun] ; 
detailed biographies of these and other members 
of the family in the unpublished thesis Civizade 
ailesi by Serafettin Tuncay (Istanbul Univ. Lib., 
Tez 1872). (V. L. Menage) 

CLAN [see al] 
COFFEE [see kahwa] 
COIMBRA [see kulumriya] 
COKA [see kumAshI 

COKA ADASI, the Turkish name for Kythera 
(Cerigo), one of the Ionian islands. In early Ottoman 
times possession was disputed or shared between the 
Venetian state and the Venieri. Coka Adas! was an 
important post for watching shipping, especially 
after the loss of the Morea, and was often attacked. 
In 943-4/1537 the Turks carried off 7000 captives; 
many survivors fled to the Morea. Coka Adas! was 
again raided in 1571 and 1572, when an indecisive 
naval battle took place there. It was taken by the 
Turks in n 27/171 5 but restored at the Peace of 
Passarovitz. It now became the easternmost Vene- 
tian colony and lost all importance, though it was 
again raided in the war of 1787-92. 

Bibliography: V. Lamansky, Secrets d'itat de 

Venise, St. Petersbourg 1884, 641-2, 660-70; C. 

Sathas, MvrjjieTa, vi, 1885, 286-311; allusions in 

many travellers and chroniclers, especially HadJdjI 

Khalifa, Tuhfat al-Kibdr. (C. F. Beckingham) 

COLEMERIK (old form, Djulamerg or Djula- 

merik), a small town in eastern Anatolia, in the 

extreme south-east of the present-day region of 

Turkey,. 37 45' N, 43 48' E, altitude 5,413 ft. 

(1650 m.), surrounded by mountains of over 9,840 ft. 

(3000 m.), about 3 km. from the Great Zab, a 

tributary of the Tigris. It is the capital of the 

wildyet of Hakkari; in the 19th century it was the 

capital of a sandjak of the same name, in the 

wildyet of Van, formerly belonging to the hukumet 

of Hakkari (Katib Celebi, Djihdnnumd, 419). The 

place was destroyed in the First World War, but 

rebuilt again in 1935. At the census of 1950 it 

numbered 2,664 inhabitants (the kadd* had 14,473 

inhabitants). There are hot sulphur springs nearby. 

Andreas assumes (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, i, 1699; see 

also M. Hartmann, Bohtdn, in Mitteilungen der Vorder- 

asiatischen Gesellschaft 1896, 143) that Colemerik is 

identical with the to x^wjiaptov of antiquity. This 

view is opposed by Marquart {Erdnshahr, 158 f.). 

The place Colemerik has lent its name to a branch 

of the Kurds, the Djulamerkiye; concerning these 

cf. Ibn Fadlallah al- c Umari (Notices et Extraits 

xiii, 317 if.)- 

Bibliography: in addition to works already 
mentioned in the article: Ritter, Erdkunde, xi, 


625 f f . ; E. Reclus, Nouvelle giographie universelle, 
ix, 429 ft.; G. Hoffmann, Ausziige aus syrischen 
Akten persischer Mariyrer, 230; W. F. Ainsworth, 
Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, ii, 283; 
S. Martin, Mimoires sur VArminie, i, 177ft.; 
H. Binder, Aus Kurdistan, 165; Lehmann-Haupt, 
Armenien einst und jetzt, passim; V. Cuinet, La 
Turquie d'Asie, ii, 716 ff. ; Geographical Journal, 
xviii, 132; IA, hi, 441 f. (Besim Darkot). 

(Fr. Taeschner) 
COLOMB-BECHAR, chief town of the 
department of the Saoura (Organisation Commune 
des Regions Sahariennes), created by a decree of 
7 August 1957. 

This town is quite recent; before the French 
occupation, which dates from 13 November 1903, 
a few villages, with no historical importance, had 
been built unevenly along the banks of the Oued 
Bechar (WadI Bashshar), which sustained a scanty 
group of palms. From 1857 the region had been 
explored by Captain de Colomb, whose name has 
been used for the new town ; to this has been joined 
the name Bechar which, according to local tradition, 
derives from the fact that a Muslim sent to explore 
the region by a Turkish sultan (?) of the 15th 
century, brought back a flask of clear water; hence 
the epithet, taken from the root b . sh . r (to bring 
good news), which would be given to him and to the 
region from which he came. 

The French occupation, following on Franco- 
Moroccan talks, was designed to protect southern 
Oran against incursions of Berber tribes from 
Tafilalt and neighbouring regions. At first a military 
post, Colomb-Bechar became in 1905 the terminal 
of a railway line from Oran Tell, and an important 
caravan centre, then in 1919 the main town of a 
mixed commune and in 1930 the main town of the 
territory of Ain Sefra ( c Ayn Safra 3 ) (territories of 
southern Algeria). At the time of the Second World 
War, the coal mines which had been discovered in 
19 1 7 in the neighbourhood of the town were fully 
exploited, from 1941 ; at the same time the decision 
was made to build the railway from the Mediterranean 
to the Niger, which gave a new stimulus to the town. 
Since the war the output from the surrounding coal 
basin has remained at roughly 300,000 tons a year; 
in 1956 plans were made to build a thermo-electric 
power station, and important mineral deposits were 
discovered in the region. Finally the French govern- 
ment has installed at Colomb-Bechar and in the 
surrounding district an important practice centre 
for guided missiles. The result of this is that the 
population has risen from 750 inhabitants in 1906, 
to more than 16,500 in 1954, 3,350 of whom are 
Europeans (according to the census of 1954). 

Bibliography: Dr L. Ceard, L'oasis de 
Colomb-Bichar, in Arch, de I' Inst. Pasteur d'Algerie, 
1933, and Bull. Comiti Afrique Francaise, 1931, 
(nos. 4 to 7) ; A. G. P. Martin, Les oasis sahariennes, 
Algiers 1908 ; Lyautey, Vers le Maroc. Lettres du 
Sud-Oranais (1903-06), Paris 1937; I. Eberhardt, 
Dans V ombre chaude de I' Islam, Paris 1926; 
J. P. Cambo, Le "combinat" de Colomb-Bichar, 
in Encycl. mens. d'O.-M., suppl. to no. 47 (July 
1954), doc. no. 30. (R. Le Tourneau) 

COLUMN [see c Amud] 
COMMERCE [see tidjara] 

COMORS [see kumr] 
COMPANIONS [see sahaba] 
CONAKRY [see konakry]. 


CONGO, River and Country in Africa. The river 
forms the sole outlet of the great Central African 
basin, which is limited on the east by the western 
flanks of the Great Rift, on the north by the Monga 
mountains, on the west by the Cristal range, and 
on the south by the Lunda plateau. Since its tribu- 
taries drain areas both to the north and to the south 
of the Equator, the Congo maintains a relatively 
constant flow. Its waterways are broken here and 
there by cataracts, especially between Stanley Pool 
and the sea, but they nevertheless provide long 
navigable stretches which have permitted a certain 
amount of movement, both of people and of trade, 
through an otherwise impenetrable forest region. 
In the recesses of the great forests Africa's most 
primitive people, the pygmies, have maintained to 
this day a distinctive way of life based mainly on 
hunting and gathering. Along or near the rivers, 
and nowadays increasingly along the roads which 
are beginning to traverse the forest region, live 
negroid tribes, most of whom speak languages of 
the Bantu family, and all of whom use iron tools 
and are to some degree cultivators as well as hunters 
and fishermen. Doubtless on account of their 
relative inaccessibility, the forest tribes have in 
general remained the most backward of the Bantu 

It is only the central part of the Congo basin, 
however, which is densely forested. The higher 
country all round its periphery is mostly covered 
with the light forest known as "orchard bush", in 
which grain crops can be grown by the simple, 
"slash and burn" system of shifting cultivation. 
In the east and in the west there are even conside- 
rable stretches of open savannah grasslands suitable 
for cattle-raising. Above all, these peripheral regions 
have been relatively open to the influences of migrat- 
ion and conquest, and it is consequently in these 
regions that the indigenous peoples have achieved 
their most significant political groupings. To the 
north of the forest on the Nile-Congo watershed the 
multiple states of the Zande are the result of seven- 
teenth and eighteenth century colonization and 
conquest from the southern fringes of the Sudan. 
To the east of the forest, in the highlands of the 
Western Rift, the Kingdoms of Ruanda and Urundi 
and their related states are the creation of con- 
quering immigrants from the Nilotic Sudan or 
South-West Ethiopia, who appear to have been in 
the area since the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries. 
To the west of the forest, in the highlands of light 
bush and open savannah separating the Congo 
basin from the Atlantic seaboard, the important 
kingdom of the Bakongo, with which the Portuguese 
entered into relations towards the end of the fifteenth 
century, and which then extended its influence in 
some sense from the Gaboon to Angola, had been 
built by another immigrant minority, stemming 
perhaps from the direction of Lake Chad. The 
Congo kingdom had many southward offshoots, 
among them certainly the kingdom of the Bakuba 
on the upper Kasai. The Luba-Lunda states of the 
Congo-Zambezi watershed, were equally founded by 
immigrants, but whether these came from the west 
or the east of the forest is not yet established. 

The ideas diffused into western Bantu Africa by 
these movements were essentially remnants from 
the ancient world of the Nile Valley. They came 
from the still unislamized southern fringes of the 
Sudan. Meanwhile, for nearly four hundred years, 
from the late fifteenth century to the mid-nineteenth, 
European influences played remotely on a Congo 

basin whose inhabitants were still solidly pagan and 
animist. The dominant European interest in the 
region was the slave-trade, which soon undermined 
and killed off the early attempts at Christian 
evangelization. Portuguese mulatto traders, called 
pombeiros, operating from Loanda and other ports 
in Angola during the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries, penetrated deeply into the southern 
periphery of the Congo basin, and it is likely that 
in the copper-bearing region of the Katanga they 
occasionally encountered traders from the Swahili 
ports on the East African coast, who were probably 
no more seriously Muslims than the pombeiros were 
Christian. The indications are, indeed, that such 
early long-distance trade as there was in eastern 
Bantu Africa before the nineteenth century was 
conducted more by Africans from such interior 
tribes as the Nyamwezi and the Bisa than by coast- 
men whether Arab or Swahili. 

It was not, therefore, until the nineteenth century, 
with the penetration of the southern Sudan by slave 
and ivory traders from Egypt, and still more with 
the penetration of East Africa by subjects of the 
Busa'idi dynasty of Zanzibar, that Muslims began 
in any numbers to reach the borders of the Congo 
basin. The Arab settlement at Ujiji, from which 
dhows crossed to the Congolese shore of the Tanga- 
nyika Lake, was founded within a few years of 1840. 
It was from then until the partition and occupation 
of tropical Africa by the European powers in the 
late 'eighties and early' nineties of the century that 
the serious commercial exploitation of the eastern 
and central parts of the Congo Basin by Muslim 
Arabs and Swahili mainly took place. The foundation 
by King Leopold II of the Belgians of the Congo 
Independent State resulted in the suppression of 
the slave-trade and in the elimination of the Arab 
and Swahili war-lords whose activities had been so 
vividly described by Livingstone, Stanley and other 
explorers. But many of the Arabs and their East 
African followers settled permanently in the Congo 
under its new colonial administration, and, as in 
so many other parts of Africa, the transition from 
freebooting exploitation to a more settled form of 
petty commerce marked an intensification of religious 

The great majority of the Congo Muslims, who 
number to-day about 200,000, are Shafi'is and 
belong to the Kadirl tarlka. There are a few hundred 
Khodjas [?.».], mainly in Ruanda-Urundi and in the 
eastern part of the Kivu Province, also in Stanley- 
ville and Kasongo; they are active in trade, and 
are well-organized and well instructed. The Ahmad- 
iyya [q.v.] number only a few dozens, but are active 
in propaganda by distributing books and literature. 

In the Eastern Province, the Kivu Province and 
Ruanda-Urundi there are at least 175 recognized 
mosques. There are Kur'anic schools at Rumungwe, 
Lake Nyanza, Stanleyville, Ponthierville, Kirundu 
and Kindu. The great centre of attraction, however, 
is Ujiji, where there is an important madrasa, 
attended by young people who desire a little in- 
struction in Arabic. 

Islamized villages have a mosque, a brotherhood 
banner (drapeau de confrerie), a mu'-allimu and an 
imam. Unlike the Zanzibaris, the Muslims of the 
eastern Congo are not well instructed. There are 
some who read al-Damiri or al-Suyuti. But in general 
their reading matter is limited to popular devotional 
books of the Kadiriyya. The initiation to the 
Tartya, in the form known as muridi, which is 
widespread in Senegal too, is also highly esteemed 


by the negro, who finds membership both dignified 
and authoritative. The mosques which are specially 
designed are of the Zanzibar type, but the majority 
are nothing more than large huts. Only a few 
educated people know any Arabic. The lingua 
franca is Kiswahili, the Bantu language showing 
some Arabic influence, which is spoken as a mother 
tongue by the people of the Zanzibar coast. The 
negro Muslims who have started to enter the western 
Congo from the North, from the Middle Congo 
Republic and Chad, sometimes have a much higher 
cultural standard. Many of them are merchants, 
who sell books of devotion and talismans inscribed 
in Arabic. The Muslim customary courts are be- 
coming increasingly subject to a Shafi'i version of 
the sharPa. 

The limited cultural level to which black Muslims 
attain, leaves them with too little Arabic and even 
with too little Swahili to understand the Islamic 
propaganda broadcast by radio. Among the books 
currently in favour one finds, besides the Kur'an, 
the Mi'rddi of al-Dardir, a work by a Zanzibar 
Shaykh called Hasan b. Amir al-Shirazi; aW-Ihd al- 
ikyan 'aid Mawlid al-Diildni; the Kitdb Dala'il al- 
Khayrat, enriched with numerous accessory texts 
such as the Hizb al-Barr, the Hizb al-Bafir, the 
Hizb al-Nasr of al-Shadhill, etc. To this should 
be added the full or partial Swahili translation 
of the Kur'an, published by the Ahmadiyya Society 
of Lahore, the surat Yasin in Swahili, a treatise on 
Mirathi (inheritance) by Shayikh al-Shirazi, and 
a very popular treatise on prayer called "Sula na 
Manrisho Yake". 

Bibliography : J. B. Labat, Relation historique 
de I'Ethiopie occidentale, contenant la description 
des royaumes du Congo, Angolla et Matamba, Paris 
1753; Abbe Proyart, Histoire du Loango, Kakongo 
et autres royaumes d'Afrique, Paris 1778; R. 
Avelot, Les grands mouvements de peuples en 
Afrique, Jaga et Zimba, Paris 1912; Delafosse et 
Poutrin, Enquete coloniale . . ., Paris 1930; P. 
Marty, Etudes sur I'Islam au Sinigal, au Soudan, 
en Guinie sur la CSte d'lvoire, au Dahoney, Paris 
1917-1926; A. Gouilly, I'Islam en A.O.F., Paris 
1926; Notes et Etudes Documentaires, no. 1152 
(1947), no. 1642 (1952); Lieut. L. Nekkech, Le 
Mouridisme depuis 1912, St. Louis du Senegal 
1952; J. Maes and Boone, Les peuplades du Congo 
Beige, Brussels 1931; idem, Bibliographic du 
Music du Congo Beige sous le litre: Bibliographic 
ithnographique du Congo Beige, Brussels 1932; 
Foureau, D' Alger au Congo par le Tchad, Paris 
1902; Casati, Died anni in Equatoria, Milan 1891; 
R. P. Sacleux, Dictionnaire Swahili-Francais (with 
Arabic etymologies), Paris 1939-41; R. P. Vanden 
Eynde, Grammaire Swahili, Brussels n.d.; Cornet, 
Le Congo physique, Brussels 1938; G. Hardy, 
Vue generate de I' Histoire d'Afrique*, Paris 1942; 
Deschamps, Les religions de I'Afrique, Paris n.d.; 
H. Baumann and Westermann, Les peuples et les 
civilisations de I'Afrique, trans. Hamburger, Paris 
1951; V. L. Grottanelli, /. Bantu (Le Razze e i 
Popoli delta Terra di R. Biasutti), iii, 445-643, 
Turin n.d. 1955; Revue de I'Universiti de Bruxelles, 
1954, 5-16, and 1957, 2-3, devoted to Congo 
questions; P. Ceulemans, La Question Arabe et 
le Congo 1883-1892, Brussels 1959; H. M. Stanley, 
Through the dark continent, 2 vols., London 1878; 
idem, Twenty-five years' progress in Equatorial 
Africa, London 1897; idem, In darkest Africa, 
London 1904; R. P. Henri Neyrand, L' Evolution 
religieuse de I'A.E.F., in Etuda 

L'A.E.F., Paris n.d., 17; G. Eichtal, De Vital 
actuel et de I'avenir de I'Islamisme dans I'Afrique 
centrale, Paris 1841; D. Westermann, Geschichte 
Ajrikas, Wiemar 1952; A. Abel, Documents con- 
cernant le Bahr al Ghazal (1893-1894), in Bulletin 
de V Academic Royale des Sciences coloniales, 1954, 
1385-1409; idem, Les musulmans noirs du Maniima 
et de la province Orientate, Coll. de l'lnstitut de 
Sociologie Solvay, Brussels 1959; A nnuaire du 
Monde Musulman. 

(Ed., article based on information supplied by 
A. Abel and R. A. Oliver). 
CONSTANTINE [see ijustantIna] 
CONSTANTINOPLE [see Istanbul] 
the African), who first introduced Arab medicine 
into Europe, was born in Tunis in the early 5th/nth 
century (1010 or 1015 A.D.), and died at Monte 
Cassino in 1087. 

His arrival in Salerno marked the beginning of 
what historians have labelled the 'golden age' of 
its famous medical school. But about the life of the 
man himself singularly little is known, and the 
details can only be sketched in conjecturally. 

Various facts relating to him are to be found in 
the works of Petrus Diaconus who entered Monte 
Cassino in 509/1115, less than 30 years after Con- 
stantine's death. But they were adapted to suit 
the purposes of a story rather than set down ob- 
jectively for their own sake. Like most other science 
historians, Petrus Diaconus traces Constantine's 
place of birth to Carthage (he probably means 
Tunis). By the age of 39 or 40, after many adventures, 
he had found his way to Italy. Petrus asserts that 
beforehand he had travelled to Egypt, Baghdad, 
India and Ethiopia, learning on the way Hebrew, 
Syriac, Chaldean, Greek, Ethiopian and even 'Indian'. 
His great talents roused such jealousy upon his 
return to Tunisia that, in order to avoid any harmful 
consequences, he left the country for Sicily. Karl 
Sudhoff is at variance with Petrus, and maintains 
that he journeyed to Italy as a merchant. It is there 
that he is said to have become acquainted with the 
reigning prince's brother, who was a doctor. His 
experiences made him realise the poverty of medical 
literature in Latin, and he returned to study medicine 
for three years in Tunisia; then, having collected 
together several treatises on Arab medicine, he 
departed, with his precious treasure, for southern 
Italy. The ship ran into a storm off the coast of 
Lucania, outside the gulf of Policastro, and the 
manuscripts were badly damaged. Constantine 
managed to salvage some of them, and when he 
arrived in Salerno he became a Christian convert. 
It is not yet possible to establish the exact date 
of these events. But it is certain that he translated 
into Latin the best works on Arab medicine which 
had appeared up to the 5th/nth century, albeit 
omitting to acknowledge the names of their authors 
and thus earning the reputation of a plagiarist. He 
adapted the writings to the conditions of his new 
homeland, Italy. Many passages which he considered 
prolix were condensed, and other parts where the 
meaning remained obscure were simply translated 
literally. Nevertheless, Constantine's work infused 
new life into the medical school of Salerno, and 
indeed into the teaching of medicine in Europe for 
centuries to come. The most important translations 
are: (i) works of Greek origin which had been 
translated into Arabic, especially by Hunayn b. 
Ishak and his followers: maxims, prognoses and diet 
in the severe illnesses of Hippocrates, together with 


notes by Galen, the Great Therapeutics of Galen 
(megatechne) and the Small Therapeutics to Glaucon 
(microtechne), and pseudo-Galenian works; Hunayn 
b. Ishak's edition of Galen's introduction to 
therapeutics, with notes by 'All b. Ridwan (an 
Egyptian doctor of the 5th/nth century) (ii) works 
by Arab authors: the Oculistics (aW-ashr makdldt 
fi 'l-'ayn of Hunayn b. Ishak (Constantini liber de 
oculis); the works of Ishak b. Sulayman al-Isra'ili 
(about 286/900) on the elements, urine, fever and 
diet; the Zdd al-Musdfir of Ibn al-Djazzar, translated 
under the title Viaticum; the medical encyclopaedia 
Kdmil al-Sind'a al-Tibbiyya of 'All b. al- c Abbas al- 
Madjusi (Persian, 4th,'ioth century) translated under 
the title Pantechne; Constantine's book De Melan- 
cholia was originally the Kitdb al-Malikhuliyd of 
Ishak b. 'Imran (late 9th-early 10th century). 
Finally, Constantine translated and claimed the 
authorship of several less important works by al- 
RazI and others unknown by name. 

The works were poorly translated into Latin 
and full of technical Arab expressions which had 
simply been transcribed. Constantine was never- 
theless responsible for extending the knowledge of 
classical medicine as it existed in Europe at the 
beginning of the Middle Ages, and bringing into 
circulation many important Greek and Arab works. 
Bibliography: Becavin, Vicole de Salerne et 
la medecine salernitaine (Ph. D. thesis in medicine), 
Paris 1888; B. Ben Yahia, Les origines arabes de 
"De melancholia" de Constantine, in Revue d'His- 
toire des sciences et de leurs applications, vii/2 (1954), 
156-162; idem, Constantin I'Africain et Vicole de 
Salerne, in CT, iii/3, (1955), 49-59; Choulant, 
Handbuch d. Bilcherkunde f. d. dltere Medezin, 
Leipzig 1841, 253-56; R. Creuz, Der Arzt 
Constantinus Africanus von Monte Cassino, in 
Stud, und Mitt. z. Gesch. d. Benediktinerordens 
New Series, xvi, 1929,1-44; Daremberg, Histoire 
des sciences midicales, i, 1870; idem, Notices et 
extraits des manuscrits midicaux, Paris 1853, 86; 
Petrus Diaconus, Chronica Mon. Casinensis, Lib. 
Ill; idem, De viribus illustribus Casinensibus, 
cap. 25, in Fabricius, Bibl. Grec. xiii, 123; 
Modestino del Gaizo, La scuola medica di 
salerno Studiata nella storia e nelle legende, Naples 
1896; F. H. Garrison, An Introduction to the history 
of medicine, Philadelphia 1829 ; E. Gurlitt, Geschichte 
der Chirurgie, i, 1898, 670-72; F. Hartmann, Die 
Literatur von Friih- und Hochsalerno, thesis Leipzig 
1919, 9-14; J. Hirschberg, Ober das dlteste ara- 
bische Lehrbuch d. Augenheilkunde, in S. B. Ak. 
Wien, xxix (1903); H. Lehmann, Die Arbeitsweise 
des Const. Afri. und d. Joh. Africius, in Archiv 
f. Gesch. d. Mathematik. xii (1930), 272-81; E. H. 
Meyer, Geschichte der Botanik, iii, (1856), 471, 484; 
A. Mieli, La science arabe et son rile dans Involution 
scientifique mondiale, Leiden 1939; A. Mosolff, 
Zahnheilkundliche Randbemerkungen zu einem Via- 
ticum-Text, thesis Leipzig 1924, in Isis vii, 1925, 
536; M. Neuburger, Geschichte der Medizin, Stutt- 
gart 1911, ii, 287 ff., K. Nord, Zahnheilkundliches 
aus den Schriften Konstantins von Africa, thesis etc., 
Leipzig 1922; S. di Renzi, Storia documentata 
delta scuola medica di Salerno, ii, Naples 1857, 
802; Ch. Singer, A Legend of Salerno, in John 
Hopkins Hospital Bui., xxviii, 64-69; idem, The 
original of the medical school of Salerno, in Essays 
presented to Sudhoff, 38, Zurich 1923, in Isis, vii, 

535; idem, Introd. to the History of Science, , 

M. Steinschneider, Die europ&ischen Obersetzungen 
zu dem Arabischen, in S. B. Ak. Wien, cxil-cli; 

idem, Virchow's Archiv, xxxvii, 351-410; K. 

Sudhoff, Konstantin der Afrikaner und Medizi- 

nisches von Salerno, in Sudhoff s Arch. d. Gesch. d. 

Medizin, xxiii, 293-98; L. Thorndike, A History 

of magic and experimental science, New York 1922, 

chap, xxxii. (B. Ben Yahia) 

CONSTANZA [see kSstendje] 

CONSUL (Arab. Kunsul; Pers. Kunsul; Turk. 
Konsolos), consuls as representatives of the 
interests of foreign states in Islamic countries (and 
similarly in Byzantium). The institution of the 
consul was formed in the 12th and 13th centuries in 
the Italian merchant republics. The Genoese put their 
possessions in the Crimea (see KIrim]; since 1266), 
nominally subject to the Khan of the Golden Horde, 
in the charge of a consul (B. Spuler: Die Goldene 
Horde, Leipzig 1943, 392-8, with further bibl.; 
E. S. Zevakin and N. A. Pen£ko: Olerki po istorii 
genuezskikh koloniy . . ., ('Sketches on the History of 
the Genoese Colonies') in Istorileskiye Zapiski 3, 
1938, 72-129). For the most part called Bailo [see 
balyos] until the 15th century, these representatives 
of foreign states in Islamic countries (for the first 
time in 1238, when Venice had a representative in 
Egypt) were occupied above all with the protection 
of the merchants of their nations, the adjustment 
of difficulties among them, and the regulation of all 
questions having to do with trade. 

It was only when Ottoman hegemony extended 
over the entire east and south coasts of the Mediter- 
ranean as well as the Balkan peninsula, that it 
became necessary to grant to the ambassadors of the 
individual powers at Constantinople consuls in other 
places. For the first time in 1528, France obtained 
the right to provide its own consul in Alexandria, 
recently become Ottoman. He was able in all circum- 
stances to negotiate directly on behalf of his coun- 
trymen with the local authorities, to adjust internal 
difficulties and to regulate financial conditions (in- 
cluding questions of inheritance). He might import 
his personal needs free of customs, and ships des- 
patched by him were not subject to distraint or 
injury. The right to maintain a consul was extended 
to other cities in the treaty between the Porte and 
France in 1535, thus granting the latter a considerable 
extension of its influence, especially along the Syrian- 
Lebanese coast as well as in Asia Minor (a consulate 
in Aleppo since 1557; cf. the maps of the French 
Consulates in 1715 in P. Masson, Histoire du Commerce 
Francais . . ., Paris 1896, p. xxxviii of the appendix). 
In 1580 England received corresponding rights. 
Between 1606-15 the German Emperor followed and 
later in the 17th century Venice, the Netherlands and 
Sweden. Only after the Peace of Kucuk Kaynardja 
[q.v.] in 1774, could Russia establish consulates (in 
particular in the Balkans and the Holy Land). 
Persia followed in 1839. All consuls, as well as 
ambassadors, were regarded as hostages to guarantee 
the behaviour of their home powers, and were 
repeatedly arrested and otherwise impeded. 

Out of the consular rights the "Capitulations" 
developed, confirmed for the first time specifically 
in a treaty with France in 1740 (though in fact 
existing already in the 16th century). They conceded 
to the consuls extensive juridical and civil rights, 
and released foreign subjects more and more from 
local jurisdiction (for details cf. Torkiye, History). 
Beside these, local Honorary Consuls appeared in 
increasing number in the 19th century, who held 
certain diplomatic rights, so that this position was 
much sought after. From 1862 Turkey fought with 
growing intensity against the distortion of this 


privilege, and a considerable limitation of the 
abuses was attained. After the gradual abrogation 
of the Capitulations combined with the renunciation 
of them by foreign states, the consuls in the Islamic 
world assumed the same position which they occupy 
internationally today. 

In her own behalf Turkey first appointed consuls 
in foreign lands in 1802 (Turk. Skekbender; or, 
rarely at first, Konsolos), frequently from among 
Greeks and Levantines in the first decades. 

Bibliography: General: A. M. Candioti, 
Historia de la institution consular, Buenos Aires 
1925. Near East: F. Martens, Das Konsularwesen 
und die Konsularjurisdiktion in Orient, Berlin 1874 1 
M. Tayyib Gokbilgin in I A, vi, 836-40 (with 
further bibl.) ; B. Spuler, Die europ. Diplomatic in 
Konstantinopel . . ., in Jahrbiicher fur Kultur u. 
Geschichte der Slaven, New Series, xi (1935), 208-10 
(Consuls, with literature and catalogue of the Con- 
sulates); Frasherli Mehdi, Imtiydzdt-i edjnebiyye- 
nin tatbikdt-i Hddirasl, Samsun 1325/1907; Sdl- 
ndme-i Nezdret-i khdridjiye, Constantinople 1885 
and often. 

Individual States: E. Watbled in RA, xvi/ 
1872, 20 ff.; F. Rey: La protection diplomatique et 
consulaire dans les Echelles du Levant et de Barbaric, 
Paris 1899; N. G. Svoronos: Inventaire des 
correspondances des Consuls de France au Levant, 
i: Salonique et Cavalle (1686-1792), Paris 1951; 
Ahmed Refik, Turkler ve kralice Elizabeth, Con- 
stantinople 1932; M. Epstein, The early history 
of the Levant company (to 1640), London 1908; 
A. N. Kurat, Turk-ingiliz miinasebetlerinin bas- 
langici ve gelismesi, Ankara 1953- 

Capitulations: F. A. Belin, Des capitulations 
et des traitis de la France en Orient, Paris 1870; 
N. Sousa, The capitulatory rigime of Turkey. Its 
history, origin and nature, Baltimore 1933", O. 
Nebioglu, Die Auswirkungen der Kapitulationen 
auf die tiirk. Wirtschaft, Jena 1941; Habib Abi 
Chahla, L'extinction des capitulations en Turquie 
et dans les regions arabes, Paris 1924. 

Juridical: G. Aristarchi Bey, Legislation 
Ottomane, 7 vols, Constantinople 1873-88 (esp. ii, 

See further: Gibb and Bowen: Islamic 
Society and the West, i/i and 2, London 1950-7 ; and 
the articles Balyos, BeratlI, Imtiyaz, Musta'- 
min, and Wenedik (Venezia); TOrkiye, His- 
tory; Misr, History (including the collections of 
documents mentioned there). (B. Spuler) 

COPAN-ATA (Turkish "Father-Shepherd"), the 
name of a row of hills V* mile long on the southern 
bank of the Zarafshan [q.v.], close by the city walls 
of Samarkand [q.v.]. There is no written evidence for 
this name before the 19th century; up to the 18th 
century, it was referred to in written sources 
(Persian) as Kflhak ('little mountain'), and the 
Zarafshan (only known as such in the written 
language since the 18th century) also sometimes 
carried this name. Under the name of Kuhak, the 
range is mentioned in Istakhri (BGA I, 318), and it 
contained quarries and clay pits for Samarkand. 

There is an aetiological legend which gives the 
following explanation: "well over a thousand years 
before Muhammad" there was an enemy besieging 
Samarkand. The inhabitants of the town prayed 
fervently for deliverance, and in answer a mountain 
came and buried the attackers, having been trans- 
planted from Syria, complete with a shepherd on it. 
Copan-Ata is also regarded as a Muslim saint, and 
the shrine to him, which is on the summit of the hill, 

is attributed to TImur (thus in al-Kandiyya, 
partly edited by W. Barthold, Turkestan, MSS. 
I, St. Petersburg 1900, 48/51). 

Upon the Copan-Ata the troops of the Khan 
of Bukhara made a vain attempt to oppose the 
advancing Russians under general Konstatin Petrovic 
von Kauffmann on May 13th (new style) 1868. The 
latter succeeded in occupying Samarkand the 
following day, and since then it has belonged to 

Bibliography: W. Barthold, Turkestan, 86; 
Le Strange, 464. — On individual aspects: 
V. Vyatkin, in the Spravocnie kniiki Samarkand- 
skoy oblasti vi-viii, Samarkand 1893/1901 ; Abu 
Tahir Khodja, Samariyya, Persian ed. by N. 
Veselovskiy, St. Petersburg 1904. — Illustra- 
tions: G. Pankrat'ye, Al'bbom istoriteskikh 
pamyatnikov goroda Samarkanda, no. 31 and 38 
(Shrine and remains of a mediaeval bridge). 

(W. Barthold-[B. Spuler]) 
COPTS [see ijibt] 
CORAN [see ijur'an] 

CORBADjI (literally: soup-provider). (1) The 
title applied among the Janissaries to commanders 
of the ortas and the agha bblukleri, though in 
official Ottoman terminology the commanders of 
the diemd'at ortalari were known as Serpiyddegdn 
or (the Turkish equivalent of this Persian term) 
Yayabashi, while commanders of the agha bblukleri 
were called Odabashi. 

As the 101 diemd'-at ortalari were prior in foun- 
dation to the 61 agha bblukleri, the Corbadils of the 
former had certain privileges over those of the 
latter: on frontier duty they kept the keys of the 
fortresses; they could ride on horseback in the 
presence of their superiors; they wore yellow gaiters 
and shoes. In the agha bblukleri, on the other hand, 
yellow gaiters and shoes were the prerogative of 
the Odjak Ketkhudusl and the Muhdir Agha, the 
other Corbadils wearing red. 

The crested headdress generally worn on cere- 
monial occasions by the Corbadils was called kalafat 
or corbadii helesi. The crest of the Yayabashis' 
kalafat was of cranes' feathers, whereas that of 
Corbadils of the agha boliikleri was of herons' feathers. 
The ordinary headdress of all Corbadils was a red 
kalafat narrow at the bottom and broad at the top. 
The Corbadii applied the bastinado to minor offenders 
among his men. His aide was known as the Corbadii 

Sometimes the Corbadils were entrusted with 
police duties, thus performing the function of the 
Subashi. At the Cardak, the customs station by the 
Yemish quay in Istanbul, there was a Cardak 
Corbadiisl, who commanded the 56th Janissary orta, 
assisted the kddi of Istanbul who supervised the 
city's food-supply, and was responsible for main- 
taining public order in this locality. 

Yayabashis were appointed to collect the devshirme 
boys who were recruited into the 'Adiemi Odiaghl 
from the provinces. The Corbadils of the 'Adiemi 
Odiaghl were under the orders of its commander, 
the Istanbul Aghasl. 

(2) The title of Corbadii was also given to the 
village notables called Mukhtar and Ak-sakal, who 
entertained travellers. Later, until a half-century 
ago, it became an appellation of merchants and rich 
Christians. In colloquial Turkish it is still used for 
'boss', 'skipper'. 

Bibliography : Kawdnin-i Yeniteriydn; I. H. 
Uzuncarsili, Kapikulu ocaklart, Ankara 1943; 
idem, Tarihi Lugat; Djewad Pasha, Ta'rikh-i 


'■Asheri-i 'Othmdni, Istanbul 1297; Mahmud 
Shewket Pasha, ( Othmdnli teshkildt we hiydfet-i 
'askeriyyesi, Istanbul 1325; Ahmed Wefik Pasha, 
Lehdje-i 'Othmdni; Marsigli, Vetat militnire de 
V empire Ottoman, Paris 1732 = Nazmi Bey, Os- 
manh imparatorlugunun zuhur ve terakkisinden 
inhitdti zamantna kadar askeri vaziyeti, Ankara 
1934; M. d'Ohsson, Tableau giniral . . ., Paris 
1788-1824; The Military Costume of Turkey, 
London 1818; M. Z. Pakahn, Tarih deyimleri ve 
terimleri, Istanbul 1946-56. 

(I. H. Uzuncarsili) 
CORDOVA [see kurtuba] 
COREA [see al-sIla] 
CORINTH [see kordos] 

CORLU, town in E. Thrace, the Byzantine 
T^oupouXo? (for the various forms of the ancient 
name see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Tzurulon (E. Over- 
hummer]); it lies on the main road and railway 
between Istanbul and Edirne, 155 kms. by rail from 
Istanbul, facing N. over the Corlu Su, a tributary 
of the Ergene. The town was taken by the Ottomans 
early in the reign of Muras I. In Djum. I 917/Aug. 
1 51 1 Bayezid II defeated Prince Selim near Corlu, 
at a place called Slrt-koyii by Lutfl Pasha (Ta'rikh, 
1st. 1341, 202). 

There were extensive wakfs at Corlu for Mehemmed 
II's kulliyye at Istanbul (cf. M. Tayyib Gokbilgin, 
Edirne ve Pasa Livasi, 1st. 1952, 300 ff.). When 
Ewliya Celebi visited it in 1061/1651 (Seyahat-ndme, 
III, 295 ff.) it had 3000 houses, in 15 Moslem and 
15 Christian mahalles, and was thriving centre of 
trade with 18 khans. It was in a rich sheep-rearing 
region and was renowned for its cheese. At this time 
it was the centre of one of the five kaddH of the 
sandjak of Vize (Hadjdji Khalfa, Djihdn-numd = 
Hammer, Rumeli und Bosna, Vienna 1812, 19). It 
was the third stage on the main road from Istanbul: 
in 1 71 7 Lady Mary Wortley Montague visited a 
konak built here as a rest-house for the Sultan 
(Letter xxxv). 

Corlu is now the centre of a kaza of the vilayet of 
Tekirdag, population of the town (1955) 17,025. 
(V. L. Manage) 
CORLULU [see <alI pasha] 
COROMANDEL [see ma'bar] 
CORUH (Corukh). I. River in the extreme 
north-east of Anatolia, flowing mainly through 
Turkey, but emptying into the Soviet Russian area 
of the Black Sea. 

II. Wildyet on the Black Sea, called after 
the river of the same name (cf. I) in the extreme 
north-east of Turkey. The modern vilayet of Coruh 
covers roughly the same area as the former sandjak 
of Lazistan which belonged to the wildyet of Trabzon 
(Trebizond). Until the war between Russia and 
Turkey in 1878 (Treaty of San Stefano), Batum was 
the capital of the sandjak of Lazistan. Subsequently, 
the capital of the sandjak, or of the wildyet, Lazistan 
became Rize. In 1935, Rize became a vilayet of 
its own, and Artvin became the capital of the 
remainder of the vilayet of Coruh. According to the 
last census (1950) the vilayet of Coruh had 174,511 
inhabitants, and its capital Artvin had 4,547 
inhabitants. Its Kada's are: Artvin, Ardanuc, 
Borcka, FIndlkll, Hopa, Savsat and Yusufeli. 

Bibliography: G. Jaschke, Die grosseren 
V erwaltungsbezirke der Tiirkei seit 1918, in MSOS, 
38th Annual number, (1935), ii, 81-104. 

(Fr. Taeschner) 
CORUM, town in the north of Central Anatolia, 
40 34' north, 34° 55' east, some 7 km. east of the 

Corum Cay, a tributary of the Mecitozii, which in 
turn flows into the Cekerek Irmak, a tributary of 
the Yesil Irmak. It lies in a large fertile valley and 
is the capital of the wildyet of the same name. The 
wildyet has the following kadd's: Corum, Alaca, 
Iskilip, Mecitozii, Osmancik and Sungurlu. Before 
the Republic, the kadd' of Corum formed part of the 
sandjak of Yozgat belonging to the wildyet of 
Ankara, formerly a sandjak (liwa') in the Eydlet of 
Siwas (or Rum). According to the last census (in 
1950), the town had 22,835 inhabitants, the kadd' 
had 87,965, and the wildyet 342,290. 

Corum has erroneously been taken to be the 
Tavium of antiquity. The latter has been proved 
to have been situated near Nefezkoy, south of 
Sungurlu, in the wildyet of Yozgat (concerning this, 
cf. the article on Tavium by W. Ruge in Pauly- 
Wissowa, iv, cols. 2524-26). 

The modern Corum shows few traces of historical 
interest. Its main Mosque, Ulu Pjam c , is a modern 
building (1909), but probably erected on the foun- 
dations of an older building of the 18th or 19th 
century. It contains a beautiful large Minbar of late 
Saldjuk times, which is said to have come from 

The village of Elvancelebi, some 20 km. east of 
Corum, belongs to the Kaza Mecitozii in the 
wildyet of Corum. There are the Tekye (mentioned 
by Katib Celebi, Djihannuma, 625, 1. 20, as Sheykh 
'Ulwan Tekyesi, and also by Ewliya Celebi, Seydhat- 
ndme, ii, 410, 1. 8), turbe and mosque of Elvan 
Celebi, the son of the famous poet 'Ashlk Pasha 
(died in 733/1333, [q-v.]), and descendant of Baba 
Ilyas, the founder of the Dervish Order of the 
Baba'iyya [see baba'I]. The shrine of Elvan Celebi 
used to be a much frequented place of pilgrimage. 
Dernschwam visited it as a member of the retinue 
of the Imperial Envoy Busbecq in 1555 on his way 
to Amasya (cf. Hans Dernschwam's Tagebuch einer 
Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien (1553/55), 
ed. Franz Babinger, Munich and Leipzig 1923, 
201-203, with a not particularly clear plan in Dern- 
schwam's hand) ; concerning Elvan Celebi in general, 
cf. Neset Koseoglu, Elvan Celebi, in the periodical 
Corumlu, of 1944, no. 46, I373-79 - , no. 47, 1405-08; 
no. 48, 1437-41; in no. n of 1939 there are pictures 
of the shrine of Elvan Celebi). 

In some kadd's of the wildyet of Corum there are 
famous Hittite excavations, particularly Bogazkoy 
(Hattusas) in the kadd' of Sungurlu, and also Alaca 
Hiiyiik in the kadd' of Alaca. 

Bibliography: S. Sami, Kamus al-AHdm, iii, 

1886 f.; Katib Celebi, Djihannuma, 625; Ewliya 

Celebi, Seyahat-ndme, ii, 407-410. 

(Fr. Taeschner) 

COS [see istankoy] 

COSTUME [see libas] 

COTE D'l VOIRE, the usual name of the Ivory 
Coast, a Republic, and member of the French 
Community. It is situated on the coast of the Gulf 
of Guinea, adjoins Ghana to the east, Liberia and 


French Sudai 
It extends o- 
a population 

Although the fir- 

the west, and the 
: Upper Volta to the North, 
o square kilometres and has 
000, including 12,000 non- 

French settlements on the 
the end of the seventeenth 
century, colonization dates only from the end of the 
nineteenth century. The Ivory Coast became a 
self-governing colony in 1893, then, in 1900, it 
became part of the Government-General of French 



West Africa. In 1957 it enjoyed a semi-autonomous 
domestic regime within the group of territories, 
with its Territorial Assembly and Government 
Council at Abidjan. Its administrative organization 
is that of the rest of French West Africa: circles, 
subdivisions and communes. After the referendum 
of 1958 the Ivory Coast, with its new status of 
autonomous Republic, refused to federate with the 
new state of Mali (formed by the union of Senegal 
with the French Soudan), and formed with the 
former territories of Upper-Volta, Dahomey and 
Niger the Benin-Sahil Alliance. 

From south to north, it covers a narrow belt of 
lagoons, a densely forested belt about 300 kilometres 
wide, and, finally, a belt of Sudan type savanna. In 
the south, the population belongs to the Guinean and 
Apollonian groups, and, in the North, to the Sudanese 
and Voltaic groups. 

The economy is based on agriculture (coffee, timber, 
bananas, cocoa, oil, cotton) with a little livestock- 
rearing and fishing. Industrialization has hardly been 
tackled, although some prospecting has been under - 

;. The cl 

Abidjan, the capital and port (130,000), Bouake 
(25,000), Grand-Bassam, Bondoukou. 

The influence of Christianity is widespread in the 
south, with 160,000 Catholics, 65,000 Protestants, 

The number of Muslims is about 450,000, found 
mainly in the north, especially among the Malinke 
or Mande tribes. But at the same time Islam seems 
to be making rapid inroads among the animist tribes 
of the Savannas and among the town immigrants. 

The first Islamic settlement on the Ivory Coast 
must go back to the thirteenth century, at the height 
of the Mali ascendancy throughout the north of the 
country. The chief centres were Touba, Kong, 
Bondoukou, Odienne and Seguela. Muslim influence 
seems to have receded after the collapse of the 
Malinke power (15th century). It had a reflux of 
strength during the first half of the nineteenth 
century, when the influence of El Hadj Omar Tall 
made itself felt throughout the whole of western 
Sudan. At the end of the century, Samory Toure 
lent his authority to proselytizing, and forcibly — 
albeit temporarily — converted a section of the 
Senoufo animists of the North. But, at the same time, 
he massacred the Malinke Muslims that resisted his 
conquest, and, above all, annihilated, in 1897, the 
kingdom of Kong which had remained the main seat 
of Islamic culture in the region. After the defeat 
of Samory, Islam fell into another temporary 
decline, from which it recovered fairly quickly, 
thanks to the sociological conjuncture that arose 

It was spread by the influence of the Dioula, 
Malinke, or sometimes Hausa, traders, who had 
settled along the great trade routes and dealt 
chiefly in cola with the farmers from the forest 
region. Every year it made further progress towards 
the South, and eventually counted converts even 
among the coastal population. In addition to the 
traditional centres are found to-day important 
centres at Man, Bouake, Gagnoa, Bouna, Daloa, 
Samateguela and Boundiala, as well as Abidjan. 

The chief brotherhood is the Tidjaniyya, which 
forms the majority everywhere except at Man. Its 
adherents are divided more or less equally between 
the "twelve grains" who owe obedience to El Hadj 
Omar, and the "eleven grains" or Hamallists, 
followers of Shaykh Hama Allah. Hamallism has, 
in addition, given rise to a new way, known as 

Ya'kubite after its founder, Yakouba Sylla, whose 
teaching is reminiscent of that of the Senegalese 
Mourids of Ahmadou Bamba (work of the talibi on 
behalf of the Shaykh, importance of economic 

The Kadiriyya brotherhood exists in all regions, 
but is as important as the Tidjaniyya only in the 
Man district. It is considered favourable to the 
interests of the Wahhabis, whose importance has 
developed considerably since 1946 under the in- 
fluence of rich Mecca pilgrims and of Karomoko 
(scholars) educated in Egypt or Arabia. The chief 
Wahhabite centre is Bouake. 

Occasional Mahdists are to be found — these seem 
to be under Wahhabite influence. And, on the 
coast, is a small Ahmadiyya community, formed 
around natives of Ghana and Nigeria. Certain 
dissident sects of the coastal region show Christian, 
Muslim and animist influences. 

The level of Islamic teaching has never recovered 
from the massacres of Samory Toure, in spite of the 
recent endeavours of the young Wahhabis and of 
certain Hamallists. 

Bibliography: Marty, Etudes sur I'Islam en 
C6te d'lvoire, Paris 1922; Gouilly, L'Islam dans 
I'AOF, Paris 1952; Le Grip, Aspects actuels de 
I'Islam en AOF, in L'Ajrique et VAsie, Paris 1953 
and 1954; Cardaire, L'Islam et le terroir a/ricain, 
Koulouba (Soudan) 1954; Trimingham, Islam in 
West Africa, Oxford 1958. (P. Alexandre) 

COWDORS [see Cawdors] 
CRAC [see kerak] 

CRAC DES CHEVALIERS [see hisn al-akrad] 
CREATION [see huduth, ibda c , ioialij] 
CREED [see <a ¥ Ida] 
CRETE [see iijrItish] 
CRIMEA [see kIrImJ 
CROJA [see kroyo] 

CRUSADES. Originally applied to military 
and religious expeditions organized in Western 
Europe and intended to take back from and defend 
against Islam the Holy Places of Palestine and 
nearby Syria, the term was later extended to all 
wars waged against "infidels" and even to any 
undertaking carried out in the name of a worthy 
or supposedly worthy cause; naturally these 
extensions of meaning are not part of our present 

The first Crusade (1096-99), following on from 
expeditions against the Muslims in the West, led 
to the establishment around Jerusalem, Tripoli, 
Antioch and Edessa of four States constituting 
(and later including Cyprus, then the Latin Empire 
of Constantinople) the Latin East, which from then 
on until the recapture of its last citadel Acre by the 
Muslims in 1291 was an essential factor in the 
history of the Middle East. The second Crusade 
started by the fall of Edessa bore no concrete 
results; the third, started by the fall of Jerusalem, 
ensured the maintenance of "Frankish" possessions 
on the Syro- Palestinian coast; the fourth was only 
concerned with Constantinople, the fifth failed at 
Damietta in Egypt, the sixth was more of a diplo- 
matic journey by Frederick II and brought about 
the temporary restitution of Jerusalem to the 
Franks, the seventh led by St. Louis after the loss 
once more of the Holy City ended in another 
disaster at Damietta and the eighth, which brought 
the same king to Tunis, ended with his death. One 
might add to this traditional number of Crusades 
other less important ones and later Crusades against 
the Ottomans (Nicopolis, Varna, etc.). The Crusades 

64 CRl" 

in Syria-Palestine alone had a lasting effect on the 
history of Muslim countries, in view of the Frankish 
dominance in the East, uninterrupted for nearly 
two centuries, which was initiated by the first 
Crusade and maintained by those that followed. 

In an encyclopaedia of Islam there can of course 
be no question of giving the history even of only 
these Crusades in its entirety; it would even be 
somewhat odd to speak of them at all, were it not 
that the Crusades when considered in terms of Islam 
give rise to certain problems which alone will be 
discussed here. 

The specific character of the Crusades was not 
and could not be understood by Muslims. The very 
term, frurub al-salibiyya, used to designate them in 
modern Arab literature, was unknown to ancient 
authors, who referred to Crusaders by the plain 
ethnical term "Franks", and seems to have made 
its appearance during the Ottoman period in 
Christian circles of the East influenced by French 
culture. The theory of the Crusade, a war for the 
defence or liberation of oppressed co-religionists, 
differs from the theory of the djihdd, a war for the 
expansion of Islam; but in practice almost the very 
reverse appears to have obtained at the time of the 
first Crusade, djihdd in the majority of Muslim 
countries being no more than a memory and Christen- 
dom from the time of Charlemagne onwards having 
elaborated campaigns for the expansion of Christi- 
anity by force of arms. No doubt, in one sense the 
Crusades appear as a reaction, which had gradually 
been desired and made possible, against the humiliat- 
ion of four centuries caused by the Muslim conquest 
of half the Mediterranean basin; but the example of 
Spain and Sicily proves that the Christian West did 
not need any deterioration in the generally reasonable 
treatment of Christians in Muslim countries as a spur 
to move onto the offensive or counter-offensive. In 
the East it is true that the Turkoman invasion of 
Asia Minor revived amongst a particular social 
group the tradition of Muslim Holy War in the form 
of ghazwa, bringing disaster to Byzantine Christen- 
dom; but in the old Muslim countries and particularly 
in Palestine the forming of the Saldjukid Empire 
brought no fundamental change to the lot of autoch- 
thonous Christians or to the treatment of foreign 
pilgrims; the precise motivation of crusading, 
however sincere it was, could riot therefore occur to 
the Muslim mind. Muslims obviously saw that they 
were dealing with Christian warriors who as such 
were attacking Islam, but apart from the distance 
from which they came they saw in them roughly the 
equivalent of the Byzantines whose Christian- 
inspired attacks and counter-attacks they had been 
sustaining for two centuries. 

The Crusaders' conquests only affected territory 
which was incompletely Islamized, relatively small 
and quickly reduced by gradual Muslim reconquest, 
and even in Syria-Palestine did not reach any of 
the large Muslim centres. Nevertheless, the constant 
menace to vital sea and land routes between Muslim 
countries in the Middle East, the knowledge of 
Muslim abasement under Frankish rule, above all 
the repetition of Crusades, the non-assimilation of 
Franks into the native milieu and the permanence 
of a state of at least "cold" war finally conferred 
indisputable importance on the Crusades and the 
existence of the so-called "Latin" East in the 
history of Middle Eastern Islam. It would be interest- 
ing to examine more thoroughly than has hitherto 
been the case how Muslims, according to time and 
place, reacted to this pher 

The Crusades found the Muslim Middle East in 
a state of division and dissension which alone made 
their initial success possible. Preceding generations 
had seen many examples of Islamo-Christian 
co-operation in Syria even against other Christians 
or Muslims. Although the Frankish invasion brought 
death or exile to many Muslims in Syria-Palestine, 
minor chieftains and certain isolated populations 
apparently at first assumed that it would be possible 
to adapt themselves to a state of small-scale war 
alternating with periods of peace, such as the former 
lord of Shayzar, Usama b. Munkidh, by drawing on 
his early memories, was able to depict for us in his 
Memoirs. Soon, however, more directly threatened 
or more intensely Muslim communities, angered 
by the disgraceful indifference to the Frankish 
danger of Muslims beyond Syria- Palestine, attempted 
to rouse them from it by for example demonstrating 
in Baghdad. Although individual volunteers, sub- 
sidies (particularly for prisoners' ransoms) and 
exhortations were sometimes forthcoming from the 
rest of the Muslim world, the backbone of resistance 
came really from the immediate neighbours of the 
Franks. A necessary condition for that, and this 
was bound to be one consequence of the Crusades, 
was some degree of rapprochement between various 
Muslim elements which only recently had been 
suspicious of each other: Arabs from the plains and 
the towns, Turks from the official armies that had 
come into being under the Saldjukid regime, 
Turkomans lacking discipline but ready for ghazwa, 
warlike Kurds joining up with the Turkish armies 
that shortly before they had been fighting and so on. 
Djazlra constituted the hinterland, a source of 
manpower, such as Syria with its meagre resources 
could never be, and there followed a process of 
political unification between the two regions 
(remaining however somewhat incomplete in Dia- 
zira). From a religious point of view, the Frankish 
menace certainly contributed without being its sole 
cause to the progress of Sunnism, which was already 
developed in the Saldjukid domains of Irano- 
Mesopotamia, but until then scarcely of any import- 
ance in Syria. For one thing, intransigent elements 
denounced the heterodox as accomplices of the 
Franks and responsible for the misfortunes of Islam; 
more important, however, moderate Shl'is and even 
sometimes the Fatimids, no longer sustained by 
unanimous Isma'ilism, in the face of common 
enemies rallied to the SunnI Turkish princes; the 
only group to remain outside this alliance were the 
Assassins, violent and irreconcilable enemies of 
SunnI orthodoxy, who were massacred by the 
Muslim majority and who sometimes collaborated 
with the Franks from their frontier strongholds. 
Naturally, the anti-Crusade movement never 
affected the whole of the Muslim population even 
amongst the neighbours of the Franks; devout 
Muslims lamented the fact that some of their 
brethren, who were subjects or neighbours of the 
Franks, found it less dangerous to come to terms 
with them than to fight them and minor princes 
were hesitant about involving themselves in coalit- 
ions which could only serve to increase the authority 
of the more important. The ability of ZengI, Nur 
al-DIn and Saladin lay in realizing, each in his own 
manner, that the struggle against the Franks, by 
necessitating and favouring the unification of Mus- 
lims, played into the hands of anyone able to lead 
such a movement, although it is not possible for us 
of course, any more no doubt than it was for them, 
to say how far they were prompted by ardent con- 

viction and how far by self-interest. This policy 
appeared to reach its final objective when after 
Jerusalem Saladin conquered almost the whole of 
the Latin East. 

It would be interesting to know whether in the 
Muslim States concerned the war against the 
Franks or their neighbours brought about any 
deeper or broader changes than this partial "moral 
rearmament". The period of the Crusades certainly 
coincides with a remarkable rise of inland Syria, 
starting with Damascus, then of Egypt which 
replaced Baghdad, linked too closely with the 
Iranian States, as the liveliest area of Arab Islam; 
but it is difficult to indicate the exact role of the 
various factors in this development, as it is to say 
whether the militarization of the politico-social order 
common to the whole of the Muslim world was 
more extensive here than elsewhere. In the art of 
warfare it is probable that some progress in siege 
armament and artillery is due to contact with the 
Franks; the mutual borrowings which appear to 
have taken place between the two sides in the tech- 
nique of fortification have still never been properly 
studied. Peaceful trading relations between Frankish 
and Muslim territories co-existed with war; but 
Alexandria, not Acre, was the great international 
trading centre of the Mediterranean and the fall of 
the Latin East was to have little effect on commerce. 

It would be normal to expect the anti-Frankish 
reaction to have brought about some original 
movement of ideas. But Islam was no longer in a 
progressive phase and the conflict was after all 
limited. Subject to future research, therefore, the 
impression is that there was not really any ideological 
fermentation. The ancient themes of djihad were 
rediscovered, the old accounts (pseudo-Wakidl) of 
the Conquests and anti-Byzantine ghazwa were taken 
out and developed, emphasis was laid on devo- 
tion to the holy places of Jerusalem: but there 
was nothing really new and it must be admitted 
that the struggle against the Crusaders did not give 
rise to any doctrinal study of holy war or any 
popular works comparable with the epics about the 
Conquests or anti-Byzantine wars. 

Furthermore, diplomatically, whereas Saladin in 
particular tried to play off Westerners and Byzan- 
tines against each other, no unity comparable with 
the unity, however slight, of Western Christendom 
against Islam was ever achieved between the East 
and West of the Muslim world, for each part was 
involved in its own struggles with neighbouring 
Christians. Even in the East, leaving aside the 
Iranians who were far away and shaken by successive 
crises, the Turks of Asia Minor, after involuntarily 
setting the Crusades in motion by their invasion, 
practically restricted their efforts to attacks against 
Byzantium and, showing little interest in Syria, 
only took some part in the struggle against the 
Crusaders in the first century of the Latin East, 
when the latter crossed their territory. The Caliphate 
itself does not appear to have taken a very deep 
interest in the anti-Frankish struggle. 

Furthermore, at the end of Saladin's reign, the 
very seriousness of the Frankish defeat stirred the 
West, so that before his death in spite of all efforts 
he had to resign himself to certain losses and to the 
maintenance of a Frankish seaboard, emphasizing 
the extent of material sacrifices made practically in 
vain. Whence arose under the Ayyubids the desire 
for a new policy which, recognizing both the presence 
of Franks in the trade ports of Syria-Palestine and 
the lessening of the Frankish menace, now that, left 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

.DES 65 

to their own devices, the Eastern Franks could 
hardly contemplate further aggrandisement, sought 
to set up a modus vivendi economically favourable 
to both sides. This policy, compromised by the 
Crusading activities of the West, nevertheless con- 
tinued a fairly successful existence for half a century, 
finding its most spectacular and in the eyes of the 
devout its most scandalous expression when, with 
certain reservations, al-Kamil restored Jerusalem 
to Frederick II. Could such a policy have been kept 
up for a long time? The unleashing of the Mongol 
conquest made it in any case impracticable. That 
invasion, much more dangerous for the time being 
than the Crusades could ever be, produced in the 
Mamluk State, established in Egypt and Syria as 
the final redoubt of Muslim resistance, an uncom- 
promising tension of all forces and the unquestionable 
predominance of an intransigent army. Some of 
the Franks had come to terms with the barbarians: 
their extermination or expulsion became a matter of 
supreme urgency and this time Europe did not 
prevent it. 

With the exception of the Armenians in the 
North, native Christians had remained practically 
outside the Crusades; Muslims therefore did not at 
first change their attitude to local Christians and 
even occasionally supported members of the Greek 
Church who had serious grounds for complaint 
against Latin dominance, as well as the Jews. Toler- 
ance of this kind contrasted with the treatment of 
Muslims under Frankish rule who, except in some 
special localities, had neither mosque nor kadi and 
were frequently considered as virtual enemies or 
spies. The over-quoted passage of Ibn Djubayr, 
shaming his co-religionists for Muslim satisfaction 
with good Frankish administration in the rich 
district of Tyre, cannot outweigh many cases where 
the opposite applied nor can it the legal status 
of Muslims; because of its warlike spirit, the 
Latin East was backward compared with the under- 
standing which the Norman sovereigns of Sicily and 
the Spaniards were showing at the same time. In 
the long run the presence of Franks eventually 
jeopardized the native Christians of Muslim countries 
as well. For the lack of any future possibility of 
triumphing by the force of arms prompted the 
Franks to try to establish relations with Christians 
of Muslim states. It was inevitable that such a move 
should give rise to at least some suspicion amongst 
the Muslims. The most unfortunate individual case 
was that of the Maronites. This purely Lebanese 
minority living entirely within Frankish territory 
had rallied to the discipline of the Church of Rome 
and to a certain extent, in the coastal towns at least, 
had become intermingled with the Franks. Muslim 
reconquest did not wipe out the danger of Frankish 
attacks on the Syrian coast and, to prevent any 
Maronite complicity, the Mamluks had many of the 
Maronite districts along the coasts evacuated. The 
fortunes of the Armenians, who had been the 
Mongols' quartermasters and were linked politically 
with the Christian West, were even less happy; in 
the fourteenth century their Cilician kingdom was 
destroyed and its population decimated. Generally 
speaking, the hardening of the Muslim attitude was 
bound to undermine the position of Christians and 
it is necessary to realise that the Crusades alone 
must bear, if not the sole responsibility, at least the 
greater part of it, for a development completely 
opposite to their avowed object. 

Did they at least help to increase the interpene- 
tration of peoples, the knowledge of Islam in the 


West, or of the West in Muslim countries ? It would 
of course be paradoxical to contend that among 
the members of the two geographically close popu- 
lations there was no exchange of knowledge. But 
examination of institutions in the Latin East shows 
fewer borrowings from the Muslim past and less 
social intermingling than in the Christian States of 
Sicily and Spain. Similarly, from a cultural point 
of view, objective comparison leads to the categorical 
conclusion that where the West has acquired 
knowledge of Muslim civilization, it has done so 
mainly through Spain or Sicily and not through 
Western settlements in the East or Crusaders from 
the West; moreover, Islam as such nearly always 
remained misunderstood and the few accurate ideas 
about it that the West finally acquired are due to 
the efforts of missionaries, in other words to work 
undertaken in an entirely different spirit from the 
spirit of the Crusades. As for the Muslims, although 
some showed a certain curiosity about the Franks 
in the East or about a Western leader as exceptional 
as Frederick II, it must be acknowledged that their 
historians, geographers and anti-Christian polemists 
still had after the Crusades the same few notions 
about the European West, gleaned from their co- 
religionists in the West, that they had had before. 
Therefore, and contrary I regret to current opinion, 
it seems to me an anachronism to repeat with those 
who have worked on the cultural or political in- 
fluence, indeed a very real one, of modern France 
in the East, or written within that context, that 
the Crusades laid their foundations; if in their own 
way they bore witness to the beginning of a process 
of interpenetration, the atmosphere they created 
proved subsequently more of a hindrance than a 

Bibliography: The Arabic sources of the 
history of the Crusades are catalogued in C. Cahen, 
La Syrie du Nord a Vipoque des Croisades, 1940, 
33-94, without however certain elucidations 
which may be found particularly in (besides a 
forthcoming work by N. Elisseeff on Nur al-Din) 
H. A. R. Gibb, The Arabic sources for the life of 
Saladin, in Speculum, xxv (1950); B. Lewis, The 
sources for the history of the Syrian Assassins, 
ibid., xxvii (1952); H. Gottschalk, al-Malik al- 
Kamil, 1958, Introduction. The five volumes of 
Historiens Arabes in the Recueil des Historiens 
des Croisades published by the Academie des 
Inscriptions suffer from lack of method in the 
choice of extracts and insufficient care in the 
establishment and translation of texts (not to 
mention their inconvenient format) ; they have still 
not yet however been replaced by editions or above 
all, for those who need them, by better translations. 
Since 1940 have appeared — and we quote only 
the essential — a French translation by R. Le 
Tourneau of Ibn al-Kalanisi's Damascus chronicle 
(Damas de 1075 d 1154, French Institute in 
Damascus, 1952), vol. i of a new and this time 
good edition of Abu Shama's K. al-Rawdatayn by 
M. A. Hilml (Cairo 1957). as well as an edition of his 
Dhayl (Cairo 1947); the first two volumes, less 
important than those to follow, of a good edition 
of Ibn Wasil's Mufarridi al-Kurub by al-Shayyal 
(Cairo 1953 and 1957); an edition of the Ayyubid 
part of al-Makln b. al- c Amid's chronicle by C. 
Cahen (in BEO, Damascus, xv, 1955-57); the 
edition of part of Ibn <Abd al-?ahir's life of 
Baybars, under the title Baybars the First, by 
S. F. Sadeque, Oxford and Dacca 1956; the 
first two volumes out of the three of the excellent 

edition of (Kamal al-DIn) Ibn al- c AdIm's Zubda 
by Sami Dahan (Fr. Inst. Damascus, 1951 and 54) 
and, by the same editor, the part on Damascus 
of Ibn Shaddad's AHali. (Fr. Inst. Damascus, 1956), 
with the part on Aleppo edited by D. Sourdel (ibid., 
1958); of the extant half of the Life of Baybars 
by the same author (in the absence of any edition) 
there is a Turkish translation by Serefuddin Yalt- 
kaya, Istanbul 1941 ; an edition by C. Zurayk and 
S. Izzedin, 1939-42, of the two volumes by Ibn 
al-Furat on the years 672-696; an edition at 
Haydarabad, 2 vol. 1954-55. of the part of YuninI 
covering the years 664-670; and finally for the 
years 689-698 an analysis of Djazari by J. 
Sauvaget, 1949. None of these authors of course 
deals specifically with the Crusades. A good 
number of selected and translated texts, together 
with useful introductions, has been given by Fr. 
Gabrieli, Storici Arabi delle Crociate, 1957. 

For the general history of the Crusades in their 
Eastern setting reference should be made to the 
general works of Grousset, Runciman, my Syrie 
du Nord and the collective History of the Crusades 
by the University of Philadelphia under the 
supervision of K. M. Setton, vol. i (twelfth 
century) 1955, vol. ii (thirteenth century) in the 
press, and three further volumes on the later 
Crusades, institutions and civilization. A broadly 
conceived general bibliography of the Crusades 
will be found in H. E. Mayer, Bibliographic zur 
Geschichte der Kreuzziige, Hanover i960. It seems 
useful here only to indicate the few studies 
devoted particularly to aspects of the problems 
treated above: C. Cahen has given the outlines 
of a forthcoming Autour des Croisades, Points 
de vue d'Orient et d'Occident, in En quoi la 
ConquHe turque appelait-elle la Croisade (Bulletin 
de la Facultt des Lettres, Strasbourg, Nov. 1950), 
An Introduction to the First Crusade (Past and 
Present, 1954) and Les Institutions de I'Orient 
Latin, in Oriente e Occidente, XII Convegno Volta, 
1956. The only other studies which need be 
quoted here are: H. A. R. Gibb, The achievement 
of Saladin in Bull, of the John Rylands Library, 
1952; A. S. 'Atiya, The Crusades, Old ideas and 
new conceptions, in Cahiers d'Histoire Mondialef 
Journal of World History, ii/2, 1954; and, on a 
much broader theme, U. Monneret de Villard, 
Lo studio dell' Islam nel XII e XIII secolo, in 
Studi e Testi, ex (1948), and A. Malvezzi, L'isla- 
mismo e la cultura europea, n.d. [1957] (the 
history of the knowledge of Islam). 

(C. Cahen) 
CRYSTAL [see billawr] 

CU, a river in Central Asia, 1090 km. long, 
but not navigable because of its strong current. It 
is now known as Shu (Barthold, Vorl. 80) by the 
Kirgiz who live there (and it probably had this name 
when the Turks lived there in the Middle Ages) ; 
Chinese: Su-yeh or Sui-she. modern Chinese: C'uci 
(for the problem of the indication of Cu = Chinese 
'pearl' with the 'Pearl River' [Yincu Ogiiz] in the 
Orkhon Inscriptions, cf. the article SIR Darya). The 
river Cu has its source in Terskei Alaltau, and then 
flows to the north-east until 6 km. from the western 
end of the Issik Kul [q.v.], known as Kockar in its 
upper regions (for the first time in Sharaf al-DIn 
c Ali Yazdi, ed. Ilahdad, i, Calcutta 1885, 274). 
It send a branch (called the Kutemaldi) to the 
lake, whose outlet it earlier was. Subsequently the 
Cu turns northwards through the Bugham (Russian: 
Buam) ravine (this is mentioned first in Sharaf al- 

Cu — CObAnids 


Din, loc. cit.; in GardizI, 102: Djil, supposedly 
'narrow'), which lies to the north-west of the western 
end of the Issik Kul, and then flows in a north- 
westerly direction. In this region it receives the 
waters of the Great and the Little Kebin from its 
right, and the Aksu and Kuragati from the left. The 
river then flows through dreary waste-land in its 
middle and lower course, no km. east of the Amu 
Darya [q.v.], it ends in the small desert lake Saumal- 

The regions adjoining the upper Cu, which were 
good grazing land and could be easily irrigated, were 
already inhabited in the times of the Middle Siberian 
Andronovo culture (1700-1200 B.C.) (Bernstamm, 20). 
Later on, Sacae and Wusun (pseudo Tokharians?) 
lived on its banks. In the 6th and 7th centuries, these 
were joined by the Soghdians (see sughd) (Altl Cub 
Soghdak, in the Orkhon inscriptions: Bernstamm, 
269). Archaeological traces of these peoples have been 
found and described by the Soviet expert Aleksandr 
NatanoviC Bernstamm (1910-1956). From his research, 
it has become evident that Syrian and some Byzan- 
tine influences had reached as far as this, and that 
the traffic from Further Asia to the Land of the 
Seven Rivers (Yeti Suw; Russ. Semirec'e; cf. also 
Hi) passed through this region along two ancient 
trade-routes (through the Kastek pass to the Hi 
valley, and through the Bugham pass to the south 
side of the Issik Kul). Thus two cultures met on the 
banks of the Cu (down to the Land of the Seven 
Rivers and the Farghana Basin [Bernstamm, 147, 

In 776, the Karluk [q.v.] occupied the valley of 
the Cu and that of the Taraz (Talas), and the area 
along both sides of the Alexander Mountains. The 
Tukhs(i) also settled there (Ifudud al-'-Alam, 300; 
Barthold, Vorl., 75). Suyab [q.v.] was the capital of 
the Cu valley (Kashghari, iii, 305; Hsiian-Cuang, ed. 
St. Julien, Paris 1857-8) ; the residence of the ruler 
of this area was usually in Kuz Ordu (Balasaghun; 
[q.v.]). Judging from the traces of settlements found, 
the valley was well populated at that time. The 
inhabitants developed a particular multi-coloured 
style in ceramics, and later also a distinct special 
form of ornamental Kufic writing. There was a 
marked distinction between them and the other 
Transoxanians (Bernstamm, 157, 161/66). 

Islamic armies reached the western part of the 
Cu valley only once, in 195/810 (battle against 
Kulan, cf. Ibn al-Athir, vi, 164), and the name of the 
river is not mentioned in Muslim sources of pre- 
Mongol times, although there is mention of some of 
the places in the region (Ibn Khurradadhbih (BGA 
VI, 29); Kudama, K. al-Kharadi [BGA], 206). Islam 
reached the population only in the 4th/ioth century, 
and even around the year 372/982, only a part of the 
inhabitants of Taraz and Nawekath had become 
Muslims (JfudUd al-'-Alam, 119, no. 93; 358, with 
mention of individual places) ; Nestorian Christianity 
was widespread for a considerably longer time. The 
rule of the Kara Khitay [q.v.] followed that of the 
Karluks in 535/1141. Thus there was a renewed influ- 
ence of Chinese cultural elements (Nephrit, Sung por- 
celain) in the area, and these mixed again with those of 
Transoxania (Bernstamm, 168, 171 f.). Meanwhile, the 
numerous wars of the 6th/i 2th and 7th/i3th centuries 
resulted in a decrease of the population of the Cu 
valley. Where the Chinese traveller C c ang C c un still 
met several towns and villages in 616/1219, and cros- 
sed the Cu by a wooden bridge (E. Bretschneider, Med. 
Researches, i, London 1888, 71 f., 129 f. ; A. Waley, 
The Travels of an Alchemist, London 1931), many 

ruins are reported already in 658/1259. At that time 
(651/1253), the region formed the border line between 
the areas of influence of the two Mongol Khans 
Batu [q.v.] and Mongke (MangO [q.v.]). Shiban 
(Shayban), the founder of the "Blue" (White) Horde 
(see batO'ids) had his winter quarters here. But 
the main cause of virtual de-population of the area, 
was war amongst the Mongols in the 8th/i4th century 
(see caghatay), plague (acccording to epitaphs of 
739/i338), and the campaigns of Timur [q.v.]. Our 
sources for these last already fail to mention any 
place-names in the Cu valley. The Nestorian settle- 
ments near Pishpek and Tokmak [q.v.], of which we 
have epitaphs of the 7th/i3th and 8th/i4th centuries, 
also seem to have perished at this time. Muhammad 
Haydar Dughlat, Ta'rikh-i Rashidi, ed. N. Elias and 
E. D. Ross, London 1895-98, 364 f., ca. 1546, 
mentions only ruins with a minaret rising above 
them. The modern name Burana for a tower in the 
ancient Tokmak also derives from Manara (according 
to Perovskiy in the Zap. Vost. Old., viii, 352). 

Later the Cu valley occasionally came under the 
Kalmuks and the (Kara-) Kirghiz. Then it came 
under the rule of the Khans of Khokand, who 
founded the fortresses of Pishpek (in the Khokand 
historians' writings: Pishkek) and Tokmak on the 
Cu. These came into Russian hands in i860. Since 
then the Cu valley has belonged to Russia, and has 
become a target of eastern Slav settlement (cf. 
Herrmann, Atlas, 66-67). The upper course is in the 
Kirgiz S.S.R., the middle and lower reaches in the 
Kazak S.S.R. Since 1932, a great agricultural combine 
(hemp and other fibre plants) has developed in 
the area of the middle Cu. Two arms of the "Great Cu 
Canal" have been under construction since 194 1; 
these should irrigate a further area. The Turksib 
railway crosses the river near the station of Cu, 
thus opening it up to traffic. 

Historical Maps of the region of the Cu: 

A. Herrmann, Atlas of China, 1925, several maps, 

37 and 60 in particular; Jfudud al-'Alam, 279, 299; 

Bernstamm, maps ii and iii (at the end). Islamic 

Maps : C. Miller, Mappae Arabicae, iv 78/82, 86*-9i*. 

Bibliography: E. Chavannes, Documents sur 

les Tou-kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux, St. Petersburg 

1903, 79, 85 ; IJudud al-'-Alam, index; W. Barthold, 

Zwdlf Vorlesungen, Berlin 1935, index; idem, 

Four Studies, Leiden 1956, index s.v. Archaeology; 

A. N. Bernstamm (Bernshtam), Istoriko-arkheolo- 
gileskie olerki Tsentral'nogo Tyan'-Shanya i Pamiro- 
Alaya, Moscow-Leningrad 1952 (passim; compare 
above and index under Cu and Cuyskaya dolina) 
[Materiall i issledovaniya po arkheologii SSSR 26). 
Christianity near Tokmak: D. Chwolson, 
Syrisch-nestorianische Grabinschriften aus Semir- 
jetschie, St. Petersburg 1890; Neue Folge, St. 
Petersburg 1897; P. K. Kokovtsov, K siro- 
turetskoy epigrafikl Semirll'ya [Izv. Imp. Ak. Nauk 
1909, 773 f.); J. Dauvillier, Les provinces Choi- 
diennes „de I'extirieur" au Moyen-Age, in the 
Melanges Cavallera, Toulouse 1948, 261-316; 

B. Spuler, Die nestorianische Kirche, in the 
Handbuch der Orientalistih viii, 1959 (the two last 
include further bibliography). Geography: 
W. Leimbach, Die Sowjetunion, Stuttgart 1950, 
253; Brockhaus-Efron: SntsiklopedHeskiy slovar' 
38 B (76), p. 932; 39 A (77), p. 27; BSfilxii, 
695, 745; 2. ed., xlvii, 444, 464 (only geogra- 
phical information). (B. Spuler) 
CCbANIDS (Cobanids), a family of Mongol 

amirs claiming descent from a certain Surghan 

CObAnids — Culim 

Shira of the Sulduz tribe who had once saved the | 
life of Cingiz Khan. The most notable members of 
this family were: 

(i) AmIr Cuban. An able and experienced military 
commander, Amir Cuban, according to Hamd Allah 
Mustawfi, fought his first battle in Rabi c II 688/ 
April-May 1289 (Td'rikh-i Guzida (GMS), 588); 
thereafter he served with distinction under the 
Ilkhans Arghun, Gaykhatu, Ghazan and Uldjaytu 
[qq.v.~\. He was appointed amir al-umard* by Abu 
Sa'id in 717/1317, and married the latter's sister 
Dulandi. During the reign of Abu Sa'id, who 
succeeded Uldjaytu at the age of twelve, Amir 
Cuban acquired great power in the affairs of state; 
in addition, all the important provinces of the 
Ilkhanid empire were governed by his sons. In 
Radjab 7ig/Aug.-Sept. 1319 a group of amirs plotted 
to assassinate Amir Cuban, but the latter, supported 
by Abu Sa c id, crushed the revolt with great severity. 
After the death of Dulandi, Amir Cuban married 
Abu Sard's other sister, Sati Beg (719/1319). In 
725/1325 Amir Cuban prevented Abu Sa c id from 
marrying his daughter Baghdad Khatun [$.».], who 
was at that time the wife of Shaykh Hasan Buzurg 
the Djala'irid. Abu Sa c Id determined to break 
the power of the Cubanids and, two years later, when 
Amir Cuban was absent in Khurasan, he put to 
death Amir Cuban's son Dimashk Khwadia and 
issued orders for the execution of Amir Cuban at 
Harat and of his family throughout the Ilkhanid 
dominions. Amir Cuban, forewarned, advanced as 
far as Rayy and attempted to negotiate with Abu 
Sa c id, but without success. Deserted by most of 
his troops, he fled back to Harat and took refuge 
with Malik Ghiyath al-DIn the Kurt. A few months 
later (Oct.-Nov. 1327, or perhaps in Muharram 728, 
which began on 17 Nov. 1327), the rewards offered 
jby Abu Sa'id induced Malik Ghiyath al-Din to put 
to death Amir Cuban and his son Djilaw Khan. 
Their bodies were taken to Medina for burial. 

(2) Dimashk Khwadja. The third son of Amir 
Cuban, Dimashk Khwadja remained at court in 
726/1326 when his father left to defend Khurasan 
against the Mongols of the house of Caghatay, and 
became the virtual ruler of the Ilkhanid empire. 
His dissolute nature provided Abu Sa c Id with the 
excuse for destroying the Cubanids which he had 
been seeking. Dimashk Khwadja was convicted of 
a liaison with a member of the royal harem, and was 
put to death on 5 Shawwal 727/24 August 1327. One 
of his daughters, Dilshad Khatun, was later married 
first to Abu Sa'id (734/i333"4)> and then to Shaykh 
Hasan Buzurg the Djala'irid. 

(3) Timurtash, the second son of Amir Cuban. He 
had acted as wazir to Uldjaytu. In 716/1316 he was 
appointed by Abu Sa'id governor of Rum, and for 
the first time carried Mongol arms to the shores of 
the Mediterranean. In 721/1321-2 he rebelled; he 
minted coinage in his own name, had his name 
included in the khutba, and styled himself the Mahdi. 
His father Amir Cuban took him a prisoner to Abu 
Sa'id, but the latter pardoned him for the sake of 
Amir Cuban. After the execution of his brother 
Dimashk Kh'adja, he fled to Egypt. At first the 
Mamluk sultan al-NSsir Muhammad treated him 
with great honour, but the intrigues of enemies of 
the Cubanid family, and Abu Sa'Id's repeated 
demands for the extradition of TImurtash, were a 
source of embarrassment to the Mamluk sultan, who 
eventually decided to put him to death on 13 
Shawwal 728/21 August 1328. 

(4) Hasan b. TImurtash, known as Hasan Kiiciik 

to distinguish him from his rival Shaykh Hasan 
Buzurg the Djala'irid. After the death of Abu 
Sa'id in 736/1335, he gained the support of his 
father's followers in Rum by a ruse, and in Dh u 
'1-Hidjdja 738/July 1338 he defeated Hasan Buzurg 
near Nakhciwan. He then gave his allegiance to the 
princess Sati Beg, the widow of Amir Cuban and 
Arpa Khan, at Tabriz (739/1338-9). and came to 
terms with Hasan Buzurg. The following year he 
transferred his allegiance to a descendant of Hiilegii, 
Sulayman Khan, to whom he married Sati Beg. For 
some years he continued to wage war on his rival 
Hasan Buzurg and the various puppet khans 
nominated by the latter, but on 27 Radjab 744/15 
December 1343, he was murdered at Tabriz by his 
wife 'Izzat Malik. See further the article ilkhanids. 
Bibliography: Ibn Battuta, 116 ff.; H. H. 
Howorth, History of the Mongols, iii, London 
1888, index s.v. Choban; 'Abbas 'Azzawl, Ta'rikh 
aW-Irak bayn Ihtildlayn, 3 vols., Baghdad 1353-7/ 
I 935 _ 9> index ; HSfiz Abru, Dhavl-i Diami c 
al-Tawdrikh-i Rashidi (ed. K. Bayani), Tehran 
1317 solar/1938, passim; Ta'rikh-i Shaykh Uways 
(ed. J. B. Van Loon), The Hague 1954, passim ; 
B. Spuler, J)ie Mongolen in Iran 1 , Berlin 1955, 
passim; Mu'In al-Din Natanzl, Muntakhab al- 
Tawdrikh-i MuHni, ed. J. Aubin, Tehran 1336 
S./1957, index; EI 1 , s.v. sulduz. 

(R. M. Savory) 
CUENCA [see kOnka] 
CUKA [see kumash] 
CUKUROVA [see cilicia] 

CULfM. The term 'Tatars of Culim' (in Russian 
'Culimtzl', a word invented by Radloff, Aus Sibirien, 
i, 211) includes several small Turkish-speaking groups 
of Central Siberia whose ancestors would have been 
Selkups of the Ob' and Ketes of the Yenissei brought 
under Turkish influence by the Altaic tribes ori- 
ginating in the south and by the Tatars of Baraba 
[?.».] and of Tobol' [q.v.] originating in the west. 
The Tatars of Culim form three principal blocks: 
1. On the river Kiya, tributary of the Culim, in the 
oblast' of Kemerovo who were formerly called 
"Ketzik" (to the south of the town of Mariinsk) 
and "Kiierik" (to the north of that town). 2. On the 
central Culim, in the district of A6insk of the Krrai 
of Krasnoyarsk, whom ancient ethnographers called 
"Tatars of Meletzk". 3. On the lower Culim and 
the Ob', in the districts of Asino and Ziryansk of the 
oblast' of Tomsk, formerly known as "Tatars of 

The present number of the Tatars of Culim is 
unknown. The Russian census of 1897 counted 
11,123. The censuses of 1926 and 1939 included them 
with the "Tatars of the Volga". S. A. Tokarev, 
£tnografiya narodov SSSR, Moscow 1958, 428-429, 
estimates their number at 11,000. They speak a 
Turkish dialect akin to the KIzll speech of the 
Hakas, but strongly Russianized. 

Previously Shamanists, the Tatars of Culim 
officially adopted orthodox Christianity in the 18th 
century. SunnI Islam of the Hanafi school was 
brought to them in the second half of the 19th 
century by the Tatars of Kazan, but it has made 
no appreciable progress. 

Nowadays the Tatars of Culim are dispersed 
among the Russian villages and are exposed to 
Russian cultural influence; they adopt Russian as 
their chief language, and merge fairly quickly into 
the Russian masses. 

Bibliography: Ivanov, Tatari Cullmskie, in 

Trudl Tomskogo oblastono Muzeya, ii, Tomsk 1929; 



A. M. Dul'zon, Cullmskie Tatarl i ikh yazik, in 

UCenie Zapiski Tomskogo Gosud. Pedagogic. In-ta, 

ix, Tomsk 1925. (Ch. Quelquejay) 

CCpAN, 'herdsman, shepherd'. This word of 

Iranian origin was adopted by Turkish peoples in 

close contact with the Iranian language-area, 

namely speakers of the dialects of the S.W. group 

of Turkish languages (Anatolia and neighbouring 

areas) and the S.E. group (Caghatay etc.). This 

derivation is supported by the fact that the word 

is not found in Turkish languages outside these two 


Shubdn or shabdn, the form in general use in 
modern Persian (= herdsman, < Phi. $pdna< Late 
Av. *fSupdna;ci.fSumd 'owner of herds'), must have 
passed into Turkish via the C- dialects (cf. Shdh- 
ndma, Coban, Copdn; Kas Cepun, Cupun, Capo; Kurd. 
Cuvdn, 'herdsman'; Cipan 'butcher' [Grundr. d. iran. 
Philologie, i, 13, 148 etc.; ii, 71, 79, 89, 188, 195]). In 
modern dictionaries of Persian there are attested 
besides shubdn (popular pronunciation shabdn) and 
shubdn (cf. also shubdngdh 'mansio pastoris' [Vullers]), 
the forms Coban 'a shepherd, a horsekeeper' (Cobdni 
'a pastoral office'), Copdn (Steingass), Cuban, vulg. 
coban (Redhouse, '1. a shepherd, 2. a man who has 
charge of any kinds of beasts out at pasture, 3. a 
rustic, a boor'), Cuban (Zenker), Cupdn, Cuban 
(Shaksp. gawpdn). 

The fact that there is no general word for 'shepherd' 
in Turkish can be explained in the light of the 
historical development of Turkish society: in the 
economic life of the nomadic Turks stock-raising 
was the main activity of the whole tribe, and thus 
the idea of the herding of beasts as a distinct occu- 
pation had not developed. When later, with the 
increasing complexity of society, the occupation 
came into existence this task must have been 
delegated by the Turks, who formed the governing 
class, to non-Turks, as the Iranian origin of the word 

Though the verbs ku-, kiidez-, kiizet- etc. were in 
general use in Old Turkish with the meaning of 
'protect' 'guard', it is clear that they had not yet 
acquired the meaning of 'tend animals' ; cf ., e.g., koyug 
ked kudezgil 'guard the sheep well' (Kutadgu Bilig, 
5164), koyug ked kiidezip yort (KB 1413) ; kiizet 'guard' 
(Index), kudezli (yongh binigli kudezCisi ol, KB 1741). 
For a use with a meaning approaching that of 
'shepherd' cf. KB 1412 (budun koy sant ol begi koyCist: 
bagirsak kerek koyka koy kulCisi 'the people are like 
sheep and the beg is their shepherd : the shepherd 
must be kind to the sheep'), 5590 (tartgCt tartgka trig 
bolsunt: yime ytlktCt igdiS bklilsiini 'let the farmers 
work hard at their farming, and those that tend the 
animals see that they increase'). 

Among the Kazan Turks the word kuttici (< kiit-, 
Ott. gilt-; kiitii = Ott. surii, but Ott. suriicu has 
developed with a different meaning) is used; from 
which no doubt comes the Cuvash hltuCe or kCtii 
pdxaka. Among the Kazak and the Kirghiz, for 
whom stock-raising still constitutes the main 
activity, the words math (< mal-Ci) and baktaSt are 
generally used instead of toban, or, if greater precision 
is required, the expressions koySu, gilkis'i, siynh, 
ttiyeH etc. are employed. The examples given by 
W. Barthold in EI 1 for the use of the word Coban for 
the inferior classes and for the ruling members of 
society are not of general application: the first 
belongs to a very late period, while the name of the 
Amir Coban, who was viceroy in Iran in the reign 
of Abu Sa'id (1316-1327), is more probably 

with the word Cupan, defined by Mahmud Kashghari 
as 'village headman's assistant'. 

In Turkish languages in which the word Coban is 
used, it is found not only in the derivatives Cobanga, 
Cobanhk, but in a number of compounds, chiefly for 
plant-names (many of them no doubt caiques from 
Persian), e.g., Coban degnegi (tayagt, taragt) 'knot- 
grass', C. piiskulii 'ilex aquiflium, holly', C. dudiigii 
'hazel', C. dagarg\gi 'a creeper', C. kaldtran 'lychnis 
calcedonia', C. kalktdan 'caltrop', C. ignesi 'cranes- 
bill'; C. kepegi, 'sheepdog', C. kuHu 'a bird like a 
sparrow', and especially Coban aldatan (C. aldaiguCi, 
C. aldathtCi, cf. TTS IV). 

The expression of particular interest for cultural 
history is Coban ytldui 'the planet Venus', in which 
one sees the mutual influence of T. Colpan and P. 
Cuban. Colpan (Cagh. Ott. Tar. O.T.), Colpon (Kir.), 
Culpan (Kazan), iolpan, iulpan (Kaz.), Colmon (Tel.), 
Culmon (Alt.), Colban (Shor), Colbon (Tob. Leb.) and 
tsolman (Colman, Colmun, Colbun) (Mong.). Colpan 
(C. yulduz [or yulduzt], Ian Colmonu inir Colmonu 
['morning- and evening-star']) has in this case 
presumably been identified with Coban. 

With Coban-Ata, the name of a line of hills on 
the S. bank of the Zarafshan near Samarkand (which 
derives, according to W. Barthold in EI 1 , from a 
legend of a shepherd seen on the hills, or from the 
name of a Muslim saint) cf. Kirghiz Colpan-Ala 'the 
guardian of the sheep' and hence 'sheep', Kamber- 
Ata 'guardian of the horses', CtCan-Ata 'guardian of 
the goats', Oysul-Ata 'guardian of the camels' (and 
hence 'horses', 'goats', 'camels' respectively). 

(R. Rahmeti Arat) 

CCPAN-ATA [see copan-ata] 

CUWASH (Cuvash), (native name Cavash), a 
Turkish-speaking people of the Middle Volga, 
numbering (in 1939), 1,369,000, who form the Soviet 
Socialist republic of the Cuvash (18,300 square 
kilometres, 1,095,000 inhabitants in 1956), situated 
on the southern bank of the Volga, to the west of 
the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the 
Tatars. The Cuvash also inhabit the neighbouring 
regions: the Autonomous Republics of Tataristan 
and Bashkiria, the oblasl's of Ulianovsk, Kuybishev, 
Saratov, and in Western Siberia. 

The name Cuvash only appears in its present form 
in Russian chronicles of later than the 15th century, 
and is not found in such Arabic writers as Ibn 
Fadlan, al-MukaddasI, Yakut, etc., yet the Cuvash 
are according to general opinion, one of the oldest 
established peoples in the Volga region. Their origin 
is still the subject of controversy. According to a 
theory which has now been abandoned, the Cuvash 
were descendants of the Khazars (Hunfalvy, Die 
Ungern Magyaren, 1881 ; Fuks, Zapiski Cuvashakh i 
Ceremisakh Kazanskoy Gubernii, Kazan 1840). Other 
writers trace their descent to the Burtas [q.v.] or the 
Huns (for example W. Barthold, Sovremennoe 
sostoyanie i blisayskie zadaCi izuCeniya istorii turets- 
kikh narodov, Moscow 1926, 5). More popular and 
more likely is the theory that they are of Bulghar 
origin, which is based, among other things, on the 
analogy between the present-day Cuvash language 
and the funeral inscriptions found in the ruins of the 
town of Bulghar and on the Danube. Several 
historians and linguists have defended this theory 
and it still has many supporters: Husein Feizkhanov, 
Il'minskiy, fonetiCeskikh otnosheniyakh meidu 
Cuvaskskim i tiirkskimi yazlkami, in Izv. Arkh. 
Obshc. v, (1965) 80-84. N. I. Ashmarin, Bolgari i 
Cuvaski, St. Petersburg 1902, Howorth, etc.; A. P. 
Kovalevskiy, Cuvashi i Bulgarl po dannim Akhmeda 


ibn Fadlana, Ceboksart 1954, and P. N. Tretyakov, 
Vopros proizkhoidenii Cuvashskogo naroda v 
svete arkheologiteskikh dannikh, in SE, iii, 1950, 
44-53. trace the descent of the Cuvash from the 
Bulghar tribe of the Savak (or Savaz) who, contrary 
to the Bulghars properly so-called, refused to adopt 
Islam and remained animists. 

Finally, according to a new theory, based on the 
existence of a pre-Turkish Finno-Ugrian substratum 
in the Cuvash language which has been recognized 
for some time by the majority of Soviet ethnologists, 
the ancestors of the Cuvash were Finno-Ugrian 
tribes who were influenced by Turkish culture 
through various Turkish tribes originating in the 
south or the south-east, before the arrival of the 
Bulghars on the Middle Volga in the 7th century. 

The infiltration of Turkish culture among the 
Finno-Ugrians continued during the Bulghar era 
until the 13th century or even later, under the 
Golden Horde and the Khanate of Kazan. Whatever 
their racial origins may be, the Cuvash, a Turkish - 
speaking people, but animists (they were converted 
to Christianity in the 18th and 19th centuries) were 
exposed to the influence of Islam by contact with 
the Muslims, the Bulghars, and then the Tatars; 
this influence is be found particularly in certain 
terms such as "psemelle", the word by which 
prayers begin, "pikhampar" (payghambar),' wolf-god', 
"kiremet", 'spirit'. Other Cuvash, placed in immediate 
contact with the Tatars of Kazan, were converted 
to Islam. This phenomenon, which began at the time 
of the Khanate of Kazan, continued almost to the 
present day. It is impossible to appreciate its extent, 
for the Cuvash who were converted to Islam adopted 
the language of the Tatars, at the same time as 
their religion, and were "Tatarized". Tokarev, 
£tnografiya narodov SSSR. Moscow 1958, considers 

that at the beginning of th< 19th century the Cuvash 
were three times as numerous as the Tatars in the 
"government" of Kazan, while in the census of 1897, 
their number was twice as small as that of the 
Tatars. According to him this decrease is due to 
the fact of "Tatarization" alone. Finally among 
the Cuvash who are animists or Christians, and the 
Muslim Cuvash there were still to be found at the 
beginning of the 20th century several semi-Muslim 
groups, such as, for example, the Nekreshlenle 
Kryasheni of the district of Kaybitzk of the Auto- 
nomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Tataristan, 
who are semi-islamized animists, or again the 
Cuvash group of the region of Ulianovsk, who were 
considered before 19 17 as Christians of the Orthodox 
church, while still observing the Muslim festivals 
and the fast of Ramadan. 

Bibliography: V. G. Egorov, Sovremmenly 
C-uvashskiy Yazik, Ceboksarl 1954; P. N. Tref- 
yakov, Vopros proizkholdenii Cuvashkogo naroda 
v svete arkheologiCeskikh dannikh, in SE, iii 1950; 
V. Sboev, Cuvashi v bttovom, istoriCeskom i religioz- 
nom otnosheniyakh, Moscow 1865 ; N. I. Ashmarin, 
Bolgarl i Cuvashi, in Izv. Obshd. Arkh. 1st. i Etn. pri 
Imp. Kaz. Univ-te., xviii, Kazan 1908 ; V. K. Mag- 
nitskiy, Material! k ob'yasneniyu staroy (uvashskoy 
veri, Kazan 1881; A~Ivanovl UkazateV knig, 
broshyur, Surnal'nlkh i gazetnikh statey na russkom 
yazike Cuvashakh v svyazi s drugimi inorodtzami 
Srednego PovoWya, 1756-1906, Kazan 1907; idem, 
Izvestiya Obsh. Arkh. 1st. i Etn., xxiii, fasc. 2, 4; 
Koblov, tatarizatzii inorodtzev privollskogo kraya , 
Kazan 1910. (Ch. QuelueqIay) 

CYPRUS [see kubrus] 
CYRENAICA [see barija] 


al-DABARAN [see nudjum]. 

PABB, the thorn- tail lizard {Uromastix 
spinipes). Cognate synonyms exist in other Semitic 

The animal, found in abundance in the homeland 
of the Arabs, is often mentioned and described 
in ancient poetry and proverbs. Much of the in- 
formation on the animal derives from just these 
sources which are freely quoted in later zoological 
works. The dabb was eaten by the ancient Arabs who 
relished it as tasty food; still it is reported that 
the tribe of Tamlm, who were especially fond of 
eating it, were ridiculed on that account by other 
Arabs. In Islamic times, the lawfulness of its use as 
human food was expressly pointed out by some 
hadiths. Bedouin eat it to the present day. 

The dabb is described as clever but forgetful; it 
may even not find its way back to its hole, wherefore 
it chooses a conspicuous place for its habitation. It 
digs its hole in solid ground — whereby its claws 
become blunt — lest it collapse under the tread of 
hoofed animals. It does not brood over the eggs 
but lays them in a small cavity of the soil and then 
covers them with earth. The young hatch after 
forty days and are able to take care of themselves 
(autophagous). The dabb lays seventy eggs and more, 

which resemble the eggs of the pigeon. Its tail is 
jointed. It has such great strength in its tail that 
it can split a snake with it. If it is killed and left 
for one night and then is brought near a fire, it 
will move again. It devours its young when hungry 
and eats its vomit again; yet it is highly capable of 
enduring hunger, being second, in this respect, only 
to the snake. It likes eating dates. Its teeth are all 
of one piece. It is afraid of man but lives on friendly 
terms with the scorpion, which it takes into its hole 
as a protection from the human foe. It does not 
leave its hole in winter. When exposed to the sun, 
it assumes various colours like the chameleon. It 
lives seven hundred years and more. When old it 
foregoes food and is satisfied with air. The male has 
two penes and the female two vulvae. A certain 
kind has two tongues. The dabb drinks little or does 
not drink at all and voids one drop of urine in every 
forty days. 

Some of the fabulous accounts have their origin 
in ancient popular tradition, mainly laid down in 
poetry and proverbs, as pointed out in the zoological 
works themselves. 

Various medicinal properties were ascribed to the 
heart, spleen, skin, blood, fat and dung of the dabb. 
Its significance when seen in dreams has been 


treated by Damlrl and in special works on that 

Bibliography: c Abd al-Ghanl al-Nabulusi, 
TaHir al-Andm, Cairo 1354, ii, 58; Damlri, s.v. 
(transl. Jayakar, ii, 195 ff.) ; Dawud al-Antakl, 
Tadhkira, Cairo 1324, 1, 207; Goldziher, Z.dhiriten, 
81; J. Euting, Tagebuch, i, 107; Ibn Kutayba, 
l Vyun al-Akhbdr, Cairo 1925-30, ii, 72, 73, 79, 
96, 98 (transl. Kopf, 46, 47, 54, 72, 74); Ibshihi, 
Mustatraf, bab 62, s.v.; G. Jacob, Beduinenleben 2 , 
6, 24, 95; Kazwlnl (Wiistenfeld), i, 4371. (transl. 
Wiedemann, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Naturw., liii, 259 f.; 
I. Low, ZA xxvi, 145 ff.; G. W. Murray, Sons of 
Ishmael, 1935, 90 f.; al-Mustawfl al-Kazwini 
(Stephenson), 19; Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-Arab, x, 
155 ff- (L. Kopf) 

DABBA, (plur. dawdbb), any living creature 
which keeps its body horizontal as it moves, generally 
quadruped. In particular, beast of burden or pack- 
animal: horse, donkey, mule, camel (cf. Lane, s.v.). 
Burak, the legendary steed ridden by the Prophet 
at his ascension {mi'rddj}, is given the name ddbba 
by al-Ghitl and in the commentaries. The word 
acquires a particular significance from its use in the 
Kur'an, XXVII, 82 in the sense of the archetypal 
"Beast", equivalent to the term O^piov in the 
Apocalypse of St. John. The text is laconic and gives 
no explanation: "And when the final word has been 
spoken against them (cf. XXVII, 85), we shall call 
forth before them the Beast sprung from the earth, 
that shall tell them that mankind had no faith in 
our signs". The formula is no doubt based purely on 
recollections of the Apocalypse: xal elSov fiXXov 
0r]piov ava(3atvov Sx T>js fa? . . . (Rev., xiii, n). 
Exegesis carried out in the course of time has 
derived from the text, which has been reconsidered 
in respect of certain images relating to the Day of 
Judgment. Commentaries by al-Tabari, al-Zamakh- 
shari, al-Razi, and al-Baydawi repeat each other. 
The key point is, apparently, a hadith which has been 
traced back to the Prophet (al-Tabari): "I said: Oh 
Prophet of God, where will it (the Beast) appear? He 
answered: from the greatest of mosques, a thing 
sanctified by God.While Jesus shall perform the Jawdf 
in the House of God, and with him the Muslims, the 
Earth shall tremble beneath their feet at the move- 
ments of the vast Beast. And Safa shall be torn apart 
at the place where it will appear". The Beast will 
emerge at Safa. The forefront of its head will have a 
hairy mark, and its ears will be entirely covered with 
hair. Those who try to capture it will not succeed, nor 
will those who take to flight escape from it. It will 
speak Arabic. It will name people as either "be- 
lievers" or "ungodly". The believers it will leave, 
their faces gleaming like stars, and between their 
eyes it will inscribe the word "believer"; as for 
the ungodly, it will set between their eyes the 
black mark of the ungodly. 

Other traditions have extended this last part: it 
is with Moses' rod that the Beast will mark the 
believer with a white spot, which will expand until 
it makes the whole face gleam, whilst Solomon's 
seal, affixed to the nose of the ungodly man, will 
spread until all his features become black. 

Around this nucleus later traditions have given 
rise to a mass of detail, some concerned with the 
Beast's essential actions: the Imam of the Mosque 
of Mecca, on its third appearance will recognize it 
as the sign of Universal Death (al-Tabari). It will 
make men ashamed of their ungodliness or hypocrisy 
(id.). It will emphasize that it is now too late to 
begin to pray, and will castigate this belated way of 

returning to God. For al-Zamakhshari, it is the 
"watchful" [diassds). The involuntary element of 
caricature in its appearance seems to derive from 
the desire to combine all the figurative features of 
the animal kingdom. One tradition insists upon its 
gigantic size: "only its head will appear, which will 
reach the clouds in the sky" (al-Zamakhshari; 
Fakhr al-din al-Razi), a conception which seems to 
be influenced by the description of the appearance 
of Gehenna recorded in the Ps. Ghazzali, al-Durra 
al-jdkhira (Brockelmann, I, 538, no. 6; SI, 746, 
no. 6; cf. comm. on Kur'an, XVIII, 100). Abu 
Hurayra [apud Razi] says that the horns on its bull-like 
head are a parasang apart. It will appear three times. 
Al-Zamakhshari makes it travel in turn through the 
Maghrib, the East, Syria and the Yemen, proclaiming 
the vanity of all religions foreign to Islam. Al-Razi 
speaks of a long period of hiding in the mosque 
at Mecca between its second and third appearances. 

All these descriptions which, one after another, 
betray the influence of vague notions deriving from 
the Scriptures, popular and apocalyptic accounts, 
are of late date. Al-Razi stresses that "out of all 
this there is nothing authentic in the Book, unless 
the words attributed to the Prophet are genuine". 

In any case, it is not the Beast of the Apocalypse 
since it arrives after judgement has been pronounced 
(al-Razi states that the warrdks interpret the words 
"and when the final word has been spoken against 
them" in this sense). This is confirmed by traditions 
which depict it denouncing the futility of sinners 
seeking too late to be converted, after the time 
when, according to the Kur'an, repentance will no 
longer avail. This explains the confusion with the 
idea of Gehenna in the Ps. Ghazzali. (A. Abel) 

PABBA B. UDD B. TABiig!AB. al-Yas (Khindif) 
b. Mudar B. Nizar b. Ma'add was the eponymous 
hero of the well known Arab tribe of that name. 
With their "nephews" <Ukl b. c Awf, Taym, c Adi, 
and Thawr b. c Abd Manat b. Udd, Dabba formed 
a confederacy called al-Ribab. The Ribab were in 
alliance with Sa c d b. Zayd Manat, the greatest clan 
of Tamlm. This alliance has never been broken by 
the other confederates. These, indeed, were forma- 
tions of rather moderate size, whereas the Pabba 
by means of their power sometimes were able to 
follow their own policy. 

Of the three clans of Dabba, Suraym had in the 
course of the 7th/i3th century shrunk to a small 
number of families. But the second, Bakr, had 
vastly increased, thus leaving the once powerful 
Banu Tha'laba far behind. 

From the second half of the 6th/i2th century on- 
wards, the domiciles of al-Ribab were in the region 
al-Shurayf between the right bank of Wadi Tasrir 
and the depression al-Sirr. In the spring they used 
to migrate to (Batn) Faldj and to the sands of the 
DahnS' by way of Ti c sh5r (= Kay'iyya?) or Wadi 
al- c Atk farther south. But as their spring pastures 
lay as late as the eighties far in the N.W., in regions 
held in other seasons by Asad [q.v.] and Dhubvan. 
we may conclude that their domiciles before this 
time were farther in the west than they were later on. 

We find al-Ribab mentioned for the first time in 
the Diwdn of c Abid b. al-Abras (no. 17, 12) as 
fighting against Asad (not later than 540). In the 
eighties Pabba and Tamlm stood their ground in a 
long battle against the Kilab (b. Rabi'a b. c Amir b. 
Sa c sa c a [?.».]) and c Abs (yawm al-Kurnatayn = al- 
Su'ban, Aws b. Hadjar, no. 1, 9; 16; 17, 3-15; 
Labid, no. 16, 41-42; c Antara in St* Poets, ed. 
Ahlwardt, no. 7, 19). Some years later al-Aswad, 


brother to al-Nu c man III of al-Hira, began to 
restore by several campaigns in Arabia the lost 
prestige of the dynasty. The Ribab hesitated to 
surrender until al-Aswad set on them Asad and 
Dhubyan. Next year al-Ribab, together with 
mercenaries of al-Hira, led by al-Aswad, defeated 
the Kilab at Arik. One year later Asad and Pabba 
again defeated the Kilab and other 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a 
(al-A c sha, ed. R. Geyer, no. i, 62-74; The NakaHd 
of Djarir and al-Farazdak, ed. Bevan, 240, 18-19; 
Yakut, 1, 229; The Mufaddaliyydt, ed. Lyall, 
no. 96, 8-19; 99, 9). Their last feat in the Djahiliyya 
was the murder of Bistam b. Kays, the hero of the 
Shayban (of Bakr b. Wa'il [?.».]), who were driving 
away their herds (E. Braunlich, Bistam Ibn Qais, 
Leipzig 1923). 

There is hardly any information on their con- 
version to Islam. In the first division of the popu- 
lation of al-Kufa Dabba seem to be missing. Men- 
tioned are only "the remaining Ribab". That is to 
say, Pabba together with Bakr and TayyP formed 
the quarter missing in the enumeration Tabari 1, 
2495. The bulk of the tribe emigrated to Basra. In 
the Battle of the Camel they fought against C A1I. 
Later on they belonged to the quarter, khums, of 
Tamim. The same applies to Khurasan, where the 
Tamim numbered (in 96/715) 10,000 warriors led 
by pirar b. Husayn, scion of the old leading family 
of Pabba. 

The part of the tribe remaining in Arabia used to 
camp in the region S.W. of modern Kuwayt. In 
287/900 308 Dabba joined the Basrian army against 
the East Arabian Carmathians, but suspecting 
coming defeat, deserted at a distance of a two 
days' march from Katlf. 

There is no outstanding poet amongst the Pabba, 
but a number of soldiers, judges and administrators 
in Umayyad and 'Abbasid times, e.g., Abu Hatim 
'Anbasa b. Ishaq, 238-242 AH governor of Egypt, 
a righteous man, the last Arabian ruling Egypt, 
and the last Amir had in prayer and hold Friday 

Bibliography: Ibn al-Kalbi, Diamhara, MS. 

London, ina-ii5b; Tabari, index; Ibn Sa c d, 

index; Mas c Qdi, Tanbih, 394; IbnHazm, Djamharat 

ansdb al- c Arab, ed. E. LeVi- Provencal, 194; 

Kindi, Governors and Judges of Egypt, ed. Guest, 

200-202; U. Thilo, Die Ortsnamen in der alt- 

arabischen Poesie, Schriften der M. Frh. v. Oppen- 

heim-Stiftung, 3, Wiesbaden 1958. (W. Caskel) 

al-PABBI, ABC BJA'FAR Ahmad b. Yahya b. 

Ahmad b. 'AmIra, an Andalusian scholar of the 

6th/i2th century. According to the information that 

he gives us in his works concerning himself and his 

family, he was born at Velez, to the west of Lorca, 

and he began his studies in Lorca. He travelled in 

North Africa (Ceuta, Marrakush, Bougie) and even 

reached Alexandria, but he appears to have spent 

the greater part of his life at Murcia. He died at the 

end of Rabi II 599/beginning of 1203. Of his 

writings only a biographical dictionary of Andalusian 

scholars is preserved, preceded by a short survey of 

the history of Muslim Spain which continues and 

completes the introduction of c Abd al-Wahid al- 

Marrakushl (Histoire des Almohades, ed. Dozy). In 

addition al-Dabbl was closely connected with the 

Diadhwat al-muktabis of al-Humaydl, which goes as 

far as 450/1058, and which he completed with the 

help of later biographical works. His collection of 

biographies, entitled Bughyat al-multamis fi Ta'rikh 

Ridjdl AM al-Andalus, was edited in 1885 by Codera 

and Ribera (vol. iii of the Bibl. Arabico-Hispana). 

Bibliography: Makkari, Analectes, ii, 714; 

Amari, Bibl. ar. sic, i, 437; Wustenfeld, Geschicht- 

schreiber, no. 282; Pons Boygues, Ensayo, no. 212; 

Brockelmann, S I, 580. (C. F. Seybold*) 

al-PABBI, ABC 'IKRIMA [see al-mufadpal] . 

DABIK, a locality in the 'Azaz region of 

northern Syria. It lies on the road from Manbidj to 

Antakiya (Tabari, iii, 1103) upstream from Aleppo 

on the river Nahr Kuwayk. In Assyrian times its 

name was Dabigu, to become DabekSn in Greek. It 

lies on the edge of the vast plain of Mardj Dabik 

where, under the Umayyads and 'Abbasids, troops 

were stationed prior to being sent on operations 

against Byzantine territory. The Umayyad caliph 

Sulayman b. c Abd al-Malik lived in Dabik for some 

time, and after his death and burial there in Safar 

99/Sept. 717 his successor c Umar b. c Abd al- c Az!z 

was appointed caliph. According to al-Mas'iidi, his 

tomb was desecrated by the 'Abbasids, but the 

version told by al-Shabushti conflicts with this 

(K. al-Diydrdt, Baghdad 195 1, 149). 

In the Ayyubid era pilgrims visited a monument 
called makdm Ddwud on Mt. Barsaya near Dabik. 
The spot today has the name NabI Dawud. 

"Dabik is known above all for the decisive battle 
which was fought there on 15 Radjab 922/24 August 
1516 between the armies of the sultan Kansuh al- 
Ghuri and the Ottoman sultan Selim I. The Ottoman 
artillery proved superior, the bravest elements of the 
Mamliik cavalry were decimated, and Kansuh 
himself was killed. The Ottoman victory paved the 
way for their occupation of Syria and Egypt. 

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 171, 189; 
Tabari, index; Mas c udi, Murudj, v, 397 and 471; 
Harawi, K. al-Ziydrdt, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine, 
Damascus 1953, 6 (trans, n); Ibn al- c Adim, 
Zubda, ed. S. Dahan, i, Damascus 1951, 41, 56, 
57, 63, 67; Ibn Shaddad, La Description d'Alep, 
ed. D. Sourdel, Damascus 1953, 29, 138-39; 
Yakut, ii, 513; G. Le Strange, Palestine under 
the Moslems, London 1890, 61, 426, 503; R. 
Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie, Paris 
1927, 468, 474; M. Canard, Histoire des H'am- 
ddnides, I, Algiers 1951, 225; Wellhausen, Das 
arabische Reich, Berlin 1902, 165 ff. ; N. Jorga, 
Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, ii, Gotha, 1909, 
336; D. Ayalon, Gunpowder and firearms in the 
Mamluk Kingdom, London 1956, index. 

(D. Sourdel) 
DABlK (variant forms Dabka and Dabku) was 
a locality in the outer suburbs of Damietta, noted 
for the manufacture of high quality woven material, 
which it exported to the whole of the Muslim 
empire. The location of Dabik cannot be fixed more 
exactly. It is found mentioned along with other 
cities that have disappeared, such as Shata, Tinnis, 
or Tuna, which were probably on the islands of Lake 

Fine cloths embossed with gold were made there, 
and, during the Fatimid period, turbans of multi- 
coloured linen. These textiles were so sumptious 
that dabiki soon became known, and its fame grew 
to such an extent that the word came to designate 
a type of material. Dabiki came to be manufactured 
more or less everywhere, at Tinnis and at Damietta, 
in the Delta, at Asyut, in Upper Egypt, and even 
in Persia, at Kazirun. The quality of the cloth made 
at Dabik must have dropped, because, according 
to al-Idrisi, although these materials were very fine, 
they could not be compared with those of Tinnis and 
Damietta, and this fact can already be deduced from 
the customs tariff of Djedda, given by al-Mukaddasi. 


At the present moment, three fragments of 
material are known — one 'Abbasid and two 
Fatimid — that include in their inscriptions the name 
of Dablk. 

The place name is not mentioned by Ibn Mammati, 
who, however, mentions the dabiki. 

Ibn Dukmak (v, 89) and Ibn Dji'an (76; 'Abd 
al-Latif, Relation de I'Egypte, 638) mention a place 
calied Dablk in the province of Gharbiyya, but this 
cannot be the town in the Damietta neighbourhood, 
which these two writers treat separately (Ibn 
Dukmak, v, 78; Ibn Dji'an, 62 and 'Abd al-Latif, 

For the same reason of distance, one could not 
possibly identify the old Dablk with the modern 
Dabidj, twelve kilometres south of Sinballawayn, 
which could, on the other hand, well be the Dablk 
of Ibn Dukmak and Ibn Dji'an. 

Bibliography: Ya'kubi-Wiet, 194-195; Ibn 
Khurradadhbih g 3; Idrisi, Maghrib 186-187; 
Nasir-i Khusraw, 141; Mukaddasi, 54, 104, 193, 
443; Ibn Mamma ti, 81; Makrlzi, ed. Wiet, ii, 84; 
iii, 200, 215; iv, 82 (with a long bibliography), 
247; Le Strange, 294; Salmon, Introduction a 
I'histoire de Bagdadh, 136, 138, 140; J. Maspero and 
Wiet, Matiriaux pour servir a la glographie de 
I'Egypte, 178; R. B.Serjeant, Islamic Textiles, 
in Ars islamica, xiii, 89, 94, 97, 98, 100; xv, 76; 
Wiet, Tissus et Tapisseries, in Syria, xvi, 282- 
283; Kuhnel, Dated Tiraz Fabrics, 107; RCEA iii, 
902; vi, 2033, 2175. (G. Wiet) 

DABlL [see dwIn] 

DABlR, SALAMAT 'ALl, Mirza, LakhnawI, 
an Urdu poet, who devoted himself to writing 
and reciting highly devotional elegies on the death 
of the martyrs of Karbala. He was a son of Mirza 
Ghulam Husayn, who is claimed to be a grandson 
of Mulla Hashim Shirazi (a brother of the famous 
Ahli of Shlraz, d. 934/1536-7)- Salamat 'All was 
born in Ballimaran, Dihli on n Djumada I 1218/ 
29 August 1803; he accompanied his father as 
a child to Lucknow and there received a good 
education. He studied all the usual Persian and 
Arabic texts on religious and foreign sciences 
(manful wa ma'-kul) from well-known '■ulama' of the 
city. He had finished his studies by the time he was 18. 
He began to write poetry at an early age (c. 1230 or 
1232) and continued doing so along with his studies, 
under the guidance of Mir Muzaffar Husayn Pamir 
of Gurgaon. He soon acquired fame and won the 
appreciation of the rulers of Awadh, members of their 
family and the noblemen of the Court. For about 
60 years of his life he wrote marthiyas (elegaic poems). 
Towards the end of his life he became almost blind. 
He, therefore, gladly accepted the suggestion of 
Wadjid 'All Shah, then living in Calcutta in exile, 
that he should go there for treatment; he reached 
there about Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1290/c. Jan. 1874. A suc- 
cessful operation by a German eye-specialist, who 
was staying with Wadjid 'AH Shah in Calcutta, 
restored his sight. He returned to Lucknow, where 
he had spent the major part of his life, and which 
he had only left for short periods in the disturbances 
of 1857 he had moved to SItapur for a while; about 
1858 he went to Kanpur and in 1859 to 'Azimabad; 
he visited 'Azimabad again in 1292/1875 and died 
there on 30 Muharram 1292/8 March 1875, he was 
buried in his own house in a lane which is now known 
as Kuta-i Dabir, after him. In his old age he suffered 
much tribulation on account of his loss of sight, and 
he was grieved by the death of a grown-up son and 
of a brother. 

Dabir is described as a pious, ascetic, generous, 
hospitable and serious-minded person. As a poet he 
was extremely prolific, and had the gift of composing 
good verses quickly. His compositions consisted 
mostly of marthiyas, Saldms (for them see al-Mizan, 
485) and rubdHs (Haydt-i Dabir, i, 272). His rival 
in this genre of poetry was his contemporary Mir 
Anis, who appeared in Lucknow long after Dabir 
had established his fame as a poet. Their rivalry 
divided their admirers into two rival groups called 
Dabiris and Anisis and a considerable literature was 
produced on their comparative merits and failings 
(see, for example, Shibll Nu'mSnl, Muwdzana Anis 
wa Dabir, Agra 1907; Sayyid Nazir al-Hasan Fawk 
Radawi, al-Mizan, 'Aligafh n.d.; 'Abd al-Ghafur 
Khan Nassakh, Intikhdb-i Naks 1879; Mirza Muham- 
mad Rida Mu'djiz, Tathir al-Awsdkh; Mir Afdal c Ali 
Daw, Radd al-Muwdzana, etc. etc.). 

While Anis is usually praised for the simplicity 
of his style, easy flow of his verse, and his relatively 
eloquent (fasih) descriptions, Dabir is eulogized for 
his brevity, freshness of his poetical ideas (maddmin) 
and frequent and full use of rhetorical figures, and 
his touching laments and wailings (Urdu: bayn). As 
an Arabic and Persian scholar he drew freely on the 
literatures of these languages, incorporating in his 
poems materials taken from the Kur'an, hadith and 
the works on Makdtil, etc. (cf. a comparative view 
quoted in Hay. Dab., i, 290: The Mir is eloquent and 
sweet (fasih wa namakin)). The fact remains that 
it was due to the efforts of these two poets that 
marthiya attained such an important position in 
Urdu Poetry. 

Works: Most of Dabir's poems have been litho- 
graphed, though some are still unpublished. These 
editions are marred by interpolations, e.g., (1) an 
edition of marthiyas, in 2 vols. {Hay. Dab. i, 624); 

(2) Dajtar-i Mdtam, 20 vols. Lucknow 1897. For an 
analysis of the contents see Hay. Dab., i, 276 ff. 
These marthiyas etc. were lost in the disturbances of 
1957 and after, and were collected again later; 

(3) Mardthi-i Dabir, 2 vols. (ibid, i, 490, 493); 

(4) Marthiya-i Mirza Dabir, 2 vols., Lucknow 
1875-76 (several editions in the following years), 
Kanpur 1890-99 (several editions in the following 
years); (5) Marthiyahd-yi Mirza Dabir, Lucknow 
1882 (several editions in the following years)); 

(6) Abwdb al-Masd'ib, a prose work, relating to the 
story of Joseph, compared to the story of the 
martyr of Karbala, Dihli {Hay. Dab., i, 280); 

(7) RubdHyydt Mirza Dabir, Lucknow n.d., con- 
taining 197 rubdHs. A smaller collection of these was 
also published along with those of Anis in Agra. 

In his younger days the Mirza also composed 
three diwdns of ghazals, but later destroyed, lost or 
withdrew them. 

Bibliography: In addition to the references 
given in the text: Mir Muhsin 'Ali, Sardpd- 
Sukhun, Lucknow 1292/1875, 108; Mir Safdar 
Husayn, Shams al-Duhd, Lucknow 1298/1880-81; 
Sayyid Afdal Husayn, Thabit Radawi Lakhnawi, 
Haydt-i Dabir, Lahore, vol. i, 1913, vol. ii, 1915; 
Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i Haydt, Lahore 
1883, 550-562; Ram Babu Saksena, A History 
of Urdu Literature, Allahabad 1940, 131 f. (Urdu 
version by Mirza Muhammad 'Askari, Lucknow 
1952, 248 f.) ; Abu '1-Layth, Lakhna'u kd Dabistdni- 
ShdHri, Lahore c. 1955, 690 f.; J. F. Blumhardt, 
Cat. of Hind. Printed Books in the Br. Mus., 
London 1889, col. 7, 6, 308, Suppl., London 1909, 
col. 421. (Mohammad Shafi) 


DABISTAN al-MADHAHIB, "The school of reli- 
gions", a work in Persian describing the different 
religions of and in particular the religious situation in 
Hindustanin the nth/i7th century; it is the most 
complete account in the Persian language, later than 
the Baydn al-adydn (6th/i2th century), which is accu- 
rate but concise, and than the Tabsirat al-'-awdmm 
(7th/i3th century), written from the ShI'ite point of 
view. The sources of the Dabistan derive partly from 
the sacred books of the different religious persuasions, 
partly from verbal information given to the author, 
and partly from the latter's personal observations. In 
many chapters he also makes use of the earlier 
Arabic literature concerning these matters. First of 
all the religion of the Parsis is examined extensively ; 
then that of the Hindus; after some very short 
chapters concerned with the Tibetans, the Jews and 
the Christians, the author passes to the study of 
Islam and its sects; finally there are some chapters 
on the philosophers (the Peripatetics and the Neo- 
platonists) and on the Sufis. For a long time Muhsin 
Fan! was thought (mistakenly) to be the author of 
this work; in some manuscripts he is mentioned 
solely in his capacity as the author of a rubdH which 
is quoted (see trans, by Shea-Troyer, i, 3); it was 
certainly an enlightened believer in the Pars! 
religion who wrote the Dabistan, and we must 
probably accept those manuscripts which, in 
agreement with Siradj al-Din Muhammad Arzii (in 
a passage from his Tadhkira), attribute its com- 
position to Mubad Shah or Mulla Mubad (cf. also 
Ouseley, Notices, 182). It is apparent from the book 
itself that the author was born in India shortly 
before 1028/1619, went to Agra as a youth, spent 
several years in Kashmir and at Lahore, visited 
Persia (Mashhad) and acquired some knowledge of 
the west and south of India. The Dabistan was 
finished no doubt between 1064 and 1067/1654-57. 
Bibliography : Dabistan al-madhdhib (Calcutta 
1224/1809; other editions from Tehran, Bombay, 
Lucknow; The Dabistan or school of manners, 
trans. David Shea and Anthony Troyer, Paris 
1843, 3 vols, (not always accurate); J A, vi, (1845) 
406-11; Rieu, Cat. Persian Mss. of the British 
Museum, i, 141 & iii, 1081. (Useful references to 
other catalogues of manuscripts and to old 
translations of isolated chapters): Ethe, Cat. of 
the Persian Mss. of the India Office Library, i, 
no. 1369 (useful references to other catalogues of 
manuscripts). (J. Horovitz-[H. Masse]) 

pABIT. in Turkish zabit, an Ottoman term for 
certain functionaries and officers, later specialized 
to describe officers in the armed forces. In earlier 
Ottoman usage Ddbif seems to indicate a person in 
charge or in control of a matter or of ( ? the revenues 
of) a place (e.g. Ewkdf ddbiti, Wildyet ddbiti etc.; 
examples, some with place-names, in Halit Ongan, 
Ankara'ntn I Numarah $er'iye Sicili, Ankara 1958, 
index, and L. Fekete, Die Siydqat-Schrift, i, Budapest 
1955. 493 ff-! c f- th e Persian usage in the sense of 
collector — Minorsky, Tadhkirat al-Muluk, index). 
The term seems to have remained in occasional use in 
this sense until quite a late date (see for example 
Gibb and Bowen, i, 259, and Dozy, Suppl. s.v.). By 
the nth/i7th century, however, it was already 
acquiring the technical meaning of army officer. In 
a fa'ide inserted under the year 1058/1648-9 Na'Ima 
remarks that in the janissary corps the seniors of each 
oda are as ddbifs (ddbif gibidir) to the other soldiers 
(nefer), and proceeds to name the ranks of the 
janissary officers (Na'ima 4 , iv, 351). By the I2th/i8th 
century the term was already in common use in this 

sense {e.g. ResmI, Khuldsat al-IHibdr, 5, 'rididl we 
ddbifdn') and documents cited by Djewdet (i, 360; 
vi, 367 etc.). From the time of the westernizing 
reforms onwards it becomes the standard Ottoman 
equivalent of the European term 'officer'. In the 
Turkish republic it has been replaced by subay, but 
it remains current in the Arab successor states of the 
Ottoman Empire. (B. Lewis) 

PABT, assessment of taxable land by measure- 
ment, applied under the later Dihli sultanate and the 
Mughals; land so measured is called dabtl. See 
DarIba, 6. 

PABTIYYA, in Turkish zabtiyye, a late Ottoman 
term for the police and gendarmerie. Police duties, 
formerly under the control of various janissary 
officers, were placed under the jurisdiction of the 
Ser'asker {[q.v.] see also bab-i ser'asker!) in 1241/ 
1826, and in 1262/1846 became a separate admini- 
stration, the Dabtiyye Mushiriyyeti (Lutfl viii 27-8). 
At about the same time a council of police {medilis-i 
dabtiyye) was established, which was later abolished 
and replaced by two quasi-judicial bodies, the 
diwdn-i dabtiyye and medilis-i tahltik. After several 
further changes the mushiriyyet became a ministry 
{nezdret) of police in 1286/1870. On 17 July 1909 the 
name ministry of Dabtiyye was abolished and 
replaced by a department of public security (Emniy- 
yet-i 'Umiimiyye) under the Ministry of the Interior. 
Bibliography: 'Othman Nuri, Medielle-i 
Umiir-i Belediyye, i, Istanbul 1338/1922, 934 ff. 
Laws and regulations on police matters will be 
found in the Destiir, (French translations in G. 
Young, Corps de Droit Ottoman, Oxford 1905-6, 
and G. Aristarchi, Legislation ottomane, Constan- 
tinople 1873-88. See further Karakol, Shurta. 

(B. Lewis) 
DAB©YA (Dab6E), the founder of the 
Dabuyid dynasty in Gilan [q.v.]. The tribe 
claimed to be of Sasanid extraction through Dabuya's 
father, Gil Gawbara. Their residence was the town 
of Fuman [q.v.]. The dynasty clung to Zoroastrianism 
for a long time, and repeatedly defended the land 
against the Arabs, until the last ruler, Khurshidh II 
(758/60, 141 or 142 A.H.) had to flee before the 
superior force of the 'Abbasids, and put an end to 
his own life in Daylam (Tabari, iii, 139 f.). One of 
his daughters, whose name is unknown, became the 
wife of the Caliph al-Mansur. 

The names of the members of the dynasty are 
as follows: Daboe, 40 to 56/660-1 to 676.— His 
brother Khurshidh I, 56 to 90/676 to 709. — His son 
Farrukhan. 709 to 721-22, 90 to 103 A.H., who took 
the title Ispahbadh [q.v.] ("leader of the army"), and 
warded off an Arab assault in 717. — His son 
Dadhburzmihr (Dadhmihr), 103 to 116/721-22 to 
734. — His brother Saruya (Saroe), for a few months 
in 116/721-22.— Khurshidh II, the son of Dadh- 
burzmihr, 116 to 141 or 142/721-22 to 758-60 (see 

A dynasty descended from Dabuya's brother 
Padhuspan (title), ruled until 1567 and 1576 
respectively (from 1453 in two branches) in Ruyan 
[q.v.] and some neighbouring districts. 

Bibliography: Ibn Isfandiyar, TaMkh-i 
Tabaristan, Tehran 1942 (to which I had access 
only in E. G. Browne, An abridged translation of 
the history of Tabaristan .... by .... Ibn-i 

Isfandiyar Leiden and London 1905, index 

[GMS II]); Sehir-eddin's [= gahtr al-Din al- 

Mar'ashi's] Geschichte von Tabaristan ed. 

Bernhard Dorn (Mohammedanische Quellen ..... 
vol. i), St. Petersburg 1850, 319 ff.; idem, in Mim. 


Ac. Imp. St. Pitersbourg, xxiii, 1877, 103; G. 
Melgunof, Das siidliche Ufer des Kaspischen 

Metres trans, by J. Th. Zenker, Leipzig 

1868, 48 if— Family trees: F. Justi, Iranisches 
Namenbuch (1895), 433/35; E. de Zambaur 
Manuel de ginialogie ....', Pyrmont 1955, 186- 
190. — Coins: A. D. Mordtmann in ZDMG xix 
(1865), 485; xxxiii (i879d), no. (B. Spuler) 
DACCA [see dhaka]. 

PAD, 15th letter of the Arabic alphabet, con- 
ventional transcription d; numerical value, according 
to the oriental order, 800 [see abdjad]. 

The definition of the phoneme presents difficulty. 
The most probable is: voiced lateralized velarized 
interdental fricative (see J. Cantineau, Consonantisme, 
in Setnitica, iv, 84-5). According to the Arab gram- 
matical tradition: rikhwa mad^hHra mufbaka. For 
the makhradi, the shadjriyya of al-Khalll (al- 
Zamakhshari, Mufassal, 2 M ed. J. P. Broch, 190, line 
20) is difficult to define exactly (see De Sacy, Gr.Ar.', 
i, 26, n. 1; M. Bravmann, Materialien, 48 and 51). 
The most plausible meaning for shadjr is 'commissure 
of the lips' according to al-Khaffl's own explanation 
(Le Monde Oriental, 1920, 45, line 8) : mafradj al-jam 
(repeated in Mufassal, ibid.; RadI al-DIn al-Astara- 
badhi, Shark al-Shdfiya, iii, 254, line 6) ; d is thus in 
the lateral position. 

SIbawayh represents d as a lateral simply, and thus 
describes the makhradi; 'between the beginning of 
the edge of the tongue and the neighbouring molars' 
(SIbawayh, Paris edition, ii, 453, lines 8-9): a 
retracted lateral, for this beginning is to be taken 
as starting from the root of the tongue, and lam 
follows d {ibid., lines 9-1 1; Mufassal, 188, line 
19). This does not indicate, for the peculiarity of 
istitdla of d, a great extent for the place of articu- 
lation but rather a dwelling on it, a special prolon- 
gation of it. In modern Arabic dialects the passage 
from d to / is known (Landberg, Hadramout, 637), 
but the almost universal treatment of d is its 
confusion with z (voiced emphatic interdental frica- 
tive), whose evolution it shares [see za 5 ]. One is 
thus led to include in the articulation of d an acti- 
vity of the tip of the tongue in the region of the 
teeth similar to the corresponding lateralized arti- 
culation of modern South Arabian (Mehri, Shkh awri. 
but not the lateralized occlusive of Sokotri), whence 
the definition proposed above. 

A lateral character is to be claimed for d, as N. 
Youshmanov, G. S. Colin, J. Cantineau, and others 
have done (J. Cantineau, Consonantisme, 84). The d 
phoneme of Classical Arabic continues an autono- 
mous phoneme of common Semitic which is even 
more difficult to define precisely. M. Cohen sees 
in it a consonant 'of the dental region of which 
the articulation was doubtless lateral: d [conven- 
tional transcription]. As an emphatic, this consonant 
may anciently have formed one of a lateral series 
(triad ?)' (Essai comparatif, 149). In Classical Arabic 
d is isolated. 

In ancient Semitic, the South Arabian inscriptions 
assign a special character (of unknown pronunciation) 
to the phoneme corresponding with the d of Classical 
Arabic. Geez does the same, but in the traditional 
nunciation it is a s; ( in South Ethiopic. It is repre- 
sented in Akkadian, Hebrew, and Ugaritic, by 
s, but in Aramaic by k in the oldest texts (preserved 
in Mandean), then by c ,a special evolution which 
represents a thorny problem. See the Table of 
correspondences in W. Leslau, Manual of Phonetics, 
For the phonological oppositions of the d phoneme 

in Classical Arabic see J. Cantineau, Esquisse, in 
BSL (No. 126), 96, 7th; for the incompatibles, ibid., 
134. In view of the latter, J. Cantineau would see 
in d a lateralized rather than a lateral consonant 
{ibid., no. 1). 

P undergoes few assimilations in Classical Arabic 
(see J. Cantineau, Cours, 69). 

The Arabs saw in d one of the khasdHs 'special 
features' of their language (Ibn Djinnl, Sirr sind c a, 
i, 222; al-Suyutl, Muzhir', i, 329) and boasted of it 
(see the line of al-Mutanabbi quoted by Ibn Diinni. 
ibid.). But SIbawayh (ii, 452, lines 14-5, 17 f.) already 
registers a corrupt pronunciation: al-ddd al-daHfa 
(M. Bravmann, Materialien, 53). In fact the arti- 
culation of dad has disappeared in the modern 
dialects and Kur'anic recitation and either z (voiced 
velarized interdental fricative) or d (voiced velarized 
dental plosive) is used, according to the treatment of 
the phoneme in dialect. 

In Persian and in Urdu, dad is a voiced alveolar 
fricative, and no differentation is made in pronun- 
cation between dh, z, d and z. 
Bibliography: in the text and s.v. HurOf 
al-Hidja 3 . (H. Fleisch) 

DADALOGHLU. ashik musa-oghlu weli, 19th 
century Turkish folk poet (i7go?-i87o?), was 
a member of the Afshar tribe which lived in 
the Taurus Mountains in S. Anatolia. His father was 
also a poet and took his makhlas from the same family 
name. It is said that for a time Dadaloghlu acted as 
imam in the villages and as secretary to the tribal 
chiefs. As a result of government action against his 
tribe, which rebelled because it was unwilling to 
undergo conscription or taxation, he was transported 
with the rest of the Afshars to the village of Sindel 
near 'Aziziyye in the province of Siwas (1866-8). It 
is difficult to establish how well founded are reports 
that at the end of his life he returned to the Cukurova 
region and recited his poems in the bazaars of 
Adana. His poems were not collected during his 
lifetime. Among them are to be found the chief 
forms of folk poetry such as tiirkii, koshma, semai, 
varsaght, and destdn. He embellished and enriched the 
story of Gene c Othman in a number of poems with 
a local setting. His poetry is harsh and emotional in 
manner and shows the pure and sincere feelings of 
a bold, daring, upright, and sensitive tribesman. 
From passages in his poems one can understand the 
warlike psychology and nomadism of the society in 
which he lived. He was one of the last powerful 
representatives of epic, lyric, and pastoral Turkish 
folk poetry and story-telling which had continued 
ever since the composition of Dedc Korhud and of 
which KSroghlu and Karadia oghlan are the leading 

Bibliography: Djewdet Pasha, Tedhdkir, 
(Tadhkira 26-30), Istanbul Inkilap Kutiiphanesi, 
autograph; idem, Mahudat, in TOEM, 87-93, 1925 ; 
Ahmed Sukru, Dadaloglu, Halk Bilgisi Mecmuasi, 
i, 1928; Kopruluzade Mehmet Fuat XVllnci 
asir sazsairlerinden Kayikct Kul Mustafa ve 
Gene Osman hikdyesi, Istanbul 1930; Halid Bayri, 
Halk Bilgisi Haberleri, 1933; Ali Riza, Cenupta 
Turkmen Oymaklan, Ankara 1933; Sadettin 
Niizhet Ergun, Turk Halk Edebiyati Antolojisi; 
Taha Toros, Dadaloglu, Adana 1940; Cahit 
Oztelli, Koroglu ve Dadaloglu, Varlik Yayinlan, 
Istanbul 1953. Halide Hosgor, Halk edebiyatmda 
Kahramanltk Turkiileri, Istanbul University Li- 
brary, thesis 1 128 (unpublished); Semiha Kara- 
cabey, Dadaloglu, Istanbul University Library, 
thesis 1752 (unpublished). (A. Karahan) 


DAEJAEJA, the domestic fowl. The word 
is a noun of unity which, according to Arab 
lexicographers, may be applied to both the male 
and the female. Alternative pronunciations are 
dididdia and dudiddia. In more recent local usage 
(cf. Jayakar, Malouf), dididdjat al-bahr and dididdfat 
al-kubba denote certain kinds of fish, just as the 
corresponding Hebrew Jft. 

The animal, which is not mentioned in the Hebrew 
Bible, was known to the Arabs from pre-Islamic 
times. Djahiz reports (ii, 277 f.) that it was given to 
poets as a reward for their literary achievements. 
Although it eats dung, it is permitted as human 
food by Islamic law because the Prophet was seen 
partaking of it. 

The ample information on the fowl and its eggs, 
which is given in Arabic zoological writings, can 
partly be traced back to Aristotle's Historia Anima- 
lium. The fowl has no fear of beasts of prey except 
the jackal, an inherent enmity existing between the 
two. It is fearful at night and therefore seeks an 
elevated sleeping place. It shares the characteristics 
of both birds of prey and seed-feeding birds, since it 
eats flesh as well as grains. The hen lays, mostly one 
egg a day, throughout the year, except in the two 
winter months (in Egypt, according to Nuwayrl, 
all the year round without interruption) ; if she lays 
twice a day it is a portent of her approaching death. 
The chicken is produced from the white of the egg, 
while the yolk provides the nourishment for the 
embryo. From elongated eggs female chickens are 
born and males from round ones. Two chickens 
are produced from double-yolked eggs. If the hen 
while sitting hears thunder, the eggs are spoiled; 
if she is old and weak, the eggs have no yolk and 
produce no chickens. She also lays eggs without 
being covered by the cock (wind-eggs), but such 
eggs produce no chickens. When hens become fat 
they no longer lay, just as fat women do not become 

The sources mention and describe several kinds of 
dadiddi, some of them reaching the size of a goose. 
Numerous medicinal uses of eggs, fat, bile, gizzard, 
dung, etc. are mentioned by Arab zoologists and 
pharmacologists, partly from classical sources. The 
meat was considered a wholesome food, although 
its continual eating was said to cause gout and piles. 
Half-cooked eggs were credited with special efficacy 
as an aphrodisiac. The significance of fowl when 
seen in dreams has been treated in pertinent works. 
The Arab astronomers give the name al-Dad[ddxa 
to the constellation of the Swan, which is also 
called al-JdHr. 

Bibliography: <Abd al-Ghani al-NabulusI, 
Ta'tir al-Andm, Cairo 1354, i, 220 f.; Damiri, s.v. 
(transl. Jayakar, i, 766 ff.) ; Dawfld al-Antaki, 
Tadhkira, Cairo 1324, i, 139; Djahiz, Hayawdn*, 
index; Ibn al-'Awwam, Fildha (transl. Clement- 
Mullet), ii/b, 242 ff.; Ibn Kutayba, <Uyun al- 
Akhbdr, Cairo 1925-30, ii, 71, 92 (transl. Kopf, 
44, 68); Ibshihi, Musta\raf, bab 62, s.v.; Kazwini 
(Wiistenfeld), i, 32, 413 f.; al-Mustawfl al- Kazwini 
(Stephenson), 70 f.; Nuwayrl, Nihdyat al-Arab, x, 
217 ff.; A. Malouf, Arabic Zool. Diet., Cairo 1932. 
index. (L. Kopf) 

al-DAEJEJAL, the "deceiver", adjective of 
Syriac origin, daggdld, joined to the word m'shiha or 
n'biyd (Peshitto, Matth., xxiv, 24). In Arabic, used 
as a substantive to denote the personage endowed 
with miraculous powers who will arrive before the 
end of time and, for a limited period of either 40 days 
or 40 years, will let impurity and tyranny rule the 

world which, thereafter, is destined to witness 
universal conversion to Islam. His appearance is one 
of the proofs of the end of time. The characteristics 
attributed to him in Muslim eschatological legends 
combine features from Christ's sermon to his disciples 
(Matth. xxiv, Mark xiii) with some elements taken 
from the Apocalypse of St. John of Patmos (xi 7, 
xii, xiii, xx 5-18, 8-10). 

These elements reappear in the pseudo-apocalyptic 
literature of later periods. After the invasions of 
the Huns, St. Ephraem makes him appear from 
Chorase (Chorasene, Khurasan), in his sermon on the 
end of time (Scti. Ephremi Syri, Sermo II de line 
extremo, trans. T. J. Lamy, iii, 187-214, §§ 9-13)- 
His essential activity is to lead the crowds astray, to 
accomplish miracles (short of restoring the dead to 
life), to kill Elias and Enoch, the two witnesses put 
forward by God against him — they will immediately 
come to life again — and finally to be conquered and 
dismembered at the coming of the Son. The Ps. 
Methodius (Monnmenta SS. Patr. Orthodoxographa 
graeca, Bale 1569, 99) speaks of a "son of the 
destruction" coming from Chorase, and finally 
perishing at the hands of the king of the Romans, 
before the Second Coming. In a similar passage, the 
relationship < being unconcealed, the Apocalypse of 
Bahira speaks in the same terms of one Ibn al-Halak 
who will perish at the hands of the angel of Thunder 
(MS. Arab. Paris, 215, f 171). 

Unknown in the Kur'an, the same figure appear? 
in Muslim traditions. Ibn Hanbal repeats the legends 
about the ass on which he rides, the sinners and 
hypocrites who attend him, his end before Jesus 
(iii, 867, iii, 238, ii, 397-98, 407-408). Similarly, in 
the Kitdb al-Fitan of the two Sahihs, there is a 
chapter Bab dhikr al-Dadffial, which describes him 
as a corpulent, red-faced man with one eye and 
frizzy hair, who brings with him fire and water, the 
water being of fire and the fire of cold water. The 
Prophet will have announced his coming and will 
have prayed to God for help against his fitna. Con- 
quering the world, he will be unable, at Medina (and 
Mecca), to cross the barrier formed by angels standing 
at the gates of the town (al-Bukhari, ed. Munlriyya, 
ix, 107-110). These traditions derive their details 
from St. Ephraem: he will bring with him a mountain 
of bread and a river of water, and also the episode, 
though condensed and distorted, of his meeting with 
Elias and Enoch (an upright man among upright 
men who will denounce him, and whom he will kill 
and bring to life again, but will be powerless to put 
to death once more). On his brow he will bear the 
mark Kafir (for detailed references see art. by 
Weusinck in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, 67, and 
s.v., Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition). 

Later apocalyptic writings: the revelations of 
Ka'b al-Ahbar (Ms. Arab. Paris, 2602, f° 128 sqq., 
cf. f° 134 v°), Sayhat al-Bum fi hawddith al-Riim 
(ibid. f° 119, 120 v°), Shams al-Qhuyub fi handdis al- 
Kulub (Ms. Arab. Paris, 2669, f° 55n-56v°), and 
also the Christian pamphlet on the capture of 
Constantinople in 1204, repeating the old Revelations 
of Sibylla, daughter of Herael (Ms. Arab. Paris, 70, 
74, f 126 v° ff., 178, f° 175 H-), reproduce the 
description of Dadjdjal's coming, his false miracles, 
his conquests and his end. But clearly in the Muslim 
apocalypses it is at the hands of the Mahdi that the 
false claimant who had usurped his title is to perish, 
whilst the Revelation of Sibylla makes him die at 
the hands of Jesus, at the very moment of the end 
of time. These accounts insist upon Dadjdjal's 
beauty and powers of seduction, and repeat the 


episode of the righteous men denouncing him. The 
apocalypse of Sibylla believes that the decisive 
proof of his imposture is his inability to raise up the 

In considering these eschatological documents it 
appears that, from the nth century at least until the 
16th century, Judeo-Christian traditions regarding 
Dadjdjal remained alive and formed an indispensable 
element in descriptions of the period preceding the 
Judgment. Conflating two traditions, c Abd al-Kahir 
al-Baghdadi, K. al-Fark bayn al-Firak (Cairo 1910, 
266 and 332-333) regards him as the ultimate term 
of comparison to describe false doctrine and going 
astray — though his sedition is only to last 40 days — 
and recalls that Christians believed that he would 
perish at the hands of Jesus who, in that way, would 
be converted to Islam after killing pigs, scattering 
wine and taking his place for prayer at the Ka'ba. 

The body of legend about Dadjdjal is completed 
by statements about his origin. Apocalyptic texts 
make him come from the most remote regions. In 
St. Ephraem and the apocalypse Shams al-Ghuyub 
(Ms. Paris, 2559), he comes from Khurasan (cf. Ibn 
al-Wardi, al-BIruni). According to Ps. Ka'b al- 
Ahbar and the Sayhat al-Bum (Ms. ar. Paris, 2502), 
he must come from the West. Geographers and 
travellers of the classical period state that he dwelt 
in the countries which the 'Adjd'ib al-Hind habitually 
peopled with extraordinary beings, following the 
traditions of the Alexander Romance. Generally it 
was the East Indies which were the chosen place, 
from the time of Ibn Khurradadhbih and al-Mas'udl 
to Ibn Iyas. A giant, false prophet, king of the Jews, 
representations of him vary according to the degree 
of literary information available or the predominating 
prejudices. It is interesting to note the allusion to 
the legend of Prometheus which makes him live 
chained to a mountain on an island in the sea 
(Mukhtasar al- l AdidHb, 130; al-Mas'udl, Murudi, iv, 
28) where demons bring him his food. (A. Abel) 

DAFlR, an important, purely nomadic camel- 
breeding Sunni (MalikI) tribe of south-western 'Irak, 
whose dira has been for the last 150 years in the 
steppe south of the Euphrates and Shatt al-'Arab 
from the neighbourhood of Zubayr to that of 
Samawa. Their immigration into 'Irak, dating from 
about 1220/1805, was caused by bad relations with 
the then powerful and fanatical rule of Ibn Sa'ud, 
who forcibly demanded their obedience. Their 
earlier history traces legendary origins in Nadjd 
and even in the Hidjaz; but in fact the modern 
tribe represents evidently a conglomeration of 
various badw elements from many parts of Arabia, 
more or less unified by the ruling family of Ibn 
Suwayt. Tribal traditions record many wars and 
raids of the usual Arab type, with the Mutayr, Ban! 
Khalid, Shammar and others. They were, while 
still in Nadjd, occasionally tributary to the Shammar, 
the Shavkh of Kuwayt, and the family of Ibn Sa'ud. 

Administratively, the Dafir are now grouped 
under the Uwd headquarters of Basra, but move 
seasonally into Kuwayt territory or that of Sa'udl 
Arabia. Their relations with the Turkish and 'Irak 
Goverments since the early I3th/i9th century have 
been fairly good, with lapses especially when they 
habitually looted caravans on the Nadjf— Ha'il 
road; and they have now lost much of their wild 
and inaccessible, though not their nomadic, character. 
Varying, but on the whole amicable, relations have 
been maintained with the Muntafik, their eastern 
and riverain neighbours; bad, with the Mutayr and 
Shammar and 'Aniza. The tribe was heavily 

involved in the serious raiding into 'Irak by Sa'udl 
(chiefly Mutayr) forces in the period 1340/1344 

Bibliography: 'Abbis al-'Azzawi, 'Ashd'ir al- 

c Irdk, Baghdad 1365/1937, vol. i; S. H. Longrigg, 

'Iraq 1900 to 1950, Oxford 1953. 

(S. H. Longrigg) 

DAFN al-DHUNCB [see Dhunub, dafn al-]. 

DAFTAR, a stitched or bound booklet, or register, 
more especially an account or letter-book used in 
administrative offices. The word derives ultimately 
from the Greek 8lcp6£pa "hide", and hence prepared 
hide for writing. It was already used in ancient Greek 
in the sense of parchment or, more generally, writing 
materials. In the 5th century B.C. Herodotus (v, 58) 
remarks that the Ionians, like certain Barbarians of 
his own day, had formerly written on skins, and still 
applied the term diphthera to papyrus rolls; in the 
4th Ctesias (in Diodorus Siculus ii, 32; cf. A. 
Christensen, Heltedigtning og Fortcellingslitteratur hos 
Iranerne i Oldtiden, Copenhagen 1935, 69 ff.) claimed, 
somewhat unconvincingly, to have based his stories 
on the (JaaiXixal 8icp06pai — presumably the royal 
archives — of Persia. The word also occurs in pre-Is- 
lamic and even pre-Christian Jewish Aramaic texts 
(V. Gardthausen, Griechische Paldographie', i, Leipzig 
1911, 91 f.; M. Jastrow,yl Dictionary of the Targumim 
etc. 1 , New York 1926, 304. Attempts to derive it from 
an Iranian root meaning to write (also found in dabir, 
diwdn) are unconvincing; on the other hand, in 
view of the testimony of the Arab authors, it is 
probable that the word reached Arabic via Persian. 

I. The Classical Period 

In early Islamic times daftar seems to have been 
used to denote the codex form of book or booklet, as 
opposed to rolls and loose sheets. It was at first 
applied to quires and notebooks, especially those 
said to have been kept by some collectors of tradi- 
tions as an aid to their memories ; later, when sizable 
manuscript books come into existence, it was applied 
to them also (N. Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary 
Papyri, i, Chicago 1957, 21-24; cf. Goldziher, Muh.St., 
ii, 50-52 and 180-1. Stories of personal libraries and 
record collections in the first century A.H. must be 
treated with caution, cf. the comments of J. Schacht 
on the spurious tradition of the archives of Kurayb, 
On Musi b. 'Uqba's Kitab al-Maghdzi, AO, 1953, 
xxi, 296-7. On the earliest Arabic papyrus quires 
see A. Grohmann, The Value of Arabic Papyri, Proc. 
of the Royal Soc. of Hist. Studies, i, Cairo 1951, 43 ff.). 

The creation of the first Islamic record office is 
usually ascribed to the Caliph 'Umar, who instituted 
the muster-rolls and pay-rolls of the fighting-men 
(see diwan). The initial form of these is not known, 
but before long they were probably kept on papyrus, 
which after the conquest of Egypt became the usual 
writing material in the administrative offices of the 
Caliphate. The papyri show that records of land, 
population, and taxes were kept in Egypt ; surviving 
documents include quires as well as rolls and loose 
sheets, though the latter seem to have been the 
usual form, and no quire in Arabic appears until a 
comparatively late date (see A. Grohmann, New 
Discoveries in Arabic Papyri. An Arabic Tax- 
Account Book, B IE, xxxii, 1951, 159-170. In general, 
the Umayyad Caliphs seem to have followed 
Byzantine bureaucratic practices, and kept their 
records on papyrus. This did not lend itself to the 
codex form. There was, however, also another bureau- 
cratic tradition. The Sasanids clearly could not have 
relied on supplies of imported Egyptian papyrus for 

78 DA] 

their administration, and made use of a variety of 
prepared skins as writing materials (cf. Ibn al-Nadim, 
Fihrist, 21). According to Hasan al-Kummi, quoting 
Hamadani on the authority of al-Mada'ini (Ta'rikh-i 
Kumm 180), the Sasanid Emperor Kobad kept a 
land-tax office at Hulwan; this is indirectly confirmed 
by Ya'kubi's story (Ta'rikh, ii, 258) of the procuring, 
in Mu'awiya's time, of lists of Sasanid domain lands 
from Hulwan (A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and 
Peasant in Persia, London 1953, 15 n. 1). It is 
possible that some of the army lists of the earlier 
period, at least in the ex-Persian provinces, were 
already in codex form. Baladhuri (Futuh 450; ed. 
Cairo 1901, 455) has 'Umar say to the Banu c Adi 
"if the daftar is closed {yufbak) on you', and explains 
it as meaning "if you are registered last". Abu 
Muslim is said to have prepared a pay-roll called 
daftar instead of the usual diwdn of his followers in 
Khurasan in 129/766-7 (Tabari, ii, 1957, 1969; see 
further N. Fries, Das Heerwesen der Araber zur Zeit 
der Omaijaden, 1921, 9; W. Hoenerbach, Zur 
Heeresverwaltung der Abbasiden, 1st., xxix, 1949-50, 
263). These may, of course, be no more than a 
projection backwards, by later historians, of a term 
common in their own time, though it is significant 
that the first example comes from the East. 

According to the bureaucratic tradition, it was 
Khalid b. Barmak who, during the reign of al- 
Saffah, introduced the codex or register into the 
central administration. Until that time, says Diah- 
shiyari (fol. 45 b ; ed. Cairo 89) the records of the 
diwdns were kept on suhuf; Khalid was the first to 
keep them in daftars. Makrizi {Khi(a(, i, 91) goes 
further and says that the suhuf mudradja ( ? papyrus 
rolls, cf. Kalkashandi, Subh, i, 423 — adrddi min 
kaghid warak) which had hitherto been used were 
replaced by dafdtir min al-djulud — parchment 
codices. In the time of Harfln al-Rashid, Khalid's 
grandson, Dja'far b. Yahya al-Barmakl, was 
responsible, it is said, for the introduction of paper. 
In this story there is some element of exaggeration. 
An incident told by Diahshiyari (fol. 79 b; ed. 
Cairo 138) shows that under Mansur papyrus was 
still much used in government offices, and the 
supply from Egypt a matter of concern: it was still 
used under Harfln al-Rashid, and even as late as the 
time of Mu'tasim, an abortive attempt was made to 
set up a papyrus factory, with Egyptian workmen, 
in Samarra (W. Bjorkman, Beitrdge zur Geschichte 
der Staatskanzlei im islamischen Agypten, Hamburg 
1928, 7; A. Grohmann, From the World of Arabic 
Papyri, Cairo 1952, 23 ff., 45 ff-> 52; Corpus Papy- 
rorum Raineri Archiducis Austriae, iii, Series Arabica, 
ed. A. Grohmann, i/I, Allgemeine Einfuhrung in die 
arabischen Papyri, Vienna 1924, 32 ff., 54 ff., etc.). 
It is, however, broadly true that from the accession 
of the 'Abbasids the register in codex form came 
to be the normal method of keeping records and 

firmed and extended with the general adoption of 
paper from the 9th century onwards, and from this 
time the term daftar is in the main confined to 
administrative registers and record-books. The 
system of daftars seems to have been first elaborated 
in Iran and 'Irak. In Egypt papyrus remained in 
use until the 4th/ioth century, but the eastern 
form of daftar seems to have been introduced even 
before the general adoption of paper. Surviving spe- 
cimens of papyrus account-books in quire form 
(described by A. Grohmann, New Discoveries . . , and 
idem, N ew Discoveries . . II, BIE, xxxv, 1952-3, 159- 
169) tally fairly closely with literary descriptions of 

the daftar in eastern sources (see below). From Egypt 
the daftar spread to the western Islamic world. In 
373/985. al-Mukaddasi (239) found it worthy of note 
that the people of Andalusia had their account-books 
as well as their Kur'ans on parchment. (On writing 
materials see further ajiLD, kaghid, kirtas, rikk, 


Types of Daftar. 

With the development of elaborate bureaucratic 
organizations, the keeping of daftars became a task 
calling for special skills and knowledge, and daftars 
of many different types emerge. The first sys- 
tematic account that we possess of the records 
and registers of a Muslim administrative office is 
that given by Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Kh w arizmI 
in the late 4th/ioth century. He enumerates the 
following : 

(1) Kdnun al-Kharddi — the basic survey in ac- 
cordance with which the Kharddi is collected. 

(2) Al-Awdradi — Arabicized form of Awdra, trans- 
ferred; shows the debts owed by individual persons, 
according to the Kdnun, and the instalments paid 
until they are settled. (On Awdrad± see V. Minorsky 
in his edition of Tadhkirat al-Muluk, London 1943, 
144; to be modified in the light of W. Hinz, Rech- 
nungswesen, 120 ff.). 

(3) Al-Ruzndmadi — day-book; the daily record of 
payments and receipts. 

(4) Al-Khatma — the statement of income and 
expenditure presented monthly by the Djahbadh. 

(5) Al-Khatma al-Didmi c a — the annual statement. 

(6) Al-Ta'ridi — an addition register, showing 
those categories {abwdb) which need to be seen 
globally, arranged for easy addition, with totals. 
Receipts for payments made are also registered here. 

(7) Al- c Arida — a subtraction register, for those 
categories where the difference between two figures 
needs to be shown. It is arranged in three columns, 
with the result in the third. Such is the 'Arida, 
showing the difference between the original and the 
revised figures, the latter being usually smaller, 
(that is, presumably, the estimates and the amounts 
actually received. This seems to be the meaning of 
asl and istikhrddi, rather than income and expen- 
diture, as assumed by Cevdet and Uzuncarsih. On 
istikhrddi in the sense of revision cf. Uzuncarsih, 
Medhal, 278 and Hinz, Rechnungswesen 18, On Asl 
cf. MawardI, al-Ahkam al-Sulfdniyya, ed. Enger 373, 
ed. Cairo 209. The expression dafdtir-i asl wa 
istikhrddi occurs in a text from Saldjuk Anatolia — 
O. Turan, Tiirkiye Selcuklart hakktnda Resmi Vesi- 
kalar, Ankara 1958, text xxvi). These are itemized 
in the first and second columns, with the differences 
between them in the third column. Grand totals 
are shown at the foot of each of the three columns. 

(8) Al-Bara'a — a receipt given by the Djahbadh 
or Khdzin [qq.v.] to taxpayers. (It is not clear whether 
Kh w arizml means a register of copies and receipts, 
or is merely naming the bara'a as a kind of document). 

(9) Al-Muwdfaka wa 'l-djamd'a — a comprehensive 
accounting {Jfisdb djami 1 ) presented by an c dmil on 
relinquishing his appointment. If it is approved by 
the authority to whom he presents it, it is called 
muwdfaka, if they differ, it is called muhdsaba. 

Passing to the registers of the army office {diwdn 
al-djaysh), Kh w arizmi lists: 

(10) Al-Djarida al-^awda? — prepared annually for 
each command, showing the names of the soldiers, 
with their pedigree (nasab), ethnic origin (djins), 
physical descriptions {hilya), rations, pay etc. This 
is the basic central register of this diwdn. 

(n) Radi'-a — a requisition (hisdb) issued by the 
paymaster (mu c (i) for certain troops stationed in 
outlying areas, for one issue of pay ((»«') on 
reference to the diwdn. 

(12) Al-Radi'a al-Dj.dmi l a — a global requisition 
issued by the head of the army office for each 
general issue (tama<) of army pay, rations, etc. 

(13) Al-Sakk — an inventory C-amal — cf. Dozy, 
Suppl. ii, 175) required for every (ama c showing the 
names of the payees, with numbers and amounts, and 
bearing the signed authority to pay of the sultan. 
The Sakk is also required for the hire of muleteers and 

(14) A l-M u'dmara — an inventory of orders issued 
during the period of the (ama*, bearing at its end a 
signed authorization (idjdza) by the sultan. A similar 
mu'dmara is prepared by every diwdn. 

(15) Al-Istikrdr — an inventory of the supplies 
remaining in hand after issues and payments have 
been made. 

(16) Al-Muwasafa — a list C-amal) showing the 
circumstances and causes of any changes occurring 
(i.e.. transfers, dismissals, deaths, promotions, etc.). 

(17) A l-Diarida al-Musadidiala — the sealed re- 
gister. The Sidjill (seal) is the letter given to an 
envoy or messenger, authorizing him, on arrival, to 
recover the expenses of his journey from any '■Amil. 
The Sidjill is also the judicial verdict (mahdar) 
prepared by a Ifddi. 

(18) Al-Fihrist — a repertory of the inventories and 
registers in the diwdn. 

(19) Al-Dastur — a copy of the djamd'a made from 
the draft. 

Finally, Kh w arizml gives the names of three 
registers (da/tar) used by the scribes of 'Irak. They 
are (as given in the edition) (1) r-W^' 



(3) OjjjOJI 
The third is explained as a register of the land 
measurement survey (misdha). (Khwarizml, Mafdtih 
al- c Ulum, ed. Van Vloten, 54-8, cf. Mez, Renaissance, 
103, Eng. tr. 109, where however Mez's meaning 
is not very clearly rendered. An abridged Turkish 
paraphrase of Kh w arizml's text was made, in the 
light of Ottoman bureaucratic experience, by 
M. Cevdet, Defter, 88-91; there is also a rather more 
rapid Turkish summary by I. H. Uzuncarsili, 
Osmanh Devleti Teskil&hna Medhal, Istanbul 1941, 
479-480. This last has been translated into German 
by B. Spuler, Iran in fruh-islamischer Zeit, Wies- 
baden 1952, 338 n. 1). 

It is probable that Kh'arizmi's account refers to 
Samanid rather than 'Abbasid offices in this first 
instance. It is, however, almost certainly applicable 
in great part to 'Abbasid administration, and much 
of what he says is attested by passing references in 
the historians of 'Irak and Persia. 

Kh'arizmi's registers fall into two main groups, 
the fiscal and the military, which may now be con- 
sidered separately. 

Fiscal Registers. 

The most important register of the tax-office is 
the Kanun, the survey of land and taxable crops, 
(this would seem to be the meaning of the term 
kanun in MawardI, Al-Ahkdm al-Sultaniyya, ed. 
Enger 370, ed. Cairo 207). 

This served as the basis for the assessment and 
collection of the land-tax and was thus the main 
and authority for the department's 


e term Kanun, already recognized 
by Kh'arizmi as arabicized Greek (yundniyya 
mu'arraba), was employed chiefly in 'Irak and the 
East, and was still in use in the 13th and 14th 
centuries, when it designated a kind of cadastral and 
fiscal survey (M. Minovi and V. Minorsky, Nasir al- 
Din Tusi on Finance, BSOAS, x, 1940, 761, 773, 781 ; 
Hinz, Rechnungswesen, 134 ff.). In later times the 
term hdnun in this sense seems to have fallen out 
of use, and was replaced by others. In Egypt the 
term mukallafa was used to designate the land survey 
registers, which were prepared by a mdsih, and 
arranged by villages (Grohmann, New Discoveries . . , 
163). According to Makrizi, Khi\at, i, 82, a new 
survey was made in Egypt every thirty years. (For 
specimens of [land-tax registers from Egypt, on 
papyrus rolls, see A. Dietrich, Arabische Papyri, 
Leipzig 1937, 81 ff. (see further daftar-i khakanI, 
misaha, rawk, tahrir and tapu). 

The Riizndmadi or RuznamCe is mentioned in an 
anecdote attributed to the time of Yahya b. Khalid 
al-Barmaki. A Persian taunts an Arab with the 
dependence of Arabic on Persian for terms and 
nomenclature, "even in your cookery, your drinks, 
and your diwdns", and cites the word Riizndmadi, 
as an example in the last-named group. (Muhammad 
b. Yahya al-$ull, Adah al-Kdtib, Cairo 1341, 193). 
A passage in Miskawayh throws some light on how 
the Riizndmadi was kept, in the treasury, in early 
4th/ioth century Baghdad. In 315/927, he tells us, 
the wazir 'All b. 'Isa 'relied on Ibrahim b. Ayyub 
(a Christian treasury official, appointed head of the 
Diwdn al-Djahbadha in the following year — 'Arlb, 
Tab. Cont. 135; on him see also SOU, Ahhbar al-Rddi 
199; Hilal al-Sabl, Wuzard'', 136, 279, 296) to report 
to him on financial matters, to instruct the Treasurer 
(Sahib bayt al-mdl) concerning his daily disburse- 
ments, and to require of him the weekly presentation 
of the Ritzndmadidt, so that he might quickly know 
what had been paid out, what received, and what the 
deficit was (ma halla wa-md kabada wa-md bahiya). 
The previous practice in making up the account 
(khatma) had been to present a monthly statement 
to the diwdn in the middle of the following month'. 
(Tadidrib al-Umam, ed. Amedroz, i, 151-2). 

Two other passages in the same work indicate that 
the functionary in the treasury whose task it was to 
prepare the khatma was the Diahbadh [q.v.] (ibid., 
155 and 164. The rendering of these passages in the 
English translation of Miskawayh by D. S. Margo- 
liouth does not bring out their technical significance). 
Two documents of the time of al-Muktadir, quoted 
in the Td'rikh-i Kumm, shows how the Riizndmadi 
functioned in Kumm and Fars. Here the writer 
(Kdtib) of the Ruznamddi is distinct from the 
diahbadh, and is a government official. His task is 
to register the sums received in taxes and issue 
receipts, called Bard'a [q.v.], and to act as a kind of 
auditor on the operations of the Diahbadh (Ta'rikh-i 
Kumm, 149 ff.; cf. Ann K. S. Lambton, An Account 
of the Tarikhi Qumm, BSOAS, xii, 1948, 595; C. 
Cahen, Quelques problemes iconomiques et fiscaux de 
I'Iraq Buyide ... AIEO, x, 1952, 355. On the 
Riizndmadi see further F. Lokkegaard, Islamic 
Taxation in the Classic Period, Copenhagen 1950, 
149 and 159). In Ayyubid Egypt Ibn Mammati 
still includes the preparation of the Riizndmadi and 
the Khatma among the duties of the Diahbadh 
(Kitdb Kawdnin al-Dawdwin, ed. A. S. Atiya, Cairo 
1943, 304), For examples of Riizndmadi from Egypt 
see Grohmann, New Discoveries . . ; for a discussion 
of the systems of accountancy they reveal, C. Leyerer, 

Die Verrechnung und VerwaUung . . See further hisab 

Many scattered references to the daftars kept in 
'Abbasid offices will be found in the writings of 
Miskawayh, Hilal, and others especially interested 
in administrative affairs. Some idea of the scale and 
presentation of the accounts of the state may be 
gathered from a few individual balance sheets of 
imperial revenue and expenditure that have been 
preserved by the historians. The earliest, dating 
from the time of Harun al-Rashid, is preserved by 
Djahshiyari (fol. I79a-i82b; ed. 281-8) and, in a 
variant version, by Ibn Khaldun (Muk. i, 321-4= 
Rosenthal, i, 361-5. See further R. Levy, The Social 
Structure of Islam, Cambridge 1957, 317-320. 
A budget for 306/908 is given by Hilal, Wuzard', 
11-22, and was analysed, together with other sources, 
by A. von Kremer, Vber das Einnahmebudget des 
Abbasiden-Reiches, Denkschrift d. Phil. hist. Kl. d. 
Wiener Ak., xxxvi, 1888, 283-362. A statement of 
the revenues of the privy purse (Bayt mil al-Khassa) 
in the 4th/ioth century is given by Miskawayh 
(Mez 1 15-6. See further bayt al-mal). 

Military Registers. 

The muster-rolls of fighting-men date back to the 
beginnings of the Islamic state. These tribal rolls 
were, however, of quite a different character from 
the regular army lists described by Kh'arizmi. It 
may be that Abu Muslim was the first to introduce 
the daftar of soldiers; certainly the practice became 
general under the 'Abbasids. Besides Kh'arizmi's 
notes, we have a fuller description of the army 
lists kept in the diwan al-dfaysh in Kudama's 
treatise on the land-tax, and in a late anonymous 
treatise on tactics (Tr. Wustenfeld, in Das Heerwesen 
der Muhammedaner , Gottingen 1880, 1-7. Both are 
examined, with other evidence, by W. Hoenerbach, 
Zur Heeresverwaltung . . . 269 ff. See further <ata 5 ). 
Similar lists were kept in the diwan al-djaysh and 
diwan al-rawatib (army office and pay office) of the 
Fatimids in Egypt (Kalkashandl, Subh, vi, 492-3 = 
Wustenfeld, Die Geographie und VerwaUung von 
Agypten, Gottingen 1879, 190-1). The common term 
for the army lists was Djarida. 

Diplomatic Registers. 

Kh'arizmi's description is confined to financial 
and statistical registers — to accounts, inventories 
and the like in the tax and pay offices. Besides 
these there were also letter-books and other dip- 
lomatic registers, used in the chancery offices. 
A description of those kept in the Fa timid 
chancery {diwan al-rasdHl) is given by the Egyptian 
scribe Ibn al-Sayrafi (463-542/1070-1147). In the 
12th chapter of his Kanun Diwan al-RasaHl (ed. 
'All Bahdjat, Cairo 1905, 137-141, Fr. trans, by 
H. Masse in BIFAO, xi, 1914, 104-8; cf. kalka- 
shandl, Subh., i, 133-5, where they are given in a 
slightly different order, and Bjorkman, Beitrdge, 24-5), 
he considers the registers (daftar) and memoranda 
(tadhkira; Masse translates 'bulletin') which should 
be kept in this office, and the qualities of their 
keeper. This, he says is one of the most important 
tasks in the diwan. The registrar must be reliable, 
long-suffering, painstaking, and work-loving, and 
should keep the following memoranda and registers. 

(1) Memoranda (tadhdkir) of important matters 
(muhimmdt al-umiir) which have been dealt with in 
correspondence, and to which it may be necessary 
to refer. These memoranda ((tadhdkir) are much 
easier for reference than papers in bundles (adabir; 

Masse translates 'dossier'). All letters received must 
therefore, after being answered, be passed to the 
registrar, who will consider them and record what is 
needed in his memoranda, together with any reply 
sent. He will assign a number of sheets (awrdh) in 
his memoranda to each transaction (safka), with an 
appropriate heading. He will then register incoming 
letters, noting their provenance, date of arrival and 
contents, together with a note of the reply sent or, 
if such be the case, of the fact that no reply was sent. 
He will continue this to the end of the year, when he 
will start a new tadhkira. 

(2) Memoranda of important orders (awdmir) in 
outgoing letters, in which are noted also the contents 
and dates of arrival of replies received to them. This 
is to ensure that orders are not disregarded and left 

(3) A register (daftar) showing the correct forms 
of inscriptio (alkdb), salutatio (du c d'), etc. to be used 
for various officials and dignitaries, as well as foreign 
rulers and other correspondents abroad, in different 
types of letters and diplomas. For each office or post 
(khidma) there should be a separate sheet (waraka 
mufrada) showing the name of its occupant, his 
lakab, and his du c d'. Changes and transfers must be 
carefully noted. 

(4) A register of major events (al-hawddith al- 

(5) A specification (tibydn) of ceremonial (tashrifdt) 
and robes of honour (khil'a), to serve as a model 
when required. This should show grants made, with 
sartorial details, and prices. 

(6) A repertory (fihrist), by year, month, and day, 
of incoming letters, showing provenance, date of 
arrival with a summary or, if needed, a transcript of 
the text. 

(7) The same for outgoing letters. 

(8) A repertory of diplomas, brevets, investitures, 
safe-conducts, etc. This is to be prepared monthly, 
accumulated yearly, and restarted each new year. 

Finally, Ibn al-Savrafi refers to the need to record 
Arabic translations of letters received in foreign 
scripts (khatO such as Armenian, Greek or Frankish. 

According to Kalkashandl (Subh, i, 139, cf. 
Bjorkman, Beitrdge, 39), these Fatimid registers were 
in general maintained in the Cairo chancery until the 
end of the 8th/i4th century. It is clear that this 
system of chancery registration and records originat- 
ed in the eastern lands of the Caliphate, and continued 
there in one form or another, through the Middle 
Ages. Its later development can be seen in the 
Ottoman Muhimme Defteri, Ahkdm Defteri, Tew- 
djihdt Defteri, TeshrifatdH KaUmi Defteri, etc. 

II. The Turkish and Mongol Period. 

In bureaucratic practice, as is in most other 
aspects of government and administration, the 
period of domination by the Steppe peoples, Turks 
and Mongols, brought noteworthy changes. Some of 
these may be due to Chinese influences, penetrating 
through the Uygurs, the Karakhitay, and above all 
through the Asian Empire of the Mongols. It seems 
likely that the system of registration owes something 
to East Asian examples (see for example Djuwayni, i, 
24-5 = Boyle, i, 33-4, and Rashid al-DIn, D[dmi c 
al-Tawdrihh, ed. Blochet, 39-40, 56-7; cf. ibid. 483 on 
the daftars of Pekin), but this whole question is still 
in need of further investigation. 

Despite some evidence of reorganization under the 
Great Saldjuks, the registrars and book-keepers of 
the Sultanate, as well as of Saldjukid Anatolia and 
Ayyubid Egypt, seem to have continued many of 


the practices of the preceding period. What develop- 
ment there is seems to be in technical matters, 
especially in the collection and presentation of 
statistical data. Some idea of bureaucratic practice 
in the Sultanate of Rum can be obtained from 
Ibn BIbi, Al-Awdmir al-'AlaHyya, facsimile ed. 
Ankara 1956 (ed. N. Lugal and A. S. Erzi, part 1; 
Ankara 1937; abridgment, Houtsma, Recueil, ii; 
German trans. H. W. Duda, Copenhagen 1959; 
Turkish adaptation by Yazidjioghlu 'Ali, Houtsma, 
Recueil, iii). Registers were kept at the Diwdn-i 
A c ld, and dealt with land and tax matters. As new 
territories were acquired or recovered, new surveys 
were conducted (Ibn Bibi, 146, Antalya; 153-4, 
Sinop; 428, Akhlat). An addition by Yazldjioghlu 
(Recueil, iii 105 — not in Ibn Bibi) tells that during 
the reign of c Izz al-Din Kaykawus the office of 
Sdhib-i Diwdn and the care of the finance registers 
(emwdl defdtiri) were entrusted to Kh w adja Badr al- 
Din KhurasanI, 'who was unequalled in the lands of 
Rum in his knowledge of khatt, baldgha, insha', 
siydkat, and fiisdb' [qq.v.]. At the same time Kh w adja 
Fakhr al-Din c Ali Tabrizi was put in charge of 
insha' and maktubdt, and each of the 12 dajtars in 
the diwdn-i wizdrat entrusted to a competent master 
(ustdd). On another occasion the office of amir-i 
< drid was entrusted to Shams al-Din, also a specialist 
in insha' and siydkat (Ibn Bibi 127), Yazidjioghlu 
adds the explanation that this office involved the 
control of the military registers (teri defteri, Recueil, 
iii, 109. For similar appointments to the diwdn al- 
'■ard by Sandjar see K. 'Atabat al-Kataba, edd. Muh. 
Kazwini and 'Abbas Ikbal, Tehran 1329, 39-40, 72-3). 
Another passage in the same work {Recueil, iii, 210) 
speaks of 24 registrars, 12 in the diwdn-i wizdrat 
dealing with land and taxes, and 12 in the diwdn-i 
'arid dealing with the lists of soldiers, pay and fiefs. 
A poem cited by Yazidjioghlu (254-5), repeats these 
figures, but awakens doubt of their authenticity 
by linking them with the recurring figure 12 in 
the Oghuz legend. The same poem claims com- 
plete coverage in the registration of lands (Cevdet 

From the II- Khanid period we have, for the first 
time, detailed treatises on public accounting. Two 
important works, the Sa'ddat-ndma of Falak c Ala-i 
Tabrizi (compiled 707/1307) and the Risdla-i 
Falakiyya of c Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. Kiya 
al-Mazandarani (ca. 767/1363) were discovered and 
analysed by Zeki Velidi [Togan] (Mogollar devrinde 
Anadolu'nun Iktisadl Vaziyeti, THITM, i, 1931, 
1-42). A TImurid manual, written in Herat ca. 845/ 
1441, was discovered by Adnan Erzi (W. Hinz, Ein 
orientalisches Handelsunternehmen im 15 Jahr- 
hundert, Welt des Orients, 1949, 313-40) and a 
complete budget (Djdmi'- al-Hisdb) of 738/1337-8 
found by Z. V. Togan. The first two were studied in 
great detail by W. Hinz (Das Rechnungswesen), to 
whom we also owe a critical edition of the second 
of them (Die Resala-ye Falakiyya, Wiesbaden 1952). 

These works reveal a system of book-keeping based 
on seven main registers, as follows: 

(1) Ruzndma — 'Daybook', Arabicized form Riiz- 
ndmadi, also called Dajtar-i TaHik. 

(2) Dajtar-i Awdradja — cash-book, showing the 
balance of moneys in hand. 

(3) Dajtar-i Tawdjihdt — register of disbursements. 

(4) Dajtar-i Tahwildt — an off-shoot of the pre- 
ceding, dealing with disbursements for stocks and 
running expenses in state establishments and enter- 

(5) Dajtar-i Mufraddt — budget register showing 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

the income and expenditure by ci 

(6) Didmi'- al-Hisdb— the master-ledger, from 
which the annual financial reports were prepared. 

(7) Kdnun — the survey and assessment book, or 
Domesday Book of the Empire. 

(For a full discussion of these registers, and of the 
' ' ' ire, see Hinz, 

Rechnungswesen, 113-137). 

III. The Post-Mongol States. 

As in so many other respects, the Muslim states 
of the post-Mongol period seem to have followed, to 
a very large extent, the bureaucratic practices of the 
Il-Khans, some of which can be recognized as far 
afield as Mamluk Cairo, Ottoman Istanbul and 
Mughal Delhi. Of these states only one, the Ottoman 
Empire, has left a collection of registers that has 
survived to the present day, though individual 
dajtars have come to light in other parts. The 
Ottoman dajtars have been discussed elsewhere (see 


muhimme defteri, sidjill, etc.), and need not, 
therefore, be described here. Numbers of Ottoman 
registers have also come to light in the ex-Ottoman 
territories in Europe, Asia and Africa. For a des- 
cription of their material form see L. Fekete, 
Die Siyaqat-Schrijt, i, 70 ff. 

Bibliography : For a general discussion see 
the unfortunately incomplete article of M. Cevdet, 
published in Osman Ergin's Muallim M. Cevdet'in 
Hayah, Eserleri ve Kiituphanesi, Istanbul 1937, 
appendix, 69-96; on finance registers C. Leyerer, 
Studien zum Rechnungswesen der arabischen Sleuer- 
amter, ArO, xii, 1941, 85-112; idem, Die Verrech- 
nung und Verwaltung von Steuern im islamischen 
Agypten, ZDMG, N.F. 28, 1953, 40-69; W. Hinz, 
Das Rechnungwesen orientalischer Reichsjinanz- 
amterim Mittelalter, Isl., xxix, 1950, 1-29, 113-141; 
on military registers W. Hoenerbach, Zur Heeres- 
verwaltung der Abbasiden, ibid,, 257-290. On 
Ottoman finance registers, L. Fekete, Die Siyaqat- 
Schrijt in der tiirkischen Finanzverwaltung, i, 
Budapest 1955, 67-110; on the Kadi's registers 
Halit Ongan, Ankara'mn I Numarah Ser'iye 
Sicili, Ankara 1958, and J. Kabrda, Les anciens 
registres turcs des Cadis de Sojia et de Vidin, ArO, 
xix, 1951, 329-392; on Safavid Persia V. Minorsky, 
Tadhkirat al-Muluk, London, 1943; on Central 
Asia, M. Yuldashev, The State Archives oj XIX 
century jeudal Khiva, in Papers by the Soviet 
Delegation at the xxiii. International Congress oj 
Orientalists, Iranian, Armenian and Central Asian 
Studies, Moscow 1954, 221-30. Some dajtars have 
been published in full. The earliest Ottoman 
survey register was edited by H. Inalcik, Hicri 
835 Tarihli Suret-i Dejter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, 
Ankara 1954; an Ottoman survey register of 
Georgia was edited by S. Jikia, Gurjistanis 
vilaiethis didi davthari. Dejteri mujassali vildyeti 
Gurcustan. Great register of the vilayet of Gurdji- 
stan. Vol. 1, Turkish text. Vol. 2, Georgian 
translation. Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk Gru- 
zinskoy SSR: Tiflis, 1941-1947. (B. Lewis) 
DAFTAR-I KHAKANl, the collection of 
registers in which were entered, during the Ottoman 
period, the results of the surveys made every 30 or 
40 years until the beginning of the nth/i7th century, 
in accordance with an old administrative and 
fiscal practice. 

The imperial registers or Dajtar-i Khdkdni con- 
sisted primarily of a list of the adult males in the 


villages and towns of the Empire, giving, by the side 
of their names and the names of their fathers, their 
legal status, their obligations and privileges according 
to the economic and social class to which they be- 
longed, and the extent of the lands which they 

These registers also contain a great deal of in- 
formation on the way in which the land was used 
(fields, orchards, vineyards, rice-fields, etc.), on the 
number of mills, on sheep and bee-hives, with an 
indication of their approximate fiscal value in 

Nevertheless the fiscal information contained in 
the registers is not confined to this agricultural 
inventory. They also refer to fisheries and mines as 
well as to the proceeds from customs, fairs, markets 
and weighhouses, with their locations, their regu- 
lations and the volume of the transactions carried out. 

We can also, by referring to the daftar-i khdkdni, 
obtain an exact idea of the distribution of the 
revenues of the country as between the imperial 
domain, the military fiefs, wakfs and private 
properties (mulk). These registers in fact constitute 
a survey showing the form of ownership of each 
estate with a summary of the successive changes 
which it underwent. 

The compilation of the registers arose from the 
administrative organization of the Empire. The 
great majority of Ottoman officials, both civil and 
military, did not draw salaries from the budget of 
the central government but were allowed, in return 
for their services, to levy taxes on a given region on 
their own account. Thus at the beginning of the 
ioth/i6th century the possessors of Hmars alone, 
whose numbers had risen to about 35,000, appro- 
priated more than half of the taxes levied on the 
territory of the Empire. This proportion moreover 
was to rise throughout the 17th century together 
with the number of timariots. 

In order for this system to operate successfully it 
was essential to know every detail of the different 
sources of the Empire's revenues, and to follow 
their modifications step by step through a given 
period. In this way it was possible to examine whether 
the emoluments, whose amounts were entered in the 
registers, and the deeds of grant (berdt [g.v.]) issued 
to the beneficiaries, tallied with the taxes they 
actually levied. During the period of expansion, 
when the population and the resources of the 
Empire were constantly increasing, the frequent 
surveys always disclosed new surpluses in the State 

But from the nth/i7th century onwards the 
central power, as a result of the anarchic mismanage- 
ment of State affairs, did not possess the authority 
necessary to carry out these surveys. The disorgani- 
zation of the institution of Hmars moreover rendered 
the value of these measures illusory. 

In addition to these "detailed registers" (daftar-i 
mufassal) in which were listed the results of the 
surveys, auxiliary registers were also required, in 
which were noted, as they occurred, changes in the 
distribution of the Hmars, thus avoiding the additions 
and corrections which would otherwise have had 
to be made in the "detailed registers". For the 
system in force at the beginning of the ioth/i6th 
century two or even three kinds of auxiliary books 

1. Daftar-i idimdl or "synoptic inventory". 
This register was a summary based on the detailed 
register, omitting the names of the inhabitants and 
giving the revenues only as lump sums for each unit. 

The idimdl can cover all classes of ownership in a 
sandfak, but is normally limited to one or two; there 
are thus idpndls of Hmars — i.e., nominal rolls of 
timariots, with brief statements of their holdings and 
revenues; idfmdls of domain, wakf, and mulk. 

2. Daftar-i derdest or "book of changes". This 
register was a list of the villages or towns consti- 
tuting the nucleus of the military fiefs. It showed 
the successive changes which each fief had under- 
gone and the authorities could, on consulting it, 
easily determine the fiefs escheated or without 

3. Daftar-i ruzndmle or "daybook", into which 
were copied as they occurred the deeds of grant 
(berdt) issued to new fief-holders. 

Each time a new survey was made, the old 
registers were replaced by new and consigned to the 
archives of the register-office (daftarkhdne). The 
greater part of the old registers were lost or destroyed 
during their removal from one repository to another. 
There remain nevertheless over a thousand in the 
Basvekalet Arsivi [q.v.] at Istanbul as well as a few 
in certain Turkish and foreign archives and libraries. 
Among these registers are some which date from the 
time of Murad II (824-55/1421-51) and of Mehem- 
med II the Conqueror (855-86/1451-81), and which 
allude to still earlier surveys. 

The archives section of the survey and land 
register office, at Ankara, includes a complete 
collection of the registers relating to the last surveys 
made during the reigns of the sultans Selim II 
(974-82/1566-74) and Murad III (982-1003/1574-95). 
To these registers have been added the results of the 
surveys made in such provinces as Crete, conquered 
after this date, or the Morea, recaptured from the 
Venetians. Even today this collection is, on rare 
occasions, consulted in lawsuits. 

In this collection the "detailed registers" number 
254, the "synoptic inventories" (idimdl) 116, the 
"books of changes" (derdest) 169, and the "daybooks" 
(ruzndmie) 1363 volumes. The "detailed registers'* 
contain about 300 pages, 15 cms. across and 42 cms. 

During the period of more than three centuries 
which has elapsed since the last survey, these 
records have been brought up to date each time it 
has been necessary to register the modifications 
which have occurred in the legal status of certain 
lands upon the creation of new wakfs. The fact that 
certain judgments made in favour of privileged 
individuals and relating to law-suits concerning the 
boundaries of villages and pastures have been 
entered in these registers only increases their value. 
Nevertheless it would be wrong to believe that all 
the transactions carried out by the registry office 
have found a place in these documents. 

Certain writers have suggested that the daftar-i 
khdkdni constitute a land-register. But in the 
system of domain-lands (arddi-i miriyye), the peasant 
has never been the owner of the land which happens 
to be in his possession, and he could not therefore 
dispose of the title-deed. He could indeed transfer 
the possession of the land which he occupied, but 
this act, which took place under the control and with 
the approval of the local lord (sipdhi), was not made 
the subject of an entry in the imperial registers. 
Only from the second half of the 19th century 
onwards was a land register, in the modern sense of 
the word, established in Turkey. 

Bibliography: 0. L. Barkan, Les grands 

recensements de la population et du territoire de 

I'Empire Ottoman, in Revue de la FaculU des 



Sciences Economiques de I' University d' Istanbul, 
ii, 1940, 21-34, 168-79; idem, Essai sur les donnies 
statistiques des registres de recensements dans 
I'Empire Ottoman aux XVeme et XVIeme siecles, 
JESHO, i, 1, 1957; B. Lewis, The Ottoman 
Archives as a Source for the History of the Arab 
lands, JRAS, 1951, 139-155; idem, Studies in 
the Ottoman Archives I, BSOAS, xvi, 3, 1954, 
469-501; H. Inalcik, Hicri 835 tarihli Suret-i 
dejter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara 1954; I- H. 
Uzuncarsih, Osmanh devletinin merkez ve bahriye 
teskilah, Ankara 1948, 95-110; L. Fekete, Die 
Siydqat-Schrijt in der tiirkischen Finanzverwaltung, 
Budapest 1955. See further basvekalet arsivi, 


DAFTARDAR, in Turkish dejterddr, keeper of 
the dajtar [q.v.], an Ottoman term for the chief 
finance officer, corresponding to the Mustawji [q.v.] 
in the eastern Islamic world. According to Kalka- 
shandl [Subh, iii, 485, 494, 525, 526), the title Sahib 
al-Daftar already existed in the Fatimid admini- 
stration, for the official in charge of the Dajtar al- 
Madjlis, that is, of accounts and audits. The title 
Dajtarkh"dn — .Da/tar-reader — appears in the time of 
Saladin (B. Lewis, Three Biographies from Kamdl ad- 
Din, in Fuad KSpriilii Armagani, Istanbul 1953, 343), 
and reappears in the Muslim West (Makkari, 
Analectes, i, 660). The title Daftarddr seems to 
originate with the Il-khans, who appointed a daj- 
tarddr-i diwdn-i mdmalik or dajtarddr-i mamdlik to 
make and keep the registers (Uzuncarsih, Medhal, 
229-30; Koprulu, Bizans 204-5 ; Hammer, Geschichte 
der Goldenen Horde, Pest 1840, 497-501). 

The Ottoman kdnunndmes, from thegth/ijth cen- 
tury onwards, show the development of the office of 
dejterddr in the Ottoman Empire. In the Kdnunndme 
of Mehemmed II, the chief Dejterddr is already a high 
ranking official who, under the general supervision 
of the Grand Vezir, is the officer responsible (wekil) 
for the Sultan's finances (Kdnunndme-i Al-i '■Othmdn, 
TOEM suppl. Istanbul 1330, 10). He is named 
immediately after the Grand Vezir, and is comparable 
with him in status. At the Diwdn he sits immediately 
after the Grand Vezir and the two Kddi'askers, and 
shares with them the right to issue fermans on 
matters within his jurisdiction. He has the right of 
personal access to the Sultan, who rises to greet him 
{ibid., io-n, 16-17, 23-5). His duties include the 
presentation of an annual report or balance sheet 
of income and expenditure, for which he is rewarded 
with a robe of honour. His emoluments may be an 
appanage {Khdss [q.v.]) worth 600,000 aspers, or a 
Treasury stipend (sdlydne) of from 150,000 to 
240,000 aspers a year. In addition, the Dejterdars 
are entitled to a registration fee (hakk-i imdd) of 
1,000 aspers per load (yiik = 100,000 aspers) on all 
grants of Khdss. whether by farm or by commission 
(iltizdm or emdnet [qq.v.]; to a collection fee (Kesr-i 
mizdn) of 22 aspers per thousand on moneys paid 
into the Treasury, and to an issue in kind from the 
produce collected in tithes from the Imperial 
domains. On retirement they received a pension of 
80,000 aspers. (ibid. 28-9). The chief dejterddr 
(bashdejterdar) presided over a hierarchy of lesser 
finance officers; first the ordinary finance officers 
(Mdl dejterddri), then, under them, their adjutants 
{Dejterddr ketkhuddsl), and under them the registrars 
of timdrs (Timdr Dejterddri), all with a recognized 
and established ladder of promotion. From the time 
of Bayazid II the Bashdejterdar was concerned 
chiefly with Rumelia, and was also known as 
Rumeli Dejterddri. A second Dejterddr, the Anadolu 

Dejterddri, was appointed to deal with the revenues 
of Anatolia. In the early ioth/i6th century a further 
dejterddr's office was set up in Aleppo, to look after 
the remoter Asian provinces. Its head was called 
Dejterdar-i l Arab wa c Adiam. This office was later 
subdivided, with separate offices in Diyarbakr, 
Damascus, Erzurum, Aleppo, Tripoli, and elsewhere. 
In the mid-i6th century a separate office for 
Istanbul was established, and at the end of the 
century yet another for the Danubian provinces. 
This last was of short duration. The three main 
offices came to be known as the first, second, and 
third divisions (shifrk-i ewwel, thdni, thdlith) cor- 
responding to Rumelia, Anatolia, and the remoter 
provinces. A fourth division was set up by Selim III 
to deal with the budget of the new style army (see 
nizam-i djedId); it was abolished with the latter. 
In 1253/1838 the office of the Dejterddr was renamed 
Ministry of Finance (Mdliyye [q.v.]), but the term 
Dejterddr remained in use for provincial directors of 

Bibliography: Mehmed Zeki, Teshkildt-i '■Atikada 
Dejterdar, TTEM, 15th year, 1926, 96-102, 234-244; 
Kopriiluzade M. Fuat, Bizans Muesscselerin Os- 
manh Muesseselerine tesiri hakkmda bdzi Miild- 
hazalar, THITM, i, 1931, 201-5 (= M. Fuad 
Koprulu, Alcune Osservazioni intorno all' influenza 
delle Istituzioni bizantine sidle Istituzioni ottomane, 
Rome 1953, 44-8); Pakahn, s.v.; Gibb-Bowen, 
index ; Hammer- Purgstall, index; I A s.v. (by 1. 
H. Uzuncarsih). (B. Lewis) 

D AGH . the takhallus of Nawwab MIrza Khan 
(originally called Ibrahim, AHna-i Ddgh), one of 
the most distinguished Urdu poets of modern times. 
He was a son of Nawwab Shams al-Din Khan, 
ruler of FIruzpur Djhirka, and Wazir Begam 
(usually called Chou Begam). Nawwab MIrza was 
born in Candnl Cawk, Dihli on 12 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 
1246/25 May 1831 (cf. his horoscope in Dialwa-i 
Ddgh, 9). When Shams al-DIn Khan was hanged 
(Oct. 1835) for his part in the murder of Mr. W. 
Fraser, Resident of Dihli, Nawwab Mirza Khan's 
mother remarried, and he went and lived in Rampur 
in 1844, because of the influence of his aunt, c Umda 
Khanam, a member of the harim of Nawwab 
Yusuf C A1I Khan. There he studied Persian with 
Mawlawl Ghiyath al-DIn. His mother, in the 
meanwhile (1844), entered the harim of MIrza 
Muhammad Sultan Fath al-Mulk (= MIrza Fakhra), 
a son and the heir-apparent of Abu Zafar Bahadur 
Shah. Nawwab Mirza (then 13 or 14 years old) 
also came to the Dihli Fort and received his 
regular education there. He studied the usual 
Persian texts, learned calligraphy from Sayyid 
Muhammad Amir Pandja Kash (d. 1857, Ghulam 
Muhammad, Tadhkira-i Khwushnawisdn, Calcutta 
1910, 71 t.) and MIrza c Ibad Allah Beg {ibid., p. 73); 
he also learned horsemanship and the use of various 
arms. But above all his sojourn in the Fort brought 
him into contact with the famous poets of the day, 
who assembled in the Fort for the mushd'-aras 
(poetical contests). This environment developed his 
latent aptitude for writing poetry. He began to 
write ghazals in Urdu at an early age and when 
Shaykh Muhammad Ibrahim Dhawk adopted him 
as his pupil, his genius blossomed fully. The tutorship 
of Dhawk lasted from 1844 to 1854 and in this 
period Dagh took part in the mushd'-aras. both of the 
Fort and the City. But Fath al-Mulk's death (10 July 
1856) forced him to leave the Fort. About ten months 
later followed the upheaval of 1857, after which 
Dagh once again went to his aunt in Rampur but 

tially visited Dihll and sometimes stayed there. 
When Kalb C A1I Khan succeeded Nawwab Yflsuf 
C A1I Khan (d. 21 April 1865) as Nawwab of Rampur, 
Dagh had the honour of becoming his companion 
(14 April 1866). He was also appointed Super- 
intendent (ddrugha) of the stables and carpet stores 
(farrdsh-khdna) at Rs. 70 p.m. Towards the end of the 
same year he had the privilege of accompanying the 
Nawwab to Calcutta and a few years later (1289/ 
1872-3) of performing the hadjdj in the retinue of 
the Nawwab. Rampflr in this period was a rendezvous 
of distinguished poets, such as Amir, Djalal, etc. 
(see Nigdr, 46) and Dagh had ample opportuni- 
ties of shining in their company. From here he 
visited Calcutta (and several other cities) in 
connexion with his love-affair described by him in 
the Farydd-i Ddgh (a mathnawi). The death of the 
Nawwab (23 March 1887) scattered many of the 
poets; Dagh resigned his post (July 1887), and a few 
months later left Rampflr (Dec. 1887), after serving 
the State for about 22 years. He visited Haydarabad- 
Deccan, and after some years, was appointed (26 
Djumada II 1308/6 Feb. 1891) the Ustdd or in- 
structor (in poetry) of the Nizam (Mahbub C A1I 
Khan), and in 1 309/1891 was paid Rs. 450/- p.m. 
(local currency) retrospectively from the date of 
his arrival in Haydarabad; this sum was raised to 
Rs. 1000 in 1312/1894 and he received many 
other favours. 

In 1 312/1894 he received from the Nizam the titles 
of "Bulbul-i Hindustan, Djahan Ustad, Nazim Yar 
Djang, Dablr al-Dawla, Fasih al-Mulk, Nawwab Mirza 
Khan Bahadur". He appears to have been signing his 
name only as Fasih al-Mulk Dagh Dihlawi (see Nuri 
opp. 12). His only son died at Rampur; he adopted 
a daughter. He had an attack of paralysis and died on 
9 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1322/14 Feb. 1905, and was buried 
on the 'Id day, in Haydarabad. "Nawab Mirza 
Dagh" is the chronogram of his death. Dagh was a 
tall person, with a somewhat pock-marked face and 
dark complexion, and he wore a beard. He had a 
pleasant personality, with a fine sense of humour, 
courtly manners, and an intense love of music. 

His works : Dagh composed four or five diwdns. 
The earliest, comprising his poems of the Dihli 
period up to 1857, is said to have been lost in that 
year, but was, later, partly rewritten by him from 
memory (Nflri, 89) ; others say that he had it in Ms. 
form with marginal amendments by Dhawk. The 
other diwdns were: Gulzdr-i Ddgh, Rampur 1296/ 
1878-9; Aftdb-i DagA, Lucknow 1 302/1884; Mahtdb-i 
Ddgh, Haydarabad-Deccan 1310/1893; Yddgdr-i Ddgh 
comprising his poems from 1310 till his death in 1322. 
The last one is said to have been lost, and was not 
published {Wdki'dt-i Dihli, ii, 451 f-)- Dagh's pupil 
Ahsan Marahrawi published in 1323/1905 what he 
could collect of the Yddgdr-i Ddgh (Kazimi, 208) to 
which an appendix was published at Dihli by Lala 
Sri Ram. The above five diwdns contain about 14,800 
verses mainly in ghazal form, but there are also 
kasidas, rubdHs etc. (Kazimi, 210). Dagh also published 
in 1300/1882 the mathnawi called Farydd-i Ddgh. He 
composed a diwdn-i muhdwardt also (more than a 
thousand verses) which was surrendered by his 
relatives to Asaf Djah VI. 

Dagh's prose: (i) Inshd-i Ddgh, his letters, 
collected and published by Ahsan Marahrawi, 
Dihli 1941; (ii) Zabdn-i Ddgh, his private letters 
collected and published by Rafik b. Ahsan Marah- 
rawi, Lucknow 1956. We may also mention Bazm-i 
Ddgh, (a diary compiled by Ahsan & Iftikhar-i 
<Alam, both of Marahra, who had stayed with Dagh 

for nearly 4 years from 15 August 1898 onwards) 
Lucknow 1956. The authenticity of these documents 
has been challenged (see Tamkin Kazimi, Ddgh, 
163 ff.). 

Several selections from Dagh have also appeared, 
viz. Muntakhab-i Ddgh (Allahabad 1939), Bahdr-i 
Ddgh, Lahore 1940, Kamal-i Ddgh (Agra), and 
Diwdn-i Ddgh or Intikhdb-i Ddgh (Lucknow). 

The art of Dagh: Dagh is famous for the 
purity and the charm of his diction, the easy and 
unaffected flow of his verse, and the simplicity and 
elegance of his style, all of which are especially 
suited to the ghazal. The artistic and realistic 
expression he gave to his amatory and other ex- 
periences made his appeal direct and vehement. His 
command of language is remarkable. He uses idio- 
matic phrases frequently and with masterly aptness 
(cf. Wali Ahmad Khan, Muhdwardt-i Ddgh, Dihli 
1944; the author collects 4464 such phrases, arranges 
them alphabetically with brief explanations and 
citations from Dagh; an earlier attempt by Ahsan 
in his Fasih al-Lughdt, on similar lines, remained 
incomplete and only a few were published in some 
issues of the Fasih al-Mulk magazine). Dagh made a 
powerful impression on Urdfl poetry, especially on the 
ghazal, which he made once again primarily a vehicle 
of emotional expression couched in easy and simple 
language, free from unfamiliar, harsh-sounding 
Arabic and Persian words, as used, e.g., by the 
school of Nasikh and Atish (cf. Nigdr, 19). In fact, 
he defined Urdu as the language which is free from 
Persianisms (Nflri, 65, 170; cf. Djalwa-i Ddgh, 142, 
for Dagh's conception of what good Urdfl poetry 
should be in form). Out of the three periods of his 
literary work, the earliest ends with his stay in 
Rampur. In this he had already acquired the main 
characteristics of his poetry, viz., a graceful and 
clear expression, — simple, fresh and forceful, and the 
boldness of his ideas. These were developed still 
further in the second or the Rampflr period, which 
is his best. His expressions become extremely sweet 
and elegant, almost unparalleled in Urdfl literature, 
and the novel, dramatic and bold ways in which he 
clothes his ideas with words is to be rarely met with 
in other poets (Kamdl-i Ddgh, 50 f.). These out- 
standing features are embodied in the Gulzdr-i Ddgh 
and the Ajtdb-i Ddgh. The last of the three periods, 
that of Haydarabad-Deccan, is the period of decay. 
The language is as correct, as perspicuous and 
smooth as ever, the composition is ingenious but 
there is nothing more. Towards the end, he became 
too fond of introducing in his verses idiomatic 
expressions. The characteristics of the period are 
to be seen in Yddgdr-i Ddgh. Dagh has been severely 
criticized for the low and degrading ideals which he 
consistently kept before himself when writing love 
poetry (cf. Cakbast, Maddmin-i Cakbast, Allahabad, 
1936, 69 f.), but his poetry to a considerable extent 
reflected the general trends of the effete society of 
his time (see Nigdr, 18, 49). 

He had numerous pupils in all parts of India 

(Djalwa-i Ddgh, 125; Nigdr, 28, 131), a fact which 

shows the great popularity which his style had gained 

in the country (but see Mir'dt al-Shu'ard*, ii, 36). 

Bibliography: Mirza Kadir Bakhsh. Sabir, of 

Dihli (wrote in 1270-71 A.H.), Gulistdn-i Sukhun, 

Dihli 1271, 220; c Abd al-Ghafur Khan, Nassakh, 

of Calcutta, Sukhun-i Shu'ard 1 (compiled 1269-81/ 

1852-64, Nawalkishor Press 1291/1874, 157; Amir 

Ahmad Minal, Intikhdb-i Yddgdr (comp. 1289-90/ 

1872-3), lithogr. 1297/1880, Part ii, 128; Nawwab 

S. Nflr al-Hasan Khan Bahadur, Tur-i Kalim 


(comp. 1 297/1 880) Agra 1298/1881, Part i, 31; 
Nawwab S. 'All Hasan Khan Bahadur, Bazm-i 
Sukhun (comp. 1297 A.H.), Agra 1298 A.H., 46; 
'All Nadjaf of Rampur, Ghunla-i Iram (comp. 1299/ 
1881-2), Calcutta 1301/1883-4), 88; §aflr Bilgrami, 
Tadhkira Dialwa-i Khidr, Ara 1302/1884, i, 266; 
'AH Ahsan Marahrawi, Dialwa-i Ddgh (comp. 1319/ 
1901), Haydarabad 1320/1902; Nithar c Ali, 
Shuhrat, of Dihll, A'ina-i Ddgh, Lahore 1905; 
<Abd al-Djabbar Khan Sufi Malkapur, Mahbub 
al-Zaman (a tadhkira of the Deccan poets) comp. 
1326/1908, Haydarabad-Deccan 1329/1911, Vol. i, 
417; Sri Ram of Dihll, Khumkhdna-i Djdwid 
(comp. 1915-6), Dihll 1917, ii, 104-136; Ross 
Mas'ud, Intikhdb-i Zarrin (comp. 1912, Bada'un 
1922, 175 ; Talib of Allahabad, in Urdu (Quarterly), 
Awrangabad, April and July, 193 1; Djamil 
Ahmad, Urdu Shd'iri, Nawalkishor Press, 1931, 
161-65; Hakim c Abd al-Hayy, Gul-i Ra'nd* 
(comp. 1340/1921-2), A'zamgafh 1370, 417; c Abd 
al-SalSm Nadawi, Shi'r al-Hind, 'Azamgafh, i, 
301-23; R. B. Saksena, A History of Urdu Lite- 
rature, Allahabad 1940 (Urdu tr. MIrza Muhammad 
'Askari, Ta?rxkh-i Adab-i Urdu, Lucknow n. d., 
426-40); Djalal al-Din Ahmad Dja'fari, Ta'rikh-i 
Mathnawiyydt-i Urdu, Allahabad, 218-220; Hamid 
Hasan Kadiri, Kamdl-i Ddgh, Agra 1935; c Abd 
al-Shakur Shayda, of Haydarabad, Baydd-i 
Sukhun (comp. 1355/1936), Haydarabad 1936, 
162; Nur Allah Muhammad Nurl, Ddgh, Haydar- 
abad 1355 A.H.; Simab AkbarabadI, Haydt-i 
Ddgh; 'Abd al-Kadir Sarwari, Urdu Mathnawi kd 
Irtika' (comp. 1358/1940), Haydarabad, 123; 
Sh. c Abd al-Kadir, Famous Urdu Poets and 
Writers, Lahore 1947, 88-106; Bashir al-Din 
Ahmad of Dihll, WdkiHt-i Ddr al-Hukumat, 
Dihli 1337/1919. ». 447-459; Muhammad Yahya 
Tanha, Mir'dt al-Shu'-ard'', Lahore 1950, ii, 33-45; 
the Nigdr (magazine) ed. Niy8z Fathpuri, Ddgh 
Number, etc., Lucknow 1953; Rafik Marahrawi, 
Bazm-i Ddgh, Lucknow 1956; Aftab Ahmad Siddiki, 
Gulhd-yi Ddgh, Dacca 1958; Mawlana 'Arsh: Ram- 
purl, Kuih Ddgh ke muta'allak (1958; an article in 
Ms.); Wahid Kurayshi, Ddgh (i960; art. in Ms.); 
Tamkln KazimI, Ddgh, Lahore i960. 

(Muhammad ShafI) 
DAGHISTAN "land of the mountains"; this 
name is an unusual linguistic phenomenon, since it 
consists of the Turkish word ddgh, mountain, and of 
the suffix which, in the Persian language, distin- 
guishes the names of countries; this name seems to 
have appeared for the first time in the ioth/i6th 
century). An autonomous Republic of the R.S.F.S.R. 
with an area of 19,500 sq. miles and a population of 
958,000 inhabitants (1956), it is made up of two 
quite distinct parts: the Caucasian Range and the 
cis-Caspian Steppes, bordered in the north by the 
Terek and the Kuma, in the south by the Samur on 
one side and the Alazan, a tributary of the Kura, on 
the other. 

Before the Russian conquest, the mountainous 
part of Daghistan and the plain which lay beside the 
sea were never for very long united under the 
domination of one people or one dynasty. The 
coastal plain itself divided into two parts by the pass 
of Derbend, only 2 kms. wide. The southern section 
belonged principally to the civilized states of Asia 
Minor, while the northern section lay in the power 
of the nomadic kingdoms of southern Russia. Since 
history began, neither the people of the south nor 
those of the north have exerted any important 
influence on the ethnography of the mountain 

region. Before the establishment of Russian power, 
no foreign conqueror had succeeded in permanently 
subduing the inhabitants of this region. From time 
to time these people seized different parts of the 
coastal plain but each time these conquerors soon 
broke all political connexion with their brothers who 
remained in the mountains. 

The southern part of the coastal plain as far as 
Derbend belonged in ancient times to Albania. 
North of this region, probably in the mountains, 
dwelt some small tribes whom Strabo (ch. 503) called 
At)Y<*i or rrjXai. Both the Romans and the Persians 
who succeeded them in the 4th century had to defend 
the pass of Derbend against the nomadic peoples. 
The condition in which the Arab conquerors found 
these regions suggests that the culture of the Sasanid 
Empire and perhaps Mazdaism had some influence 
on the inhabitants of the neighbouring mountains. 
Some princes of these countries possessed Persian 
titles, e.g., the Tabarsaran-Shah, who governed a 
district west of Derbend. There also dwelt in Tabar- 
saran the Zirihgaran (from the Persian zirih, breast- 
plate), famous armourers whose funeral customs, 
described by Abu Hamid al-Andalusi {Tuhfat al- 
Albdb, ed. Ferrand, J A 207 (1925), 82-3; also text in 
Barthold, Zapiski VosM. Otdel. Arkheol. Obshcestva, 
xiii, 0104) and others, seem to owe their origin to 
Persian religious influence. It appears that Christian- 
ity began to spread in Albania in the 4th and 5th 
centuries and thence to the tribes in the steppes and 
mountains of Daghistan. 

In spite of the success of Arab arms in the north 
of Daghistan, notably under the Caliph Hisham 
(105-125/724-743), when Maslama b. c Abd al-Malik 
first established with some degree of permanence the 
Arab power at Derbend, this town nonetheless 
retained its importance as a frontier fort under the 
Arabs as under the Sasanids. There, as everywhere, 
close relations with the neighbouring peoples seem 
to have deepened in the wake of the Arab conquest. 
It was nevertheless the Christians and the Jews who 
first profited from this resurgence of activity, and 
only afterwards the Muslims. The Khazars are 
supposed to have adopted Christianity under the 
Armenian patriarch Sahak III (677 to 703 A.D.). 
In the time of Hariin al-Rashld (170-193/786-809), 
the Jews succeeded in winning to their faith the 
sovereign and the nobility of this people. 

The geographers of the 4th/ioth century furnish 
us with exact information on the ethnographic 
distribution of Daghistan and the spread of the three 
religions through this country. At that time the 
Arabs held, in addition to Derbend, the neigh- 
bouring castles which were only one farsakh or 
three miles away from the town, according to al- 
Mas'udi, ii, 40). A Muslim, son of the sister of c Abd 
al-Malik, amir of Derbend, ruled over Tabarsaran. 
Ibn Rusta (De Goeje ed., 147 ff.) relates that the 
sovereign of the neighbouring kingdom of Khaidan 
(a true account according to Marquart, Osteuropdische 
und Ostasiatische Streifziige, 492) professed the three 
religions simultaneously and observed Friday with 
the Muslims, Saturday with the Jews and Sunday 
with the Christians. In al-Mas'Odl (Murudj, ii, 39) 
the same prince appears as a Muslim and was even 
said to have had drawn up a genealogical tree 
showing his connexion with the Arab race. He was, 
however, the only Muslim initiate in his country. 
Further north reigned another Muslim, Barzb3n, 
prince of the Gurdj. North of his principality lived 
the Christian Ghumik; still further north lay the 
impenetrable mountains of the Zirihgaran, where 

the three religions each had their adherents, and 
finally the country of the Christian prince of Sarlr 
(which corresponds to present-day Avaristan), who 
bore the title of Filanshah or Kilanshah. According 
to Ibn Rusta, only the inhabitants of the royal 
castle, built on a high mountain, were Christian; the 
prince's other subjects were pagan. According to al- 
Istakhri, Sarir's frontier was only two farsakh away 
from the seaboard town of Samandar. Governed by 
a Jewish prince related to the king of the Khazars, 
Samandar lay four days' march from Derbend 
according to al-Istakhri, eight days' march according 
to al-Mas c udi. It was probably situated in the 
northern part of the coastal region where the town 
of TarkI or Tarkhu was later built. It is described 
as a flourishing city where there were, some say, 
4000, others, 40,000 vineyards; there the Muslims 
had their mosques, the Christians their churches, and 
the Jews their synagogues. On the west the country 
of Samandar bordered the land of the Alans. 

The Arabs seem to have given the name of Lakz 
(Lezgians) to the people of southern Daghistan, 
whose geographical position they do not elsewhere 
indicate with any precision. According to al- 
Baladhuri (De Goeje ed., 208), the land of the Lakz 
lay in the plain which stretched from Samur to the 
town of Shaberan, south of present-day Daghistan. 
According to al-Mas c udI (Murudj., ii, 5), on the other 
hand, the Lakz people dwelt in the highest mountains 
of the region. Among these were the "infidels" who 
were not subject to the prince of Shirwan. "Strange 
stories" went round about their family life and 
customs. The mention of Shirwan shows that al- 
Mas c udi imagined the country of the Lakz to lie in 
the mountainous region of upper Semur. At first 
the Russians only used the name of "Lezgians" for 
the tribes of southern Daghistan, as opposed to the 
"highlanders" of the northern territories or "Tawli", 
from the Turkish taw — mountain. 

During the succeeding centuries, Islam seems to 
have made but slow progress in Daghistan. In 354/ 
965, the power of the Khazars was shattered by 
the Russians. Then the southern part of this state 
itself suffered the ravages of war. It was the Christian 
Alans who, it seems, profited from this upheaval, 
for their territory, at the time of the Mongol conquest, 
stretched much further to the east than in the 
4th/ioth century. At the time of their first incursion 
into these countries, according to Ibn al-Athlr (xii, 
252), the Mongols encountered north of Derbend 
first the people of the Lakz who then included 
"Muslims and infidels", further north some other 
half-Muslim tribes — ancestors of the Avars — and 
lastly the Alans. According to William of Rubruk 
who visited these countries in November 1254, the 
mountains were inhabited by Christian Alans; 
"between the mountains and the sea" lived the 
Saracen Lezgians (Lesgi), that is to say Muslims; 
however Rubruk himself gave the name of "castellum 
Alanorum" to a fortress situated only one day's 
march north of Derbend. The Mongols at that time 
had still not succeeded in subjugating these tribes. 
It was necessary to assign to special detachments the 
defence of the passes leading from the mountains to 
the plain, in order to defend the herds grazing on the 
steppe against the raids of the highlanders (cf. Fr. 
M. Schmidt, Rubruk' s Reise, Berlin 1885, 84 if.). 

In the 13th and 14th centuries, the region which 
stretched to the pass of Derbend, and partially the 
territories situated to the south of this town also, 
formed part of the empire of the Golden Horde. It is 
in the history of the campaigns of Timur (797-798/ 

1395-1396) that the names of the two chief peoples 
of Daghistan, the Kaytak (or Kaytagh) and the 
Kazl-Kumuk (now Laks) appear for the first time 
in their modern forms. The territory of the Kaytak, 
next to the pass of Derbend, belonged to the empire 
of Tokhtamlsh. Sharaf al-DIn Yazdi {Zafar-ndma, 
India ed. i, 742 sqq.) describes the Kaytak as people 
"without religion" (bi-dtn) or of "bad faith" (bad 
kish) which shows that they were still not subject to 
Islam. According to Barbaro (Ramusio, Viaggi, ii, 
109-a), there were among the Kaytak even in the 
15 th century many Greek, Armenian or Roman 
Catholic Christians. On the other hand, the prince of 
the Kaytak (Khalfl Beg), mentioned by Afanasid 
Nikitin in his account of the voyage (1466), bore a 
Muslim name. 

The Kazi-Kumuk were Muslim and were regarded 
as the champions of Islam against the pagan peoples 
around them. Their prince was called Shawkal. 
North of the Kazi-Kumuk lived the Ashkudja 
(modern Darghins), who had not yet become Muslim. 
The account of Timur's campaigns also mentions the 
town of Tarki. Between the Kazi-Kumuk and the 
Kaytaks, and therefore in the land of the present-day 
Kobeii, dwelt the Zirihgaran who had retained their 
ancient fame as smiths and who offered to the con- 
queror coats-of-mail of their own making. 

The Timurid conquest and the Ottoman occu- 
pation (from 865-1015/1461-1606) marked the 
further advance of Islam into Daghistan. From the 
beginning of the ioth/i6th century, the Muslim 
faith won over the infidel populations in Daghistan, 
often by recourse to force. From this period dates the 
somewhat superficial conversion to Islam of the 
Darghine (Ashkudja) people and the permanent 
conversion of the Kaytak. The Avars as well were 
gradually brought over to Islam, but Christianity 
survived amongst them throughout the 15th century, 
whilst the Andis and the Didos peoples remained 
firmly pagan. The Zirihgaran (Kubacis), converted 
to Islam in the 15th century, preserved traces of 
Christianity until the end of the 18th century. The 
Lezgians were also superficially converted after the 
Timurid period. 

The Islamic conversion is not the only aspect of the 
historical evolution of Daghistan at this time, in 
which we must include the formation of the feudal 
principalities which provided Daghistan with the 
political structure which remained until the 19th 

The feudal principalities which appeared or deve- 
loped at that time claimed ancestry from the Arab 
conquest, but these fanciful allegations are today 
strongly disputed. 

The account of Timur's campaigns shows decisively 
that the situation in which the Ottomans found 
Daghistan during their short domination dates from 
the 9th-i5th to ioth/i6th centuries only. Nevertheless 
this situation has been carried back to the first 
centuries of the hidjra by a historical tradition only 
invented during this era. Just as the Jews, perhaps 
before the Arab conquest, had located in Daghistan 
certain events in their legends and history (cf. 
Marquart, Streifziige, 20), just as today those 
called Dagh-Cufut or "mountain Jews" still claim 
that their ancestors were formerly led into these 
regions by the conquering Assyrians or Babylonians, 
so also did the Muslim peoples all claim to have 
been converted to Islam by Abu Muslim and the 
princes all claim to be descended from the Arab 
governors whom he left in Daghistan. The title of 
Ma'sum, borne by the prince of Tabarsaran, was 

identified with the Arabic word ma'sum. Likewise 
Arabic etymologies were invented for the Kaytak 
title of usmi ("renowned", from ism = "name") 
and for the Kazi-Kumfik's shamkhdl. The word 
shamkhdl was alleged to derive from Sham = Syria. 
Another root was also found for this word, namely 
shdh-baH. It is not impossible that such etymologies 
also had some influence on the pronunciation of the 
titles in question. It is obviously not by chance that 
the title of the prince of the Kazi-Kumuk appeared 
in the oldest Russian documents in the same form 
(shewkal or shawkal) as in Sharaf al-DIn Yazdi. 
Clearly the Persians and the Russians could not have 
corrupted skdmkhdl into shawkal independently of 
each other; it is more likely if we assume that the 
present form of the title only took shape under the 
influence of the etymology described above. The 
subjects of the shamkhdl, the Kazi-Kumuk, claimed 
to have been distinguished under Abu Muslim as 
defenders of the faith and to have won at that time 
from the Arabs the title of "Ghdzi" or victors. 

Three great feudal principalities dominated 
Daghistan in the 9th-ioth/i5th-i6th centuries: the 
the Shamkhalat Kazi-Kumuk, the Osmiyat of 
Kaytak and the Ma'sumat of Tabarsaran. 

The first historical Kaytak prince who bore the 
title of usmi seems to have been Ahmad Khan, who 
died in 996/1587-88. He is credited with having foun- 
ded the village of Madjalis, where the representatives 
of the people assembled to discuss their affairs. He is 
supposed to have ordered the bringing together of 
the statutes of the popular law in a code to which 
the judges or kadis had to conform, a measure which 
was considered a "great audacity" (d±asdrat-i '■azima) 
by Mirza Hasan Efendi, the author of Athdr-i 
Ddghistdn, 65). 

Towards the middle of the eleventh century 
(1050/1640), a number of the Kaytak separated from 
their compatriots and proceeded to the regions south 
of Daghistan. Husayn Khan, leader of these emi- 
grants, succeeded in setting up a new principality 
at Saliyan and Kuba. The Ottoman traveller Ewliya 
Celebi {Siydhat-ndma, ii, 291 ff.) met these Kaytak 
emigrants in 1057/1647 between Shaki (today Nukha) 
and Shamakhi. The glossary compiled by Ewliya 
Celebi proves that the Kaytak did not then, as 
today, speak Lezgian but Mongol. 

The shdmkhdk of the Kazi-Kumuk (today the 
Laks) extended their domination little by little 
beyond their mountains north-east as far as the 
coast, into Turkish country (Kumlk). In the 10th/ 
16th century, these princes used to spend the winter 
at Buynak, a village on the coastal plain, and the 
summer at Kumukh in the mountains. In 986/1578 
at Buynak died the shamkhdl Cuban, whose posses- 
sions were then divided among his sons. These divi- 
sions naturally weakened the power of the dynasty. 
The Kazi-Kumuk who stayed in the mountains 
slowly proceeded to make themselves entirely 
independent of their ruling house. After the death of 
the shamkhdl Surkhay-Mirza, in 1049/1639-40, the 
shdmkhdk only ruled the coastal region, at Buinak or 
Tarkhu (Tarki). None of the later shdmkhdk ever 
returned to Kumukh, where the tombs of the first 
princes are still to be seen. 

It was at this time that the Russians revived their 
efforts to seize, after Astrakhan, the countries of the 
northern Caucasus, among them Daghistan. In 1594 
a Russian detachment commanded by Prince 
Khvorostinin succeeded in taking Tarkhu and in 
constructing a fortress on the Koi-Su or Sulak. It was 
not long, however, before the Russians suffered defeat 

by the sons of the shamkhdl and were compelled to 
withdraw over the Sulak. A fresh attack in 1604, 
directed by Buturlin and Pleshceev against Tarkhu. 
was still less successful. 

The period between the Ottoman occupation and 
the Russian conquest is distinguished in Daghistan 
by the flowering of the Arab culture which attained its 
zenith in the period of Shamil. During the 17th 
century a galaxy of Daghistan scholars gathered 
round Shaykh Salih al-Yamani (born in 1637— died 
at Mecca in 1696): his most famous disciple was 
Muhammad Musa of Kudatli, who disseminated his 
teachings in Daghistan and died in Aleppo in 1708. 
In the 1 8th century parties of Daghistan scholars 
went to Damascus and Aleppo to learn there the 
Arab language and the shari c a. This period of 
cultural renascence was also a period of juridical 
organization — a codification illustrated by the Code 
of Umma Khan, the Avar, and the laws of Rustum 
Khan, usmi of Kaytak. 

With this flowering of Islamic culture in the 
Arabic language there coincided on the political 
level an anarchic dispersion when Daghistan, divided 
into manifold clans and rival kingdoms, wavered 
between Turkish and Persian influence, passing 
alternately from one to the other. This political 
dispersion confirmed the weakness of Daghistan and 
inevitably provoked a foreign conqueror. 

From the 16th century onwards three powers, 
Persia, Turkey and Russia, claimed possession of 
Daghistan. The native princes allied themselves now 
with one, now with another, of these three powers. 
Not until the 19th century was the contest finally 
terminated, to Russia's advantage. After 986/1578 
the prince of Tabarsaran, following the example of 
the shamkhdl and of the usmi, made his submission 
to the Sultan. When, in 1015/1606, Shah c AbbSs 
restored Persian power in these regions, the usmi 
joined with him, whilst the shamkhdl remained loyal 
to the Turks. One of the clauses of the peace treaty 
concluded in 1021/1612 stipulated that the shamkhdl 
and the other princes loyal to the Porte would not 
suffer any reprisals on the part of Persia. The usmi 
Rustam-Khan having crossed over to the Turks in 
1048/1638, his rival the shamkhdl won the favour of 
the Shah, who confirmed him in his honours. He had 
moreover already received a similar investiture from 
the Tsar Michael {Athdr-i Ddghistdn, 81). 

When, under the feeble government of the Shah 
Husayn, the Safawid empire fell into decline, 
Daghistan itself became the stage for a movement 
directed against Persian domination. At the head of 
this movement there was Culak-Surkhay-Khan who 
had just founded a new principality in the land of the 
Kazi-Kumuk. Allied with the usmi and the mudarris 
HadjdjI Dawud, the leader of a pupolar movement, 
he succeeded in taking Shamakhi in 1124/1712. Then 
the allies sent to Constantinople an embassy which 
obtained for them robes of honour from the Sultan, 
titles and diplomas and the favour of being received 
into the number of the subjects of the Porte. It was 
then that the intervention of Russia altered the 
course of events. Three hundred Russian merchants 
had been killed at Shamakhi, and Peter the Great 
seized this as a pretext for intervention. He directed 
an expedition against Persia and occupied Derbend 
in 1722. Soon afterwards the other provinces on the 
west coast of the Caspian sea had themselves to 
submit to Russia. By the treaty of partition of 1724, 
Russia's rights over this coast were likewise recog- 
nized by the Porte. 

The Russian occupation was not at that time of 

very long duration. Nadir Shah succeeded in restoring 
the unity of the Persian empire, and Russia gave 
back to him, by the treaty of 1732, all the countries 
south of the Kura and also, by the treaty of 1735, 
the territory contained between the Kura and the 
Sulak. When the Russians had contrived to defeat 
an expedition of Tatars from the Crimea into 
Daghistan, the Porte likewise gave up its claims. 
As for the native population, it opposed the new 
Shah with unyielding resistance, especially in the 
mountains. It was only on the coast that Nadir 
Shah succeeded in establishing his power in any 
lasting fashion. In 1718 the shdmkhdl c Adil Giray 
had taken an oath of loyalty to Peter the Great and 
had aided him in his campaign of 1722 ", as, however, 
he later revolted against the Russians, he had been 
deported to Lapland in 1725 and the dignity of 
shdmkhdl had been abolished. Nadir Shah restored 
this dignity and conferred it on Khas Pulad-Khan, 
the son of c Adil Giray, The people of the mountains 
remained independent, owing to persistent attacks, 
particularly those of 1742 and 1744- 

After the murder of Nadir Shah in 1160/1747, 
Persia was for half a century without a government 
strong enough to maintain its power in this frontier 
region. The provinces of the empire themselves 
could not be defended against the incursions of the 
princes of Daghistan. In this way the town of 
Ardabil was sacked by the iismi Amir Hamza. In 
turn the Russians, in spite of the treaty of 1735, 
began to wield influence in Daghistan once more. 
The traveller Gmelin was captured in the country 
of the iismi and put to death in 1774, and in 1775 a 
Russian detachment commanded by Madem came 
and devastated the region. In 1784 the shdmkhdl 
Murtada 'All once more joined Russia. In 1785 the 
establishment of the post of governor of the Caucasus 
consolidated Russian domination over these countries. 
A religious movement instigated by Turkey and 
directed by Shaykh MansQr affected Daghistan only 
superficially; most of the princes refused to support 
the movement. 

The Kadjars, when they had succeeded in re- 
uniting all the Persian provinces in one empire, 
strove once more to annex the lands of the Caucasus. 
But this time Russia was not disposed to give up 
her claims without a struggle, as she had with Nadir 
Shah. The war began in the last year of the reign of 
Catherine II, in 1796. Derbend was occupied by the 
Russians but soon after evacuated by command of 
the Emperor Paul. In 1806 the town was recaptured, 
and this put an end to Persian domination in 
Daghistan. It was, however, only by the peace 
treaty of Gulistan, in 1813, that Persia finally 
renounced her claims over the country. 

The resistance offered to the Russians by the 
native princes and by their peoples in particular 
continued longer. In 1818 nearly all the princes of 
Daghistan, with the exception of the shdmkhdl, 
formed an alliance against the Russians. This 
rebellion was not put down by the Governor 
Yermolov without difficulty. The title of iismi of 
the Kaytak was abolished in 1819, that of ma'sum 
of Tabarsaran in 1828. After 1830 the princes who 
were allowed to remain accepted Russian officer 
advisers at their sides. The masses, excited by their 
preachers to a holy war against the infidels, resisted 
more tenaciously than their rulers. Since the end 
of the 18th century the adherents of the order of 
the Nakshbandiyya had penetrated into Daghistan 
and there disseminated their doctrines successfully. 
About 1830 the leaders of the order had stirred up 

among the Avars a popular movement directed both 
against the ruling house, against the intrusion of the 
infidels and in favour of the restoration of the 
shari'a in place of the l dddt. The chief leader of the 
rebels was Ghazi Muhammad [q.v.], called Kazi 
Mulla by the Russians and praised by his pupils as 
a great expert in Arab sciences ('uliim 'arabiyya). 

On 17th (29th) of October 1832, Ghazi Muhammad 
was surrounded and killed by a Russian detachment 
in the village of Gimri. His successor, Hamza Beg 
[q.v.] also died in 1834 near Khunzak. The third 
leader of the rebellion, Shamil [q.v.] was more for- 
tunate. The inferior of his predecessors in learning, 
he excelled them in his qualities of administrator and 
leader. For twenty-five years he maintained in the 
mountains the struggle against the Russians. He 
gained his greatest successes in the years 1843 and 
1844 when the Russians occupied only the coast and 
the southern regions. In the mountains many 
Russian strongholds had been taken by the high- 
landers. After 1849, Shamil was once more confined 
to the western part of the mountain region, but he 
continued the struggle for another ten years. 

After the fall of Shamil who, on 25th August 
(6th September) 1859, yielded to Prince Baryatinsky, 
the Russians restored for a while the authority of the 
Avar princes, deeming it opportune to consolidate the 
power of the princes and the nobility in order to 
destroy with their support the influence of the 
priesthood. But the Russian authorities soon 
abandoned this policy. The royal house of the Avars 
was dispossessed in 1862, and soon afterwards the 
other princes in their turn had to abdicate the 
semblance of sovereignty which still remained to 
them. The deposition of the shdmkhdl took place in 
1865. Daghistan was then given the organization 
which it retained until the Revolution of 19 17. In 
1877, during the Russo-Turkish war, the popula- 
tion took up arms again. On 8th (20th) September 
the rebels succeeded in taking the fortress of 
Kumukh. In Kaytak and Tabarsaran the descendants 
of the old ruling houses re-assumed the titles of iismi 
and of ma'siim. But meanwhile the war changed to 
the advantage of the Russians who soon put down 
the insurrection. 

After the extremely savage civil war in Daghistan 
(1917-20), the Soviet regime was set up in the autumn 
of 1920. On the 13th of November there was pro- 
claimed the Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic 
of Daghistan with Makhac-Kala for the capital. 

The population of this republic consists now of a 
majority of Muslims and a minority of non-Muslim 
immigrants : Russians, Ukrainians, Jews both 
autochthonous (Dagh-Cufut) and immigrant (Ash- 

The Muslim population contains three great 
linguistic groups: 

I. The Ibero-Caucasians which divide into 
three sub-groups speaking languages distinct from 
each other: 

(a) The Avaro-Ando-Dido group (cf. avar, 
andi, dido and arCi), in 1959 268.000 strong in the 
northern part of mountainous Daghistan. It contains 
the Avar (or Khunzak) people, eight small Andi 
nationalities (Andis proper, Akhwakhs, Bagulals, 
Botlikhs, Godoberis, Camalals, Karatas and Tindis) 
inhabiting the high bowl of the Koysu of Andi, five 
small Dido nationalities (Didos proper or Tzezes, 
Bezeta, Khwarshis, Ginukhs and Khunzals) and 
the ArCis. 


languages are not set down in writing, and form 
with them one sole Avar "nation". 

(b) The Darghino-Lak group (cf. darghin, 
lak, ^aytA?, kubaci) which numbered 222,000 in 
1959 in the west-central part of mountainous 
Daghistan, and which contain the Darghins (formerly 
Ashkudja), the Laks (formerly Kazl-Kumukh) and 
two small peoples, Kaytak and Kubaci (formerly 

The Darghin and the Lak possess literary langu- 
ages; the Kaytak and the Kubaii are without these 
and have merged into the Darghin nation. 

(c) The Samurian group in southern Daghistan 


dagh peoples), 279,000 strong in 1959, contain 
two nations with a literary language, the Lezgians 
(223,000) and the Tabarsaran (35,000), and three 
small peoples destined to merge into the Lezg 
nation: Agul (8,000), Rutul (7,000) and Tzakhur 
(6,000). To this group are connected the five peoples 
of Shah-Dagh (numbering about 15,000) in northern 
Adharbaydjan (Djek, Kriz, Khaputz, Budukh and 
Khinalug), who have been greatly influenced by 
Turkey and who are merging into the Adhari nation. 

II. The Turks are represented in Daghistan by 
the Adharls in the plain round Derbend and in the 
low valley of the Samur; by the Kumiks [q.v.] who 
numbered 135,000 in 1959 in the cis-Caspian plains 
north of Derbend to the Terek; and by the Nogays 
[q.v.] (41,000 in 1959) in the steppes between the 
Terek and the Kuma. The Kumiks and the Nogays, 
like the Adharls, possess literary languages. 

III. The Iranophone peoples are represented 
by the Tats [q.v.] who numbered several thousands 
around Derbend, and the mountain Jews or Dagh- 
Cufut (about 12,000) in the villages of the plain, 
Jewish in religion but speaking Tati. 

Daghistan is a multi-national republic, the only 
one in the Soviet Union which was not founded on 
one nation or one dominant nationality (narodnosV). 
In the terms of the Constitution (art. 78), she 
possesses ten official literary languages: Avar, 
Darghin, Lak, Lezg, Tabarsaran, Kumlk, Nogay, 
Adhari, Tati (in its Jewish form used by the Dagh- 
Cufut) and Russian. These languages are used as 
teaching languages in the primary schools, but of 
the autochthonous languages only Avar, Darghin, 
Lak and Kumlk have newspapers. It thus appears 
that these four nations are destined to become poles 
of attraction and that in the end they will absorb 
the other groups. 

Bibliography: As well as general works on 
the Caucasus, there is a rich literature on Daghistan 
in Russian. A bibliography (134 titles of works 
and articles) will be found in A. Bennigsen and 
H. Carrere d'Encausse, Une Ripublique sovietique 
musulmane: U Daghistan, aperfu dimographique, 
in REI 1955, 7-56, and another more complete 
version appended to the work Narodl Dagestana, 
Moscow, Acad. Sc, 1955 (137 titles of which 79 
are of pre-revolutionary works and titles and 58 
later than 1918); Turkish sources in I A s.v. (by 
Mirza Bala). For further details see the biblio- 
graphies of the articles on the peoples mentioned 
in the text. (W. Barthold-[A. Bennigsen]) 

al-PA*HIAK B . SAYS al-FIHRI, Abu Unays 
(or Abu c Abd al-Rahman), son of a blood-letter 
(hadididm, Ibn Rusta, BGA vii, 215), head of the 
house of Kays. He is reported to have been of a 
vacillating character (dia'ala yukaddimu ridil'" wa- 
yu'akhkhiru ukhrd, Aghdni xvii, m) and this is 

borne out by his changing attitude towards the 
ruling Umayyad house, in which he proved easy to 
influence. He was a keen follower of Mu'awiya, first 
as head of the police (sahib al-shurta), and then as 
governor of the djund of Damascus. In the year 
36/656, al-Dahhak defeated the c Alid al-Ashtar 
near al-Mardj (between Harran and al-Rakka), and 
the latter had to retreat to Mosul. At Siffin, he 
commanded the Syrian infantry. In 39/659-60, 
Mu'awiya sent him against the 'Alids with 3,000 men. 
He went to the Hidjaz via al-Tha c labiyya, al- 
Kutkutana etc., and temporarily stopped the 
pilgrim traffic, until, at 'All's order, Hudjr b. c AdI 
al-Kindi, at the head of 4,000 men, forced him to 
retreat to Syria. In 55/674-5, or perhaps even in 
54, Mu'awiya nominated him as governor of Kufa, 
in succession to <Abd Allah b. Khalid b. Asid, but 
deposed him again in 58. In 60/680, Mu'awiya was 
dying, and made al-Dahhak and Muslim b. c Ukba 
joint regents; he dictated his last will to them, 
charging them to give it into the hands of his 
successor Yazld, who was away from Damascus at 
the time. Al-Pahhak led the prayer for the dead, 
and worked for the succession of Yazid, being 
recognized by him as governor. During his illness, 
Mu'awiya II had chosen him to lead the prayers in 
Damascus until such time as a new Caliph should be 

During the time of general strife and intrigue 
after the death of Mu'awiya II in 64/684, al- 
Dahhak— together with the governors of Hims and 
Kinnasrin — went over to the side of the rival caliph 
<Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr. At first he did this secretly, 
but later openly. Ibn al-Zubayr then made him 
governor of Syria, putting under him the other 
governors with pro-Zubayr leanings. Marwan b. al- 
Hakam, who had attended Mu'awiya IPs funeral, 
and was at that time the oldest and most respected 
of the Umayyads, considered the position so hopeless 
that he left for Mecca, to pay homage to Ibn al- 
Zubayr, and to intercede for an amnesty for the 
Umayyads. On the way, however, he met 'Ubayd 
Allah b. Ziyad in Adhri'at. The latter was on his 
way from 'Irak to Damascus, and reproached him 
severely, finally deciding him to turn back, which 
he did, going first of all to Palmyra. In Damascus, 
the crafty 'Ubayd Allah suggested to al-Dahhak 
that he should break with Ibn al-Zubayr, and 
become the head of the Kuraysh himself and be 
recognized as their ruler. Al-Dahhak succumbed to 
this temptation, but within three days he had to 
yield to the revolt of his followers, who could find 
no blame in Ibn al-Zubayr, so he veered over to his 
side again. These vacillations lost him the confi- 
dence of his people, and at the same time he naturally 
became an object of suspicion to the Zubayrids. At 
this point, <Ubayd Allah gave him the fateful advice 
to leave the town, to collect an army, and to fight for 
Ibn al-Zubayr. So he left — apparently at 'Ubayd 
Allah's instigation— and went to Mardj Rahit, whilst 
'Ubayd Allah himself remained in Damascus. Also 
at 'Ubayd Allah's instigation, Marwan accepted 
the homage of the people at Palmyra, married the 
mother of the two sons of Yazid, and asked Hassan 
b. Malik b. Bahdal al-Kalbi, Yazid's very powerful 
uncle, to come to Palmyra. When he refused, 
Marwan lost heart again, went to al-Djabiya where 
— after Hassan eventually gave up his position 
under pressure of the majority — he was elected 
caliph. After that, 'Ubayd Allah had him recognized 
in Damascus as well. 

In this way, it was possible for Marwan to lead 



the warriors assembled in al-Djabiya, and all his 
followers from Damascus, against al-Dahhak. In 64/ 
684, a momentous battle took place near Mardj 
Rahit, lasting for 20 days and ending with a victory 
of the Kalb over the Kays. Al-Dahhak himself was 
killed in battle and his followers fled. His son c Abd 
al-Rahman b. al-Dahhak, however, became governor 
of Medina under Yazid b. <Abd al-Malik. Ibn 
c As5kir still knew the house and the beautiful bath 
of al-Dahhak near the city wall of Damascus 
(Ta'rikh Madlnat Dimashfr, ed. S. Munadjdjid, ii/i, 
Damascus 1954, 140), and even al-'Almaw! (died 
981/1573) tells of a mosque, supposedly that of al- 
Dahhak b. Kays, on the southern side of the citadel 
(H. Sauvaire, in J A, 9 e serie, tome vi, 1895, 442, and 
vii, 1896, 386). 

The course of events following the death of 
Mu'awiya II is by no means as clear cut as might 
appear from the above: accounts vary considerably, 
but Ibn Sa'd's report is, for factual reasons, the 
most acceptable on the whole. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa c d, v, 27-30, vi, 13, 35; 
Tabari, i, 3283, 3447, ii, 170, 172, 181, 188, 197, 
202, 433, 468-74, 477-9, 482; Ibn al-Athlr, hi, 
317, 416, 426, iv, 5, 120-5; idem, Usd al-ghdba, 
Bulak 1286, 37 f.; Ya'kubi, ii, 229 f., 283 f., 304 f.; 
DInawarl, al-Akhbdr al-Tiwal (ed. Guirgass), 164, 
183 f., 192, 239 f.; Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif (ed. 
Wiistenfeld) 33, 179, 210; idem, al-Imdma wa 
'l-Siydsa, Cairo 1356, i, 174, 177 f.; Mas'udI, 
Murudf, v, 198, 201; idem, Tanbih, 307-9; Ibn 
Abi Hatim al-RazI, al-Djarh wa 'l-Ta'dil, ii/i, 
(Haydarabad 1952, 457, no. 2019; Ibn Hibban, 
Mashdhir '■vlama' al-amsdr (Bibliotheca Islamica 
22), no. 368; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba (Cairo 1358) ii, 
199; Ibn c Abd al-Barr, Isti'db (printed together 
with the Isdba) ii, 197 f.; Diahiz. al-Baydn wa 
'l-tabyin II (ed. Harun), 131 f.; Ibn c Abd Rabbih, 
l IH, Cairo 1367-82, iii, 308, iv, 87 f., 362, 369, 
372-4, 391-7; Aghdni, xv, 44, 46, xvi, 34, xvii, 
in; Ibn Rusta, 209, 215; Wellhausen, Das ara- 
bische Reich, 107-112; Buhl, ZA, 27 (1912), 50-64; 
Caetani, Chronographia, 394 f., 442 f., 586, 598, 
608, 636, 654, 735, 737; Lammens, MFOB. iv 
(1910), 237, v (1911), 107, no; idem, Etudes sur 
le silcle des Omayyades, 203 f ., 207 ; idem, L'avlne- 
ment des Marwdnides et le califat de Marwdn I" 
(MFOB. xii, 1927, fasc. 2 passim, see index). 

(A. Dietrich) 
al-DAHHAK b. &AYS al-SHAYBAnI, Khari- 
djite leader, opponent of Marwan b. Muhammad 
(= Marwan II). During the disturbances which fol- 
lowed the murder of the Caliph al-Walld II, the 
Kharidiites resumed their campaign in Djazlra and 
pushed forward into c Irak, their leader at first 
being the Harurite Sa'id b. Bahdal, and, after his 
death of the plague, al-Dahhak b. Kays al-Shaybani, 
an adherent of the above-mentioned Ibn Bahdal. 
Several thousand fighters assembled under the 
standard of al-Dahhak; there were even among 
them Sufrites from Shahrazur, who, at that time, 
according to al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 209, were con- 
testing, with Marwan, the possession of Armenia 
and Adharbavdian. and there were also old women 
who, dressed in male armour, fought bravely in his 
ranks. For some months in 'Irak, two governors 
had been at war with each other; one of them, 
c Abd Allah, son of c Umar II [q.v.], represented the 
Caliph Yazid b. al-Walid (= Yazid II) and was 
supported by the Yemenites, and the other, al- 
Nadr b. Sa c Id al-Harashi, was the nominee of 
Marwan b. Muhammad, and had the support of the 

Mudarites. When the Kharidiites advanced, these 
two governors joined forces against the threat. In 
spite of their joint efforts, they were beaten in the 
month of Radjab 127/April-May 745, and al-Kufa 
was evacuated. Ibn al-Harashi returned to the 
domain of Marwan, and Ibn 'Umar withdrew into 
the fortress of Wasit, but in the month of Sha'ban 
of the same year, he was besieged there by al- 
Dahhak. After a few combats he ceased all resistance 
(Shawwal 127/August 745), and, although a Kuray- 
shite and a member of the ruling family, paid 
homage to the rebel. Ibn Kathlr, obviously struck 
by the enormity of this, diminishes its seriousness; 
he says that Ibn c Umar pressed the Kharidiite to 
oppose Marwan, promising to follow him if he 
killed the latter. Al-Dahhak, now master of al- 
Kufa, did not delay there; invited by the inhabitants 
of al-Mawsil, he entered that town and expelled the 
government officials (according to Ibn Kathlr, he 
marched against Marwan, and, on the way, he 
seized al-Mawsil, at the invitation of the inhabitants). 
It is certain that he was popular. The sources imply 
that people flocked to his banner because he 
paid extremely well, but the real reason must have 
been that the ideas of the Kharidiites filled the 
masses with enthusiasm; the movement had 
acquired towards the end of the Umayyad dynasty 
a scope and an intensity that it had never known. 
Al-Dahhak's army is said to have numbered 120,000 
men. Even the Umayyad Sulayman, son of the 
Caliph Hisham, took his place alongside the Khari- 
djites, with his mawdli and his soldiers, although 
they had proclaimed him Caliph. Marwan, then 
busy besieging Hims, asked his son c Abd Allah, 
whom he had left at Harran, to march against al- 
Dahhak, but c Abd Allah, beaten, retreated into 
Nislbin and was besieged there by the Kharidiite. 
Finally Marwan, who had meanwhile seized Hims, 
himself marched against al-Dahhak. The battle 
took place at al-Ghazz on the territory of Kafartutha 
(al-Mas c udi, Murudi, vi, 62: between Kafartutha 
and Ra 5 s al- c Ayn) towards the end of 128/Aug.- 
Sept. 746- Al-Dahhak fell in a fray, and his body 
was not discovered by Marwan's men until the 
following night. His successor, Khaybari, was also 
killed when he attempted to renew the attack. 

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 1898-1908/1913- 
1917, 1938-1940 and index, Ibn al-Athir, v, 251, 
253-256, 265 ff., Ibn Kathlr, Biddya, Cairo 1348 ff.; 
x, 25 ff., 28; Theophanes, Chronographia, A. M., 
6236 ft.; M. J. de Goeje and P. de Jong, Frag- 
menta historicorum arabicorum, 1, 140, 158-160, 
163 ff. (from the Kitdb al-'Uy&n wa-l-hada>i% 
ft akhbdr al-hakd'ik) ; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Mir'dt, 
MS British Mus. Add. 23,277, f- 229V ; J. Well- 
hausen, Die religios-politischen Oppositionsparteien 
im alten Islam, Berlin 1901, 49 ff.; ibid., Das ar. 
Reich, 242-244. (L. Veccia Vaglieri) 

DAHISTAN, erroneous spelling of Dihistan [q.v.]. 
DAHLAK Islands, a group of islands off the 
west coast of the Red Sea, opposite Musawwa c 
(Eritrea), with their centre about 40 10' E., 15° 45' N. 
Of about 125 islands, including tiny islets, rocks and 
reefs, the two largest are Dahlak al-Kabir and Nura. 
Others are Nokra, Dohol, Harat Kubari, Daraka and 
Dinifarikh. All are flat and low, with deeply in- 
dented coasts and scanty rain and vegetation; some 
are normally or seasonally inhabited, to a total in 
all of 1500 to 2500 persons, Tigre-speaking Muslims 
who closely resemble the Samhar coastal tribesmen. 
They represent an Ethiopian base with an admixture 
of Arabs, Danakil, Somalis and Sudanis. The islands 

afford miserable grazing for goats and camels, with 
some humble sea-trading, fishing, recovery of 
mother-of-pearl (and, in former times, pearls), and 
quarrying. The Italians, who used Nokra Island as 
a penal station for undesired politicians as well as 
prisoners, drilled unsuccessfully for petroleum in 

The derivation of the name is unknown; the 
islands are referred to to as *EXaia in Artemidorus 
and the Periplus, and as Aliaeu by Pliny. Occupied 
by the Muslims in the ist/7th century, Dahlak al- 
Kabir was used as a place of exile or prison by the 
Umayyad Caliphs (whose detenus included the poet 
al-Ahwas and the lawyer Arrak) and later by the 
'Abbasids. About the 3rd/9th century the islands 
passed under the Yamani coastal dynasty of Zabld, 
and in probably the 6th/i2th achieved independence 
as an amirate both wealthy (thanks to trade and 
ruthless piracy) and highly civilized, as many 
recovered documents and elegant Kufic inscriptions 
testify. Allied at times with (or menaced by) the 
Mamluks of Egypt, and with claims to rule part 
of the neighbouring mainland including Musawwa 1 , 
the Dahlak amirs (called "kings" by MakrizI) still 
fell intermittently under Ethiopian or Yamani 
suzerainty. The Amir ruling when the Portuguese 
appeared in 919/1513 was Ahmad b. Isma'Il, whose 
opposition to the newcomers was punished by a 
devastation of his islands; but he was later restored 
as a Portuguese vassal. Adhesion to the cause of the 
Muslim conqueror and liberator Ahmad Graft 
against the Portuguese led, after temporary success 
and the appointment of Ahmad Isma'U's successor 
as Governor of Harkiko, to a second devastation and 
a mass evacuation of the islanders. Reoccupied, the 
islands fell easily to the Turkish fleets later in the 
century, and their fortunes were thereafter those of 
rarely-asserted Turkish suzerainty, actual or 
nominal dependence on Musawwa c , and temporary 
Egyptian Government in the second half of the 
I3th/i9th century. When the Italians colonized 
Eritrea in 1885, the Dahlak Islands had long since 
ceased to offer any claims to interest. They became 
a Vice-Residenza, with headquarters at Nokra, in 
the Commissariato of Bassopiano Orientale. This was 
abolished as a separate administrative unit under 
the British occupation of Eritrea (1360-72/1941-52) 
and that of Ethiopia from 1372/1952 onwards. 
Bibliography: C. Conti Rossini, Storia 
d'Etiopia, Milan 1928, Vol. i; Issel, Viaggio nel 
Mar Rosso, Milan 1889; R. Basset, Les In- 
scriptions de Vile de Dahlak, in JA, Paris 1893; 
A. Pollera, Le Popolazioni indigene dell' Eritrea, 
Bologna 1935; G. Wiet, Roitelets de Dahlak, in 
BIE, 1952, 89-95. (S. H. Longrigg) 

DAflLAN, Sayyid Ahmad b. ZaynI, born in 
Mecca towards the beginning of the 19th century, 
was from 1288/1871 Mufti of the Shafi'Is and Shaykh 
al-'Ulamd' (head of the corporation of scholars and 
therefore of the body of teachers in the tjaram) in 
his native city. When the Grand Sharif 'Awn al- 
Raflk, because of a dispute with the Ottoman 
Governor 'Uthman Pasha, removed himself to 
Madlna, Dahlan followed him there but died soon 
afterwards from the fatigue of the journey in 1304/ 
1886. Particularly in his later years, Dahlan was very 
active as an author. He not only covered the tradi- 
tional Islamic sciences which were studied in Mecca 
in his time, but produced a number of treatises on 
controversial topical questions, and became the 
solitary representative of historical writing in Mecca 
in the 19th century. The most successful of his 

writings on traditional subjects were a commentary 
on the Adiurrumiyya (see ibn adjurrum) and an 
edifying biography of the Prophet, known as al-Sira 
al-Zayniyya, both of which were often printed. His 
al-Durar al-Saniyya fi 'l-Radd c ala 'l-Wahhdbiyya 
provoked a chain of pro-Wahhabl and anti-Wahhabl 
replies and counter-replies. His polemics against 
Sulayman Effendi, one of two rival Turkish shaykhs 
of the Nakshibandi tarika in Mecca, who competed 
for the leadership of the Nakshibandls in Indonesia, 
and against the learned shaykh Muhammad Hasab 
Allah of Mecca, whose scholarly reputation equalled 
his own were not free of personal interest. Of his 
works on history, al-Futuhdt al-lslamiyya, a history 
of the Islamic conquests until the time of the author, 
is remarkable for the light it throws on his attitude 
to the contemporary Mahdist rising in the Sudan, 
and his history of Mecca, Khuldsat al-Kaldm fi 
Baydn Umard* al-Balad al-Ifardm, until the year 
1095/1684 a short extract from the chronicle of al- 
Sindjari (Brockelmann, II, 502), is a most valuable 
source for the events in Mecca during the following 
two centuries, including the rise of the Wahhabls, 
their first rule over the Hidjaz, the fight of the 
Sharifs against them, the restitution of Ottoman 
rule by Muhammad C A1I, and the disorders in Djidda 
of 1274/1858. Being a friend of the family of the 
ruling Sharifs, Dahlan had access to the best written 
and oral information. The giving of fatwds formed, 
of course, an important part of his activities, and 
some of his decisions were incorporated in the 
current handbooks of Shafi'I doctrine; in his last 
years, however, he handed over this routine work 
to his assistant or amin al-fatwd, Sayyid Muhammad 
Sa c Id Babasel (Brockelmann, II, 650, S II, 811). 
Snouck Hurgronje has drawn a detailed picture, 
based on close acquaintance, of his person and 

Bibliography : Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. 

Geschr., iii, 65-122 (with two extracts from the 

Khuldsat al-Kaldm) ; Brockelmann, II, 649 f., S II, 

810 f.; c Abd al-Hayy al-Kattani, Fihris al- 

Fahdris, i, 290-2; Sarkis, Mu'djam al-Matbii'dt, 

990-2. (J. Schacht) 

al-DAHNA 5 — in Sa'udi Arabia— a long, narrow 

arch of na/ud or dune desert, varying in width from 

10 to 75 km., extending around an eastward curve 

for a total length of over 1,000 km., connecting the 

Great Nafud of the northwest with the Empty 

Quarter (al-Rub c al-Khall [q.v.]) of the south, 

lacking in natural water sources except along the 

fringes, but furnishing a favourite area of pasturing. 

In the past separating the interior area of al- 

Yamama from the coastal region of al-Bahrayn, al- 

Dahna* today serves as an informal boundary 

between the Province of Nadjd and the Eastern 

Province (until 1953 the Province of al-Hasa or al- 

Ahsa 5 ). Its western edge formed a major sector of 

the westerly boundary of the petroleum concession 

granted in 1933 to American interests, although 

an area of potential priority extended still farther 

west. Beginning with the first well in 1957, an oil 

field has been discovered in the sand belt itself and 

adjacent easterly thereto — the Khurays field, some 

120 km. west of the immense Ghawar field and 

ca. 150 km. west of al-Hufuf (in the oasis of 


Al-Dahna J is the easterly and much more conti- 
nuous of two parallel strips of sand desert extending 
from al-Nafud generally south-eastward (see Pja- 
zIrat al- c Arab, esp. p. 536 1 ). According to tribal 

toponymy it begins in the north-easterly Nafud 
projection some 50 km. west of Darb Zubayda, 
which crosses it roughly along the line of longitude 
43° 32' E., and ends far southward with the brownish 
Hrfcs of al-Duhm, which lie in the latitude of the 
district of al-Afladj (to the west) and the well 
Mukaynima (to the east), or just above 22° N. The 
final link with the southern sands is formed by the 
continuing band of c Uruk al-Rumayla, which joins 
the Empty Quarter slightly below the line of 20° N. 

The upper portion of al-Dahna' runs between the 
desert of al-Hadjara on the north and the upland of 
al-Taysiyya on the south, to the ancient channel of 
Batn al-Rumma (modern WadI al-Rumah— WadI al- 
Batin). Here, just south of the small WadI al-Adjradi, 
the Dahna' sands spread south-westward so as to be 
connected, through the nafud of al-Sayyariyyat, with 
those of Nafud al-Ma?hur and Nafud al-Thuwavrat 
in the westerly sand chain. Thereafter, al-Dahna' 
continues between and roughly parallels the two 
arcs formed by the low, stony plateau of al-Summan 
(classical al-Samman), a part of which is called al- 
Sulb, on the east, and the lofty escarpment of 
Djabal Tuwayk on the west, but is longer than 
either. Closer on the west is the escarpment of al- 
'Arama (not al- c Arma), which is much shorter, ending 
southward at the discontinuous channel of WadI 
Hanlfa— WadI al-Sahba', through which the sand 
belt is crossed by the Sa'Odi Government Railway, 
completed in 1951. Beyond this second great channel, 
al-Dahna 5 continues between the southerly Summan 
(Summan Yabrin, etc.) on the east, and the eastward- 
sloping, gravelly limestone region of al-Biyad on the 
west. Running on under the name of c Uruk al- 
Rumayla to join the sands of the Empty Quarter, 
the southernmost portion of the sand strip has to the 
east the gravel plains of Abu Bahr and Rayda', and 
to the west the lower part of al-Biyad and the ter- 
minal stretch of WadI al-Dawasir (here called WadI 

Narrower in its northern and southern terminal 
reaches, al-Dahna' attains its greatest width in the 
portion lying between the two ancient but now 
sand-choked wail channels, and exhibits here its 
most striking features. In the area of Hawmat al- 
Nikyan, which lies athwart the crossing of Darb al- 
Mubayhls above the line of 26 30' N., over 100 tall 
pyramidal dunes tower above the huge, long sand 
ridges and reach heights up to 175 m. These massive 
formations, which are also called "star dunes", 
seemingly ride upon the c tV£s, but they actually 
rest upon their own bedrock and are separated from 
the surrounding sand massifs by peripheral hollows. 

In normal seasons a choice pasture land to 
shepherds, al-Dahna' has been described by travel- 
lers as a difficult barrier, because of its long, high 
Hrks and its lack of water. The dread which it 
inspired in those who were strangers to it is reflected 
in the account of how in 12 A.H., during the Wars 
of the Ridda an expedition to al-Katif and Darin 
temporarily lost its camel transport during the night 
of crossing and was saved from death only by the 
miraculous appearance of a lake of sweet water. 
(Caetani, Annali, ii-2, 722, with refs. to al-Tabari, 
Ibn al-Athir, Yakut, and the Kitdb al-Aghdni). 

In addition to descriptions of Darb Zubayda 
with its chain of cisterns, we have, from Arabic 
sources, information regarding other and even 
earlier routes crossing al-Dahna'. However, the 
details of toponymy from a long-past era are often 
difficult to reconcile with those of the present, in 
which there are many changes. A motorable crossing 

(with connexions to Medina, Mecca, and al- 
Riyad) more or less follows Darb Zubayda between 
Birkat al-Djumayma, on the Sa c udI- c IrakI border, 
and the fialib of Zarud, in Shamat Zarfid south-west 
of al-TaysIya. Two motor crossings, which connect 
with this route and offer better travel to Zariid via 
the kalib of Turaba, branch from LIna (on the outer 
edge of al-Dahna', with old wells cut through stone; 
the junction of several motor and caravan tracks to 
al- c Irak). One leads first westward by Darb Una to 
Buraykat al- c Ashshar (beside Darb Zubayda, in al- 
Dahna'), and thence south-westward by Darb 
Kab'a. The other runs south-westward over barb 
Umm Udhn to Birkat al- c Ara'ish in al-TaysIya, and 
continues in the same direction via Darb Umm 
Tulayha to join Darb Kab'a and to cross c Irk al- 
Ma?hur north-west of Turaba. 

It is the presence of lasting wells which 
fringe al-Dahna', or lie sufficiently near, that 
has made it possible for the Badw to take advantage 
of the normally abundant pasturage of the sand 
belt. However, it is common for tribal groups, 
going forth with their camels, goats, and sheep 
■from summering places (mafrdyiz) at more distant 
wells or villages, to spend in al-Dahna' (as also in 
other sand deserts) all or most of the cooler 
portion of the year, keeping in their tents little 
or no water, and depending for sustenance on 
the milk from their animals. When rainfall has 
made the herbage plentiful and succulent, the 
animals, described as djawdzi or madjziya (classical 
verb: djaza'a, yadjza'u), often remain at pasture 
without watering for as long as four or even six 

The excellence and amplitude of the pastureland 
of al-Dahna' are described by Yakut, who says that 
it has been mentioned by many poets, especially 
Dh u '1-Rumma. 

Groups now pasturing regularly in al-Dahna' are 
of the following tribes: in the north, from al-Nafud 
to the wells of al-Bushuk, Shammar, and from al- 
Bushuk to WadI al-Adjradi and the zabaHr of al- 
Sayyariyyat, Harb; therefrom to Darb al-Mubayhls, 
Mutayr; thence to the crossings of the main north- 
south motor track and Darb al- c Ar c ari, Subay' (with 
also some of Suhul) ; thence through all the remaining 
portion of al-Dahna' and through c Uruk al-Rumayla, 
al-Dawasir. Groups of al-'Udjman and of Kahtan 
also range in the southern part of the pasture area of 
Subay' and the northern part of that of al-Dawasir— 
i.e., east of the wells of Hafar al- c Atk, Rumah and 
al-Rumhiyya, and Ramlan, al-Djafiyya, and Si'd. In 
addition, some of al-Sulaba range in the northerly 
area of al-Dahna'. 

There is little use in attempting to identify the 
"mountains" or "swords" of sand in al-Dahna' as 
mentioned by various sources, especially Yakut. 
The names have changed too much. Likewise, there 
is no profit in belabouring the question of the origin 
and meaning of the name al-Dahna' itself. The name 
has often been explained as meaning "red". For the 
root DHN, there persists the sense of paucity of 
moisture (as in dahan al-matar al-ard), from which 
may have been derived the senses connected with oint- 
ment and oil, including cooking-fat and, in modern 
times, oil-base paints. The people use c abl (or arid) — 
which grows widely in al-Dahna' — for tanning, but 
the resulting colour is expressed by If MR, not by 
DHN, which is reserved to the application of fat to 
make the leather pliable and soft. One association 
of redness in the language of the people concerning 
this desert may be found in the occasionally heard 

expression ard madhuna, which is explained as 
distinguishing the sands of al-Dahna', as of a 
brownish or a duller red, from those of al-Nafud, 
which are said to be of a lighter shade of red. At 
the same time, the people also equate ard madhuna 
with ard mundahina, land only lightly or superficially 
moistened by rain. 

Yakut, in both the Mu'djam and the Mushtarik, 
lists several other places and topographical features 
under the name al-Dahnd' or al-Dahnd. 

Bibliography (in addition to the geographers 
and historians mentioned above): Admiralty, A 
Handbook of Arabia, London 1916-17; anon., 
Hudud al-'-Alam (ed. Minorsky), London 1937; 
Ibn Bulayhid, Sahlh al-Akhbdr, Cairo 1370 A.H.; 
R. E. Cheesman, In Unknown Arabia, London 
1926; H. R. P. Dickson, The Arab of the Desert, 
London 1949; idem, Kuwait and Her Neighbours, 
London 1956; Ibn Djubayr, Rihla (ed. Wright), 
Leiden 1907; D. G. Hogarth, The Penetration of 
Arabia, London and New York 1904; G. E. 
Leachman, A Journey in Northeastern Arabia, in 
GJ, xxxvii, 191 1 ; idem, A Journey Through 
Central Arabia, in GJ, xliii, 1914; Roy Lebkicher, 
George Rentz, and Max Steineke, The Arabia of 
Ibn Saud, New York 1952; J. G. Lorimer, 
Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, 'Oman, and Central 
Arabia, Calcutta 1908-15; Alois Musil, Northern 
Negd, New York 1928; W. G. Palgrave, Central and 
Eastern Arabia, London 1865; Lewis Pelly, A 
Visit to the Wahabee Capital, Central Arabia, in 
JRGS, xxxv, 1865; H. St. J. B. Philby, Across 
Arabia: from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea, in 
GJ, lvi, 1920; idem, The Heart of Arabia, London 
1922; idem, The Empty Quarter, New York 1933; 
Barclay Raunkiaer, Gennem Wahhabiternes Land 
paa Kamelryg, Copenhagen 1913 (English trans, 
without maps and ills., Through Wahabiland on 
Camel-Bach, Arab Bureau, Cairo 1916; German 
trans, by W. Schmidt, Auf dem Kamelrucken 
durch das Land der Wahibiten, 1917); Ameen 
Rihani, Ibn Sa'-oud of Arabia, London 1928; 
G. F. Sadlier [Sadleir], "Account of a Journey 
from Katif ... to Yamboo . . ., Transactions . . . 
Lit. Soc. of Bombay, iii, London 1823; idem, 
Diary of a Journey Across Arabia . . . (comp. by 
P. Ryan), Bombay 1866; 'Umar Rida Kahhala, 
Djughrafiyat Shibh Djazirat al- c Arab, Damascus 
1 364/1945; Ferdinand Wiistenfeld, Die Strasse 
von Bacra nach Mekka . . ., in Abh. K. G. W. Gott., 
xvi, 1871; idem, Bahrein und Jemdma, nach 
Arabischen Quellen . . ., ibid., xix, 1874. 

Maps: Series by the U. S. Geological Survey 

and Arabian American Oil Company under joint 

sponsorship of the Ministry of Finance and 

National Economy (Kingdom of Sa'udi Arabia) 

and the Department of State (U.S.A.). Scale 

1 : 2,000,000: The Arabian Peninsula, Map 1-270 

B-i (1950). Scale 1 : 500,000 (geographic) : Southern 

Tuwayk, Map I- 212 B (1956); Northern Juwayk, 

Map I-207 B (1957); Western Persian Gulf, Map 

I-208 B (1958) ; Darb Zubaydah, Map I-202 (in press 

i960). The Times Atlas of the World, Mid-Century 

Edition (Bartholomew), map of Arabia in Vol. II, 

London i960. (C. D. Matthews) 

al-DAHNADJ. Persian dahna, dahana, marmar-i 

sabz ('green marble'), Turkish dehne-i frengi, 

malachite, the well known green copper-ore. The 

description of the mineral in the RasdHl Ikhwdn 

al-Safd goes back to the pseudo-Aristotelian lapidary. 

According to that, the malachite is formed in copper 

mines from the sulphur fumes which combine with 


copper to form layers. Its colour is compared to 
that of the chrysolith (zabarajad), although it does 
appear in different shades: dark green, veined, the 
shade of peacock's feathers, and pale green, with all 
intermediate shades. Frequently all the shades 
appear in one piece, as it developed in the earth, 
layer by layer. The stone is a soft one, and therefore 
looses its gloss with the years. Tifashi, following 
Balinas (Apollonius of Tyana), explains how the very 
best copper is gained from it. There is new malachite 
and old, from Egypt, Kirman, and Khurasan. The 
very best kind is the old Kirmanian. The stone has 
been found in ancient Egyptian graves, usually in 
the form of amulets (scarabs), statuettes, and cut 
stones. Our detailed description of malachite comes 
from al-R&zi, who also treats of the following: 
1) its calcination (i.e., its decomposition and the 
burning up of sulphur and oils which it contains), 
which can take place in 4 different ways; 2) its 
ceration, due to salts and borax, each again in 
4 different ways; 3) its sublimation. 

Taken in powder form and with vinegar, it is 

regarded as a powerful antidote to poison; on the 

other hand, it will harm a person who has not been 

poisoned, and then causes serious inflammations. If 

rubbed on the sting of a scorpion or a bee, it will 

reduce pain; it has also been used against leprosy 

and to cure diseases of the eye. Evidence in poetry 

can be found in al-Shammakh (LA, s.v. dahnadj). 

Bibliography: RasdHl Ikhwdn al-Safd (ed. 

Bombay), ii, 81; Tifashi, Azhdr al-Afkdr (new 

edition of the translation by C. Raineri Biscia, 

Bologna 1906, 94); Kazwini, 'AajdHb (Cosmography 

ed. Wiistenfeld), i, 224; Ibn al-Baytar (ed. Bulak 

1291) ii, 117 f. (= Leclerc, Traiti des Simples, ii, 

132); Clement-Mullet, in J A, 6* serie, tome xi 

(1868), 185 f.; Steinschneider, WZKM, xii (1898), 

83; Ruska, Das Steinbuch aus der Kosmographie 

des Al-Qazwini (Beilage zum J ahresbericht 1895/06 

der prov. Oberrealschule zn Heidelberg), 22; idem, 

Das Steinbuch des Aristoteles 103 f., 145-147; 

idem, Al-Rdzi's Buck Geheimnis der Geheimnisse, 

44, 86, 149 f., 177 f., 197 f.; Barhebraeus, Munta- 

khab Kitdb Djdmi* al-mufraddt li- Ahmad al- 

Ghdfiki (ed. Meyerhof and Sobhy) i/3, Cairo 1938, 

117 (Arab.), 530 (Engl.) ; Wiedemann, Beitrage xxx, 

227 (SBPMS Erlg., xliv, 1912) after Ibn al-Akfani, 

Nakhb al-DhakhdHr. (A. Dietrich) 

DAHOMEY, a corridor 418 miles long by 

125 miles wide, between Togoland and Nigeria, is 

one of the earliest known countries on the Gulf of 


The coast is low-lying, fringed with lagoons, while 
the central zone is formed of table-land and isolated 
mountains; the northern part is higher, slanted 
across by the mountains of Atacora, which rise to 
about 800 metres. In the south especially, the 
humidity is high and the temperature fairly constant 
although there are two rainy and two dry seasons. 
The population of Dahomey, nearly two million 
inhabitants, is chiefly composed of Fon (central 
region), Goun and Yoruba (south-east region), Adja 
(south-west), Bariba, Somba, and Fulani (northern 
region) . 

The principal town is Cotonou (87,000 inhabitants), 
although Porto-Novo has always been the admini- 

In contact with Europeans since the seventeenth 
century, Dahomey was particularly affected by the 
slave trade, which helped also to increase the wealth 
of certain of its kingdoms, notably that of Abomey. 

It was this last which put up the longest and fiercest 
resistance to French penetration (1892). 

Dahomey, which entered the federation of French 
West Africa in 1899, played a great part in its 
development, through the agency of its elites who 
had emigrated to the various other territories. 
Together with Senegal, it was one of the first to 
form political movements, which demonstrated their 
strength well before the second world war. 

Dahomey, like most of its neighbours on the Gulf 
of Guinea who have been influenced by the Benin 
cultures, has retained the strong animistic foun- 
dation upon which rests the life of its civilization. 

The social and religious organization of the country, 
where animism was the state religion, forbade the 
introduction of any foreign doctrine and it was not 
until the fall of the kingdom of Abomey that Christi- 
anity could begin to spread. 

Islam could nowhere take root very deeply nor 
bring about large conversions as the chiefs and the 
local princelings were before the end of the nineteenth 
century never willing to renounce their beliefs, 
neither among the archaic clan societies of north- 
west Dahomey called Somba, nor in the feudal 
Bariba societies of the north-east region which was 
still crossed by the caravan routes marked out by 
the Islamic caravanserais, nor in the kingdoms of 
the south, absolute monarchies where the king was 
the all-powerful repository of the ancestral traditions 
which he revived each year in honour of his prede- 

The Muslim penetration probably began from the 
north-east; a little commercial colony of the Mali 
Empire was set up in the thirteenth century in the 
region which is today Sokoto: the travellers of the 
time called it Guangara. It was from there that the 
waves of caravans departed for present-day Ghana, 
land of the kola. Salt, slaves and other products from 
the north, sometimes even from Libya, came down 
to the south-west while kola nuts passed up to the 
Nigerian and the Hausa lands, crossing North 
Dahomey. Thus there were quickly established little 
Muslim colonies called Wangara or Maro( in Dahomey) 
which soon blossomed into important centres like 
Parakou, Djougou or Kandi. 

These foreign settlements remained near the local 
chiefs, whose domains were crossed by the caravan 
routes; they founded families and so introduced 
Islam, which slowly developed, by the simple 
device of local marriages. 

Later on, the conquest of the Songhai empire by 
the Moroccans, at the beginning of the 17th century, 
brought about the withdrawal towards the Niger 
of a group of Muslim Songhai called Dendi. These 
established themselves probably in the extreme 
north of modern Dahomey and formed the second 
wave of the Islamic influence. The third wave 
corresponded to the immigration of the Fulani 
shepherds, who spread out during the 18th century 
over the whole of the northern half of Dahomey. 
Although their religion was still tinged with traces 
of animism, it formed none the less an Islamic centre 
which converted a great many of the former slaves 
or Gando, with whom they maintained permanent 

At length, in the last years of the eighteenth 
century, Islam also entered by the south-east and 
Porto-Novo, the present capital of Dahomey, soon 
contained some Muslim Yoruba merchants, who had 
come from Ilorin and from the west of modern 
Nigeria. They quickly increased, converted certain 
Yoruba families of Dahomey and also some des- 

cendents of the slaves who had returned from 
Brazil bearing Portuguese names. 

Although it is difficult to draw up statistics, we 
can reckon that, of a total Dahomey population of 
1,800,000 inhabitants, between 230 and 240 thousand 
are Muslim, of whom only 100,000 are practising 

The greater part of them are Tidjani; some, 
particularly among the older people, belong to the 
Kadiriyya order. There are a few Hamallists in the 
north. In spite of this near-unity of sect, a difference 
of belief set some Muslims, Yoruba in origin, against 
the natives of the northern regions (Hausa-Zerma- 
Fulani-Dendi), who claimed to practise their religion 
with greater orthodoxy. These two aspects of 
Islamic Dahomey are to be met chiefly at Porto- 
Novo (Islamic Yoruba) and at Parakou (the Islamic 
north), which were soon called upon to become the 
two great Muslim capitals, Djougou having slowly 
to give place to its neighbour Parakou, where some 
conversion movements had already been born and 
where there were established some of the masters 
of the Kur J 5n who possessed a new and more dynamic 
conception of their religion. 

It is probable that, in the years to come, the 
religious leaders and the imams will be chosen more 
and more from among the most educated notables 
and no longer, according to heredity, from the 
families connected with the animist chiefs. This 
explains the rise today of the schools of the liur'an 
in North Dahomey in particular, where religious 
learning is always an object of prestige. 

Bibliography: Akindele and Aguessy, Le 
Dahomey, Paris 1955; Akindele and Aguessy, 
Contribution a Vitude de Vhistoire de Vancien 
royaume de Porto-Novo, in Memoires IF AN, xxv; 
d'Albeca, Les Itablissements franfais du golfe du 
Benin, Paris 1889; S. Berbain, Le comptoir franfais 
de Juda au XVIII' siecle, in Mlmoires IFAN, iii; 
G. Brasseur and Brasseur Marion, Porto Novo et 
sa palmeraie, in Mlmoires IFAN, xxxii; Brunet 
and Giethlen, Dahomey et dipendances, Paris 
1900; A. Burton, A mission to Gelele, King of 
Dahomey, London 1864; Desanti, Du Dahomey au 
Benin Niger, Paris 1945; Ed. Dunglas, Contribution 
a VHistoire du Moyen-Dahomey, 3 vols. (£tudes 
Dahomiennes, xix, xx, xxi), Porto-Novo; Ed. Foa, 
Le Dahomey, Paris 1895; R. Grivot, Reactions 
dahomiennes, Paris 1945; P. Hazoume, Le pacte 
de sang au Dahomey, Paris 1937; idem, Doguicimi, 
Paris 1938; M. J. Herskovits, Dahom'e — an 
ancient West African Kingdom, New York 1938; 
M. Hubert, Mission Scientifique au Dahomey, 
Paris 1908; H. Le Heiisse, Vancien royaume du 
Dahomey, Paris 191 1; J. Lombard, Cotonou, vilU 
africaine (£tudes Dahomiennes, x) ; B. Maupoil, La 
giomancie a I'ancienne C6te des Esclaves, Paris 1943 ; 
P. Merrier, Carte ethno-dimo%raphique de I'Afrique 
Occidentale, v, IFAN Dakar; M. Quenum, Au pays 
des Fons, Paris 1938; Skertchly, Dahome as it is, 
London 1874; CI. Tardits, Porto-Novo, London 
1958; P. Verger, Dieux d'Afrique, Paris; idem, 
Notes sur le culte des Oricha et Vodoun, in Mimoires 
IFAN, v; R. Cornevin, Histoire des peuples de 
I'Afrique noire, Paris i960, index. 

(J. Lombard) 
DAHR, time, especially infinitely extended time 
(cf. Lane; al-Baydawi on K. 76.1). The pre-Islamic 
Arabs, as is shown by many passages in their poetry, 
regarded time (also zaman, and al-ayyam, the days) 
as the source of what happened to a man, both good 
and bad; they thus give it something of the connota- 


tion of Fate, though without worshipping it (W. L. 
Schrameier, Ober den Fatalismus der vorislamischen 
Araber, Bonn 1881; Th. Noldeke, Encyclopedia of 
Religion and Ethics, i, 661 b; for possible parallels 
cf. A. Christensen, Iran, 149 f., 157 — Zurvan as 
both time and fate; Kronos, Chronos, as father of 
Zeus; cf. also R. C. Zaehner, Zurvan, Oxford 1955, 
esp. 254-61. This view is ascribed to pagans in the 
Kur'an, 45. 24/23, "They say ... we die and we 
live and only dahr destroys us". Pre-Islamic con- 
ceptions probably influenced the Islamic doctrine 
of predestination (W. Montgomery Watt, Free Will 
and Predestination in Early Islam, London 1949, 
20 ff., 31). Tradition supplies evidence of an attempt 
to identify God with dahr; Muhammad is reported 
to have said that God commanded men not to blame 
dahr "for I am dahr" {e.g., al-Bukhari, Tafsir on 
45. 24/23; Adab, 101; Tawhid, 35; al-Tabari, Tafsir 
on 45. 24/23; further references in Wensinck, Con- 
cordance, s.v. ddhd, khayb; a possible connexion 
with funeral rites is noted by Goldziher, Muham- 
medanische Studien, i, 254) ; the Zahiriyya [?.».] are 
said to have reckoned dahr as a name of God (but 
cf. I. Goldziher, Die Zdhiriten, Leipzig 1884, 153 ff.). 
Many traditionists tried to interpret the tradition 
so as to avoid the identification (cf. Goldziher, op. 
cit. 155; Ibn Kutayba, Ta>wil Mukhtalif al-Ifadith, 
Cairo 1326, 281-4). The mutakallimun show no 
interest in the point, and al-Ghazzali is able to use 
dahr for the views of the Dahriyya [?.».], which 
are independent of pre-Islamic Arab sources (Tahdfut 
al-Faldsifa, ed. M. Bouyges, Beirut, 1927, 208.1). 
By poets and prose writers the word continued to 
be used in the pre-Islamic way (cf. al-Mutanabbi, ed. 
F. Dieterici, Berlin, 1861, 473, 576); a biographer 
says that al-zamdn, time, and al-ayyam, the days, 
took away al-Ghazzali (al-Subkl, Tabakdt al- 
ShdfiHyya, Cairo 1324, iv, 109). 

(W. Montgomery Watt) 
DAHRIYYA, holders of materialistic opinions of 
various kinds, often only vaguely defined. This 
collective noun denotes them as a whole, as a firka, 
sect, according to the Dictionary of the Technical 
Terms, and stands beside the plural dahriyyun formed 
from the same singular dahri, the relative noun of 
dahr, a IJur'anic word meaning a long period of time. 
In certain editions of the Kur'an it gives its name 
to sura LXXVI, generally called the sura of Man; but 
its use in XLV, 24 where it occurs in connexion with 
the infidels, or rather the ungodly, erring and blinded, 
appears to have had a decisive influence on its 
semantic evolution which has given it a philosophical 
meaning far removed from its original sense. These 
ungodly men said: "There is nothing save our life in 
this world; we die and we live, and only a period of 
time (or: the course of time, dahr) makes us perish". 
The word has as yet no philosophical specification; 
according to the commentaries of al-Baydawi and 
the Djalalayn, it signifies"the passage of time" (murur 
al-zamdn), according to al-Zamakhshari "a period of 
time which passes" {dahr yamurru) in XLV, 24, and 
an interval of time of considerable length in LXXVI, 
1. The idea of a long period of time became increas- 
ingly dominant, and finally reached the point of 
signifying a period without limit or end, to such an 
extent that certain authors used al-dahr as a divine 
name, a practice of which others strongly disapproved 
(Lane, s.v. dahr; see also Dictionary of the Technical 
Terms, i, 480). The vocalization given in the new 
edition of the Rasd'il Ikhwan al-safd', Beirut 
1376/1957, i", fasc. 9, 455, is duhriyya; this had 
already been attested by linguists who considered 


it to be in conformity with the transformation which 
vowels often undergo in the nisbas (Sibawayhi, ed. 
Derenbourg, ii, 64, 19-21). Al-Djurdjani, Ta'rifdt, 
s.v., emphasizes the perenniality and defines al-dahr 
as "the permanent moment which is the extension 
of the divine majesty and is the innermost part 
(bdtin) of time, in which eternity in the past and 
eternity in the future are united". 

According to the explanation given by al-Baydawi, 
a semantic link with the material world must be 
understood, for dahr, he says, basically denotes the 
space of time in which this world is living, overcoming 
the course of time. The doctrine of the dahriyya 
was subsequently denoted by the same term, and 
in this way al-Ghazall. among others, speaks of 
"professing the dahr", al-kawl bi 'l-dahr (Tahdfut, ed. 
Bouyges, 19). The translation "fatalists", sometimes 
used, cannot be justified. The relative dahri will 
therefore have two philosophical connotations. It 
denotes, firstly, the man who believes in the eternity 
of the world whether in the past or in the future, 
denying, as a result of this opinion, resurrection 
and a future life in another world; secondly, the 
mulhid, the man who deviates from the true faith 
(Lane, s.v. dahri; cf. for the first meaning given, 
Pococke, Notae miscellanae, Leipzig 1705, 239-240, 
under the transcription Dahriani). To place the 
whole of human life in this world is to lead swiftly 
to a hedonistic morality, and it is in this sense 
that the first literary use of the word has been 
noted, in the Kitdb al-Ifayawdn by al-Djahiz 
(Cairo 1325-6/1906-7) in which, in an over-wide 
generalization no doubt made under the influence of 
sura XLV, 24, dahri denotes the man who "denies 
the Lord", creation, reward and punishment, all 
religion and all law, listens only to his own desires 
and sees evil only in what conflicts with them; he 
recognizes no difference between man, the domestic 
animal and the wild beast. For him it is a question 
only of pleasure or pain; good is merely what serves 
his interests, even though it may cost the lives of a 
thousand men (vii, 5-6). It follows from the principles 
accepted by the dahriyyun that they reject popular 
superstitions, the existence of angels and demons, 
the significance of dreams and the powers of sorcerers 
(al-Djahiz, ibid., ii, 50). Some of them, however, on 
the basis of rationalist analogies, apparently admitted 
the metamorphosis of men into animals {maskh, 
ibid., iv, 24). 

The dahriyya are defined in the Mafdtih al-'-ulum 
(ed. Van Vloten, Leyden 1895, 35) as "those who 
believe in the eternity of the course of time"; the 
Ikhwan al-safd' call them the azaliyya, those who 
believe in the eternity of the cosmos, as opposed to 
those who attribute to it a creator and a cause (ed. 
Bombay 1306, iv, 39; ed. Beirut 1376/1957, "i, 455)- 
In this respect the Mutakallimun are opposed to 
them, affirming the beginning in time of bodies and 
of the world created by God, and to this adding an 
affirmation of the divine attributes, God being alone 
eternal and alone powerful {ibid. Bombay 39-40 and 
Beirut 456). Like the Mutakallimun in general, the 
Judaeo-Arab theologian Sa c adya (d. 942) refutes then- 
doctrine, first in his commentary on Seter Yesirah 
(ed. Lambert, Paris 1891), and later in the first book 
of his Kitdb al-Amdndt wa H-lHikdddt (ed. Landauer, 
Leyden 1880), in three pages (63-5) on the doctrine 
known by the name al-dahr, which regards not 
only matter as eternal but the beings of the world 
which we see as invariable; this sect limits know- 
ledge to the perceptible: "no knowledge save of 
what is accessible to the senses" (64, 1. 13). His trans- 

96 DAHI 

lation of Job also alludes to it, for he renders draft 
'61dm by madhdhib al-dahriyyin; cf. also several 
passages in his commentary on Proverbs (B. Heller, 
in RE], xxxvii (1898), 229). 

Abu Mansflr c Abd al-Kahir b. Tahir al-Baghdadi 
does not mention them among the sects, in the 
Kitdb al-farl} bayn al-firal}, but he refers to them 
several times among the unbelievers, particularly 
the philosophers who looked on the heavens and 
stars as a fifth element escaping corruption and 
destruction, and who even believed in the eternity 
of the world (ed. Badr, Cairo 1328/1910, 102, 106 
with typogr. error, 206, 346). He also compares them 
with the Christians, without any explanation, 157. 

Al-Ghazall for his part also looked on the dahriyya 
rather as an order of philosophers who throughout 
the centuries expressed a certain current of thought 
which was never without some representative. He 
does not always regard them in the same way. In 
the Munlfidh mitt al-Daldl (ch. Ill, Cairo 1955, 96-97), 
he speaks of them as forming the first category 
(sinf) in chronological order. They were then a "sect 
(IdHfa) of the ancients", denying a Creator who 
governs the world and the existence of a future 
world, professing that the world has always been 
what it is, of itself, and that it will be so eternally. 
He likens them to the zanddifra, who also included 
another, and more numerous, branch, the tabiHyyun, 
naturalists. The dahriyya seem to make the peren- 
niality of the world the centre of their doctrine, 
whilst the tabiHyyun insist upon the properties of 
temperaments and deny, not creation but paradise, 
hell, resurrection and judgement. Against these two 
categories there stands a third, the deists, ilahiyyun, 
who came later and included Socrates, Plato 
and Aristotle. They refuted the errors of the first 
two groups, but they were not always followed by the 
Muslim philosophers, such as Ibn SIna and al- 
Farabl. Both were particularly singled out in the 
Tahdjut al-Faldsija by al-Ghazali (ed. Bouyges, 
Beirut 1927, 9) who with reference to them demon- 
strates the "Incoherence of the philosophers" (ac- 
cording to the translation preferred by M. Bouyges 
to "Destruction" of the philosophers), at the same 
time proving the incapacity (ta'djiz) of the adver- 
saries. For the two Muslims strove against those 
who denied the Divinity, though not without avoiding 
theories which led them to be classed by al-Ghazali 
among the dahriyya. To the latter, who are also 
given the name dahriyyun, are attributed the follow- 
ing theses: they deny a Cause which might be 
"causative of causes" (65, 1. 3-4); the world is 
eternal and has neither cause nor creator; new things 
alone have a cause (133, 1. 6 and 206, 1. 5). Here there 
are only two groups of philosophers and not three, 
that of the "followers of truth" (ahl al-haty) and 
one other, that of the dahriyya (133, 1. 6). Now 
there are philosophers who believe that the world 
is eternal and, nevertheless, demonstrate that it is 
the work of a Creator [sdni c ), a reasoning which al- 
Ghazali declares to be contradictory (133, 1. 6 ff.). 
In fact, Ibn SIna returns to this subject on many 
occasions, and he was clearly persuaded of the force 
of his reasoning. Al-Ghazali, apparently not con- 
vinced, compares the faldsifa with the dahriyya 
(95, 1. 6) on account of the ambiguity in a reasoning 
which allows that the work may be God's, provided 
that he had not planned to carry it out but had 
acted from necessity. This was very much what Ibn 
SIna maintained, believing that if God made some 
plan, his action would be determined by some 
external factor, which is inadmissible. Al-Ghazali 

also finds fault with the theses which hold that 
from One only One can emerge (95-132), that matter 
is eternal, with the four elements on one hand, on 
the other the fifth, incorruptible element which 
forms the celestial bodies ; all of these are reasons for 
classing those who hold these theories with the 
dahriyya (206, 1. 5 ff.). In the Tahdjut al-Tahdfut (ed. 
Bouyges 1930), Ibn Rushd does not make the 
same strictures as al-Ghazall; he does not name the 
dahriyya (see Index, 654) who only appear under 
this denomination in the summary of al-Ghazali's 
theses (414, 1. 5), but he uses dahr not only in the 
original sense of "period of time" (95, 1. 1 and 120, 
1. 3) but also in the sense of the well-known philo- 
sophic doctrine wrongly attributed to the faldsifa 

The dahriyya appear as a sect, properly speaking, 
in the definitions of Ibn Hazm and al-Shahrastani. 
The former ascribes to the dahriyya the doctrine of 
the eternity of the world, and the corollary that 
nothing rules it, whilst all the other groups think that 
there was a beginning and that it was created, 
muhdath (Kitdb al-Fisal, Cairo 1317, i, 9). He starts 
by giving the five arguments of the dahriyya who 
are called (n, 1. 9) "those who profess the dahr", al- 
ttd'ilun bi 'l-dahr. These may be summed up as 
follows: 1. "We have seen nothing which was newly 
produced [hadatha) unless it arose from a thing or in 
a thing". — 2. What produces (muhdith) bodies is, 
incontestably, substances and accidents, that is to 
say, everything that exists in the world. — 3. If 
there exists a muhdith of bodies, it is either totally 
similar to them or totally different, or similar in 
certain respects and different in others. Now a total 
difference is inconceivable, since nothing can 
produce something contrary or opposite to itself, 
thus fire does not produce cold. — 4. If the world 
had a Creator (fd'il), he would act with a view to 
obtaining some benefit, of redressing some wrong, 
which is to act like the beings of this world, or else 
by nature, which would render his act eternal. — 
5. If bodies were created, it would be necessary that 
their muhdith, before producing them, should act 
in order to negate them, negation which itself would 
be either a body or an accident, which implies 
that bodies and accidents are eternal (10-11). After 
refuting these arguments in turn, Ibn Hazm gives 
five counter-arguments of his own, continuing the 
discussion (11-23) into the following chapter which 
is devoted to "those who say that the world is 
eternal and that, nevertheless, it has an eternal 

Al-Shahrastani begins the second part of his 
Kitdb al-Milal wa 'l-Nikal in which the philosophical 
sects are enumerated, with those who "are not 
of the opinion" that there is "a world beyond 
the perceptible world", al-tabiHyyun al-dahriyyun, 
"the naturalists who believe in dahr, who do not 
expound an intelligible [world]", Id yuthbitiin 
ma^ul", this last word being in the singular (ed. 
Cureton, 201, 1. 7). A second passage, "some- 
times, on the other hand, . . . they also admit 
the intelligible, (ed. Cureton, 202, 1. 15)" seems 
to apply not to the naturalists who believe 
in dahr but to the faldsifa dahriyya, that is to say, 
very probably to Ibn SIna and al-Farabi, contrasting 
them with the naturalists; this fits well with the 
position of the two philosophers who, for their part, 
strenuously affirm that an intelligible world exists. 
Thus the dahriyya, while having features in common, 
on the one hand with the naturalists, and on the other 
with the philosophers, could not be identified with 



either. The passage, however, remains obscure. In 
the Kitdb Nihdyat al-iyUim (ed. Guillaume, Oxford 
1931, with partial translation) al-Shahrastani records 
several discussions between the dahriyya (trans, 
materialists) and their adversaries (29, 1. 1 ; 30, 1. 15,' 
123, 1. 10, 126, 1. 9), on the origin of the world, 
including the theory of atoms moving about in 
primal disorder. The mode of reasoning of the dahriyya 
appears sophistical, but the refuters who rely on the 
movements of Saturn adduce no proof. The origin 
of the world through the fortuitous encounter of 
atoms wandering in space is an opinion also attri- 
buted to the dahriyya by Djamal al-DIn al-Kazwini, 
Mufid al-'ulUm wa-mubid al-humum, Cairo 1310, 37. 

The 19th century brought definition to a word that 
for so long had been somewhat loosely used. European 
natural sciences, penetrating the East, gave rise to a 
stream of very simplified but materialistic ideas 
which were the source of unexpected problems in 
Islam. (For an Ottoman ferman of 1798, refuting the 
Dahri doctrines of the French Revolution, see Amir 
Haydar Ahmad Shihab, Ta'rikh Ahmad Basha al- 
Djazzdr, edd. A. Chibli and I. A. Khalite, Beirut 1956, 
125 ff.; cf. B. Lewis in Journ. World Hist., i, 1953, 
121-2). The question of materialism was raised in an 
extremely acute^ form in India. After the Mutiny of 
1857-8, Sayyid Ahmad Khan realised that the 
Muslims could not challenge the British supremacy 
until they had assimilated western science and 
methods. In 1875 he founded the college of 'Aligafh 
[q.v.], later to be a University, combining English 
culture with the study of Muslim theology. Deeply 
impressed by the concepts of conscience and nature, 
he took the laws of nature as criteria of religious 
values. This new conception spread, giving, with the 
Arabic termination, the qualifying word naturi, 
which became nayiari, plural nayiariyyun, from 
transcription of the English pronunciation; in 
Persian nayteriyyt. It was presented as a sort of new 
religion, appearing in the Census of India, where its 
followers were called neiari. These events exercised 
considerable influence on the whole of India, and 
made it necessary for orthodox Islam to take 

Diamal al-Din al-Afghani [q.v.] wrote a violent 
reply in Persian, as early as 1298/1878, with his 
Refutation of the Materialists, the translation of 
which into Urdu was lithographed in Calcutta in 
1883; it was translated into Arabic by Muhammad 
'Abduh and first published (1st. ed. Beirut 1303/1885) 
under the title Risdla ft ibtal madhhab al-dahriyyin 
wa-baydn mafdsidihim wa-ithbdt anna 'l-din asas al- 
madaniyya wa 'l-kufr fasdd al-'umrdn, then (2nd. 
ed., Cairo 1312, 3rd ed., Cairo 1320/1902) under the 
title al-Radd 'aid 'l-dahriyyin (French translation 
A.-M. Goichon, Paris 1942), while the original title 
included al-nayshuriyyin, clearly denoting the 
meaning given to dahri which is therefore the trans- 
lation of naturalistic-materialistic. In this short 
work Djamal al-DIn traces back this doctrine to the 
Greek philosophers in terms recalling those of al- 
Ghazali ; he traces its history, such as he represents it, 
in the first chapter; it finishes with Darwin. His 
refutation is, throughout, superficial. 

While materialism was spreading, particularly 
through Arabic translations of European works like 
Buchner's Kraft und Stoff, translated by Shibll 
Shumayyil (Alexandria 1884), a contrary movement 
was taking shape. The history of this struggle 
between two irreconcilable conceptions is far from 
finished; it would require considerable research, but 
has no place here. In the various works mentioned 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

above, the terms mdddiyya and mdddiyyun have, 
in fact, always been used as synonyms of dahriyya 
and dahriyyun; these latter finally disappeared, 
replaced by the more exact term. They no longer 
occur in the contemporary vocabulary in Egypt 
(information supplied by R. P. Jomier) and, without 
being in a position to make the same observation 
in respect of other countries, we can nevertheless 
remark that they are no longer found in certain 
publications in Muslim India. 

Bibliography . in the text; see also W. L. 
Schrameier, Vber den Fatalismus der vorislamischen 
Araber, Bonn 1881, 12-22; M. Horten, Die philo- 
sophischen Systeme der spekulativen Theologen im 
Islam, Bonn 1912, index s.v. Dahriten. 

(I. Goldziher-[A. M. Goichon]) 
DAHSHOR. a place in the province of Djiza, 
some 40 kms. south of Cairo, to the west of the Nile 
on the edge of the desert. A necropolis and pyramids 
dating from the first dynasties of the Old Kingdom 
are situated there. These relics of the age of the 
Pharaohs are mentioned by al-Harawi and al- 
Makrizi without a precise description being given. 
Abu Salih speaks of a great church and an important 
monastery there. 

The present-day hamlet is insignificant and the 
name continues to be well known solely on account 
of the pyramids. 

Bibliography : Ibn Mammati, 138; al-Harawi, 
Ziydrdt, 39; Abu Salih, fol. 53; Yakut, ii, 633; 
Makrizi, ed. Wiet, ii, 120, iii, 39, iv, 122; <Ali 
Pasha, xi, 67; Maspero and Wiet, Matiriaux pour 
servir d la geographie de I'Egypte, 94. 

(G. Wiet) 
DA c 1 (rarely, da'iya), "he who summons" to the 
true faith, was a title used among several dissenting 
Muslim groups for their chief propagandists. It 
was evidently used by the early MuHazilites [q.v. in 
EI 1 ] ; but became typical of the more rebellious among 
the Shi'is. It appears in the 'Abbasid mission in 
Khurasan : and in some Zaydl usage. It was ascribed 
to followers of Abu '1-Khattab. It was especially 
important in the Isma'ili and associated movements 
(which were called da'wa, "summons"), where it 
designated generically the chief authorized repre- 
sentatives of the imam. 

Among the Isma'ilis, at the height of the move- 
ment, the ddHs were organized hierarchically. (They 
have been compared to Christian bishops). The terms 
applied to the several ranks varied according to 
context (and probably the manner of ranking was 
not rigidly fixed). The chief of the ddHs, mouthpiece 
of the imam, was called bdb [q.v.] or ddH al-du'dt. 
The greater da'Is (nominally, at least, the top 
twelve of them) were called hudidja, "proof" of the 
truth, or, perhaps earlier, nafrib; they seem each to 
have been in charge of a district (djazira, island) 
where the da'-wa was preached. In some works, the 
kudjdia was called Idhifr and the ddH was called 
djandh (cf. W. Ivanow, Studies in Early Persian 
Ismailism, Leiden 1948, 2nd ed. Bombay 1955, 
ch. ii). Each ddH was apparently assigned to a 
particular territory, within which he evidently had 
extensive authority over the faithful, initiating new 
converts and admitting them by steps into the 
esoteric doctrine, the bu\in [q.v.]. He was assisted by 
subordinates, entitled nuCdhun (licensed to preach), 
mukdsir (persuader), etc. 

Except where the imam himself was in power as 
Caliph, the da'-wa was usually a secret, conspiratorial 
movement. Accordingly, while a ddH in Isma c ili-held 
lands had a high position in the state (the ddH 

al-du'-dt, at the head of all official religious matters, 
seems to have been on a level with the wazir, if not 
united with him in one person), the ddHs in other 
lands often had adventurous lives and sometimes 
ended bloodily. Many served as military leaders, 
particularly before the Fatimid state was established 
(for instance, the Karmatian leaders; and Abu 
c Abd Allah al-Shi'I, who led Berber tribesmen in the 
revolt which established al-Mahdi in the Maghrib). 
Later, they still had to have a gift for political 
intrigue (some tried to convert the leading figures 
at the local court, or even the amir himself; thus 
al-Mu'ayyid fi '1-DIn al-Shirazi at the Bflyid court), 
for they were not only preachers but agents of the 
Fatimid state. Nevertheless, the ddHs were often 
independent scholars; vigorous theological and 
philosophical controversies were carried on among 
them, and the chief Isma'Ili books seem to have 
been written by ddHs, many of the most important 
by those labouring in hostile Iran. 

In the parallelism drawn between the Isma'Ili 
hudud, religious ranks, and the principles of cosmic 
emanation from the One, the ddH was sometimes 
associated with "time" or with the khaydl, "fantasy". 
For such purposes, the hud±d±a formed a separate 
rank between the ddH and the imam, as did the 
bdb [q.v.]. 

The title ddH came to mean something different 
in each of the sects which issued from the classical 
Fatimid Isma'Ilism. Among the first Druzes, the 
ddHs performed similar functions, but formed a 
rank directly dependent on the fifth of the great 
liudud, the tali (Baha 5 al-Din); cosmically, they 
embodied the djidd ("effort"). Subsequently they 
became superfluous. The Nizaris ("Assassins") 
inherited the Isma'UI organization in the Saldjuk 
domains, which seems to have been headed by the 
ddH of Isfahan; ddH became the ordinary title for 
the chief of the sect, resident from the time of 
Hasan-i Sabbah at Alamflt (in the name of an 
unknown imam), until in 559/1164 the then ddH 
proclaimed himself the actual imam, (Hasan-i 
Sabbah was evidently also regarded as hudjdja in a 
special sense). The TayyibI da'wa of the Yaman 
separated from the official Fatimid organization 
under a ddH muflak, an "absolute" or sovereign ddH, 
who claimed to be the representative of the true line 
of imams, themselves in satr, occultation. The ddH 
had full authority over the community, and the 
Tayyibls split more than once over his person; in 
the mid-twentieth century there are two main rival 
ddHs, one seated traditionally in the Yaman (Sulay- 
man!) and one seated in Bombay (Da'udI). 

For bibliography, see isma'ilIs. 

(M. G. S. Hodgson) 

DA'I, ahmad B. ibrahIm, Turkish poet of the 
end of the 8th/i4th and the beginning of the gth/isth 
century. The scanty information about his life is 
scattered in his works and in tedhkires. A kadi by 
profession, he began to gain prominence as a poet 
at the court of the Germiyan in Kiitahya under 
princes Sulayman and Ya'kub II. He seems to have 
travelled a great deal in Anatolia and in the Balkans. 
During the chaotic years of struggle between the sons 
of Bayezid I after the battle of Ankara (804/1402), 
he entered the service of one of them, amir Sulayman 
in Edirne, whose court had become a gathering 
place for many famous men of letters of the period 
such as Ahmedi, his brother Hamzawi and Sulayman 
Celebi. He continued to flourish at court under 
Mehemmed I (816/1413-824/1421) and became tutor 
to his son, the future Murad II. The sources do not 

agree on the date of Da'i's death; Hadjdji Khalifa 
gives the year 820/1427, but there is evidence that 
he might still have been living during the first years 
of Murad II (824/1421-848/1444) (I. H. Uzuncarsih, 
Kiitahya $ehri. Istanbul 1932, 213). With the excep- 
tion of Sehi (Tedhkire, 56) who has a short but appre- 
ciative note on him, until recently both Ottoman and 
modern scholars have considered Da'I a minor poet 
as but a few of his works were known. Since many 
of his works, specially an incomplete copy of his 
diwdn and his remarkable mathnawi Ceng-ndme, 
have come to light (Ahmed Ates, Turk Dili ve 
Edebiyati Dergisi, 3-4, 172-4) Da'I has proved to 
be an outstanding poet of his period, without doubt 
superior in richness of inspiration, originality, 
mastery of technique and fluency of style to many 
of his contemporaries. 

Apart from various religious treatises (I. H. 
Ertaylan, Ahmed-i DdH, Istanbul 1952) Da'I is the 
author of: (i) Diwdn; the only known copy is in 
Burdur Wakf Library no. 735; it is incomplete and 
not arranged alphabetically, containing his later 
poems: six kasidas two of which are dedicated to 
Mehemmed I and 199 ghazals. (ii) Ceng-ndme, called 
wrongly Dienk-ndme by some sources (Gibb, Ottoman 
Poetry, i, 2^6) and confused with Shaykhoghlu's 
Farah-ndme (Khurshid-ndme) by others ('All, Kunh 
al-Akhbdr and Bursall Mehmed Tahir, '■Othmanll 
Mu'ellifleri, s.v.) is a mathnawi of over 1400 couplets, 
dedicated to Amir Sulayman in 808/1405. In this 
allegory, the human soul is symbolized by the harp, 
whose heavenly music is a sign of its divine origin 
and which seeks the mystic paths of return to 
oneness with God. In a cheerful party on a flower- 
strewn lawn in spring, the poet asks the harp why 
it is so sad yet plays joyful melodies. Thereupon the 
four parts of the instrument tell him their stories: 
the silk of the strings came from worms which fed 
on the flesh of Job before eating the leaves of mul- 
berry trees; the wood of the frame was a beautiful 
Cyprus; the parchment covering the wood a gentle 
gazelle which was cruelly killed by hunters, and the 
hairs of the key were from the tail of a magnificent 
horse killed by the Tatars. This mathnawi full of 
vivid description and rich imagery, told in a moving 
and colourful style of unusual fluency compares 
favourably with the best contemporary narratives 
and even with those of the classical period, (iii) 
Tarassul, a letter-writer which became a classic and 
long remained a popular hand-book (Sehi, Tedhkire, 
56); (iv) Mutdyabdt, a small book of 12 light poems; 
(v) Wafiyyat-i Nushirwdn-i 'Adil, a short didactic 
mathnawi, probably translated from the Persian; 
(vi) l Ukiid al-Djawdhir, a short Persian rhyming 
vocabulary, written for the use of his princely pupil, 
the future Murad II ; (vii) Persian Diwdn, autograph 
copy written in 816/1413 is in Bursa, Orhan Library 
no. 66; it is dedicated to Khayr al-Din Hadjdji 
Khalil Bey; (viii) Tafsir, translation of Abu '1-Layth 
al-Samarkandi c s Kur'an commentary, with an in- 
troduction in verse, both in simple language and 
unadorned style, dedicated to Umur Bey b. Timur- 
tash (Universite Library T. Y. 8248); (ix) also 
attributed to Da'I, a translation of the Tadhkirat 
al-Awliyd', 'Attar's well known biographies and 
sayings of Muslim mystics. 

Bibliography: The Tedhkires of Sehi, Latifi, 
Klnall-zade Hasan Celebi, and the biographical 
section in 'All's Kunh al-Akhbdr, s.v.; Hammer- 
Purgstall, Gesch. d. Osm. Dichtkunst, i, 72; Gibb, 
Ottoman Poetry, i, 256 ff.; I. H. Ertaylan, Ahmed-i 
DdH, Istanbul 1952, a voluminous collection where 



facsimile editions of the Turkish Diwdn and the 
Ceng-name and extracts from other works have been 
put together with all available data from sources; 
A. Bombaci, Storia della lettetatuta turca, Milan 
1956, 297-9- (Fahir Iz) 

PA'IF [see al-djaru wa'l ta'dIl]. 
DAKAHLIYYA, name of an Egyptian pro- 
vince in the eastern region of the Delta. It owes its 
name, which is an Arabicized form of the Coptic 
Tkehli, to the town called Dakahla which was 
situated between Damlra and Damietta, a little 
closer to the latter than the former. At one time 
famous for its paper mills, it is now but an insig- 
nificant village. 

The province was created at the end of the 5th/ 
nth century and it has survived till today with 
some changes in its boundaries. At present it extends 
along the eastern bank of the Damietta branch of 
the Nile, which marks its western boundary, and 
ends on the south-east at the province of Sharkivva. 
Its chief town is now Mansura. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khurradadhbih, 82; Ku- 
dama, 48; c Ali Pasha, xi, 17; Maspero and 
Wiet, Matiriaux pour servir a la giographie de 
VEgypte, 90, 186-91. (G. Wiet) 

DAKAR [see Supplement]. 

DAKHAN (deccan). This word is derived from 
the Sanskrit word dakshina 'right (hand)', hence 
'south', since the compass points were deter- 



Dnventional line dividing north India 
south is formed by the south-western spurs of the 
Vindhyas along with their continuation called the 
Satpufas; peninsular India to the south of this 
line is usually further divided into (i) Deccan proper, 
extending up to the Tungabhadra, and (ii) south 
India extending right up to the southernmost tip 
of the peninsula. Physically also these two parts 
form two distinct units. For, while the Deccan 
plateau is formed by the great lavaic upland slowly 
rising from a point a few miles west of the deltas of 
the Godavari and the Krishna ending abruptly in 
the Western Ghats, the country lying to the south 
of the Tungabhadra and touching the port of Goa 
has a distinct crystalline character. The Deccan 
proper, therefore, may be said to consist of five 
sections, viz., (i) the western section enclosed by 
the sea and the Western Ghats, called the desk, the 
original home of the Marathas; this has extended 
beyond the Ghats to include the whole territory 
with Ahmadnagar and Poona as its principal towns; 
(ii) the area known as Berar during the Middle 
Ages and which is now known according to the 
ancient appellation of Vidarbha, with Nagpur as 
its principal town; (iii) Marafhwada, the Marathi- 
speaking part of the old Haydarabad State with 
its centre at Awrangabad; (iv) Tilangana where 
Telugu is the mother-tongue of a large part of the 
population, with Haydarabad as its historical and 
cultural capital; (v) the south-western portion 
populated mainly by the Kannadigas, with Bidjapur 
as its chief town. 

Even if we disregard the legendary war between 
Rama and Ravana, the Aryanization of the 
Deccan up to the far south must have been complete 
by the end of the Mawrya rule. There is little to 
relate between the fall of the Mawryas and rise of 
the Andhras who ruled practically the whole of the 
Deccan plateau for five hundred years. We also 
read of the Ikshvakus of Nagardjunakonda, the 
Vakafakas of Berar, the Western Calukyas of BadamI 
and Kalyani, the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed, the 

Eastern Calukyas of VengI, the Yadava; 
Deogiri and the Kakatiyas of Warangal, who r 
in different parts of the Deccan during the c< 
preceding the Muslim conquest. 

The first contact of the Deccan with the Muslims 
of the north was in 693/1294 when c Ala> al-DIn, 
nephew of Sultan Djalal al-DIn Firuz Khaldji of Dihli, 
marched to Deogiri [see dawlatabad] and forced the 
Yadava Radja Ramaiandra to pay tribute. It was, 
however, not till 718/1318 that this kingdom, which 
extended to most of the Mara tha country, was annexed 
to the Dihli Empire. Sultan Muhammad b. Tughluk 
not merely added the dominions of the Kakatiyas of 
Warangal to his Empire but annexed a large portion 
of south India as well, making Deogiri his second 
capital and renaming it Dawlatabad [q.v.]. But he 
could not control his far-flung empire effectively, 
and in 746/1345 his Deccan nobles, the amirdn-i 
sadah, revolted and chose Isma'il Mukh as the 
first independent Muslim ruler of the Deccan. 
He was replaced by Zafar Khan as king, with 
the title of c Ala> al-DIn Hasan Bahman Shah 
in 748/1347, who thus became the founder of the Bah- 
mani kingdom [see bahmanids]. The Bahmanids 
spread their Empire over the whole of the Deccan from 
sea to sea and ruled it first from Ahsanabad-Gulbarga 
[see gulbarga] and then from Muhammadabad-BIdar 
[see bIdar]. Towards the end of the 15th and the 
beginning of the 16th centuries the governors of 
the Bahmanid provinces became first autonomous 
and then independent, and the Deccan was finally 
divided into the five kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, 
Bidjapur, Berar, BIdar and Golkonda under the 
Nizamshahl, 'Adilshahi, 'Imadshahi, Baridshahi and 
Kutbshahi dynasties respectively. Berar and BIdar 
were soon absorbed into Ahmadnagar which was 
itself annexed to the Mughal Empire during the 
reign of Shah Djahan in 1042/1633. The turn of the 
extinction of Bidjapur and Golkonda did not come 
till 1097/1686 and 1098/1687 when the Emperor 
Awrangzib c Alamgir annexed these two kingdoms 
to his vast Empire. But the Mughal authority in the 
Deccan was undermined by the continuous raids 
of the Marathas who established a separate kingdom 
under Shivadji in 1085/1674 and which forced the 
Emperor to direct his strategy from Awrangabad 
where he died in 1119/1707. The next important date 
in the history of the Deccan is 1136/1724 when 
Nizam al-Mulk Asaf Djah [q.v.] defeated Mubariz 
Khan at Shakarkhefa and established his hegemony 
over the whole of the Deccan. The dynasty of the 
Asafdjahis ruled the Deccan first from Awrangabad 
and then from Haydarabad [q.v.] effectively till 1948 
when the Haydarabad State was integrated into the 
Indian Union. The Nizam, Sir Mir 'Uthman 'All 
Khan, Asaf Djah VII, was appointed Rddjpramukh or 
constitutional head of the state by the President of 
the Indian Union and acted as such till 1956 when 
the Haydarabad State was partitioned between 
Andhra Pradesh, Bombay State and Mysore State 
more or less according to linguistic affinities. 

Bibliography: R. G. Bhandarkar, Early 
History of the Dekkan down to the Mahomedan 
Conquest, 2nd. ed. Bombay 1895 ; S. K. Aiyangar, 
South India and her Muhammadan Invaders, 
London 1921; J. S. King. History of the Bahmani 
Dynasty, London 1900; Sherwani, The Bahmanis 
of the Deccan, an Objective Study, Haydarabad, n. d, ; 
J. D. B. Gribble, History of the Deccan, Vol. I, 
London 1936; Yusuf Husavn Khan. Nizamu 'l-Mulk 
Asaf Jdh I., Mangalore 1936. 

(H. K. Sherwani) 


DAKHANl [see URDU], 

al-DAKHIL [see <abd al-rahman]. 

DAKHlL. The dictionaries (LA, TA, etc.) give 
a general meaning, "interior, inward, intimate", 
and two particular derived meanings, (i) guest, to 
whom protection should be assured, and (2) stranger, 
passing traveller, person of another race. The first 
of the particular meanings relates to an institution 
of nomadic common law which guarantees protection, 
in traditional ways, to whoever requests it. Although 
the concept has at all times existed, it has never been 
incorporated into Islamic law, which has no 
technical term corresponding to it. In its practical 
application, the institution combines elements of 
the complex system of ties of hospitality to 
which general opinion seems to assimilate the 
rights of the dakhil and of a very old law of 
refuge in private households which is attested all 
over the Semitic world (cf. djiwar). See in par- 
ticular the detailed analysis by A. Jaussen, Coutumes 
des Arabes au pays de Moab, Paris 1948, 202-20, and 
Burckhardt's notes on the same subject in Notes on 
the Bedouins, London 1831, i, 329-38; see also 
Layard, Narrative of a second expedition to Assyria, 
London 1867, ch. VI, 139-62, and Caskel, apud 
Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, Leipzig 1939, i, 29. 

From this last meaning, several meanings of the 
word as a technical term in philology, regarded as 
"late" by the lexicographers, have been derived, 
notably (1) "a foreign word borrowed by the Arabic 
language", like dirham, and (2) metrical term 
denoting the consonant preceding the rhyming 
consonant, the dakhil itself being preceded by an 
alif (cf. c arud). (J. Lecerf) 

DAKHLA WA KHARDJA [see al-wAhat]. 

DAKHNl [see urdu]. 

DA$1&I, Abo Mansur Mohammad b. Ahmad (or 
Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad), the poet 
to whom we owe the oldest known text of the 
national epic in the Persian language. His place of 
birth is uncertain (Tus, Bukhara, Balkh or Samar- 
kand); he was born between 318 and 329/930 and 
940, for he was at least twenty years old when he 
became panegyrist to the amirs of Caghaniyan, 
then of the Samanid amir Mansur b. Nuh (350-366/ 
961-976); further, Firdawsl, who continued after him 
the composition of The Book o) the Kings (Shah- 
ndma), assures us that DakikI was a young man 
when he began this work, at the behest of the amlr 
Nuh. b. Mansur, 366-387/976-997; DakikI therefore 
did not die before the time of this prince; and 
Firdawsl resumed the composition of the Shdh- 
ndma about 370/980, after the murder of his pre- 
cursor by a slave (a murder provoked by his bad 
character (khuy-i bad) according to Firdawsi). 

In the anthologies (Lubdb al-Albdb, Madjma'- al- 
Fusahd', Tardiumdn al-Baldgha etc.) there are lyrical 
pieces and fragments which bear witness to Daklki's 
precocious skill, his subtle and delicate mind, his 
easy style. But the work by which he is immortalized 
is the part of the Shdh-ndma (about a thousand lines) 
incorporated in the poem by his successor, Firdawsi: 
the reign of the king Goshtasp, the appearance and 
the deeds of Zardosht (Zoroaster), and the war 
against their Chionite enemies. 

The Zoroastrian faith of Daklki seems to assert 
itself in one of his rubdHs and in other of his poems, 
in spite of his Muslim names. Did he remain Zoro- 
astrian at heart ? If he had been sincerely attached 
to Islam, would he, in undertaking the composition 
of the Shdh-ndma on the order of the Samanid amir 

(a strictly orthodox Muslim), have straightway 
extolled the rise of Zoroastrianism and the war which 
it provoked? Howbeit, it is very probable, if not 
certain, that he chose this episode because he had 
at his disposal a copy of the Memorial of Zarir 
(Ayatkdr-i Zarirdn), a text from the Sasanid 
period in Pahlawi verse (as E. Benveniste has shown) 
from which he drew direct inspiration. It may be 
that he had also put into verse other episodes from 
the Shdh-ndma, if we take into consideration some 
of his poems, epic in style and metre, scattered 
through the anthologies (tadhkira). 

What remains of Daklki's lyrical poems shows 
his remarkable ability to vary his inspiration 
according to the descriptive, bacchic or amorous 
styles; quotations from his verse, numerous in the 
Persian anthologies and dictionaries, give proof of 
the lasting fame he enjoyed after his too-short 
career. Indeed his collaboration in the Shdh-ndma is 
as important for its own value as for the light it 
throws on the sources of the great national poem of 

Bibliography: Firdawsi, Booh of the Kings 
(Shdh-ndma), ed. and trans. J. Mohl, 4to edition, 
iv, 358-730; i2mo edition, iv, 287 ff.; ed. Vullers- 
Landauer hi, 495-1747; Tehran ed. 1934-35 (pub. 
Beroukhim), vi; E. Benveniste, Le Memorial de 
Zarir, in J A, ccxx, (1932), no. 2, 245 ft. Lyrical 
poems: G. Lazard, Les premiers poemes persans, 
critical edition, annotated, translation and bio- 
bibliography (in the press). 

(Cl. Huart-[H. Masse]) 
al-DA£$A$, AbC c Abd Allah, Moroccan 
saint born at Sidjilmasa. He and a certain Abu c Abd 
Allah Muhammad b. c Umar al-Asamm who was 
assassinated in 542/1 147-8 belonged to one of the 
small circles of Sufis generally disapproved of by 
authority. This Abu <Abd Allah had already been 
imprisoned at Fez at the same time as some of his 
companions, among whom one was al-Dakkak, who 
on the orders of Tashufln b. C AU the Almoravid 
was afterwards released. 

No one knows the date of birth of this saint, nor 
that of his death. All the same, one can be sure that 
towards the middle of the 6th/i2th century he had 
become known as a disciple of Sufism at Fez, where 
his alfwal had aroused the kindly sympathy of Ibn 
al-'Arif and Ibn Barradjan, both of whom died in 

If we may believe al-Tadili, al-Dakkak went to 
and fro between Sidjilmasa and Fez. It was in Fez 
that he met Abu Madyan at a time when the latter, 
seeking instruction, was studying the Ri'-dya of 
al-Muhasibi under the direction of Abu '1-Hasan b. 
Hirzihim and the Sunan of al-Tirmidhl with Ibn 
Ghalib. Al-Dakkak and a person of the name of Abu 
'1-SalawI initiated him into Sufism (Tashawwuf, 319). 
It is because he was one of the masters of Abu 
Madyan that al-Dakkak has not sunk into obscurity. 
He led a life of renunciation, and was, it seems, 
before all else, a disciple of Sufism rather than a 
scholar. His manner of claiming sanctity and the 
satisfaction which he felt when it was acknowledged 
has something displeasing about it. He died at Fez, 
most probably, according to A. Bel, at the latest 
in the last quarter of the 6th/i2th century. He is 
buried in the cemetery of Bab al-GIsa. 

Bibliography: A. Bel, Sidi Bou Medyan et 
son mattre Ed-Daqqdq a Fes, in Milanges Rent 
Basset, Paris 1923, i, 31 ff.; al-Tadili, Al-Tashawwuf 
ild Rididl al-tasawtim) , ed. A. Faure, Rabat 1958, 
135-7- (A. Faure) 


DA$C?A 5 (or DaicOic), a small town in the 
J2iazlra province of the 'Abbasid empire, some 25 
miles S.E. of Kirkuk on the Mosul-Baghdad trunk- 
road, was known to the later Arab geographers and 
perhaps emerged into urban status, though never 
eminence, in the 5th/nth century. Some medieval 
brickwork and a minaret survive. The later and 
present name (from gth/isth century, or earlier) 
was Tawflk or TS'uk. The town, on flat ground 
immediately west of the foothills, stands healthy 
and well-watered beside the broad Ta'uk Chay, a 
trickle in summer but a formidable flood after 
winter rains: this now flows into the £ A?aim river, 
and thence to the Tigris, but passed into the great 
Nahrawan canal when that existed. In modern 
'Irak Ta'uk, with some 2,000 Kurdish and Turkish- 
speaking inhabitants, is today a ndhiya head- 
quarters, partially modernized, and an agricultural 
and market centre for the surrounding Kurdish 
tribesmen (Da'udiyya and Kakal) and Turkoman 
villagers. The 'Irak Railways line, and the main 
road, cross the Ta'uk Chay by modern bridges. 
A well-known shrine of Zayn al- c Abidin b. Husayn 
is 1.5 miles distant. 

Bibliography: Le Strange, 92, and the Arab 

authorities there noted. c Abd al-Razzak al- 

Hasanl, al-'Irdk gadim?" wa Hadith'"; Sidon 

1367/1948, 197. Undersigned's own observations. 
(S. H. Longrigg) 

DAJL, 8th letter of the Arabic alphabet, tran- 
scribed d ; numerical value 4, in accordance with the 
order of the letters in the Syriac (and Canaanite) 
alphabet, where d is the fourth letter [see abdjad]. It 
continues a d of common Semitic. 

Definition: voiced dental occlusive; according to 
the Arab grammatical tradition: shadida, madjhura. 
For the makhradi: nifiyya according to al-KhalU 
(al-Zamakhshari, Mufassal, 2nded. J. P. Broch, 191, 
line 1), who places the point of articulation at the 
nif (or ni(a c ), the anterior part of the hard palate, 
'its striped part' (Ibn Ya'Ish, 1460, line 19) and so: 
prepalatal. This articulation has left traces in modern 
dialects (Lebanon, Syria : M. Bravmann, Materialien, 
69; H. Fleisch, Zahlt, in MUSJ, xxvii, 78). Another 
tradition, based on the Kitab of Sibawayh (Paris 
edition, ii, 453, line 13), which has been much more 
generally followed, indicates 'the bases of the central 
incisors', and so: alveolar. For the phonological 
oppositions of the d phoneme, see J. Cantineau, 
Esquisse, in BSL (No. 126), 99, 12th; for the in- 
compatibles ibid., 134. 

Variants: in the mountain dialects of N. 
Morocco d may become dh after a vowel; d in 
Classical Arabic and in the modern dialects has 
numerous conditioned variants (assimilations), see 
J. Cantineau, Cours, 37-8, 41-2. 

Bibliography: in the text, and s.v. HurOf 

al-Hidja'. (H. Fleisch) 

(ii) — Various modifications of ddl in languages 
other than Arabic in which an adaptation of the 
Arabic script is used may be mentioned here. 

In the Indo-Aryan languages there are two series 
of "d-like" sounds, the dental and the retroflex 
(also called cerebral, cacuminal, or even, 
perversely, lingual), the latter produced by the 
under side of the tongue tip being curled back to 
strike the hard palate in the post-alveolar position, 
the concave upper surface of the tongue forming a 
secondary resonating chamber within the oral 
cavity. Both sounds may in addition be accompanied 
by aspiration. In Pashto and Urdu the dental is 
represented by the unmodified ddl, the retroflex 

(transcribed in the Encyclopaedia by d) by ddl 
modified in Pashto by a small subscript circle (,j), 
in Urdu by a small superscript fd {y, this was 
originally ! j ). The aspirated varieties of both are now 
always written with the "butterfly" (dutashmi) ha, 
the "hook" variety of ha being reserved for inter- 
vocalic h, hence the contrast A dahi 'curds', but 
^i dhi 'daughter'. 

In Sindhi the retroflex ddl is represented by ir 
aspirated ddl (dha) by •> , and aspirated ddl (dha) by 
^. Sindhi, in common with other languages of 
Western India, has in addition a series of implosive 
consonants (implosive b, dj_, d and g) ; the im- 
plosive d (da) is represented by • J . 

Bibliography : Linguistic Survey of India, 

Vols, x (Pashto), viii/i (Sindhi), ix/i (Urdu); 

D. N. MacKenzie, A standard Pashto in BSOAS, 

xxii/2 (1959), 231-5; R. L. Turner, Cerebralization 

in Sindhi in JRAS, 1924, 555-84; idem, The 

Sindhi recursives . . ., BSOS, iii/2, (1924), 301-15; 

Mohiuddin Qadri, Hindustani Phonetics, Paris n.d. 

(1931?); also the articles pashto, sindhi, urdO. 
(J. Burton-Page) 

DALlL (Gr. oi](ietov) is an ambiguous term; it 
can mean sign or indication, every proof through the 
inference of a cause from its effect or the inference of 
the universal from the particular in opposition to the 
proof from a strictly deductive syllogism in which 
the particular is deduced from the universal; and 
finally it is used as synonymous with proof, 
dc7r6Set^t<;, burhdn generally, 

Aristotle treats the "proof from a sign" in the last 
chapter of his Analytica Priora. According to him 
"proof from a sign" is an enthymeme, i.e., a syllogism 
in which one premiss is suppressed (£v6u|A7]|A<x, 
ftiyds idmdri or kiyds id^dzi) in which from a fact 
another fact, anterior or posterior in time, is inferred 
(although Aristotle says "anterior or posterior", the 
example he gives infers an anterior fact and for the 
Arab philosophers the inference is always the 
inference of a cause from its effect). He gives as an 
example that from a woman having milk it is 
inferred that she has conceived. He states that this 
enthymeme can be fully expressed in the following 
way: all women who have milk have conceived, this 
woman has conceived, therefore she has milk. This 
would seem to imply that for this type of reasoning 
the enthymeme is not a necessary condition and that 
the conclusion provides absolute evidence, although 
a "sign", according to Aristotle, is always an accident 
and there is no necessary proof for the accidental. We 
find in Avicenna the same definition and the same 
example (Nadj.dt, p. 92) and he adds that dalil can 
mean both the middle term of the syllogism (in 
this case "having milk") and the enthymeme itself. 

This type of reasoning is the only one for which 
Aristotle reserves the name of "proof from a sign". 
The Arab philosophers, however, give the term a 
wider meaning, based on the distinction made by 
Aristotle in his Analytica Posteriora between the 
proof that a thing is, to 8ti, burhdn anna and the 
proof why a thing is, the proof of its cause or reason, 
to 810TI, burhdn lima. The proof why a thing is 
is preceded by the proof that a thing is, for one can 
ask only why a thing is, when one knows that it is. 
The proof that a thing is starts from the particular, 
the fact, the effect perceived, and infers the cause 
from its effect, and it is for this reason that the Arab 
philosophers call it a dalil; on the other hand the 


proof why a thing is starts from the universal, the 
cause, and deduces the particular effect from its 
cause. The distinction is confused through the 
ambiguity of the term "cause" which in Aristotelian 
philosophy can mean both the logical reason of a 
thing's being such and such, its formal cause, e.g., 
the reason that Socrates is mortal is that he is a man, 
and the ontological cause of a thing's becoming, 
e.g., this fire is the cause of the burning of this wood. 
I cannot discuss this here in extenso, but will give 
only Avicenna's examples from his Nadjdt (103, 105) 
which show clearly the confusion between the logical 
and the ontological, so usual in Aristotle. As an 
example of the burhdn lima he gives: a great heat 
has changed this wood, everything a great heat has 
changed is burnt, therefore this wood is burnt; and 
as an example of the burhdn anna: this wood is 
burnt, therefore a great heat has burned it. According 
to Avicenna the difference between the two syllogisms 
is that in the former the middle term (i.e., a great 
heat) is both the cause {i.e., the logical reason) of our 
conviction of the truth of the conclusion and the 
cause (i.e., the ontological cause) of the major term 
(i.e., the being burnt) in reality, whereas the latter 
gives us only the subjective conviction of the truth 
of the conclusion. That is to say in the burhdn anna 
we can, purely logically, infer from the particular 
effect its formal cause, for being burnt implies the 
act of burning, and since being burnt is but the 
actualisation of the potentiality of heat, heat and the 
fact of being burnt are practically identical; in the 
burhdn lima the ontological cause and the logical 
reason are identified. 

The Arab philosophers hold also with Aristotle 
(Anal. Prior., ii, 23) that through a syllogism based 
on a perfect induction of particular facts, that is the 
enumeration of all the particular cases, we can 
arrive at a universal proposition (cf. e.g., Avicenna, 
De demonstrations [from his Shifd'], 31-2). 

There is still another type of reasoning mentioned 
by Aristotle (Anal. Prior., ii, 24) in which from a 
particular case a general principle may be inferred, 
reasoning by example, TrapaSeiy^a, mathal. Avicenna 
gives in his Nadjdt, 90-91, as an example an argu- 
ment of the theologians: the world is produced in 
time, because it is composed of parts, therefore it is 
like a building; now the building is produced in time, 
therefore the world is produced in time. 

Aristotle had neglected in his logic the hypothetical 
and disjunctive syllogisms which were studied in his 
school by Theophrastus and Eudemus, but the Stoics 
for whom all argument is based on the inference of 
an event from another event, on the inference of 
the posterior from the anterior (or the reverse in 
prognostics), on the inference of a particular cause 
from a particular effect, that is on the inference 
from signs or symptoms, ar^Eia, a concept which 
becomes one of the most important elements of their 
logic, are chiefly concerned with the study of the 
hypothetical and disjunctive syllogisms and, indeed, 
inferences from actual events which imply a time- 
element, find an easier expression in a hypothetical 
than in a categorical syllogism. The example of 
OT]|iEiov given by Aristotle, becomes in Stoic logic 
a stock example in their syllogism: if this woman 
has milk, she has conceived, now she has milk, 
therefore she has conceived, and Avicenna in his 
Ishdrdt, 84-5, gives an example of the difference 
between burhdn lima and the burhdn anna in a 
hypothetical form. Reasoning by example, regarded 
by Aristotle as a categorical syllogism, or as the 
Stoics call it reasoning by analogy (fryds), takes in 

their logic a hypothetical form and becomes one of 
their principal arguments, since according to them 
all knowledge transcending the evidence of the 
senses proceeds by way of analogical inference. The 
analogical syllogism was the first one the Arabs 
became acquainted with (it may well be that 
because of this the term ftiyds becomes later the 
general name for syllogism, just as the term dalil 
becomes the general term for proof), the Mu'tazila, 
the rationalistic theologians in Islam, called by 
their adversaries ahl al-kiyds, used analogical 
reasoning for their interpretation of the Kur'an and 
as a basis for criticizing traditions, and Shafi'i was 
aware that Ikiyds is based on signs, dald'il and 
examples, mithdl (cf. J. Schacht, The Origins of 
Muhammadan Jurisprudence, London 1950, 124 
and 128). GhazzSlI in his logical works emphasizes 
the importance of the hypothetical syllogism in all 
juridical matters and the Ash c aris, nominalists like 
the Stoics and who with them deny the existence of 
Aristotle's forms and formal causes, base their 
arguments on analogical reasoning or as Averroes 
says (Tahdfut al-Tahdfut, Bouyges, p. 522) on what 
they call "sign". 

Bibliography: in the text. 


DALLAL (ar.) "broker", "agent". Dalldl, 
literally "guide"; is the popular Arabic word for 
simsdr, sensal. In the Tddj al-'-Arus we find, on the 
word simsdr: "This is the man known as a dalldl; 
he shows the purchaser where to find the goods he 
requires, and the seller how to exact his price". 
Very little is known from the Arabic sources about 
the origins of these brokers, who have been of such 
great importance in economic affairs. The dalldl 
corresponded to the Byzantine f*e8iT7]<;. In the 
absence of any systematic earlier studies, only 
certain items of information collected at random 
can be given here. Law-books warn the dalldls of the 
need to be on their guard against the dishonest 
tricks customary in commerce (Ibn al-Hadjdj, 
Kitdb al-Madhhal, iii, 75). In fact the dalldls frequ- 
ently recommended to purchasers goods which they 
knew to be inferior and always took sides with the 
seller against his customer. Their profession which, 
at times, was invested with an official character, 
was known as dildla. The word al-dallal occurs in 
early times as a surname (Tddj. al- c Arils). Under 
the Fatimids, certain articles could only be sold 
through the intermediary of dalldls (al-Mukaddasi, 
213,). In the time of the Mamluks, the 2% 
commission which from the earliest days had 
been paid to these brokers was made subject to 
a charge, as a result of which the dalldl had to give 
up half his profits in taxes: the loss, naturally 
enough, he speedily passed on to his clients. This 
operation was known as nisf al-samsara (Makrizi, 
Khifat, i, 8g s ). A somewhat similar custom was to 
be found in northern Syria (cf. Sobernheim in 
the Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, ii, no 55 
and the account given by C. H. Becker in Isl. i, 
100). The principal transactions were concluded 
in the maritime customs offices. There the dalldls 
acted at the same time as interpreters when any 
dealings with the Franks were required. Commercial 
treaties fixed precisely what fees were due to these 
agents and interpreters (Amari, Diplomi Arabi, 106, 
203). Heyd, Levantehandel, i, gives a wide range of 
details about this kind of transaction. For the 
Western Mediterranean one should consult de Mas 
Latrie, Traitis de paix et de commerce, Paris 1866, 
189. Later it was the West which monopolized 


questions of brokerage (cf. Schaube, Handelsgeschichte 
der romanischen VOlker des Mittelmeergebietes, 761). 

It was, however, not only for their transactions 
with foreigners, but also for business matters amongst 
themselves, that the Eastern peoples made use of 
the dalldls (see, for example, the notes on Ottoman 
brokerage dues in B. Lewis, Studies in the Ottoman 
Archives, I,BSOAS, xvi, 1954, 495 ff.). Furthermore, 
the latter also acted as independent traders, selling, 
for example, old clothes on their own account (Des- 
cription de VEgypte, Etat moderne, xviii/II, 321). The 
name dalldl was also applied to the hawker auctioning 
goods in the secondhand clothing market and, still 
more frequently, to the small intermediary and 
agent. The way of life of these agents has been well 
described by Lane, Manners and Customs of the 
modern Egyptians i , ii, 13. Women are also found 
taking the part of agents. Known as dallala, they 
act as intermediaries for harems of a superior sort 
(Lane, op. cit. I, 200, 239, 242). For other meanings 
of the word dalldl cf. Dozy, Supplement, s.v. 

(C. H. Becker*) 

II. — In the Muslim West, the dalldl is exclusively 
an intermediary who, in return for remuneration, 
sells by public auction objects entrusted to him by 
third parties. In the large towns the dalldls are 
grouped in specialized guilds, supervised by a syndic 
(amin) who compels them to give a guarantee of good 
faith (damin). They chiefly concerned themselves 
with manufactured goods sold by artisans to the 
shopkeepers: slippers, locally woven fabrics, carpets, 
jewellery etc. ; industrial raw materials such as hides 
(green or tanned), wool (untreated or yarn); com- 
modities sold in bulk, such as oil, butter, honey, 
local soap, henna, eggs, fruit and vegetables; live- 
stock, animals for both riding and baggage; furni- 
ture, books and old clothes. Before the French 
Protectorate was established in Morocco they were 
also engaged in the sale of slaves of both sexes. 

The word has passed into Persian and Turkish 
(telldl) and, from the latter, into various Balkan 
languages (modern Greek telldles). Besides dalldl 
(dellil in Granada), Spanish Arabic used sawwdk. 

In the Muslim West today dalldl is quite distinct 
from barrdh "town crier" and from simsdr [q.v.] 
"broker, business agent". 

In the large towns the feminine dallala denotes 
a "dealer in women's clothes" who frequents the 
houses of the rich, offering the women fabrics, 
clothes and jewellery. 

Bibliography: Le Tourneau, Fis avant le 

protectorat, 1949, 306-14; Kampffmeyer, Texte aus 

Fes, 13; idem, Weitere Texte aus Fes und 

Tanger, 71. (G. S. Colin) 

DALTAWA, the headquarter town of the Kada 
of Khalis in the liwa of Diyala, central 'Irak 
(44 30' E, 33° 50' N). The population of the town 
—all settled 'Iraki Arabs, with ShI'i predominance 
over Sunni — was some 10,000 in 1367/1947, and 
that of the kadd 70,000; the two dependent ndhiyas 
are those of Khan Ban! Sa c d and Mansuriyya 
(formerly Dali 'Abbas). The name Daltawa is said by 
'Iraki scholars to be a corruption of an original 

Surrounded by date-gardens, the town is watered 
from the Khalis canal, an important offtake from 
the Diyala, right bank. Though still largely old 
fashioned, and never very healthy, the town now 
contains a number of new streets and buildings, 
especially Government offices and institutions; 
modern services and communications have been 
greatly developed during the last 30 years. Though 

nowhere mentioned in mediaeval writers, because 
then of little importance, the town is certainly of 
some antiquity, and was watered from the Nahrawan- 
Diyala canal system. 

Bibliography: 'Abd al-Razzak al-Hasanl, 

aUHrdk Kadim an wa Ifadith'", Sidon 1367/1947. 
(S. H. Longrigg) 

al-DALW [see Nudjum]. 

DAM [see sikka]. 

DAMAD, a Persian word meaning son-in-law, 
used as a title by sons-in-law of the Ottoman 
Sultans. Under the early Sultans, princesses (sultan) 
of the reigning house were occasionally given in 
marriage to the vassal princes of Asia Minor, for 
example, to the Karamanoghlu, and even to the 
vezirs and generals of the sovereign ; the case of the 
saint Amir Sultan of Bursa, who married a daughter 
of Bayazid I is, however, unique not only for that 
but also for later periods. We afterwards find Grand 
Vezirs, Kapudan Pashas, Aghas of Janissaries, 
Bostandjlbashis and other high officials as sons-in- 
law of the Sultan; the best known are Ibrahim Pasha, 
the favourite of Sulayman I, Rustem Pasha (husband 
of Mihrimah), Sokollu Mehemmed Pasha (husband 
of Asmakhan), Ibrahim Pasha (son-in-law of 
Mehemmed III), Ibrahim Pasha under Ahmed 
III etc. (cf. Hammer, GOR, index, s.v. Sultdmn)- The 
title ddmdd was applied to some of them both by 
their contemporaries and in historical writings and re- 
mained current to the end of the empire (e.g., Damad 
Mahmud Pasha, Damad Ferid Pasha [q.v.] etc.). 

The marriage ceremonies were celebrated with great 
splendour and are minutely described in the Otto- 
man chronicles as well as by western travellers (cf. 
Hammer, GOR, index s.v. Hochzeit und Vermdhlung) ; 
the dowry had been fixed by Sulayman I at 100,000 
ducats and the appanage (Khass) brought in 1000- 
1500 aspers daily. (Venetian Relazione of 1608, in 
Barozzi-Berchet, 72; Hammer, viii, 211); in addition 
a large palace was usually bestowed on the princesses. 
Till the time of Sulayman I the Damads were 
usually sent into the provinces as governors to 
prevent them having any personal influence on the 
affairs of the Sublime Porte, (Kocibey, ed. of 1303, 
94, 97). Etiquette compelled the Damad to put away 
the wives he already had and to take no further wives 
(cf. the Venetian Relazione already quoted, 103 ff. 
and Hammer, iv, 103); he became the slave of his 
wife and this relationship finds expression in the 
form of address used between the spouses (cf. the 
above reports, 72, 104; de la Mottraye, Voyages, 
338 ff . ; Hammer, Staatsverfassung, i, 476-84 = GOR, 
viii, 211-13; C. White, Three Years in Constantinople, 
iii, 180 ff.). The statement that sons born of such 
marriages were done away with at birth (Eton, 
Survey of the Turkish Empire', 101 ; Hammer, GOR, 
> v > 463), may be disproved (cf. Djewdet, vi, 196 ff., 
Relazioni loc. cit., 181, 372) ; only in earlier times they 
were debarred from all public offices (Relazioni 181). 

Bibl. in addition to that given in the article: 
Ismail Hakki Uzuncarsih, Osmanli Devletinin Saray 
Teskil&h, Ankara [945; A. D. Alderson, The Structure 
of the Ottoman Dynasty, Oxford 1956, 97-8. On the 
use of the title Kiiregen by the sons-in-law of 
Mongol rulers see Djuwayni- Boyle, 174 n. n; 
Mostaert and Cleaves, Trois Documents Mongols, 
HJAS, 1852, 474; and article GOrkhan. 


al-DAMAD, "son-in-law", an honorific title 
given to MiR muhammad bakir b. shams al-din 


al-Mu'-allim al-Thdlith, the "third teacher" in philo- 

l-DAMAD — DAMAD ferId pasha 

sophy after al-Farabl. This title properly belongs to 
his father who was the son-in-law of the famous 
Shl'I theologian 'All b. al-Husayn b. 'Abd al-'AH 
al-Karaki, called al-MuhaWk al-Thdni (Brockel- 
mann, S II, 574), but it was extended to the son, 
who is more correctly called Damadi or Ibn al-Damad. 
Born at Astarabad, MIr-i Damad spent his childhood 
at Tfls from where he went to Ispahan, most probably 
for preliminary studies. Educated at Mashhad, 
among his teachers are counted his maternal uncle, 
al-Shaykh 'Abd al- c Ali b. 'AH (the muditahid), and 
al-S_haykh 'Izz al-Din Husayn b. 'Abd al-Samad 

A noted divine, he is, however, chiefly esteemed 
for his attainments as a scholastic theologian 
{mutakallim), and two of his numerous works, ah 
Ufufr al-Mubin (also called by the author, at four 
places in the text, ahSirdt al-Mustaftim) and al-Sab c 
alrShidad. are still prescribed, in spite of their being 
the writings of a Shl'I muditahid, in the religious 
institutions of India and Pakistan, run and managed 
exclusively by the Sunnls, as courses of logical 
studies. For a long period of 36 years, from 984 to 1025 
(1576-1616), he remained actively engaged in philo- 
sophical and scholastic discussions and religious 

Mir-i Damad was also a poet of no mean order 
and composed verses under the pen-name of Ishrdk. 
Specimens of his poetry are given in the Madjma* 
at-Fusahd', the Riydd al-'Arifin and the Atash-Kada 
(see Bibliography). Muhammad Hasan "Zulali" al- 
Khwansari (d. 1024/1615), the well-known author of 
the imaginative mathnawi "Mahmud u-Ayaz", was 
a great admirer of Mir-i Damad. 

The Ta'rikh-i "-Alam Ard-yi l Abbdsi, written in 
1025/1616, fifteen years before the death of Mir-i 
Damad in 1040/1630, describes him as skilled in 
most of the sciences, especially philosophy, philology, 
mathematics, medicine, jurisprudence, exegesis and 
tradition. It further mentions about a dozen of the 
works of MIr-i Damad which shows that long before 
1025/1616, his fame as a writer and author of distinc- 
tion had been established. 

Held in great esteem, rather awe, by Shah 'Abbas 
Safawi I (996-1039/1587-1629), at whose Court he 
wielded great influence, and his successor Shah Safi I, 
Mir Bakir rose morally also above most of his 
contemporaries who were engaged in the ignoble 
pursuits of "petty jealousy and mutual disparage- 
ment" (cf. John Malcolm, History of Persia, London 
1815, i, 258-9). Among the notable pupils of MIr-i 
Damad was Mulla Sadra-i ShlrazI [q.v.], the cele- 
brated philosopher, accounted as the greatest in 
modern times in Iran. 

Mir Bakir died between al-Nadjaf and Karbala 5 , 
during a visit to the holy places in 'Irak, in 1040/1630 
and was buried in al-Nadjaf. 

He was a prolific writer; a full list of his Arabic 
works is given by Brockelmann (S II, 579)- Chief 
of these are: al-Uful? al-Mubin which has been the 
subject of numerous commentaries. Mawlawl Fadl-i 
Haijk of Khayrabad. a famous theologian and 
mutakallim of India, was very fond of teaching this 
book. Bahr al-'Ulum [q.v.] has written taHikdt 
(glosses) on it. Al-§irdt al-Mustakim and al-Habl al- 
Matin, are also on logic. Concerning the former a 
Persian poet says: "May the Muslim never hear nor 
the kdfir ever see the Sirdt al-Musta&m of MIr-i 

His other notable works are: al-Kabasdt (composed 
in 1034/1624) on the huduth (Creation) of the Uni- 
verse and the Eternity of God, etc.; Shdri c al- 

Nadidt (in Persian), on the principles of religion and 

jurisprudence, comprising an introduction, five 

books and a conclusion; Sidrat al-Muntahd, a 

commentary of the Kur 5 an; aUDjidhawdt, (in 

Persian), a treatise on the mystic meanings of the 

detached letters (huruf mukatfa'dt) in the Kur'an 

and also containing a discussion as to why the body 

of Moses, composed of organic matter, survived the 

divine tadjalli while Mount Sinai was (according to 

tradition) reduced to ashes. This work, specially 

composed for Shah 'Abbas Safawi, is divided into 

12 preliminary chapters and a large number of 

sections, each termed diidhwa; Tafrwim cd-Imdn or 

al-Takwim fi 'l-Kaldm, on the philosophy of imdn; 

and al-Taftdisat, on the divine dispensation. He has 

also left two separate diwdns, in Arabic and Persian. 

Bibliography: Ibn Ma'sum, Suldfat al-'Asr, 

Cairo 1334/1915, 485-7; Iskandar Beg MunshI, 

Ta'rtkh-i 'Alam Ard-yi 'Abbdsi, Tehran 1313-14/ 

1896-7, 109, 658; Muhammad Bakir al-Khwansarl, 

Rawddt al-Dianndt flAhwdl al-'Ulamd' wa 'l-Sdddt, 

Tehran 1347-1928, i, 114-6; Fadl Allah al-Muhibbl, 

Khuldsat al-Athar, Cairo 1281/1864, iv, 301-2; 

Muhammad b. Sadik, Nudium al-Samd', Lucknow 

1303/1885-6, 46; I'djaz Husayn al-Kanturl, Kashf 

al-Hudptb wa 'l-Astdr 'an Asmd' al-Kutub wa 

'l-Asfdr, Calcutta 1330/1912, index (under Muh. 

Bakir b. Muh. al-Husaynl al-Damad); Sarkls, 

Mu'djam al-Mafbu'dt, col. 860; C. Brockelmann, 

S II, 579-8o; Fihrist Kitab Khdna-i Ddnishgdh-i 

Iran, (compiled by Muhammad TakI Danish- 

Puzhuh), Tehran, 1332/1953, iii, 152 (where 

several other references are found); Muhammad 

b. Hasan al-Hurr al-'Amill, Amal al-Amil 

fi 'Ulamd' Qiabal al-'Amil, 498; Muljammad b. 
Sulayman TunakabunI, Kisas al-'Ulamd', Tehran 
1304/1886, 145, 238-40 (also Urdu translation by 
Mir Nadir 'AH Ra'd, Haydarabad 1340-1/1921-3); 
'Abd al-'Aziz "Djawahir al-Kalam", Risdla dar 
Fadilat al-Hlm wa 'l-Ulamd' (MS.); Rida 5 Kull 
Khan Hidayat, Mad[ma c al-Fusahd', Tehran 
1295/1878, vii, 2; Lutf 'All Khan Adhar, Atash- 
Kada, 1299/1882, 159; Rida 5 Kuli Khan Hidayat, 
Riydd al-'Arifin, Tehran 1305/1888, 166-7; 
Browne, iv, 256-7, 406-7, 426-9 and index; 'Abbas 
al-Kummi, al-Kund wa '1-AlHb, al-Nadjaf 1376/ 
1956, ii, 206-7; Bakhtawar Khan, Mir'dt al- l Alam 
(MS.); Muhammad Rida 5 "Bandah", Zinat al- 
Tawdrikh, fol. 553; "Agha" Ahmad 'All, Haft 
Asmdn, Calcutta 1873; Rieu, Catalogue of Persian 
MSS. in the British Museum, ii, 835 ; Muhammad 
Muhsin Agha Buzurg al-Tihranl, Al-Dhari'a, ii, 
Nadjaf 1355, 261 (and elsewhere, under the entries 
referring to his works). (A. S. Bazmee Ansari) 
DAMAD FERlD PASHA, one of the last 
Grand Vezirs of the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed 
FerId, son of Hasan 'Izzet, a member of the Council 
of State (Shura-yi Dewlet), was born in Istanbul in 
1853, served in minor diplomatic posts, and, upon 
his marriage (1886) to 'Abd al-Hamid II's sister 
Medlha, was made member of the Council of State 
and senator, and given the rank of Pasha. In 191 1 
he became co-founder and chairman of the Hurriyet 
we I 5 tilaf FlrkasI [q.v.]. After the Ottoman defeat he 
served his brother-in-law Mehmed VI as Grand 
Vezir (4 March to 2 October 1919 and 5 April to 
21 October 1920). His policy of accommodation to 
the victor powers in hopes of winning lenient peace 
terms proved as futile as his attempts to suppress 
the national resistance movement in Anatolia under 
Kemal [Ataturk]. Nationalist pressure forced his 
resignation in October 1919. Restored to office after 


the reinforced Allied occupation of Istanbul, his 
government was responsible for issuing the well- 
known anti-nationalist fetwds (signed by the shaykh 
al-Isldm Diirrizade c Abd Allah [?.».]) and dispatched 
troops against the nationalists in Anatolia. On 
io August 1920 his cabinet signed the peace treaty 
of Sevres, but the growing strength of the national- 
ists soon caused his final dismissal. In September 
1922 he left Istanbul for Nice, where he died on 
6 October 1923. 

Bibliography: Mahmud Kemal Inal, Osmanh 
devrinde son sadriazamlar, Istanbul 1940-53, 
2029-2094; Milli newsdl 1340 (1924), 352; Tank 
Z. Tunaya, Turkiyede siyasi partiler, 1952, 315, 
451-55; Ali Fuat Turkgeldi, Gdrup isittiklerim', 
1951; WI, 1928-9, 1-154; Kemal [Ataturk], Nutuk 
(see 1934 edn., index); Ibrahim Alaettin Govsa, 
Turk meshurlan ansiklopedisi, 1946, 136. 

(D. A. Rustow) 
PAMAN (a.), in Islamic law, the civil liability 
in the widest meaning of the term, whether it arises 
from the non-performance of a contract or from 
tort or negligence (ta'addi, literally "transgression"). 
Prominent particular cases are the liability for the 
loss of an object sold before the buyer has taken 
possession (daman al-mabi c ), for eviction {daman 
al-darak), for the loss of a pledge in the possession of 
the pledgee (daman al-rahn), for the loss of an object 
that has been taken by usurpation (daman al-ghasb), 
and for loss or damage caused by artisans (daman 
al-adjir, d. al-sunnd c ). The depositary and other 
persons in a position of trust (amin, [q.v.]) are not 
liable for accidental loss but they lose this privileged 
position through unlawful acts, e.g., using the 
deposit, whether the loss is caused by the unlawful 
act or not. Questions of daman are treated sporadi- 
cally in numerous sections of the works on fikh, and 
it forms the subject of a number of special treatises. 
Daman in the sense of suretyship, guarantee, is a 
liability specially created by contract; it is synony- 
mous with kafdla [q.v.]. In a wider sense, daman is 
used of the risk or responsibility that one bears with 
regard to property of which one enjoys the profit, 
as in the old legal maxim, which was put into the 
form of a hadith attributed to the Prophet, al- 
kharddi bi 'l-4aman ("profit follows responsibility"). 
Bibliography : al-Djurdjani, Kitdb al-Ta c rifdt, 
s.v.; Tahanawl, Dictionary of the Technical Terms, 
s.v.; (the entry in Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 
contains several mistakes); E. Fagnan, Additions 
aux Dictionnaires Arabes, s.v.; Fudayl b. 'All al- 
Djamali, K. al-Damdndt )i 'l-Furu'- (Brockelmann, 
II, 573, S II, 645; J. Schacht, in Abh. Pr. Ak. W., 
Phil.-hist. Kl., 1928, no. 8, § 43; 1929, no. 6, § 22; 
1931, no. 1, § 33); Ghanim b. Muhammad al- 
Baghdadl, Madjma' al-Damdndt, Cairo 1308 
(Brockelmann, II, 492, S II, 502; J. Schacht, 
in Abh. Pr. Ak. W., Phil.-hist. KL, 1928, no. 8, 
§ 45; 1929, no. 6, § 23; 1931, no. 1, § 34); Mahmud 
Efendi b. Hamza al-HamzawI, al-Tahrir fi Daman 
al-Ma'mur wa 'I- Amir wa 'l-Adjir, Damascus 1303 
(Brockelmann, S II, 775); al-Hasan b. Rahhal al- 
MaManl (Brockelmann, S II, 696), K. Tadmin al- 
sunnd*-, introduction, text, transl. and notes by 
J. Berque, Algiers 1949 (Bibliotheque Arabe- 
Francaise, XIII); J. Schacht, G. Bergstrdsser's 
GrundzUge des Islamischen Rechts, 64 f. ; D. Santil- 
lana, Istituzioni di Diritto Musulmano Malichita, 
II, index s.vv. daman, responsibilitd, rischio; 
J. Schacht, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurispru- 
dence, 123, 181, 270; Wensinck, Concordance et 
Indices de la Tradition Musulmane, s.v. ; E. Tyan, 

La responsabiliti dilictuelle en droit musulman, 
Paris 1926; F. M. Goadby, in Journal of Compara- 
tive Legislation, 1939, 62-74; E. Schram-Nielsen, 
Studier over Erstatningslaeren i Islamisk Ret, 
Copenhagen 1945 (with resume in French); J. 
Lapanne-Joinville, in Revue Algirienne, 1955/I, 
1-24, 51-75- (Ed.) 

PAMAN, in the financial sense, 'farming' (of 
taxes). See bayt al-mal. 

DAMANHOR, a name derived from the ancient 
Egyptian Timinhur, the city of Horus. It is not 
surprising that a number of cities of this name are 
to be found, almost all in the Nile Delta. 

I. Damanhur al-Shahid, Damanhur "of the 
Martyr", one of the northern suburbs of Cairo. This 
was the name still used by Yakut, but the village 
was later known as Damanhur Shubra, a name 
which was however already known to al-MukaddasI. 
Ibn Mammati calls it simply Damanhur. The two 
names are sometimes inverted and certain authors 
speak of Shubra Damanhur or even Shubra 'l-Shahld. 
This kind of phenomenon is frequent enough in 
Egypt, especially when it is necessary to distinguish 
one place from others of the same name. Shubra is 
also called Shubra '1-Khayma or Shubra '1-Khivam. 
Shubra "of the tents". 

There was once a Christian reliquary in this place 
containing the bones of a martyr. On 8th Bashans 
(3rd May) each year, the town celebrated a holiday 
while the people accompanied this casket in pro- 
cession to the Nile, into which it was plunged in the 
hope of promoting the success of the river's annual 
flood. There was no doubt excessive drinking on 
this day and the feast was forbidden in 702/1302. It 
was re-established in 738/1338 but was definitely 
suppressed in 755/'354 and the relic burnt. 

Bibliography: Abu Salih, fol. 45; Ibn 
Mammati, 371; Mukaddasi, 54, 194, 206; Yakut, 
ii, 601; Ibn Dukmak, v, 46; Makrizi, ed. Wiet, i, 
292-6; the same, Suluk, i, 941 (trans. Quatre- 
mere, ii, b, 213); Ibn Taghribirdi, ed. Cairo, vlii, 
202-3; Ibn Dji'an, 7; Quatremere, Mimoires sur 
I'Egypte, i, 360; Amelineau, Giographie de I'Egypte, 
113-5 (to be consulted with caution); J. Maspero 
and G. Wiet, Mathiaux, 108-110, 217. 

II. Damanhur, capital of the province of Buhayra, 
the ancient Hermopolis Parva of the Byzantine era. 
Since the name is ancient it can hardly be called an 
Islamic creation, but nothing is heard of it in the 
chronicles until the time of the Arab conquest. The 
important locality is Kartasa, the only name known 
to the ancient authors, who mention it as the capital 
of a pagarchy (kura). 

The oldest reference is to be found in Ibn Mammati, 
who calls it Damanhur al-Wahsh. Ibn Djubayr and 
Yakut passed through it. To them it was an urban 
centre of medium size surrounded by a wall. Ibn 
Mammati mentions a canal named after the city, 
the Bahr Damanhur. The sultan Barkuk restored 
its fortifications, in order better to resist the in- 
cursions of the Bedouin; furthermore the town had 
suffered greatly in the earthquake of 702/1302. 
Damanhur increased in importance and according 
to Ibn Dukmak, it possessed a Friday mosque, 
schools, caravanserais and covered markets. It was, 
then, not only the capital of the province of Buhayra, 
but also the residence of a senior Mamhjk officer 
commanding the whole of the Delta. The post road, 
skirting the desert from Cairo to Alexandria, had 
a stage post there and there was also a carrier 

According to Sonnini the town was "large but 


badly built, almost all the houses being made 
either of mud or of bad quality brick. It is the 
centre of the trade in cotton, which is gathered in 
the vast and beautiful plains surrounding it". 

On 30th April, 1799, a French company was 
massacred there by the troops of Mahdl Ahmad; 
the reprisals were terrible. 

Damanhur is now a heavily populated town. The 
railway between Cairo and Alexandria has a station 
there, and it is the centre of a network of secondary 
railway routes. 

Bibliography: Ibn <Abd al-tfakam, 83; 
Synaxaire, Patrologia Orientalis, xvij, 565, 1107; 
Idrisi, Maghrib, 160; Ibn Mammati, 169, 226-7; 
Ibn Djubayr, 44 (trans. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 
45); Yakut, ii, 601; Ibn Furat, ix, 86; Ibn 
Dukmak, v, 101; ICalkashandl, iii, 406, xiv, 376 
(trans. Wustenfeld, in); Makrizi, Suluk, i, 944 
(trans. Quatremere, ii, b, 216); Zahiri, 35, 117, 
119 (trans. Venture de Paradis, 55, 197, 201); 
Ibn Taghribirdi, ed. Cairo, xi, 291, xii, 113-4; 
Ibn Dji'an, 116; Quatremere, Mimoires sur 
I'Egypte, i, 361-3; Deherain, Histoire de la Nation 
Egyptietme, v, 436; J. Maspero and Wiet, MaU- 
riaux, 146-7, 175-8, 180-1, 183, 185, 194. 
Other places of the same name are mentioned in 
geographical lists but not described. 

Bibliography : Mukaddasi, 55; Ibn Mammati, 
134, 135; Ibn Dukmak, v, 89; Ibn Dji'an, 78; 
Amelineau, Giographie de I'Egypte, 116. 

(G. Wiet) 
DAMASCUS [see dimashk]. 
DAMAWAND, the highest point in the 
mountains on the borders of Northern 
Persia (cf. Alburz), somewhat below 36° N. Lat. 
and about 50 miles north-east of Tehran. According 
to de Morgan it rises out of the plateau of Rehne 
to a height of 13,000 feet above it. The various 
estimates of its height differ: Thomson estimates it 
at 21,000 feet (certainly too high), de Morgan at 
20,260 feet, Houtum Schindler at 19,646, Sven 18,187, and in the last edition of Stieler's 
Handatlas (1910) it is given as 18,830 feet. Its 
summit, perpetually snow-clad and almost always 
enveloped in clouds, is visible several days' journey 
away, as Yakut tells us from his own experience. In 
fine weather and favourable light it may be seen, 
according to Melgunof, from the Caspian sea, a 
distance of over 260 versts (162 miles). {Cazwmi's 
statements on this point are exaggerated, but it is 
certain that the Damawand massif commands the 
whole coastlands of Mazandaran (the mediaeval 

Geologically Damawand is of recent origin, as is 
clear from its volcanic nature which is apparent in 
several features. There are as many as 70 craters on 
this mountain mass; from one of them, which is 
covered with thick deposits of sulphur, rises the 
conical peak. There are also many sulphur springs 
on it; ICazwini mentions "the springs of Damawand 
from which smoke arises by day and fire by night". 
Damawand is the centre of the earthquake zone 
which stretches throughout Mazandaran. It is clear 
from the earlier accounts of Arab travellers that the 
internal activity of the central volcano had not then 
quite ceased as it has now. 

Damawand is rich in minerals, particularly 
anthracite. Sulphur is found in immense quantities; 
the finest quality, the best in Persia according to 
Polak, Persien, Leipzig 1865, ii, 178, is found 
just below the summit of the mountain, where it is 

collected in the summer months by the people of 
Ask and Damawand and sold by them. Around the 
foot of Damawand rise numerous mineral springs, 
of which two in particular — one in the little town of 
Ask, the other somewhat further north on the 
Heraz (Herhaz) — enjoy a great reputation as baths. 
The majority deposit considerable sediment; for 
example Ask is built on such alluvium (Polak, 
op. cit., ii, 229). The apricots grown in the valleys 
of Damawand are highly esteemed in Persia. (Polak, 
op. cit., ii, 146). 

Like the other giants of Eastern Asia, such as 
Ararat, Damawand was long regarded as inaccessible; 
this opinion, which was widely held, is found 
repeatedly in the Arab geographers, although one 
successful ascent is mentioned (see c Ali b. Razin's 
statement in I<azwinl, 159). Oliver (1798) was the 
first European traveller to visit the mountain, 
without however being able to reach the summit. 
The first complete climb was by W. Taylor Thomson 
in 1837; he was followed in 1843 by the botanist 
Th. Kotschy and in 1852 by the Austrian engineer 
Czarnotta. H. Brugsch and Baron Minutoli seem 
also to have reached the summit in 1860; (see 
Petermann's Geographische Mitteilungen, 1861, 437). 
In more recent years a number of further successful 
ascents have been undertaken by Napier and others, 
usually from Ask; cf. particularly Sven Hedin, Der 
Demawend in Verh. der Gesellsch. j. Erdkunde, 
Berlin, xix, 304-22. 

In the ancient history of Persia Damawand is the 
scene of the legendary history of the Peshdad and 
Kayan rulers. Even at the present day the people of 
Mazandaran point out the different places which 
were the scenes of the wonderful deeds of Diamshid. 
Faridun, Sam, Z51, Rustam and other heroes 
immortalized in the Shahndma. Damawand is also 
the abode of the fabulous bird Simurgh. From 
ancient times the prison of the cruel king Dahhak 
(O. Iran. Dahaka, also Bewarasp) has been located 
here. Faridun (O. Iran, ©raetaona) is traditionally 
said to have shut him up in a cavern on the summit 
of this mountain, and here, in the belief of the local 
populace, the imprisoned tyrant lives to this day; 
the dull sounds which are periodically heard inside 
the mountain are thought to be his groans, and the 
vapour and smoke which escape from fissures and 
springs on the mountain-face are his breath. Obvious- 
ly the volcanic properties of Damawand have been 
responsible for these legends. According to another 
story the demon Sakhr, imprisoned by Solomon, is 
also locked in Damawand. As the highest mountain 
in Persia, Damawand is thought by the Persians to 
be that on which Noah's Ark rested. On the wealth 
of Damawand legends cf. Yakut, ii, 606, 610; 
Kazwini; Melgunof, 22 ff.; Griinbaum in ZDMG, 
xxxi, 238-9. 

Formerly on the slopes and in the valleys of 
Damawand there were many fortified places. 
Nowadays the most important place is the small 
town called Damawand after the mountain and 
situated on its south-western spurs (according to de 
Morgan, 6425 feet above sea level). It is said to be 
very ancient, and according to Mustawfi was 
formerly called Pishyan. The beautiful valley of 
Damawand, watered by two rivers and including ten 
villages as well as the town of Damawand, no 
longer belongs to Mazandaran but to 'Irak 
'Adjami. Because of its elevated situation the 
climate is very pleasant; for this reason the Shahs 
of Persia used to delight in spending the summer in 
its valleys. The ultra-Shi'i sect of the <Ali Ilahi 


L?.i».J has a large number of adherents among the 
inhabitants of this region. 

The name of Damawand appears in Persian and 
Arabic sources in a number of different forms: 
Persian Danbawand (Vullers, Lex. Persico-Lat., i, 
907b), Damawand (ibid., 902b), Demawand (ibid., 
955b) and Demawand (ibid., 956b); Ar. Dunbawand, 
Dubawand, Dumawand. The oldest form of the 
name appears to be Dunbawand, while the usual 
modern one is Damawand (Demawend). On the 
different ways of writing the name, see Quatremere, 
Hist, des Mongols, 200 ff.; Fleischer's ed. of Abu 
'1-Fida>, Histor. Anteislamica, Lips. 1831, 213 ff., 
232; H. Hiibschmann, Armenische Grammatik, 
Leipzig 1897, 17. 

Bibliography: BGA, passim; Yakut, ii, 544, 
585, 606 ff.; Kazwlni, Kosmographie (ed. Wiisten- 
feld), i, 82, 158 ff., 198; Mardsid al-Ittild'- (ed. 
Juynboll), i, 388, 408 ; v, 429, 432, 483 ; Quatremere, 
Hist, des Mongols, 200 ff.; Le Strange, 371; 
K. Ritter, Erdkunde, viii, 10, 502-5, 550-70; 
Fr. Spiegel, Eranische Altertumskunde, Leipzig 
1871, i, 70; W. Ouseley, Travels in var. countries 
of the East, London 1819 ff., iii, 326-34; W. 
Taylor Thomson in JRGeog.S, viii (1838), 109 ff.; 
Hommaire de Hell, Voy. en Turquie et en Perse, 
Paris 1854 ff., with accompanying Historical 
Atlas, PI. 74, 76a; Th. Kotschy in Petermann's 
Geogr. Mitteil., 1859, 49 ft.; J. E. Polak, Persien, 
Leipzig 1865, i, 313, 315, 349; ii, 146, 178, 229; 
G. Melgunof, Das sudl. Ufer des Kasp. Meeres, 
Leipzig 1868, 21-7, 52, 149, 183; F. v. Call- 
Rosenberg, Das Larthal bei Teheran u. der Dema- 
wend in Mitteil. der Geog. Ges. in Wien, N.F. ix 
(1876), 113-42; G. Napier's account in Alpine 
Journal, 1877, 262-5, and in Petermann's Geogr. 
Mitteil., 1877, 434; Tietze, Der Vulkan Demawend 
in Persien, in Jahrb. der k. k. geolog. Reichsanst., 
Vienna 1877, vol. xxvii; de Morgan, Mission 
scientif. en Perse. £tud. giograph., i, Paris 1894, 

115, 120-33, with good views; Sven Hedin, Der 
Demawend in Verh. der Ges. f. Erdkunde (Berlin), 
xix, 304-22; Sarre in ZGErdk.Birl. 1902, 100 ff.; 
Mas'ud Mayhan, Djughrajiyd-yi mufassal-i Iran, 
Tehran 1310/1932, index s.v.; Firdawsi. Shdh-ndma. 
ed. and tr. J. Mohl, 1878, vii, Index s.v. Demavend, 
Zohak; H. Masse, Croyances et coutumes persans, 
index ii, s.v. Demavend. (M. Streck*) 
DAMGHAN a town on the main highway 

between Tehran and Mashhad, some 344 km. east 
o-f Tehran; also, a station on the railway between 
Tehran and Mashhad. At an altitude of 1115 
metres, it has a population of 9,900 (1950). One 
km. to the south of the town is the mound called 
Tappa HisSr where excavations conducted by the 
University of Pennsylvania in 1931 uncovered 
prehistoric burials and the plaster-decorated remains 
of a building of the Sasanid period. The oldest 
Islamic structure — possibly the earliest surviving 
mosque in Iran— is the Tarl Khana, believed to 
date from the 3rd/gth century. Attached to this 
mosque is a minaret of the 5th/nth century. Several 
tomb towers of the Saldjuk period survive: the PIr 
'Alamdar dated 417/1026, the Cihil Dukhtaran dated 
446/1054, and the Imam-zada Dja'far. The minaret 
of the Masdjid-i Djami' is dated 500/1106. 

Bibliography: Ikbal YaghmanI, Djughrajiyd- 
yi Ta'rikhi-yi Ddmghdn, Tehran 1326/1947, 36 ff.; 
Rdhndmd-yi Iran, Tehran 1330/1951, 92 ; Farhang-i 
Djughratiya-yi Iran, Tehran 1 330/1951, vol. 3, 

116. (D. N. Wilber) 
DAMIETTA [see dim vat]. 

PAMlR [see nahw]. 

AL-DAMlRl, Muhammad b. Musa b. <Isa Kamal 
al-dIn, was born in Cairo about the beginning of 
the year 742/1341 (according to a note in his own 
handwriting quoted by al-SakhawI,, 59) and died 
there in 808/1405. Later dates of his birth, as given 
in some sources (745/1344 or 750/1349), would 
hardly be consistent with certain details of his 
biography. His nisba is derived from the northern- 
most of the two townlets both called Damira near 
Samannfid in the Delta. 

After first gaining his livelihood as a tailor in his 
native town he decided to become a professional 
theologian, choosing as his main teacher the famous 
Shafi'i scholar Baha' al-Din al-Subki [q.v.], with 
whom he became closely associated for years. He 
also studied under Djamal al-Din al-Asnawi (Brockel- 
mann I, no, S II, 107), Ibn al-'Akil, the renowned 
commentator of Ibn Malik's Alfiyya (Brockelmann II, 
108, S II, 104), Burhan al-Din al-Kirati (Brockel- 
mann II, 15, S II, 7) and others. His biographers 
point out his great competence in Muslim juris- 
prudence, fradith science, Kur'anic exegesis, Arabic 
philology and belles lettres. His younger contemporary, 
al-Makrizi [q.v.], in his c Ukud, speaks of him with 
love and admiration. 

Having been authorized to teach the usual 
branches of Muslim education and to give fatwds, 
al-Damlri took up suitable posts in several places of 
learning and devotion (al-Azhar, the Djami c of 
al-Zahir, the madrasa of Ibn al-Bakari, the Kubba 
of Baybars II, etc.), where he held lectures and 
delivered sermons and exhortations, apportioning 
his time in turn to the different institutions. A 
member of the Sufi community established in the 
Khankah Salahiyya (previously known as Dar Sa'id 
al-Su'ada'; cf. c Ali Mubarak, iv, 102, Makrlzl, 
Khitaf, Bulak 1270, ii, 415), he was celebrated for his 
ascetic life and credited with performing miracles. 
Although as a youth inclined to gluttony, he later 
made it a habit to fast almost continually, indulged 
in prayers and vigils and performed the pilgrimage 
six times between the years 762-799/1361-97. During 
his stay in Mecca and Medina he completed his 
education with several local scholars, held lectures 
and gave fatwds and married twice. After his last 
pilgrimage he stayed in Cairo until his death. He 
was buried in the Sufi graveyard beside the Diami 1 
of Sa c id al-Su c ada 3 (cf. c Ali Mubarak, iv, 102 ff.). 

Al-Damirl's fame as an author rests on his Haydt 
al-Hayawdn, a para-zoological encyclopaedia, through 
which he became known both in the east and the 
west. He wrote it, as stated in the preface, not 
because of a natural disposition for such an under- 
taking, but in order to correct false notions about 
animals which were entertained even by the learned 
of his time. The work, completed in draft in 773/ 
1371-2, is not only a compendium of Arabic zoology 
but also a store house of Muslim folklore, described 
in part in the researches of J. de Somogyi. The 
author did not restrict himself to the purely zoolo- 
gical aspect of his subject matter but also treated, 
often at great length, all that pertains to the animals 
mentioned in any way whatsoever. In addition, he 
made frequent digressions into other fields, the most 
remarkable of which is a survey of the history of the 
Caliphs (s.v. iwazz), which occupies about the thir- 
teenth part of the whole work. 

The articles, arranged alphabetically according 
to the first letters — not the radicals — of the anima 
names, generally contain discussions of the following 
items: 1) philological aspects of the animal's name; 

2) description of the animal and its habits ; 3) mention 
of the animal in the hadith-hteiature ; 4) its lawfulness 
as human food according to the different tnadhdhib; 
5) proverbs bearing upon it; 6) medicinal and other 
properties (khawass) of its different parts; 7) its 
meaning when occurring in dreams. The work 
contains 1069 articles but treats of a much smaller 
number of animals, real and imaginary (among them 
the Burdk [q.v.]), since one and the same animal is 
frequently entered under different names. Being no 
professional naturalist, the author often entertained 
superstitious and fabulous notions without any 
attempt at criticism. He merely transmitted and 
rearranged traditional knowledge basing himself on 
hundreds of sources which have been analysed, 
though not quite satisfactorily, by J. de Somogyi. 
There are three recensions of the work — a long, a 
short and an intermediate one — of which the long 
one is available in at least 13 Oriental impressions 
(in addition to those mentioned by Brockelmann 
also Cairo 1315-16, 1321-22, 1353), while a critical 
edition is still awaited. There exist also several 
abridgements and adaptations, a Persian translation 
from the 17th century and a more recent Turkish 
translation. The English translation of Jayakar 
extends only to the article Abu Firds (about three 
quarters of the whole) and is not quite satisfactory 
from the philological point of view. 

Of al-Damiri's other writings only three are 
extant (see Brockelmann). His last work was a five 
volume commentary on the Sunan of Ibn Madja 
[q.v.], entitled al-Dibddia, of which, however, he 
was not able to finish a clean copy before he died. 
Bibliography: 'All Mubarak, al-Khitat al- 
Djadida, xi, 59; Brockelmann, II, 172 f.; S II, 
170 f.; S III, 1260; Ad-Damiri's Haydt al- 
Hayawdn, transl. from the Arabic by A. S. G. 
Jayakar, London & Bombay, 1906-08, Intro- 
duction; HadjdjI Khalifa, i, 696 f.; idem, ed. 
Fliigel, index, 11 27, no. 4759; Ibn al-'Imad, 
Shadhardt. year 808 ; al-Sakhawi, al-Daw* al-Ldmi c , 
x, 59 f f. ; Sarton, Introduction to the History of 
Science, iii/b, n68f., 1214, 1326, 1639; al- 
Shawkanl, al-Badr al-Tdli 1 , ii, 272; J. de Somogyi, 
Index des sources de la Haydt al-Hayawdn de ad- 
Damirt, in J A, July-September 1928, 5 ff. (based 
merely on the Cairo edition 1284); idem, Biblical 
Figures in ad-Damiri's Haydt al-Hayawdn, 
Dissert, in honorem E. Mahler, 1937, 263 ff.; idem, 
ad-Damiri's Haydt al-Hayawdn, Osiris, ix (1950), 
33 f. ; idem, ad-Damiri Haydt al-Hayawanja (in 
Hungarian), Sem. St. in Memory of I. L6w, 1947, 
123 ft.; idem, Chess and Backgammon in ad- 
Damiri's Haydt al-Hayawdn, Et. or. a la mim. 
de P. Hirschler, 1950, ioiff.; idem, Medicine 
in ad-Damiri's Hayat al-Hayawan, in JSS, 
ii (1957), 62 ff.; idem, The Interpretation of Dreams 
in ad-Damiri's Haydt al-Hayawdn, in JRAS, 
1940, iff.; Die Chalifengeschichte in Damiri's 
"Haydt al-Hayawdn", in Isl., xviii (1929), 
154 ff. ; idem, A History of the Caliphate in the 
Haydt al-hayawdn of ad-Damiri, in BSOS viii 
(1935-37), 143 ff.; E. Wiedemann, Beitr. z. Gesch. 
d. Naturw., liii, 233 f.; H. A. Winkler, Eine Zu- 
sammenstellung christlicher Geschichten im Artikel 
Uber das Schwein in Damiri's Tierbuch, in Isl., 
xviii (1929), 285 ff. (L. Kopf) 

PAMMA [see haraka]. 

al-DAMMAM, a port on the Persian Gulf and 
capital of the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. The 
name formerly designated a tower fort, located at 
26 27' 56" N., 50 06' 06" E., on a reef near the 

shore north of the present town. The origin of the 
fort is not known, although the structure razed in 
1957 to make way for a small-craft pier appeared to 
date from the time of the redoubtable Djalahima sea 
captain Rahma b. Djabir [q.v.]. Ibn Djabir built a 
fort at al-Dammam after allying himself with Al 
Sa'fld about 1809, but the Sa c udls destroyed it in 
1231/1816 when he deserted their cause to attack 
al-Bahrayn. Two years later he assisted the Turco- 
Egyptian forces of Ibrahim Pasha to capture al- 
Katlf and re-established himself in al-Dammam. He 
immediately rebuilt the fort, which with its depen- 
dent fortifications and village settlement on the 
adjoining shore became the base for his naval 
activities against Al Khalifa of al-Bahrayn. In 1242/ 
1826 Al Khalifa and Ban! Khalid captured al- 
Dammam, following the death of Rahma b. Djabir 
in a naval engagement with the blockading Bahrayni 
fleet. For the next seventeen years al-Dammam 
remained a possession of al-Bahrayn. During this 
period Al Khalifa permitted the c Ama'ir section of 
Ban! Khalid and members of Ban! Hadjir to settle 
there. In 1259/1843 c Abd Allah Al Khalifa, having 
been dispossessed by his grand-nephew Muljammad, 
which was soon invested by a Sa'udi force on land 
and a Bahrayni fleet. Faysal b. TurkI Al Sa c ud 
occupied the fort in 1260/1844, to the disillusionment 
of Bishr b. Rahma b. Djabir. who had participated 
in the campaign in the expectation of recovering his 
paternal estate. In 1260/1852 Al Sa'Qd, having fallen 
out with Muhammad Al Khalifa, re-established the 
sons of <Abd Allah at al-Dammam. An attempt by 
these exiles to recover al-Bahrayn led Britain to 
demand that Al Sa'ud evict them; when this was not 
done, they were driven out by a brief British naval 
bombardment in 1278/1861. In 1282/1866 the 
garrison of al-Dammam repulsed a British naval 
force which sought to destroy the fort in retaliation 
for an incident at Sur in Oman. A Turkish expedition 
captured al-Dammam in 1288/1871 in the course of 
occupying a large part of eastern Arabia. Under 
Turkish administration the fort fell into disrepair, 
and al-Dammam declined to a minor settlement of 
fishermen, which figured occasionally in the piratical 
exploits of the Ban! Hadjir. In 1 326/1908 Lorimer 
described it as an abandoned ruin. The site reverted 
to Sa c udi rule as a result of the conquest of al-Hasa 
by c Abd al-'Aziz Al Sa c ud in 1331/1913. The present 
town was founded by members of the tribe of al- 
Dawasir [q.v.], who moved from al-Bahrayn to the 
mainland in 1341/1923 to escape British reprisals 
following clashes with Shi'I elements on the island. 
For twenty years al-Dammam remained an insigni- 
ficant fishing village. In 1357/1938 the California 
Arabian Standard Oil Company (now the Arabian 
American Oil Company) discovered oil at nearby 
al-Zahran [q.v.] (Dhahran) on a geological structure 
which was named the "Dammam Dome". Al-Dam- 
mam experienced little growth until its selection in 
1365/1946 as the site of a modern deep-water port 
and the starting point for a railroad leading to the 
national capital of al-Riyad. The port, which consists 
of a pierhead connected to the mainland by a trestle 
and causeway 10.7 km. in length, was opened in 
1369/1950 and has since been expanded. In 1372/ 
1953 the capital of the Eastern Province was trans- 
ferred from al-Hufflf in the oasis of al-Hasa to al- 
Dammam. Al-Dammam has grown rapidly since 
then and has developed various municipal ser- 
vices, and a limited amount of trade and industry. 
The town's population was estimated in i960 at 

Bibliography: Muhammad al-Nabhanl, Al- 
Tuhfa al-Nabhdniyya, Cairo 1342; 'Uthman ibn 
Bishr, c Unwdn al-Madid, Cairo I373 - , J- G. 
Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Calcutta 
1908-15; H. St. J. B. Philby, Sa'udi Arabia, 
London 1954. (H. W. Alter) 

DAMNAT (Demnate, Demnat), a small Berber 
town situated on the edge of the Great Atlas in 
Morocco, 120 km. east of Marrakush, at an altitude 
of 960 m., on a small hill overlooking the fertile 
valley (barley, beans) of the Oued Tassawt, the 
slopes of which are covered with olive-trees and vines. 
The town is surrounded by a rectangular wall and 
includes a milldh (Jewish quarter); in fact almost 
half the population, which stands at about 4,000, 
consists of Jews, whose numbers however are 
diminishing regularly. Local trade on a large scale 
in oil, leather and livestock is carried on at the 
market which is held on Sundays; in addition, 
tribes from the Atlas and Sahara used to bring their 
products (hides, wool, dates), bartering them for 
such manufactured goods as they needed. Demnat 
thus appears to have owed part of its prosperity to 
its situation on the route leading from Marrakush to 
Meknes and Fez in one direction, and to the Draa 
(Dar'a) and the Tafilalt in the other; but, without 
exception, the Arab geographers made no mention 
of it although its foundation certainly dates from 
ancient times. Leo Africanus appears to be the first 
to mention it, though he does not give the name of 
the town (according to a suggestion put forward by 
G. S. Colin, Adimmei which appears in Epaulard's 
trans, on p. 115 may be a mistake for Adimnat) and 
only mentions a place named El Madina (trans. 
Epaulard, 130-1), the description of which does in 
fact correspond closely with that of Demnat. Leo 
stressed the importance of the Jewish community 
and of the local leather- work ; he also noted the lack 
of security on the roads, every merchant finding it 
necessary to maintain "an arquebusier or a cross- 
bowman". For the rest, the history of the town is 
little more than a series of disturbances caused either 
by jealousy of the Jewish population's wealth, or 
by dynastic rivalries in which the town was the stake. 
During the 19th century Demnat began to be of 
concern to the Western Powers who were obliged 
to intervene to protect the Jews from persecution 
by the authorities; as a result, on 17 Sha'ban 1304/ 
n May 1887, sultan Mawlay Hasan resolved to give 
them a separate mslldh, which they still occupy and 
which formed the subject of a monograph by 
P. Flamand, Un Mellah en pays berbire: Demnate 
(IHEM, Notes et Documents, x), Paris 1952 (see 
further, idem, Les communautis Israelites au Sud- 
Morocain, Casablanca 1959). Some years earlier, 
however, Ch. de Foucauld who stayed at Demnat 
on the 6th and 7th October 1883 was able to 
note {Reconnaissance du Maroc, Paris 1888, 77-8) 
that the Jews were treated with exceptional genero- 
sity by the Muslims with whom they lived "pell- 
mell". The two elements of the local population in 
fact lived together on good terms with each other; 
their long-standing association had given rise to 
affinities in practical matters, particularly in regard 
to the veneration of saints, even though one could 
not always tell if they were Muslim or Jewish or in 
fact if they had ever existed (see L. Voinot, Pelerin- 
ages jucUo-musulmans au Maroc (IHEM, Notes et 
Documents, iv), Paris 1948, 25 sqq., 60-1); 4 km. 
south-east of Demnat there still exists a grotto 
known by the name of Imi n-ifri (opening of the 
grotto) where Jews and Muslims celebrate a pagan 

l — AL-DAN1 109 

ritual at a miraculous spring (L. Voinot, op. cit., 
27-8; E. Doutte, Missions au Maroc: En tribu, 
Paris 1914, 216-17). 

Seven years before the capture of Demnat by 
Col. Mangin (1912), Said Boulifa stayed there and 
made a study of the Berber dialect of the Ahl Demnat 
(Textes Berb. en dial, de V Atlas marocain (Pub. Ecole 
des Lettres d'Alger, [xxxvi), Paris 1908-9); as a 
result the local dialects, which are important by 
reason of their situation at the edge of the two large 
groups in the South (tashnlhit) and Centre (tamazikht), 
have been the subject of research carried out by 
E. Laoust (E'tude sur le dialecte berbire des Ntifa, 
Paris 1918, and Mots et Choses Berberes — an ethno- 
graphical work— Paris 1920). 

Leo Africanus noted that Demnat possessed a 
number of legal experts, but the true Damnati 
rarely figure in Arabic literature; however, we may 
note c Ali b. Sulayman al-Damnatl, author of a 
commentary on the Sunan of Abu Dawud entitled 
Daradiat mirkdt al-su'-ud ild Sunan Abi Dawud, 
published in Cairo in 1928. 

Bibliography : given in the article. 

(Ch. Pellat) 
al-DAMURDASHI, Ahmad, Egyptian historian 
of the I2th/i8th century. Nothing is known of his life 
beyond the fact that he held the post of katkhudd of 
the c Azaban regiment in Cairo, but he may have been 
a relative of the ruzndmed[i Hasan Efendi al- 
Damurdashi, who flourished in the early nth/i7th 
century, and about whose doings he is well informed). 
His chronicle, al-Durra al-musdna fi akhbdr al-kindna, 
covers the period 1099-1169/1688-1755. It reveals 
unfamiliarity with Arabic, and the sense is some- 
times garbled or obscure. Nevertheless it is valuable, 
both as a detailed record of events in Cairo, and as 
perhaps the sole extant chronicle of Ottoman Egypt 
composed by a member of the military elite. There 
are considerable differences in phraseology, and even 
in data, between the British Museum and Bodleian 
manuscripts: the former is unique among known 
copies in giving the name of the author. One recension 
of al-Durra seems to have been used as a source by 
al-Djabarti for his 'AdjdHb al-dthdr; for example, 
Djabartl's second legend of the origins of the Dh u 
'1-Fakariyya and Kasimiyya factions, and his list 
of the sandiak beys at the beginning of the nth 
century H. are closely paralleled in al-Durra: 
(Djabarti, i, 23-4; BM. Or. 1073, 5a-6b; Bodl. MS. 
Bruce 43, 2a-( 3 a). (P. M. Holt) 

DANA$ [see sikka], 
DANAlf.IL, DANA&LA [see dankai.I]. 
DANCE [see raks]. 

al-DAnI, Abu c Amr 'Uthman b. Sa c Id b. 'Umar 
al-Umawi, Malik i lawyer and above all, 
"reader" of the Kur'an, born at Cordova in 371/ 
981/2. After having made his pilgrimage to Mecca 
and spent some time in Cairo between 397/1006 and 
399/1008, he returned to his birthplace but was soon 
forced to flee, first to Almeria and finally to Denia 
(Daniya, whence his nisba), where he settled down 
and died in 444/1053. 

Among more than 120 works which he wrote and 
enumerated himself in an urdjuza, only about ten 
are known (see Brockelmann, I, 407, S I, 719); two 
of them deal with questions of grammar, and the 
others with matters connected with the "readings", 
a science in which Abu 'Amr al-Dani had become 
famous. His most celebrated works are the K. al- 
Mukni'- fi Ma c rifat Rasm Masdhif al-Amsdr (see 
S. de Sacy, Notices et Extraits, viii, 290) and al- 
Taysir fi 'l-Kird'dt al-Sab c (ed. O. Pretzl, Istanbul 


1930), which was the one most studied according 
to the evidence of Ibn Khaldun (ProUgomines, ii, 
456) ; al-Muhkam fi Nakf al-Masdhif has recently 
been edited in Damascus (1 379/1960) by 'Izzat 

Bibliography: EI\ s.v. al-DAnI, by Moh. 
Ben Cheneb; Dabbi, no. 1185; Ibn Bashkuwal, 
no. 873; Ibn Khayr, Fahrasa, index; Makkari, 
Analectes, i, 550; Yakut, ii, 540; Ibn FarhOn, 
Dibadf, Fez 1316, 191; DhahabI, Huffdz, iii, 316; 
Suyuti, Tabakdt al-ffuffdz, xiv, 5; Freytag, Ein- 
leitung, 386; Wiistenfeld, Geschichtsschreiber , 197; 
Amari, Bibl. At. Sic. ii, 579; Pons Boygues, 
Ensayo, no. 91; Noldeke, etc., Gesch. des Qordns, 
iii, 214 ff. (Ed.) 

DANISHGAH [see djami'a]. 
DANISHMENDIDS, a Turcoman dynasty which 
reigned in northern Cappadocia from the last quarter 
of the 5th/nth century until 573/1178. The origins 
and first conquests of its founder, Amir Danishmend, 
are obscure. Appearing in Cappadocia during the 
years of anarchy which followed the death, in 781/ 
1085, of the Saldjukid Sulayman b. Kutlumlsh, he 
became involved in the events of the First Crusade. 
When historians became interested in him they 
resorted to legends or imagination to fill the gaps in 
their knowledge. But it was above all the epic 
romance of which he was made the hero that gave 
rise to an imbroglio of historical facts which is 
difficult to unravel. The oral epic tradition about 
Danishmend was put into writing for the first time 
in 643/1245 by Mawlana Ibn 'Ala 3 ; this first ro- 
mance, now lost, was rewritten in 761/1360 by 'Arif 
'All. This romance which attributes to Danishmend 
a legendary relationship with the famous epic 
heroes Abu Muslim and Sayyid Battal and which 
is conceived as a sequel to the Romance of Sayyid 
Battal, very soon gave rise to error through the 
fault of certain Ottoman historiographers who 
could not distinguish between historical truth and 
legend. The chief culprits were the historians of 
the ioth/i6th century, 'All and Djenabi who, by 
treating the romance as a historical document, 
mingled legendary elements with history in their 
works. These errors which were to be repeated 
by historians in succeeding centuries, Karamani, 
Katib Celebl, Miinedjdjim-bashi and Hezarfenn, 
have been reproduced in the works of orien- 
talists who made use of these sources. Those 
scholars who attempted to determine which parts of 
the story were, in their view, in disagreement with 
historical data often succeeded only in further con- 
fusing the facts. When Danishmend appears in the 
historians' account of the First Crusade he is already 
master of Sebastea, the Iris Valley with Eudoxias 
(Tokat), Comana, Amasya, Neocaesarea where he 
resided, and Gangra; he controlled the route from 
Ankara to Caesarea, the towns of the Pontic coast 
paid him tribute, and his foraging parties laid waste 
the shores of the Black Sea, making incursions into 
Georgia and Armenia. Later he was to make a 
further conquest, Melitene, and it is in connexion 
with Kilidj Arslan b. Sulayman's expedition against 
this town in 490/1096-1097 that Danishmend is first 
mentioned in history. The sultan having laid siege 
to Melitene which was defended by the Armenian 
governor Gabriel, Danishmend appeared on the 
scene and made peace between the opposing leaders. 
These events were interrupted by the capture of 
Nicaea by the Crusaders in 490/1097. In the summer 
of the same year Danishmend, together with the 
other Turkish amirs, took part in the harassing 

attacks to which the Crusaders were to be subjected 
throughout their march across Anatolia. But soon 
afterwards an important occurence was to bring him 
into prominence: in Ramadan 493/July 1100 one of 
the most eminent of the Crusaders' leaders, Bohe- 
mund of Antioch, when going to the help of Melitene 
which was besieged by Danishmend, fell into the 
hands of the amir who imprisoned him in the fortress 
of Neocaesarea. The following year the Franco- 
Lombard Crusade coming to the rescue of Bohemund 
took the Cappadocia route and was defeated by 
Danishmend. In September of that year the amir 
took part in the massacre of the Crusade's last army, 
made up of contingents from Aquitaine and Bavaria, 
which was wiped out near Heraclea in Cappadocia. 
A year later, Danishmend entered Melitene after a 
siege lasting for three years and, by his generosity, 
won the praise of a population made up of different 
races and creeds. In Sha'bSn 496/May 1103 the 
amir freed Bohemund with whom he had concluded 
an alliance against their common enemies, Byzantine 
and Saldjukid. But the death of Danishmend which 
took place in the year 497/1104 prevented Bohemund 
from reaping the benefits of this alliance and allowed 
KUidj Arslan to take part of his rival's territory, as 
well as the town of Melitene. Danishmend's eldest 
son, Amir Ghazi, succeeded his father. Intervening 
in the dynastic struggles which divided the sons of 
Kilidj Arslan who had died in 500/1107, he helped 
his son-in-law Mas'ud in 510/1116 to take Konya. 
Then, in alliance with Tughrul Arslan, prince of 
Melitene, and his atabek Balak, in 514/1120 he 
defeated the amir of Erzindjan, Ibn Mengudjek, and 
his ally the duke of Trebizond; but he set free his 
prisoner Ibn Mengudjek who was also his son-in-law, 
an act which was a source of dissension between the 
allies. In 518/1124, on the death of Balak, Amir 
Ghazi recaptured Melitene. Intervening in the war 
then being waged between Mas'ud and his brother 
Malik 'Arab, prince of Ankara and Kastamonu, he 
defeated the latter and in 521/1127 captured Caesarea 
and Ankara from him. 'Arab appealed for help to 
Byzantium, but Amir Ghazi also took Gangra and 
Kastamonu and imposed his authority over Cap- 
padocia. In 523/1129, on the death of the Armenian 
prince Thoros, Amir Ghazi intervened in Cilicia, in 
the following year defeated Bohemund II of Antioch, 
brought the Armenian prince Leon into subjection 
and ravaged the Count of Edessa's lands. He then 
had to turn against John Comnenus who in 527/1132 
took Kastamonu from him. Amir Ghazi who had 
given refuge to Isaac Comnenus, then revolted against 
his brother, and recaptured the town in the following 
year. In reward for his victories over the Christians 
the caliph al-Mustarshid and the sultan Sandjar 
granted him the title of Malik, but when the envoys 
reached Melitene they found the amir on his deathbed 
and it was his son Muhammad who was invested in 
his place, in 528/1134. John Comnenus at once 
resumed hostilities and, in 529/1135, recaptured 
Kastamonu and Gangra, but these two towns fell 
once more into the hands of the Turks as soon as 
the Emperor had withdrawn. The reign of Malik 
Muhammad is marked by a series of unsuccessful 
attempts by John Comnenus, in both Cilicia and 
the pontic region at different times, to recapture the 
strongholds which had been taken by the Danish- 
mendids, as well as by the amir's inroads into the 
territories of the count of Mar'ash. In 536/1142, 
Malik Muhammad died at Caesarea which he had 
rebuilt and where he had resided. It was his brother 
Yaghibasan, governor of Sebastea, who proclaimed 


himself amir at the expense of his nephew Dh u 
'1-Nun, and who married the dead man's widow. 
By thus usurping power, the new amir caused the 
break up of the amirate which was to lead to the 
fall of the dynasty; while Dh u '1-Niin seized Caesarea, 
Yaghibasan's brother c Ayn al-Dawla made himself 
master of Elbistan and then of Melitene. Henceforth 
there were three rival branches whose interests were 
sometimes upheld, sometimes opposed by the Saldju- 
kids. However the dynasty survived while Yaghi- 
basan lived, in spite of his continual wars with his 
father-in-law Mas'ud and subsequently, with his 
brother-in-law Kilidj Arslan II. The emperor Manuel 
who had at first allied himself with the Saldjukids 
as a means of preventing the Danishmendids' in- 
cursions into Byzantine territory, in 553/H58 
took Yaghibasan's side against Kilidj Arslan II 
and imposed his authority over Dhu '1-Nun. 
The following year marks the opening of hostil- 
ities between KUldj Arslan and Manuel, while 
at the same time war flared up between the 
rival dynasties as a result of Yaghibasan's abduction 
of Kilidj Arslan's fiancee, the daughter of the 
Saltukid amir of Erzurum, who was married to Dh u 
'1-Nun. But the death of Yaghlbasan in 559/1164 
gave rise to dynastic quarrels which provided 
Kilidj Arslan with his opportunity to destroy the 
amirate. Yaghibasan's widow married Dh u '1-Nun's 
nephew — Isma'Il b. Ibrahim, aged sixteen, and 
proclaimed him amir. In order to protect the interests 
of Dhu '1-N0n, against whom he was afterwards to 
turn, Kilidj Arslan invaded the Danishmendids' 
territories. In 567/1172, as a result of a palace 
revolution during which Isma'il and his wife perished, 
Dh u '1-Nun was called to Sebastea and proclaimed 
amir. He was at once attacked by Kilidj Arslan, and 
appealed for help to his father-in-law Nur al-DIn, 
atabek of Damascus, whose intervention compelled 
Kilidj Arslan to hand back the territories he had 
taken from Dhu '1-Nun. Nur al-DIn withdrew, 
leaving a relief garrison in Sebastea. But Nur al-DIn 
died in 569/1174 and Kilidj Arslan at once seized 
Sebastea, the Iris valley with Tokat and Comana, 
then Amasya, and proceeded to lay siege to Neo- 
caesarea. Dhu l'-Nun appealed for help to Manuel. 
In spite of the emperor's efforts the Byzantines 
were defeated, the Saldjukids took possession 
of Neocaesarea, and Dhu '1-Nun was put to 
death by poison on Kilidj Arslan's orders in 
570/1175. In the surviving Melitene branch discord 
reigned among the three sons of Dhu '1-Karnayn b. 
c Ayn al-Dawla, who had died in 557/1162. The 
eldest, Nasr al-DIn Muhammad, was dethroned in 
565/1170 in favour of his brother Fakhr al-DIn 
Kasim; but the latter, who was barely fifteen years 
old, was killed in a riding accident on his wedding 
day; and it was from the third brother, Afridun, 
that Nasr al-DIn Muhammad took back the town in 
570/1175 and reigned for three years under Kilidj 
Arslan's suzerainty. But in 573/"78 the Saldjukid 
occupied Melitene, and so came the end of the 
Danishmendids. According to Ibn BibI, Yaghi- 
basan's three sons Muzaffar al-DIn Mahmud, Zahir 
al-DIn Hi and Badr al-DIn Yusuf entered the 
Saldjukids' service and helped Ghiyath al-DIn 
Kavkhusraw I to regain his throne; in gratitude 
the monarch rewarded them by giving them im- 
portant positions and restoring some of their 
possessions (cf. al-Awdmir al- c AldHyye, Ankara 
1956, 76 ff.). 

Bibliography: Matthew of Edessa, Chronicle, 
trans. E. Dulaurier, Paris 1858; Michael the 

Syrian, Chronicle, trans. J. B. Chabot, iii; Anna 
Comnena, ed. B. Leib, iii, 18, 76, 200, 201, 210; 
Niketas Choniates, ed. Bonn, 27, 29, 46, 152, 159; 
Kinnamos, ed. Bonn, 14, 15, 16; William of Tyre, 
Receuil Hist. Crois. Hist. Occ. I., ix, 396-397; 
Albert of Aix, Rec. Hist. Crois., Hist. occ. IV, 524, 
525, 526, 567, 573, 576, 581, 611-4; Ibn al- 
Athir (ed. Tornberg), x, 203, 204, 237; xi, 9, 52, 
203-4, 207, 209, 237, 257-8, J. Laurent, Sur les 
Emir Danichmendites jusqu'en 1104, in Melanges 
lorga, Paris 1933, 449-506; Miikr. Halil Yinanc, 
art. Danismendliler, in I A; also, Tiirkiye Tarihi : 
Selcuklular Devri, Istanbul 1944, 89-103; I. 
Melikoff, La Geste de Melik Ddnismend, i, Paris 
i960 (see bibliography). (I. Melikoff) 

DANIYA, Span. Denia, capital of the north- 
eastern district of the province of Alicante, the most 
southerly of the three present-day provinces which 
used to make up the ancient kingdom of Valencia 
(Castellon de la Plana, Valencia, Alicante). This 
town of 50,000 inhabitants is situated at the south- 
east tip of the Gulf of Valencia (Sinus Sucronensis), 
north of the mountain Mong6 (in Arabic Diabal 
Ka'un) which is 2,190 feet high. Because of its good 
harbour, north-west of the ancient Promontorium 
Artemesium, Ferrarium or Tenebrium (to-day Cabo 
de S. Antonio, S. Martin or de la Nao), Denia was 
an ancient foundation of the Phocians (of Massilia/ 
Marseilles or of Emporium Ampurias) in the sixth 
century A.D., and was first called t6 'Hjxepoaxo7reTov 
(Strabo), Hemeroscopium, "the watch of the day"; 
then, because of the famous temple of Artemis of 
Ephesus erected on the castle hill, Artemisium; in 
Roman times this became Dianium (the city of 
Diana) which later gave the Arabic Daniya (with 
the imdla Daniya) and finally became Denia in 
Spanish. Although allied to the Romans, it was 
nevertheless spared by the Carthaginians since it 
was a Greek colony. Cato achieved a victory over 
the Spanish in the neighbourhood of this town 
before 195. The liberator of Spain, Sertorius, found 
his last point of support there, as well as a powerful 
naval base; according to the most likely evidence it 
was there that he was assassinated in 73. Caesar 
punished the town because it sided with Pompey 
(Dianium Stipendiarium) ; under the Roman Empire 
it became nevertheless an extremely flourishing 
municipality, as can be seen from the excavations 
that have been made there. It soon became Christian, 
and in the 7th century a bishopric was created there, 
four of whose prelates took part in the councils of 
Toledo. It possesses a fragment of the Paleo- 
Christian tomb of Severina in mosaic and other much 
more primitive remains which testify to its new 
faith. But it was under Arab domination, after the 
country had been conquered by Tarik in 94/713, that 
it reached its highest stage of development (50,000 
inhabitants, as it has to-day). On the other hand, 
we know almost nothing about the period of the 
migration of the peoples and the Goths. Denia 
began to play a certain part in the rebellions 
against c Abd al-Rahman I, but this part became 
considerably greater after the fall of the Caliphate in 
403/1013, when the c Amirid Abu '1-Diavsh Mudjahid, 
[q.v.] a manumitted slave of c Abd al-Rahman b. 
al-Mansur (called in western sources Musett or 
Mugeto), at first with the assistance of the learned 
co-regent (khalifa), al-Mu c ayti (405-21/1015-30), took 
possession of Denia and the Balearic Islands [see 
mayurka] (405-36/1014-1045) and succeeded in 
surpassing the other Reyes de Taifas in learning and 
wealth. He surrounded himself with scholars and 


was a distinguished commentator on the Kur'an. 
Denia was at that time one of the most important 
cities of the Levante and the country round it, 
where the fields were cultivated almost without 
interruption throughout the year, was very rich. 
The semi-insular kingdom of Denia played a very 
important part also as a naval base and in its 
dockyard was constructed the greater part of the 
fleet which Mudjahid used for piracy and with 
which, after he had seized the Balearic Islands, he 
undertook his celebrated expedition to Sardinia 
(406/1015). His son c Ali, called Ikbal al-DawIa, was 
taken prisoner by the Germans at the same time that 
his father was put to flight and pursued by the 
Christian coalition which retook the island. Ransomed 
after several years of captivity, he succeeded his 
father in 436/1044, and reigned for 32 years until 
468/1076. Born of a Christian mother and brought 
up in captivity, he became a Muslim, but possessed 
none of his father's qualities. Dissolute, miserly and 
a coward, he confined himself to wringing all he 
could out of his subjects, and his only undertaking 
consisted of sending a large ship full of food in 446 
or 447 (1054-55) to Egypt, where famine was raging; 
it came back full of money and jewels. When his 
brother-in-law, al-Muktadir, wanted to enlarge his 
frontiers on the Denia side, c Ali was incapable of 
resisting him, and his subjects abandoned him, 
delivering the town up to al-Muktadir who sent 'All 
to Saragossa where he died in 474/1081-2. Al- 
Mundhir succeeded his father, al-Muktadir, in the 
kingdom of Denia, and his son, Sulayman, continued 
to rule under the suzerainty of the Banu Batir until 
484/1091. In the same year the Almoravids had just 
taken Almeria, which they seized along with Murcia, 
Jativa and Denia, all of which fell later into power 
of the Almohads. In the spring of 599/1203, these 
last concentrated in the harbour of Denia a powerful 
squadron and landing party, who, on their way to 
attack the Banu Ghaniya [q.v.] at Majorca, put in 
at Ibiza and seized Palma in September of the same 
year. Denia was at that time governed by Muham- 
med b. Ishak, who had succeeded his father Ishak b. 
Ghaniya on the throne of Majorca but had been 
deposed by his brothers because of his adhesion to 
the Almohads; the Almohad sultan al-Mansur had 
recommended him strongly in his will. In 641/1244, 
Denia was finally taken from the Muslims by 
James I of Aragon (Don Jaime el Conquistador), 
and one of his captains, the German Carroz, under- 
took the redivision of its lands. In 725/1325, it was 
given to the Infante, Don Pedro, whose descendants, 
the royal dukes of Gandia, ruled the County from 
1356 up to the time that the Catholic Kings made 
it a Marquisate. In 1610, it lost most of its population 
through the expulsion of the industrious Moors by 
Philip III, and from that time on was of no importan- 
ce. However, in the War of the Spanish Succession, 
Denia, whose harbour was fortified, fought stub- 
bornly on the side of the Archduke, was besieged 
three times by Philip V, and taken in 1708. In 
1812-3 it was occupied by the French. 

The most famous Arab scholar of Denia is the 
great commentator on the Kur'an, al-Dani [q.v.] 
Abu 'Amr 'Uthman b. Sa'Id. 

Bibliography: Roque Chabas, Historia de la 
Ciudad de Denia, 2 vols., Denia 1874-76; Madoz, 
Dice, geogr.-estadistico-histdr., vii, 37-78; IdrisI, 
Desc. de I'Afrique et de VEspagne, 192; Yakut, ii, 
540 (the harbour of Denia is called here al-Sum- 
man); B. al-Bustanl, Dd'irat al-Ma ( drif, vii, 572; 
Mardsid al-Ittild 1 , v, 426; Ibn al-Khatlb, A'mdl 

al-AHam, 250-4; Les "Mimoires" du Roi Ziride 
l Abd Allah, in al-And., iv/i, 42-4; c Afif Turk, 
El-Reino de Zaragoza en el siglo XI (V de la hlgira), 
thesis, 149-59; al-ffulal al-Mawshiyya, 62. — 
Numismatics: F. Codera, Tratado de Numismdtica 
ardbigo-espaiiola, Madrid 1879, 174-81; F. Cabal- 
lero-Infante, Estudio sobre las Monedas Arabcs de 
Denia, in El Archivo, iv, Denia 1889; A. Vives y 
Escudero, Monedas de las dinastias ardbigo- 
espaAolas, Madrid 1893, 212-21. See also art. 


C. F. Seybold-[A. Huici Miranda]) 

DANIYAL. Muslim tradition has retained only 
a weak and rather confused record of the two 
biblical characters bearing the name Daniel, the 
sage of ancient times mentioned by Ezekiel (xiv, 14, 
20 and xxviii, 3) and the visionary who lived at the 
time of the captivity in Babylon, who himself 
sometimes appears as two different people. Further- 
more, the faint trace of a figure from the antiquity 
of fable combining with the apocalyptic tone of the 
book handed down in the Bible under the name 
Daniel, makes Daniyal of Muslim legend a revealer 
of the future and eschatological mysteries, and even 
lends his authority to astrological almanacs (Mal- 
hamat Daniyal) of extremely mediocre quality. 

Apocalyptical revelations are attributed to Daniel 
the Elder, it being suggested that a book recording 
such predictions was found in the coffin supposed 
to contain the remains of Daniyal (whoever he 
might be) which was brought to light at the time 
of the Muslim conquest of Tustar, and buried again 
with the body at the command of Caliph 'Umar; 
according to a legend told by al-BIruni, Daniyal 
acquired his knowledge in the Treasure Cave; 
Muslim sources moreover hand down, besides a 
garbled version of chapter xi, some authentic 
quotations from the Book of Daniel. Perhaps it is 
this Daniel whom the K. al-Tididn (70) places on 
the same footing as Lukman [q.v.] and Dhu '1-Kar- 
nayn [q.v.]: three characters considered by some as 
prophets not apostles or simply as just but not 
inspired men. 

Other traditions treat as two characters the 
Daniel of the destruction of the first Temple in 
Jerusalem and the captivity in Babylon: an elder 
Daniel and a son of the same name ; the former, son 
of the Judaean king Jehoiakim, the latter becoming 
an uncle to Cyrus by marriage (a garbled reference 
to the marriage of Ahasuerus and the Jewess Esther; 
moreover, another tradition has Ahasuerus con- 
verted to Judaism by Mordecai and taught by 
Daniel and his three companions). 

Muslim tradition has retained, somewhat distorted, 
episodes related in the Book of Daniel: the presence 
of Daniel and his companions in the court of Bukht- 
Nassar [q.v.] — Nebuchadnezzar; Nebuchadnezzar's 
dreams; the friction between Daniel and his detrac- 
tors (here presented as Magi) and his miraculous 
delivery from the lions' den ; Belshazzar's feast and 
the deciphering of the mysterious writing. Nebuchad- 
nezzar's being driven temporarily to dwell with the 
beasts of the field is also to be found here and al- 
Tha'labl is even able to narrate the king's death in 
a version forming one of the numerous variants of 
the folk theme used by Schiller in his ballad Der 
Gang nach dem Eisenhammer (see Stith-Thompson, 
Motif-Index, K. 1612, iv, 414). The character of 
Daniel is also introduced in the framework of 
stories which in the Bible centre round Ezra and 
Nehemiah: Ahasuerus did not allow Daniel and his 
three companions to return to the Holy Land, but 


he permitted Daniel, a great judge and a viceroy 
throughout his reign, to take from the royal treasure 
all that Nebuchadnezzar had taken from Jerusalem 
and restore it to the Jews. 

Bibliography: Ya'kubi, 70 (Dutch version, 
G. Smit, Bijbel en Legende bij den arabischen 
Schrijver Ja'qubi, 82); Tabari, i> 647, 652-4, 
665-8, 717; Mas'fldi, Murudj, i, 117, 120, ii, 115, 
128; Ps.— Balkhi, al-Bad 3 wa 'l-Ta'rikh, ii, 156 f./ 
144; 165/150 sq.; iii, H4f./n8f. and cf. index; 
Tha'labi, c Ard'is al-Madfdlis, 198-202; Biriini, 
Athdr {Chronology), 15-17/18-20, 302/300. On the 
tomb and coffin of Daniyal, see also MukaddasI, 
417 (cf. C. Cahen, in Arabica, 1959, 28);Harawi, 
K . al-Ziydrdt, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine, 69, transl., 
Guide des lieux de Pelerinage, 154, n. 4 (cf. M. 
Schreiner, ZDMG, liii, 58 f.) and EI 1 , article 
Susan. Malhamat Daniyal, cf. G. Levi Delia 
Vida, Elenco, 98. See also R. Basset, Mille et «» 
Contes . . ., iii, 125-8 (observations by B. Heller 
in REJ, lxxxv, 134 f.) and B. Heller, Encyclo- 
paedia Judaica, 5, 773 f. (G. Vajda) 
DANIYAL, called Sultan Daniyal in the histories, 
the youngest and favourite son of the Mughal 
emperor Akbar, born Adjmer 2 Djumada I 979/22 
September 1571. In 1008/1599 he was appointed 
military governor of the Deccan, and after his 
conquest of the city of Ahmadnagar (1009/1601) he 
was honoured by Akbar and given the province 
of Khandesh, fancifully named Dandesh after him. 
He is described as well-built, good-looking, fond of 
horses, and skilful in the composition of Hindustani 
poems. He figures in Abu '1-Fadl's lists of the grandees 
of the empire (AHn-i Akbari, i, 30) as a commander 
of 7000. He died of delirium tremens at Burhanpur 
on 9 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1013/28 April 1605. 
Bibliography : see Akbar. 

(J. Burton-Page) 
DANtfALl, (plural Danakil), a tribe occupying 
the western Red Sea coast from the neighbourhood 
of Zula (39 15' E, 15 10' N) to French Somaliland, 
and spreading inland over territory of extreme heat 
and desolation to the foot of the main escarpment of 
Ethiopia and astride the Dessie — c Assab road. 
Mainly but no longer exclusively nomadic, with 
some cattle-owning sections, they have formed many 
semi-permanent hamlets and a few larger villages on 
the coast and inland, where a few practise agriculture. 
Fishing and salt-mining are other occupations. The 
larger permanent villages today contain markets 
and police posts, and are gradually losing the com- 
plete isolation of centuries. The prevailing standard 
of life is extremely low, thanks to conditions of 
abnormal severity and (in the past) to pitiless and 
ever-repeated raiding from the Ethiopian highlands. 
The Dankali character is reckoned as suspicious, 
unstable and savage; early attempts at European 
exploration based on c Assab was met by murderous 
resistance, and no European survivor returned from 
the expeditions of Muntzinger (1875), Giuletti (1881), 
or Bianchi (1884). 

The Danakil appear to represent a Hamitic base 
with much absorption in the past of Arab, Somali, 
and other stock. Their own origin-legends, all 
mythical but faintly reflecting actual invasions and 
upheavals, seek to explain the presence of a pheno- 
menon familiar elsewhere in Eritrea and northern 
Ethiopia — that of a relatively small ruling caste 
superior in status, freedom and economic privilege 
to a larger serf-caste: a distinction which cuts 
across the division into the subtribes and commu- 
nities of which the Dankali nation is composed. 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

Divided between 1303/1885 and 1372/1952 between 
Eritrean (that is, Italian and British) and Ethiopian 
rule, the people had at no time — or have now no 
remaining trace of — political unity or any more 
cohesion than can be based on common language, 
religion, and living-conditions; the only potentate 
commanding more than sub-tribal or group prestige 
has been the Sultan of Aussa, resident at Sardo. 
The Danakil in 1954 numbered probably about 
50,000 to 80,000 souls. 

The Dankali language, also called c Afar, can be 
placed as a dialect of the lower- Kushite branch of 
the Southern Hamitic group. It is close to the Saho 
language (of the plateau-dwelling tribes west and 
south of Zula), and has links with the Somali 

Bibliography : M. Nesbitt, La Dankalia 
esplorata, Florence 1930; 0. Dante, La Dankalia 
Settentrionale, Asmara 1909; A. Pollera, Le 
Popolazioni indigene dell' Eritrea, Bologna 1935; 
British Military Administration of Eritrea (per 
S. F. Nadel), Races and Tribes of Eritrea, Asmara 
1943; D. Buxton, Travels in Ethiopia, London 
1949. (S. H. Longrigg) 

DAR, a Persian word meaning "door" or 
"gate", found in many Iranian and Turkic lan- 
guages. It is synonymous with Arabic bob and is used 
similarly, e.g., dar-i c aliyya, dar-i dawlat, and in 
India dar-bdr (durbar). In a special sense it refers to 
the ruler's court, or in extension, to a government 
bureau, already in pre-Islamic Iran. In Pahlavi it 
was usually written with the heterogram BB'. 

(R. N. Frye) 
DAR, (dwelling place), house. The two 
words most commonly used to designate a dwelling 
place, bayt and ddr, have, etymologically, quite 
different meanings. Bayt is, properly speaking, the 
covered shelter where one may spend the night; 
ddr (from ddra, to surround) is a space surrounded by 
walls, buildings, or nomadic tents, placed more or less 
in a circle. Ddrat un is the tribal encampment known 
in North Africa as the duwwar. From the earliest 
times there has been in Muslim dwellings a tendency 
to arrange around a central space: the park, where 
the shepherd's flock will be sheltered from the blows 
of enemies; the courtyard, where the non-nomadic 
family will live cut off from inquisitive strangers. 
The first house which Islam, in its infancy, offers for 
our consideration, is that built by Muhammad, on 
his arrival in Medina, as a dwelling place for himself 
and his family, and as a meeting place for believers. 
The courtyard surrounded by walls is its essential 
feature. A shelter from the sun, intended to protect 
the faithful at prayer, runs alongside the wall on 
one side. Rooms built along another side were 
occupied by the Prophet's wives and were added 
to as a result of his subsequent unions. 

Tradition brings us an interesting detail on the 
subject of these rooms. Their entrance on to the 
courtyard was fronted by a porch of palm branches 
which could be shut off, if required, by curtains of 
camel-hair. This front annexe of the room, which 
recalls the riwdk, the movable screen of the nomadic 
tent, which keeps the dwelling in touch with the 
outside world, and plays the part of a vestibule, was 
to be perpetuated in the Muslim house. 

This arrangement, of a central open space, sur- 
rounded by habitable rooms, certainly does not 
belong exclusively to the Arab world. This disposition 
is also characteristic of the primitive Roman house, 
with its atrium, and the Hellenic house with its 
peristyle; it must have been adopted very early by 

the Mediterranean countries. But this type of 
domestic architecture seems to offer an ideal frame- 
work for Muslim life. It is well adapted to the patriar- 
chal view of the family and creates for it an enclosed 
sphere; it conforms easily with the element of 
secrecy dear to the private life of the Muslim, and 
this idea is reflected in the architectural arrange- 
ment both in elevation and in plan. Houses in 
European towns look out widely upon the street, 
the elegance and luxury of the facade are for the 
architect an object of very considerable attention, 
and for the owner of the house, a sign of wealth; 
on the other hand the Muslim dwelling, however 
rich, presents a most sober external appearence — 
bare walls pierced by a massive and ever closed door, 
and by few and narrow windows. The main concern 
of this domestic architecture is with the central 
open space. The courtyard seems almost the principal 
room of the dwelling, and the facades which surround 
it offer the builder a rich and varied aesthetic theme, 
— but one whose charm is only accessible to the 

If the customs moulded by Islam contribute to 
the relative unity of the dwellings, this unity derives 
even more clearly from the climatic conditions which 
affect the majority of Muslim countries. The latter, 
as is well known, almost all occupy a long east-west 
region in which rain is rare, the sun fierce, and the 
heat of summer intense. The scarcity of rain and the 
steppe-like arid character of these countries make 
water, be it pool or fountain, a much appreciated 
element ot comfort and adornment — one which 
plays its part in the decoration of palaces as well as 
in more modest dwellings. The fierce sun and hot 
summer motivate the arrangement of underground 
recesses such as the sarddib (sing, sarddb) of c Irak 
and Persia, or the building of rooms which are well 
ventilated but lit only by a subdued light, such as 
the twin. The twin is a room enclosed by three walls, 
opening out in the whole width of the fourth side, 
like an enormous gaping flat-based ledge, and is 
generally roofed by a cradle-vault (semi-cylindrical). 
Open to the space of the courtyard, it recalls the 
riwdk of the Arab tent; it can act as a reception 
room and is not without similarity to the prostas 
of the Greek house; yet it does seem to be a genuinely 
Iranian creation. In the Parthian palace of Hatra 
(2nd. century A.D.) it is revealed in all its majesty. 
It was to become a characteristic theme of the 
architecture of the Sasanids. The most famous 
example is the Tak-i Kisra, the palace of Ctesiphon, 
built by Khusraw Anushirwan (551-579 A.D.). The 
Mesopotamian architects working for the 'Abbasids 
were to make the iwdn one of the essential elements 
of their monumental compositions. The palace of 
Ctesiphon clearly inspired the builder who created, in 
221/836, the great iwdn of the palace of al-Mu c tasim 
at Samarra [?.».]. It is to be found on a smaller scale 
in 147/764 in the palace of Ukhaydir; this princely 
dwelling exhibits courtyards surrounded by buildings. 
In two of the courts, two iwdns open out face to face, 
each preceded by a gallery, along the whole width of 
the courtyard. This symmetrical arrangement, with 
two wide galleries facing each other and the iwdns 
opening out in the far wall, used according to the 
season — summer and winter — has been perpetuated 
in the houses of modern c Irak. The gallery, or wide 
room, giving on to the courtyard through three bays, 
is called a tarma; the iwdn is flanked by two small 
rooms (called oda) which re-establish the rectangular 
scheme. However, by the 3rd/gth century this 
architectural idea (wide ante-room, deep iwdn with 

lateral rooms whose doors open on the ante-room) 
moved towards the West and began to reach the 
Mediterranean world. In some houses of al-Fustat 
(old Cairo) generally attributed to the TQlOnids, the 
iwdn plays an important role. The courtyard, which 
one reaches by one of the corners, is framed by 
walls, and the four sides contain iwdns, some deep, 
others shallow and rather like wide, flat-based 
ledges. On one of the sides there is an ante-room with 
three bays, and at its far end we find a central iwdn 
and the two flanking rooms. The arrangement of the 
wide ante-room and the deep iwdn forms a character- 
istic T shape. These Tulunid dwellings, built in 
brick like the monuments of the period, comprise 
several storeys. They were provided with a system 
of conduits which brought fresh water and carried 
away dirty water. Their courtyards were decorated 
with pools and plants. In two houses, a fountain is 
built into one of the rooms and the water is channelled 
into the courtyard pool. In the rooms of rectangular 
shape, the short sides of the rectangle and the long 
wall facing the entrance are often cut into by level 
ledges, a sort of atrophied iwdns, where seats <.ould 
be placed. 

Before following up the westward migration of 
these elements of domestic architecture shown by 
the Tulunid houses, it seems worthwhile to indicate 
how they have changed on the spot, and what can 
be found of them, modified by Turkish influence, in 
the modern dwellings of Egypt. The courtyard is 
still an important element in these dwellings, but it 
is no longer in the centre of the building. It stands 
in front of them, accessible by a curved corridor. 
The visitor can be received here, in a low room 
(takhtabosh), opening out widely on the ground 
floor, or in a loggia (mak'ad) which stands above it 
and dominates the courtyard. If the visitor is 
entering the interior of the house, he will be received 
in the seldmllk. Its principal element is a large room 
(mandara) whose central part, a substitute for the 
courtyard, is paved, adorned with a fountain and 
surrounded by two or three iwdns — or rather, 
liwdns, as the word has come to be used in local 
parlance. These liwdns, raised above floor level, are 
furnished with carpets and divans. The barim is 
completely separate from the seldmllk and is acces- 
sible by a door opening onto the courtyard and by 
a staircase. The kd c a, its principal room, is not 
dissimilar to the mandara, for here, too, one finds a 
central space and lateral extensions. But it is diffe- 
rent, and derives more evidently from the ancient 
courtyard, for the walls surrounding the central 
space rise to the level of the terraces, and carry a 
lantern which lights the interior. 

The dwelling with the central courtyard, with 
the characteristics inherited from the Iranian 
tradition being adapted to the domestic theme of 
the Roman world, spread early across the Mediter- 
ranean countries of Islam. Evidences of this expan- 
sion have been found in archaeological researches in 
recent years. Excavations lately undertaken at 
$abra-Mansuriyya, the town founded in 335/947 by 
the Fatimid al-Mansur at the gates of al-Kayrawan, 
have revealed a palace with walls of clay once 
decorated with ceramic marquetry. Here we find 
the arrangement of the wide ante-room and the 
deep iwdn with two rooms alongside. From the same 
period, or possibly a little earlier, the castle of the 
§anhadjl Amir Ziri at Ashir, dated about 324/935, is 
interesting for the use of courtyards and for the 
rigorous symmetry of the rooms which surround 
them. Five rooms exhibit flat-based ledges cut into 


the wall facing the entrance; these inner recesses are 
fronted on the outside by rectangular fore-parts. 

About a hundred years later, at Sanhadja in the 
Berber territory, the palaces of the I£al c a of the Banu 
Hammad were being constructed. Three of these 
royal dwellings have been excavated. Dar al-bahr, 
the largest, owes its traditional name to the sheet 
of water which entirely occupied a large courtyard. 
Above the huge pool were the state rooms. A second 
courtyard was surrounded by buildings presumably 
for domestic use: storerooms for provisions and a 
bath intended for guests. The flat-based ledges, 
probably derived from the iwan which certainly was 
already well known to Sasanid architects, give 
variety to the interior construction of the rooms. 
In another Hammadid palace, the Kasr al-Mandr, 
castle of the Fanal, the four sides of a central room, 
once no doubt roofed by a cupola, are hollowed out 
in this fashion: a similar cruciform plan is seen in 
Palermo in the pavilion of the Ziza, built by the 
Norman kings (Twelfth Century). One of these ledges 
contains a fountain whose water flows in a canal 
across the room as in Tulunid houses in al-Fustat, 
already mentioned. 

The survival of the Asiatic elements taken over 
by domestic architecture in North Africa can be 
seen in Sedrata, a town in the Sahara founded by the 
Kharidji Berbers south of Ouargla, which was 
inhabited from the tenth to the twelfth centuries. 
Houses recovered from the sand contain rooms 
giving on to multiple courtyards. In addition to 
buildings provided with storerooms for provisions, 
the house includes state-rooms richly decorated with 
plaster sculptures, sometimes roofed by a cradle- 
vault which joins two half-cupolas on shell-shaped 
corbels. Some of the rooms are preceded by galleries 
opening, as at al-Fustat, by three bays onto the 
courtyard. The room follows the T-plan, consisting 
of a wide shallow room, and the iwan in the wall 
facing the entrance. The two ends of the wide room 
each show a raised couch framed by an overhanging 

We do not know when and how this type of house, 
with its combination of Persian and 'Iraki elements, 
reached Muslim Spain and the Maghrib. Many 
fashions derived from Baghdad or from Samarra 
were imported by the Western Caliphs, especially 
in the 3rd/gth century, and made a mark in Anda- 
lusia. Perhaps in this way we can explain certain of 
the architectural elements revealed by the Castillejo 
of Murcia, attributed to Ibn Mardanish (541-66/1147- 
1171). Here we find wide rooms, at the end of which 
there is a narrow room preceded by a fore-part. The 
inner rectangular courtyard is designed in the manner 
of a garden divided by two paths intersecting at the 
centre — a characteristic Persian theme. Two over- 
hanging pavilions on the shorter sides of the rectangle 
mark the position of the paths. This type of dwelling, 
transplanted into Muslim Spain, takes on an in- 
comparable beauty and amplitude in the Alhambra, 
the palace of the Nasrid kings of Granada. It is known 
that the principal buildings of this royal habitation, 
the work of Yusuf I (735-55/1335-1354) and of Mu- 
hammad V (755-93/i354-i39i) are arranged around 
two rectangular patios. One of them (Patio de los 
Leones) is divided by two paths in the shape of a 
cross, dominated by two overhanging pavilions on the 
shorter sides of the rectangle, as at the Castillejo of 
Murcia. Water plays an important part in the decor 
of these courtyards, filling the pool of Alberca and 
playing over the basins of the famous Fountain of 
the Lions. Galleries and wide ante-rooms opening 

on to the court-yards lead to state-rooms, such as the 
splendid Ambassadors' Room which is in the Comares 
tower, the outstanding feature of the enclosure. The 
wide rooms have, at each end, a recess, a lateral 
iwan, bounded by an overhanging arch, as in the 
houses of Sedrata. 

This theme of garden-courts, with fountains, and 
crossing paths, which certainly seems to have come 
from Iran, must have reached Maghrib even in the 
Middle Ages. It survives in the charming riydds, the 
interior gardens found in Fez and Marrakesh. The 
Algerian house, especially in Algiers itself, is quite 
different. The vestibule {skifa), very long, and 
bordered by seats, leads on through a curved 
corridor, or by a staircase, into the courtyard. The 
latter is enclosed by the columns and horseshoe 
arches of four galleries ; a fountain plays in the centre. 
The rooms beneath the galleries, on the ground floor 
or on the upper storeys, are very wide and rather 
shallow, the limited height being necessitated by the 
weak bearing of the ceiling beams. Opposite the door 
is a recess containing a divan. In this we can see 
a degenerate form of the iwan, whose movements 
we have traced from 'Irak. In Algiers, this median 
recess has a fore-part supported by arms set at an 
angle into the facade. This, there can be little doubt, 
is an eastern fashion, imported by the Turkish 
masters of the town. In the villas of the suburbs, 
the less restricted space makes this overhang un- 
necessary; the fore-part rises from ground-level. On 
the upper storey, it develops into a sort of small 
salon, a belvedere with windows on the three sides, 
and frequently surmounts the entrance porch. The 
Tunisian house is a little different, the rectangular 
court-yard having galleries only on the two shorter 
sides. The principal rooms follow the T-plan, with 
the wide room (bayt), the deep iwan {kbit), and the 
two small rooms alongside, (maksiira, plu. mkdser). 
Bibliography: Caetani, Annali dell'Islam, i, 
376 ff., 433 ff. ; Creswell, Early Muslim architecture, 
i, 3-6, ii, 53 ff. ; Lowthian Bell, Palace and mosque 
0) Ukhaidir, Oxford 1914; Herzfeld, Die Aus- 
grabungen von Samarra, Berlin 1923-1927; Viollet, 
Un palais musulman du IX' siecle (Mimoires de 
I'Acadimie des Inscriptions), 1911; Watelin, 
Sasanian building, in Pope, Survey of Persian art, 
i, 585; A. Bahgat and A. Gabriel, Fouilles a Al- 
Foustat, 1921; Pauty, Les palais et les maisons de 
VEgypte musulmane, (Institut francais du Caire) 
1933; Mostafa Sliman Zbiss, Comptes rendus de 
I'Acadimie des Inscriptions, 1952, 512; P. Blan- 
chet, Comptes rendus de I'Acadimie des Inscriptions, 
1898, 520; L. Golvin, Le Maghreb central a I'ipoque 
des Strides, 1957, 180 ff.; Gallotti, Le jardin et la 
tnaison arabe au Maroc, 2 vol., 1926; Gavault, 
Notice sur la bibliothlque-muste d 'Alger, in RA, 
1894; G. Marcais, V architecture musulmane d'Occi- 
dent, 1954 ; idem, Salle, antisalle, in Ali.0 
Alger, 1952. (G. Marcais) 

DAR-I AHANlN. Persian "the iron gate", also 
called Derbend-i Ahanin. The Arabic form is Bab 
al-fladid, old Turkish Tatnir qapiy. A name used 
for various passes in the eastern Islamic world. The 
most famous pass called dar-i ahanin, is the pass in 
Ma wara 5 al-Nahr (Transoxiana), in the Baysuntau 
•Mountain Range near the modern village of Derbent 
located on the old road between Samarkand and 

Perhaps the earliest mention of this "Iron Gate" 
is in the account of the Chinese pilgrim Hsiian 
Tsang who went through the pass about 630 A.D. 
and described it briefly. The first mention of this 

DAR-I AHANlN — (al-)DAR al-BAYDA> 

pass under its Persian name is in al-Ya c kObi, 
Buldan, 290, 5. In later times this pass was considered 
the boundary between Ma wara 5 al-Nahr and the 
lands dependent on Balkh. The pass is frequently 
mentioned in Islamic literature, but the first Euro- 
pean to visit the site was Clavijo who passed here 
in 1404 and mentioned a customs house from which 
Timur received revenue. The pass is mentioned by 
Sharaf al-DIn Yazdi, Zafarndma, ed. M. Ilahdad, 
Calcutta, 1887, I, 49, and the Bdbumdma, ed. 
Beveridge, 124, under the Mongolian name qa?alya (in 
Arabic script kahalghah). The name Buzghala 
KhSna, later applied to the pass, is first mentioned 
by Muh. Wafa Karmlnagi, Tuhfat al-Khdni (un- 
catalogued, in the former Asiatic Museum, Leningrad 
f. 184b) in the description of a campaign by Muh. 
Rahlm Khan in n7i/i757- A road runs through the 
pass today but it is no longer of any importance. 
Bibliography : T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's 
Travels in India, London 1904, i, 100-2. Ya'kObi- 
Wiet, 105; Nizam al-Din ShamI, Zajarnama, ed. 
F. Tauer, Prague 1956, ii, 252 (s.v. kahalghah); 
Ruy Goncalez de Clavijo, Narrative of the Embassy 
to the Court of Timur, tr. C. R. Markham, London 
1859, 122. (R. N. Frye) 

DAR al- c AHD, "the Land of the Covenant", was 
considered as a temporary and often intermediate ter- 
ritory between the Ddr al-Isldm [q.v.] and the Ddr 
al-Ifarb [q.v.'i by some Muslim jurists (see Al-Shafi% 
Kitdb al-Umm, Cairo 1321, iv, 103-104; Yahya 
b. Adam, Kitdb al-Kharddj, trans. A. ben Shemesh, 
Leiden 1958, 58). Al-Mawardi (Kitdb al-Afikdm 
al-Sultdniyya, trans. E. Fagnan, Algiers 1915, 291) 
states that of the lands which pass into the 
hands of the Muslims by agreement, that called Dar 
al- c Ahd is the one the proprietorship of which is 
left to their previous possessors on condition that they 
pay kharddj, and this kharddj is the equivalent of 
djizya. In case of the breach of the agreement their 
land becomes Ddr al-ffarb. When the Imam accepts 
their request to submit and pay kharddj, war against 
them is prohibited (Yahya, 58). But in theory these 
lands are in the end to be included in the Ddr al- 

Abu Hanifa, however, holds the opinion that such 
a land can be considered only as part of the Ddr 
al-Isldm, and there can be no other territory than 
the Ddr al-Isldm and the Ddr al-IJarb. If people in 
such a land break the agreement they are to be 
considered as rebels. 

But, there existed, even in early Islam, a type of 
tributary lands which conformed to the theory 
defended by al-Shafi c i. Under Mu'awiya the Armenian 
princes obtained, in return for the payment of 
kharddj, agreements from him guaranteeing their 
land and autonomous rule (see, J. Markwart, Siid- 
armenien und die Tigrisquellen, Vienna 1930, 457, 
and armIniya). 

More precise information on the conditions 
affecting such lands is provided by the examples in 
Ottoman history. In the '■ahdndmes granted by the 
Ottoman sultans to the tributary Christian princes 
(see Fr. Kraelitz, Osmanischen Urkunden in tiirkischer 
Sprache, Vienna 1922, 42-106; Fr. Babinger, Beitrdge 
zur Friihgesch. der Tiirkenherrsohaft in Rumelien, 
Munich 1944, 21; Feridun, Munsha'dt al-Saldfin, 
ii, Istanbul 1265, 351-380) we find that sub- 
mission and the payment of a yearly tribute (kharddj) 
by the Christian prince, with the request of peace 
and security on the one hand and the Sultan's grant 
of <ahd wa amdn [q.v.] on the other, are the essential 
points for the conclusion of an '■ahd. It is absolutely 

an act of grant on the part of the Sultan. In the 
c ahdndmes it is often stipulated that the tributary 
prince is to be 'the enemy of the enemies of the 
Sultan and the friend of his friends'. Besides these, 
further conditions were usually imposed, such as the 
sending of hostages to pay homage in person to the 
Sultan every year, and the provision of troops for 
his expeditions. In his '■ahdndme the Sultan promises 
by oath peace, protection against the internal and 
external enemies of the prince, respect of the reli- 
gion, laws and customs of the country (cf. Feridun, 
"> 355), no colonization of Muslim people there, and 
no interference by Ottoman officials in internal 
affairs. A kapi-ketkhudd of the prince represents 
him at the Porte. His people could freely enter 
and trade in Ottoman territory. Following Hanafi 
opinion, the Ottoman Sultan considered them 
as his own Maradf-paying subjects and the land as 
his own land (cf. Kraelitz, 57, doc. 7); Feridun, ii, 
358). If the circumstances changed, the Sultan could 
increase the amount of the tribute. If the prince 
failed to fulfill any of his obligations toward the 
Sultan, he would declare him a rebel and his land Ddr 
al-harb. If the Sultan saw fit, he could bring the 
land under his direct rule. But the first step in 
expanding the Ddr al-Isldm was usually to impose 
a yearly tribute. Most of the Ottoman conquests were 
achieved through it (cf. inalcik, Ottoman Methods of 
Conquest, in Stud. I si., ii, 103). See also dar al-sulh. 
Bibliography: in addition to the references 
in the text: M. v. Berchem, La propriiU territorial 
et I'impdt foncier, Leipzig 1886; F. Lokkegaard, 
Islamic Taxation in the Classic Period, Copenhagen 
1950; M. Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law 
of Islam, Baltimore 1955; M. Hamidullah, Muslim 
Conduct of State, Lahore 1954. (Halil Inalcik) 
(al-)DAR al-BAYPA 5 , the Arab name for Casa- 
blanca, the principal city in Morocco. In Arab 
dialect Dar 1-B6da, formerly An fa [q.v.]. 

After the Portuguese had destroyed Anfa in the 
15th century, the town remained in ruins, sheltering 
but a few Bedouins and being occasionally used by 
ships as a watering-place. The Portuguese named the 
locality Casabranca, after a white house, overlooking 
the ruins, which served as a landmark for their 
ships. The Spanish transformed the name into 
Casablanca, the present European name of the city. 
The Arab name is its literal translation. 

The 'Alawid Sultan SidI Muhammad b. <Abd 
Allah had the city rebuilt in the 18th century, 
probably subsequent to the Portuguese evacuation 
of Mazagan in 1769. Fearing that the Christians 
would one day return to the attack, he wished to fill 
the gap in the defences which existed between 
Rabat and Mazagan. The bastion, or skdla, provided 
with artillery emplacements, was similar to those at 
Rabat and Larache. It is thought that he repopulated 
the city by setting up two iddlds, one of Shluh of Haha 
(a Berber tribe giving its allegiance to the Makhzen, 
in the Agadir region), the other of Bwakher (ahl al- 
Bukhari) of Meknes. Right to this day one of the 
oldest mosques in the city is named djdmi c al-Muh. 
Travellers to Casablanca in the early 19th century 
described it as a mass of ruins used more for 
camping than for permanent settlement. Like 
Fedala and Manjuriyya, it was a stopping-place on 
the journey between Rabat and Marrakesh. 

In 1782 the trade in corn, Casablanca's main 
export, was granted to a Spanish company in Cadiz, 
and in 1789 to the Compafia de los Cinco Gremios 
Mayores of Madrid. But following the revolt or- 
ganized by the Shawiya governor, who had estab- 

(al-)DAR al-BAYDA> — DAR al-DARB 

lished his residence in Casablanca, Sultan Mawlay 
Sulayman closed the port to commerce in 1794, and 
summoned back to Rabat the Christian traders who 
had set up business there. It was not reopened until 
1830, by Mawlay <Abd al-Rahman b. Hisham. 

European traders began to return from 1840 
onwards, and the influx was particularly great in 
1852. The first ones were representatives of French 
manufacturers in Lodeve. They were sent in quest of 
raw wool, in an attempt to free themselves of 
dependence on the English market. They were 
followed by English traders from Gibraltar, by 
Germans, Portuguese, and Spaniards. The first 
European vice-consul in Casablanca was appointed 
in 1857. Thereafter, despite periods of stagnation 
due to European economic crises or to local causes 
{e.g., droughts and epidemics), the small foreign 
colony grew continually. Steamship companies 
(notably the French line Paquet) called regularly at 
Casablanca. Trade expanded, and in 1906 the 
port's traffic (imports plus exports valued at 14 
million gold-francs) exceeded that of Tangier. 

Following the loan of 1904 and the Conference of 
Algeciras in 1906, French officials took over control 
of the Casablanca customs post, and a French 
company undertook improvements to the port 
facilities. These events constituted a threat to the 
Shawiya tribe which inhabited the surrounding 
countryside, and on 30 July 1907 they attacked and 
killed some European workers in a quarry outside 
the city walls. The intervention of a French warship 
provoked the sacking of the city, during which the 
Jewish quarter suffered particularly severely. The 
French replied by a bombardment on August 5th, 
and two days later 2000 troops under the command of 
General Drude were sent ashore from a French 
squadron. Spain also sent a squadron of assault 
troops. The French expeditionary force gradually 
occupied the whole of the Shawiya territory by 
driving back the warlike tribes, and the train of 
events ended with the establishment of the French 
Protectorate in 1912. 

As a result of the decision of its first Resident 
General, Lyautey, to make it the principal port of 
Morocco, the city underwent an enormous expansion. 
No doubt the decision would have been very dif- 
ferent if Casablanca had not already known consider- 
able economic prosperity. This arose in part from 
the presence of a sizeable European colony, in part 
from the need to supply material to the Expedition- 
ary Force. The modern port is completely man-made. 
It has 4,870 m. of deep-water quays, and is protected 
from the open sea by a breakwater 3,180 m. long. 
In 1956 it registered 8V2 million tons of traffic. 

The census of 1952 showed a population of 680,000 
(to be compared with 20,000 in 1907): 472,920 
Muslims, 74,783 Jews (more than a third of the 
total Jewish population in Morocco), and 132,719 
foreigners (of whom 99,000 were French). 

The old city consisted of 3 districts: Medina 
(middle-class), Tnaker (working-class, not entirely 
built-up), Mellah (Jewish). Today the whole area, 
its walls still in part intact, is called Old Medina, 
and to the W. and S.W. it has extended beyond the 
walls. The whole of the Jewish population lives 
there, mingled with the Muslims. The European 
districts have grown up around Old Medina, parti- 
cularly to the E. and S., and further Muslim districts 
have been built outside these, the principal one 
being an immense area of 200,000 inhabitants, New 
Medina. The shanty-towns on the outskirts of the 
city, to which countryfolk flocked in search of work, 

have now been largely replaced by working-class 
dwellings, constituting quarters such as Muham- 
madiyya to the E. (formerly the 'Central Quarries'), 
Sidi 'UUiman to the S. (formerly Ben Msik), and 
Hasaniyya City, formerly Derb Jdld (al-darb al- 
diadid) to the S.W. The main centre of industry is 
in the N.E. along the road to Rabat. It contains 
the headquarters of most of the country's light in- 
dustries, and is the most important industrial region 
in Morocco. 

Bibliography: Ahmad b. Khalid al-Nasirl al- 
Salawi, Kitdb al-Istifrsd', 4 e partie, Chronique de la 
dynastie alaouite du Maroc (1631-1894), trans. 

E. Fumey, in Archives Marocaines, Paris 1906-7, 
i> 332, 359, ii, 3-5 ; M. Rey, Souvenirs d'un voyage 
au Maroc, Paris 1844, 12-15; Georges Bourdon, 
Ce que j'ai vu au Maroc, Les journies de Casablanca, 
Paris 1908; Villes et tribus du Maroc. Casablanca 
et les Chaouiya, i, Mission scientifique au Maroc, 
Paris 1915; Dr. F. Weisgerber, Casablanca et les 
Chaouiya en 1900, Casablanca 1935; J. Celerier, 
Les Conditions giographiques du diveloppement de 
Casablanca, in Revue de Giogr. Maroc, May 1939; 

F. Joly, Casablanca-£Uments pour une itude de 
giographie urbaine, in Cahiers d'Outre-Mer, April- 
June 1948; J. L. Miege and E. Hugues, Les 
Europeans a Casablanca au XIX imt siecle, (1856- 
1906), Paris 1954. (A. Adam) 
DAR al-PARB, the mint, was an indispensable 

institution in the life of mediaeval Middle Eastern 
society because of the highly developed monetary 
character of its economy, particularly during the 
early centuries of Muslim domination. The primary 
function of the mint was to supply coins for the 
needs of government and of the general public. At 
times of monetary reforms the mints served also as 
a place where obliterated coins could be exchanged 
for the new issues. The large quantities of precious 
metals which were stored in the mints helped to 
make them serve as ancillary treasuries. 

Soon after their conquest of the Middle East, the 
Arabs made use of the mints inherited from the 
former Byzantine and Sasanid regimes. It was only 
during the Umayyad period that the Muslim 
administration began to interfere with the minting 
organization. This was manifested in the setting up 
of new mints (e.g., Kufa, Wasit) by al-Hadjdjadj, 
in the famous coinage reform of c Abd al-Malik [see 
dinar], and in the centralizing measures of Hisham 
who drastically reduced the number of mints. The 
policy of Hisham, obviously influenced by Byzantine 
minting traditions, could not be maintained for 
long by the 'Abbasid caliphate. During the reign of 
Harun al-Rashid the office of ndzir al-sikka (in- 
spector of coinage) was set up. Although by this 
measure the caliphate relinquished its direct autho- 
rity over the mints in favour of a subordinate agency, 
it still defended the principle of a centralized minting 
system. But this office seems to have disappeared 
with the shrinking of the political and administrative 
authority of the c Abbasids. The increased number 
of mints whose operations were necessitated by 
rapidly expanding trade and industrial activities, 
and the rise of many petty rulers asserting their 
control over these mints, led to a complete decen- 
tralization of minting, a situation closely resembling 
that which existed under the Sasanids. 

The assumption of control over the mints was one 
of the elements indicating the assertion of independ- 
ent power by rulers. It was symbolized by the in- 
clusion of their names in the inscriptions on the 
issues of their mints, hitherto an exclusive pre- 

rogative of the caliphs. By this measure, also, they 
declared themselves responsible for the quality of 
their coinage. To safeguard the integrity of the 
coinage, and consequently the interests of the 
general public, the mints were submitted to the legal 
authorities (e.g., kadi al-kuddt in Fatimid Egypt 
and Syria, and a kadi in nth century Baghdad) 
whose agents personally assisted at the minting 
processes. In spite of this system, the confidence of 
the general public was abused by the rulers who 
exploited their mint prerogatives by illegal monetary 
speculations. The usual method was to declare the 
coins in circulation invalid, and order their exchange 
against the new, secretly debased issues, obtainable 
in the official mints. 

The staff of the mint consisted of clerical and 
manual employees. The former were in charge of 
book-keeping and of internal security. The manual 
workers, such as the sabbdkun (melters) and darrdbun 
(minters), carried out the actual coining operations. 
A special position among the craftsmen was occupied 
by the nakkdsh (die-sinker) whose professional 
activities were restricted to engraving only. 

Coins issued by Muslim mints were struck of 
gold, silver and copper [see dinar, dirham, fals]. 
Precious metals for coining consisted of bullion 
which was supplied by the official authorities as 
well as by private customers. The latter delivered 
also obliterated coins and 'foreign' coins which were 
prohibited on local markets. A prescribed percentage 
of such deliveries was retained by the mint as a 
coining levy. The money cashed from the customers 
was spent on the wages of the minters, on the costs 
connected with minting operations, as well as on a 
special government tax. During the period of 
flourishing trade activities which entailed intensive 
minting operations, the proceeds from the mint 
yielded a substantial income to the government. 
But the economic regression of the late Middle Ages 
drastically diminished the demand for coinage, with 
detrimental effects on the position of the mints and 
the profits derived from them. It then became 
practicable to farm out the mints, an expedient 
resorted to, for instance, by Mamluk Egypt. 

Bibliography: Abu '1-Hasan C AH b. Yusuf 
al-Hakim, al-Dawha al-mushtabika ji dawdbit 
ddr al-sikka, ed. IJ. Mu'nis, Madrid 1379/1959! 
Ibn Khaldun, al-Mukaddima, tr. F. Rosenthal, 
New York 1958, i, 464 and passim; Nabulusi, 
Lutna' al-kawanin al-Mudiyya /» Dawawin al- 
Diydr al-misriyya, in C. A. Owen's Scandal 
in the Egyptian Treasury, JNES, 14, ii» 1955. 
75-6; Ibn Ba'ra, Kashf al-Asrdr al-Hlmiyya 
bi Ddr al-Darb al-misriyya, (cf., A. S. Ehrenkreutz, 
Extracts from the Technical Manual on the A yyubid 
Mint in Cairo, in BSOAS, xv, 1953, 432-47); 
A. S. Ehrenkreutz, Contributions to the knowledge 
of the fiscal administration of Egypt in the Middle 
Ages, in BSOAS, xvi, 1954, 502-14, containing 
further bibliographical references on the subject 
of Islamic mints; idem, Studies in the monetary 
history of the Near East in the Middle Ages, in 
JESHO, 2, ii (1959), 128-61. 

(A. S. Ehrenkreutz) 
Ottoman period. — The Ottoman mint 
is generally known as Darbkhdne-i '■Amire but 
also (larrdbkhdne, nukrakhdne and ddr al-darb. The 
first coin from an Ottoman mint was an akle [q.v.] 
struck in Bursa probably in 727/1326-7 (cf. I. H. 
Uzuncarsih, Belleten xxxiv, 207-221). On the akles 
and manghirs, copper coins, of Murad I and 
Bayazid I no place-name is found (H. Edhem, 

Meskukdt-i 'Othmdniyye, Istanbul 1334, no. 1-58), 
but we know that under his sons there were mints in 
Bursa, Amasya, Edirne, Serez and Ayasoluk 
(Ephesus) (see H. Edhem, nos. 59-138). 

The first Ottoman gold coin was struck in Istanbul 
in 882/1477-1478 (I. Artuk, Fatih Sultan Mehmed 
namtna kesilmis bir sikke, in 1st. Arkeoloji MUzesi 
Ytlhgi, no. 7), but already in 828/1425 and even 
before the Ottoman mints must have produced 
Venetian gold ducats, Frengt filori or afluri (Fr. 
Babinger, Zur Frage der osmanischen Goldprdgungen 
im 15. Jahrhundert, in SUdost-Forschungen, vol. xv, 
1956, 552). A regulation (R. Anhegger-H. Inalcik, 
Kdnunname-i Sultdni ber muceb-i c 6rf-i c Osmdni, 
Ankara 1956, nos. 1 and 58) makes it clear that 
Frengi filori was struck in the mints of Istanbul, 
Edirne and Serez (Serres) under Mehemmed II. 

In their expanding empire the Ottomans estab- 
lished new mints in the commercially and admini- 
stratively important cities and in the centres of gold 
and silver mines. Thus, under Bayazid II, new mints 
were established in Ankara, Karatova (Kratovo), 
Kastamoni, Gelibolu (Gallipoli) in addition to those 
in. Istanbul, Bursa, Edirne, Serez, Ayasoluk, Novar 
(Novaberda, Novobrdo), Uskiib (Skoplje), Amasya, 
Tire and Konya, which existed already under 
Mehemmed II. Under Suleyman I, gold coins were 
struck in his name in Aleppo, Damascus, Misr 
(Cairo), Amid, Baghdad and Algiers. In Sha'ban 
953/October 1546 a new mint was established in 
Djandja, a small town to the north of Erzindjan, 
when rich silver and gold mines were found there. The 
mints in Morava (Gilan), Novaberda, Sidrekapsa and 
Serebrenica (Srebrnica) owed their existence to the 
rich silver and gold mines (see R. Anhegger, Beitrdge 
zur Geschichte des Bergbaus im osmanischen Reich, 
Istanbul 1943, 131-212). The Ottoman laws required 
that all bullion produced in the country or imported 
from abroad be brought directly to the darbkhdnes 
to be coined. Also upon the issue of a new akle 
those possessing the old were to bring it to the mint. 
The special agents, yasak-kulus, were authorized to 
inspect any person for bullion or old akle (see 
Belleten, xliv, 697, doc. 2, and Anhegger-Inalcik, 
Kdnunndme, no. 2, 5, 58) and the gold or silver 
imported by foreigners was exempted from the 
customs duties. The state levied a duty of one fifth 
on all silver coined at the darbkhdne which corres- 
ponded to the difference between the real and face 
values of the akle (Belleten, xliv, 679 and Anhegger- 
Inalcik, no. 58). 

As a mukd(a c a [q.v.], this revenue was usually 
farmed out at auction to the highest bidder. The 
contractor, c dmil, was to pay it in regular instal- 
ments to the public treasury (see Anhegger-Inalcik, 
no. 15). Spandugino (ed. Ch. Schefer, Paris 1896, 57) 
tells us that each new issue of akle under Mehemmed 
II brought a revenue of 800 thousand gold ducats. 
The mukata'-a of the Bursa akle mint alone amounted 
to 6000 ducats in 892/1487 (see Belleten, xciii, 56). 
All the mints in the empire could be farmed out as 
one single mukata'-a (Anhegger-Inalcik, no. 15). But 
an '■amil in turn could farm out at his own respon- 
sibility the local darbkhanes to others. The "-amil 
employed emins and wekils to assist him. Though 
he was responsible for the revenue of the mint its 
actual operation and control were in the hands of 
the employees appointed by the state, namely an 
emin or ndzir who had its supervision (Anhegger- 
Inalcik, no. 13), a sdhib-i c aydr who was the director 
and in this capacity responsible for all the technical 
and legal requirements (Anhegger-Inalcik, no. 14, 


and, Ewliya Celebi, Seydhatndme, x, 135) and an 
ustdd or usta who supervised the actual minting 
processes. Under him the technicians and workers 
were divided into several groups, the kdldjiydn who 
prepared the standard ingots by melting the metal, 
the kehleddns or kehleddrs who made them into 
plates to be minted and the sikke-zens or sikke-kiins 
who, under strict supervision, prepared the steel 
moulds. There were also didebdns, watchers, khazine- 
ddrs treasurers, kdtibs, scribes etc. 

Minting was arranged on the basis of newbet, a 
system of turn; at each turn 13065 dirhams [q.v.] of 
silver were delivered from the capital out of which 
3000 were placed in the khazine, treasury, and 
10,000 were delivered to the ustdd to be minted, 65 
dirhams were accepted as the legal loss. 

The general supervision of the darbkhdne and of 
its accounts was the responsability of the local kadi 
who kept there his own emin (Anhegger-Inalcik, 
no. 13). It was the kadi's duty periodically to see 
the accounts and send the balance sheets, muhdsabdt-i 
darbkhdne, to the central government (a defter of the 
muhdsebdt-i darbkhdne-i Bursa of the first half of the 
io/i6th century is now in Belediye Kutiiphanesi, 
Istanbul, Cevdet yazm. no. 0.59). 

In the berdts given to the c dmils and emins it was 
made clear how much they should pay for the bullion 
purchased and how many coins should be minted 
from each 100 dirhams of it; all this reflected the 
monetary policy of the state. 

Until 865/1460 out of each 100 dirhams of silver 
265 or 278 akle were struck, but it was 355 or 400 
akle under Mehemmed II, 500 under Suleyman I 
and 1000 in 996/1588. The original Ottoman mone- 
tary system based on ahte was disrupted from this 
time on (for the causes, see Belleten, lx, 656-684). 
The spoiled and adulterated (ziiyuf and liiriik) akles 
invaded the market. The renewed attempts to put 
right the quality and value of it, the so called 
tashih-i sikke, failed (see M. Belin, Essais sur I'his. 
Iconomique de la Turquie, Paris 1865, 118 ff.; I. 
Ghalib, Takwim-i Meskukdt-i 'Othmdniyye, Istanbul 
1307, 220-226). In 1010/1601 the use of bad and old 
akle was prohibited once more and the rate of sagh 
("good") akle was fixed at 120 akle to one gold piece 
of 1 dirham and 1 1/2 kirdt [q.v.]. In the following 
period the Ottoman mints showed little activity and 
many of them were closed down. In the nth/i7th 
century only were the mints of Istanbul, Cairo, 
Baghdad, Tripoli, Tunis and Algiers steadily active. 
The main reason for this situation was that Euro- 
peans, realizing the big profit to be made from the 
difference in price of silver, began increasingly to 
import their silver coins in the Levant (in 1614 the 
French alone imported 7 million icu). First riydls, 
Spanish reales, then in the nth/i7th century 
arsldni, esedi or abu kalb gurush, Dutch Loewen 
riksdaler, and the kara-gurush, German thalers, 
invaded the Levantine markets. The import of these 
coins was free of duty, but the mark sahh had to be 
struck on them in the Ottoman darbkhdnes as a 
condition of free circulation, because Europeans were 
increasingly importing counterfeit coins specially 
struck for the Levant. In 1010/1601 one gold coin was 
rated officially at 400, and one gurush (piastre) at 160, 
akle (Basvekalet Arsivi, Fekete tasnifi, no. 3043). 
Eventually the gurush was made the Ottoman mone- 
tary unit, as the akle became too small in value as a 
result of the continual debasements and devalua- 
tions, and the abundance and cheapness of the 
commercial silver. The first Ottoman gurush of 6 
dirhams of silver was struck in imitation of the 

German thaler in 1099/1688 (see I. Ghalib. 237, 254). 
It was rated 4 para (pare), which was struck first 
under Murad IV. Pieces of half a gurush, nisjiyye, 
and a quarter, rubHyye, were also struck. 

The new system opened a new era in the history 
of the Ottoman coinage. The akle ceased to be the 
basic unit, though it was struck until 1234/1819; 
special care was then taken to improve the quality 
of the coins struck (see I. Ghalib, 230). New darbkhdnes 
were opened in Edirne, Izmir (Smyrna) and Erzurum 
for gold and others at Tawshan-tashi in Istanbul 
and in Bosna-Saray for copper coins in 1100/1689. 
New machines and techniques were adopted 
(Rashid, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1282, ii, 383, 394)- On 
13 Djumada I, 1139/6 January 1727, the chief 
imperial darbkhdne was transferred from its old 
location at the Simkeshkhane to its new buildings 
in the first court of the Topkapi-sarayl (Kticiik 
Celebi-zade c Asim, Ta'rikh, Istanbul 1282, ii, 443). 
During the same period, for better control, the 
provincial darbkhdnes were again closed down. In 
1132/1720 the silver coins struck were the gurush of 
8 dirhams and 12 kirdt, the zolota of 6 dirhams and 
4 kirdt, the para of 2-3 1/4 kirdt and the akle of 
3/4-1 3/4 kirdt in weight. The gurush and zolota con- 
tained 60% pure silver (I. Ghalib, 280). 

As the Ottoman government always considered 
minting as a source of revenue to meet its financial 
difficulties, the new silver coins, too, became subject 
to adulteration, and all attempts at reforms (tashih-i 
sikke), failed (I. Ghalib, 303, 327, 407; A. Djewdet, 
TaMkh, iv, Istanbul 1275, 122; v, 1st. 1278, 289). 
The situation became most confusing under Mahmud 
II, and, eventually under c Abd al-Medjid, by the 
jerman dated 26 Safar 1256/29 April 1840, Western 
principles of monetary policy were accepted as a 
guide by the government (see the text in S. Sudi, 
Usul-iMeskiikdt-i'Othmdniyye we edjnebiyye, Istanbul 
1311, 76-104). Enlarged by the new buildings, the 
darbkhdne-i '■amire was completely modernized by 
the machines and specialists brought from England 
(see H. Ferid, Nakd ve iHibdr-i mdli, Meskukdt, 
Istanbul 1333, 215-222). In 1259/1843 new gold and 
silver coins known as Medjidi were struck (see I. 
Ghalib. 422-445). 

Bibliography: In addition to the references 
in the text: S. Lane-Poole, The Coins of the Turks 
in the British Museum, Class xxvi, Catalogue of 
Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. viii, 
London 1883; E. von Zambaur, Contributions a 
la numismatique orientate, Numismatische Zeit- 
schrift, vol. 36, 43-122; vol. 37, 113-98; M. 
Kazim, Parbkhdnenin ahwdl-i ddkhiliyyesi, in 
TOEM I, 551-7; A. Refik, Onalhnct astrda 
Istanbul hayah, Istanbul 1935, 68-76; Ewliya 
Celebi, Seydhatndme, i, Istanbul 1314, 564-7, 
x, Istanbul 1938, 135; P. Masson, Hist, du com- 
merce jrancais dans le Levant au XVII e siicle, 
Paris 1896, xxxii-iii, 493-5; I. Artuk, Fatih'in 
sikke ve madalyalan, Istanbul 1946; 0. Nuri 
[Ergin], Medielle-i Umur-i Belediyye, i, Istanbul 




India. — The earliest coins of Muslim rulers 
to circulate in India — disregarding the insignificant 
issues from the early Arab kingdom of Sind in 
the ist/8th century — were the bilingual iankas 
struck at Lahore by Mahmud of Ghazni in 418/ 
1027 and 419/1028; after Lahore became the resi- 
dence of the Ghaznawid princes small billon coins 
were occasionally struck there, but nothing is known 
of the mints they employed. Mu'izz al-Din Muham- 
mad b. Sam struck coin at Lahore, Dihli and 

'Parashawar' (Peshawar) as well as at Ghazni and, 
after the conquest of Kanawdj [q.v.] in 590/1194, 
there also; these coinages were assimilated in weight 
series as well as in design to the existing coinages of 
north India, and included gold money — a con- 
venient way of using the proceeds of plunder and 
war booty to maintain the local currency and 
simultaneously proclaim the victor's success. Mu- 
hammad b. Sam's lieutenant Yildiz struck coin in 
his own and his master's joint names: small dihli- 
wdlas assimilated to the local billon currency, first 
at Karman, including also some gold and silver, 
and later in billon only at Dihli. The outline of the 
Cawhan horseman was retained in the designs, 
frequently also the Karman bull of Shiva, which 
seems to indicate that Hindu craftsmen were still 
employed in the production of coin. Up to the 
death of Muhammad b. Sam no gold or silver 
money had been struck in India, with the exception 
of the Kanawdj gold pieces. Silver appears to have 
been coined first by Shams al-DIn Iletmish: silver 
'tankas of an original weight of 175 grs. His reign 
clearly brought a time of experimentation for his 
mint, for the weights and designs of his early coins 
are very diverse; by 632/1234-5 a stable design for 
the silver coinage seems to have been reached, which 
was taken as a model for his later gold coinage. 
Billon, however, remained the most frequent cur- 
rency, supplemented by smaller coin in copper. The 
silver struck up to this time was very impure. His 
mints were extended to Multan and Nagawr, and 
the coins of his successors continue his series from 
the same mints: Ghazni is still frequent, and Parwan, 
a town with nearby silver mines, also appears. By 
the time of Sultana Radiyya, 634-7/1236-9, the 
mints had been extended east to Bengal, and 
Lakhnawtl appears as a mint-name on silver 'tankas. 
Assays of the Dihli coinages of about this time show 
from 990 to 996 grains of silver per 1000, while the 
Bengal mintings fall below this, from 989 to as low 
as 962. By the time of Ghiyath al-DIn Balban, 
664-86/1265-87, the Bengal coinage had become 
independent of Dihli, where a period of settled rule 
had allowed the mint procedure to become stabilized ; 
Balban's reign is notable for the appearance of a 
regular gold coinage on the silver models. 

In the reign of c Ala> al-DIn Muhammad Shah, 
695-715/1295-1315, the expense of the army caused 
him to contemplate reducing the silver ianka from 
175 to 140 grs.; but gold iankas remained at the 
nominal 175 grs., often crudely struck, and the 
gold huns of his southern conquests seem to have 
been re-struck as camp currency, with no attempt to 
bring them up to the standard of the northern 
mints: their average fineness is described in the 
AHn-i Akbari, i, 5, as 8.5 parts in 12, whereas 
c Ala> al-DIn's Dihli coinage was 10.5 parts in 12. 
Devagiri now appears as a mint-town, including a 
gold issue in 714/1314-5. c Ala' al-Din's successor 
Kutb al-DIn Mubarak Shah, 716-20/1316-20 struck 
at 'Kutbabad' (= Dihli?) new square gold and silver 
pieces of standard weight, also square copper pieces 
of 66 and 33 grs. 

Ghiyath al-Din Tughluk continued the Dihli series 
almost unchanged, and also struck coin on his 
expedition to Bengal in 724/1324; but his son, 
Muhammad b. Tughluk, has been called a "prince 
of moneyers" : his numismatic types are characterized 
by novelty of form and variety of weight as well as 
by perfection of execution. Gold coin was struck 
at Devagiri, later renamed Dawlatabad [q.v.], and at 
Sultanpur ( = WarangaJ), up to the 200 grs. dinar; 

the Dihli coinage was much subdivided: the ianka 
was reckoned at 64 kdnis, and coins of 1, 2, 6, 8, 12, 
16 and the full 64 kdnis are known. The kdni was 
further divided into 4 copper fals. Besides this 
system is a partially decimal system of 25, 50 and 
100 kdnis: the 50-ftani piece, called c adali, of 140 
grs. silver, replaces the silver ianka as the largest 
silver piece of the coinage; the new dinar exchanged 
at 8 old silver tankas or 10 'adalis, a fictitious rate 
in terms of the relative values of gold and silver. 
The complete scheme of the sub-divisional currency 
was later conflated to mix silver and copper in 
arbitrary proportions to produce coins of similar 
size but different intrinsic values; this brought in 
the 'black ianka', containing only 16.4 grs. silver, 
valued at one-eighth of the old silver ianka. According 
to Abu '1-Fadl (AHn-i Akbari, i, 7, s.v. Darrdb) the 
metal was cast into round ingots and cut by hand ; 
since the black ianka was of the same size as the 
silver ianka, the same dies could be — and were — used 
for both, thus speeding and easing the work of the 
mint workmen. The uniform small size of the dies 
required less labour in the striking and resulted in 
increased efficiency of the mint. 

In 731-2/1330-2 appeared Muhammad b. Tughluk's 
'forced currency', brass tokens nominally valued at 
one '■adali; the experiment failed owing to inade- 
quate precautions against forgery. Tokens were 
turned out in thousands by local artisans, but after 
three years all were called in and redeemed. The 
whole operation thus became virtually a temporary 
loan from the sultan's subjects which was repaid 
at a swingeing rate of interest. The issues reverted to 
normal after this, except for some gold and silver 
coins of 741-3/1340-3, struck in the name of the 
Egyptian caliphs. 

FIruz Shah Tughluk, 752-90/1351-88, continued 
the 175 gr. gold ianka, but not its silver counterpart. 
Gold coin became more plentiful, thus relieving 
silver of its earlier responsibility, and mints con- 
centrated on fractional issues, including small 
pieces in mixed silver and copper; assays of the 
140 gr. pieces show 12, 18 or 24 gr. of pure silver. 
The later Tughlukid sultans, and the Shark! sultans 
of Djawnpur, followed the FIruzian tradition with 
little change. 

After the sack of Dihli by Timur the mints were 
in decline. Gold largely disappeared, thanks to 
Tlmur's depredations, and the Sayyid Khizr Khan 
struck coin in the names of Firuz and other of his 
predecessors, (but not in Tlmur's name, as Ferishta 
asserts), using the original dies. 

In the Deccan, mints were first established under 
the Bahmanis [q.v.]; before these were set up at 
Ahsanabad-Gulbarga and elsewhere, goldsmiths and 
dealers in bullion had been authorized to make 
money without reference to a royal stamp, and the 
currency was protected by the guild of craftsmen. 
Interesting among the later Deccan coinages are 
the silver Idrins, 'fish-hook' money, struck by c Ali II 
of Bldjapur, which became a standard Indian 
Ocean trading currency in the ioth/i6th century (see 
G. P. Taylor, On the Bijapur lari or larin, JASB, NS 
vi, 1910, 687-9). 

The Mughals. Babur's reign, 932-7/1526-30, was 
virtually a military occupation, and Humayun's was 
hardly a period of stability; this is reflected in their 
coinage, which seems to have been struck irregularly 
and to follow Central Asian patterns and a Central 
Asian system, probably depending on imported 
workmen. Both struck silver shdhrukhis at Agra, 


Lahore, Dihll and Kabul, and Babur uses Urdu, 
'camp', as a mint-name; many of Humayiin's gold 
coins are mintless, and his copper is anonymous. 

The interrex Shir Shah, 945-52/1538-45, who had 
an intimate practical knowledge of local conditions, 
commenced the reform of the coinage later fully 
implemented by Akbar: a new 178 gr. standard for 
silver and 324 gr. for copper, the rupee (riipiya) and 
dam respectively, with fractional divisions to 
correspond; the abolition of billon; and a great 
increase in the numbers of mints (over 25). Many 
silver and copper coins are without mint-name; 
sometimes this seems to be a result of the dies being 
too large for the discs. 

Humayun in his brief second regnal period left 
the Siiri system unchanged; Akbar, however, while 
retaining the system in principle, greatly elaborated 
the number of coin-types— Abu '1-Fadl (AHn-i 
Akbari, i, 10) enumerates over 30 without being 
exhaustive, (cf. Hodivala, Studies, iii). The AHn-i 
Akbari mentions the working of the mint in detail, 
in charge is the darughd, assisted by the amin; the 
sayraji is responsible for maintaining the fineness; 
the mushrif keeps a day-book of the expenditure; 
merchants, weighmen, smelters and ingot-makers 
are other non-craftsman officials. After the ingots 
have been refined, melted and recast they are cut 
by the darrdb and stamped by the sikkali from dies 
cut by the engraver who holds the rank of yuzbdshi 
(sic; see yuzbashi). The methods of extracting and 
separating the metals, refining silver and gold, and 
testing for fineness (banwdri) are fully described 
(AHn, i, 4-9). From the statistics of AHn, i, 12, it 
is clear that any individual could bring bullion to 
the mint where it would be converted into coin, 
after refining, on the owner defraying the cost of 
the minting operations and paying a seignorage to 
the state of 5V a per cent. Abu '1-Fadl also specifies 
the depreciation in face value to be allowed for 
wear of the coinage: e.g., for gold, the muhr when 
struck was worth 400 dams, although smaller muhrs 
were current of 360 dams; as long as the loss in 
weight were no more than three rice-grains no 
allowance was made, but when it had lost from four 
to six its value was 355 dams; after losing up to a 
further three rice-grains it was valued at 350 dams; 
after losing further weight it ceased to be current 
and was considered as bullion. As a precaution 
against fraud by reducing full coins to the permitted 
legal deficiency the emperor ordered that official 
weights be made in the mint, and that revenue 
collectors should not demand payment in any 
particular species of coin. Abu '1-Fadl enumerates 
four mints for gold; ten more where silver and 
copper were struck; and 28 more for copper only. 
Over the entire reign gold is known from 21 mints, 
silver from 45, copper from 64. For the complete 

Djahanglr's and Shahdjahan's system was similar, 
except for their gigantic pieces up to 1000 tolas in 
weight (1 tola = 185.5 grs.) which were used as 
presents to distinguished persons or hoarded as 
bullion reserves, and the nithars of about 40 grs. in 
gold or silver. With Awrangzib's imposition of the 
djizya [q.v.] in 1090/1679 he caused the square silver 
dirham sharH to be struck in order to facilitate 
payment at the canonical rates; this was repeated in 
similar circumstances in 1129/1717 by Farrukhsiyar. 
The latter adopted the policy of farming out the 
mints, which led to many independent chiefs and 
states striking their own coin in the Mughal emperor's 
name; this was in fact done by the British East India 

company, and Shah 'Alam's coinage with wreaths of 
roses, shamrocks and thistles, commemorating Lord 
Lake's entry into Dihll in 1803, shows a very 
extraneous influence in the Imperial mint. 

The Mughal coinage in general shows great 
diversity of mints — well over 200 are known — and 
a constant search for variation. The inscriptions 
could vary for each month of the year; for some 
years Djahangir struck round and square rupees 
in alternate months, and later varied the month 
names by zodiacal signs. Emblems appear on the 
coins from the time of Humayun; sometimes these 
appear to have marked a change of mint-masters, 
sometimes they were distinctive mint-marks. That 
the practice of the later Mughal mints was sub- 
stantially the same as that recorded by Abu '1-Fadl 
is shown by the Hidayat al-kawdHd of 1126/1714-5 
which records the current mint rules (quoted by 
W. Irvine, Mint rules in 1126 A.H., in Proc. A.S.B., 
1898, 149-52) and prescribes a differential revenue 
to be exacted from Muslim and Hindu merchants: 
the latter when specially appointed (mahadfandn hi 
mukarrari bdshand) pay less than the Muslim rate of 
2>/ 2 per cent, otherwise V2 P er cent more. 

Bibliography : Evidence for the history of the 
mint under the Dihli sultanate is numismatic 
only; cf. E. Thomas, The chronicles of the Pathdn 
kings of Dehli, London 1871; H. Nevill, Mint 
towns of the Dehli Sultans, JASB, NS xvii, 1921, 
116-30; idem, The currency of the Pathan Sultans, 
ibid. 21-30 (corrects Thomas on many points of 
detail) ; R. Burn, Muhammad Tughluq's forced 
coinage, JASB, N.S. xxix, 1933, N. 5-6; H. N. 
Wright, The Sultans of Delhi: their coinage and 
metrology, Dihll 1936; S. H. Hodivala, Historical 
Studies in Mughal Numismatics, Calcutta 1923; 
C. R. Singhal, Mint-towns of the Mughal emperors 
of India (Memoir iv, NSI), Bombay 1953; idem, 
Bibliography of Indian Numismatics, ii (Muham- 
madan and later Series), Bombay 1952. 

(J. Burton-Page) 
DAR al-FUNON [see djami'aj. 
DAR FOR, "the land of the Fur", a province 
of the Republic of the Sudan, formerly a Muslim 


Phy a 

Dar Fur was one of the chain of Muslim states 
composing bildd al-Sudan. Its eastern neighbour was 
Kordofan, from which it was separated by a tract 
of sand-hills. To the west lay Waddai. The Libyan 
desert formed a natural boundary on the north, 
while the marshes of the Bahr al-Ghazal [q.v,] 
marked the southern limits. Dar Fur comprises 
three main zones: a northern zone, the steppe fringe 
of the Sahara, providing grazing for camel-owning 
tribes but little cultivation; a central zone (14° 30' N 
to 12 N) with rainfall ranging from 12" to 25" (in 
the mountains), a country of settled cultivators; a 
southern zone of heavy rainfall (25"-35"), inhabited 
by cattle-owing nomads, the Bakkara [q.v.]. In the 
central zone, the massif of DJabal Marra, rising to 
3024 metres, runs from north to south. The northern 
and southern regions of Dar Fur are locally known 
as Dar al-Rih and Dar al-SaHd respectively. 

The central zone is a meeting place of routes. The 
Darb al-arbaHn [q.v.] (Forty Days' route) ran from 
Asyut through Khardja and Salima to Kubayh (Cobbe, 
Browne), where a small mercantile town developed. 
Another route connected Dar Fur with Tripoli and 
Cyrenaica. Kabkabiyya, lying west of Dj. Marra 
was the mercantile centre on the route to Waddai 

and the western bildd al-Suddn. The route to Kor- 
dofan and the east was a pilgrimage road, although 
some pilgrims preferred the long route through 
Egypt. Besides such articles as ivory and ostrich 
feathers, Dar Fur exported slaves, obtained from 
the pagan lands to the south. Many of these went 
by the Darb al-arbaHn to Egypt. The construction, 
completed in 1911, of a railway linking El Obeid (al- 
Ubayyid) in Kordofan with Khartoum and Port 
Sudan, followed by the annexation of Dar Fur in 
1916, ended the importance of the old routes to 
the north. The capital was finally settled in 1206/ 
1791 at its present site of El Fasher (al-Fashir [q.v.]). 
The fdshir, or residence of the sultan, had previously 
varied from reign to reign, the earliest sultans 
ruling from Dj. Marra. 

The inhabitants of Dar Fur are of varied ethnic 
origins. The Fur, (see A. C. Beaton, The Fur, in 
Sudan notes and records, xxix/i, 1948, 1-39), are a 
negroid people, originating in Dj. Marra, who 
succeeded in imposing their hegemony on the 
surrounding tribes. From the Kundjara, one of the 
three tribes of the Fur, sprang the royal Kayra 
clan, and also, traditionally, the Musabba c at, who 
established a sultanate in Kordofan. According to 
tradition, the dominant people in the region before 
the Fur was the Tundjur, and, before them, the 
DadjQ: elements of both still survive in Dar Fur. 
Arab immigration has played an important part in 
the ethnic pattern. Tribal groups connected with 
the great irruption of the Djuhayna into the eastern 
bildd al-Suddn in the 8th/i4th century are now 
represented by the camel-Arabs of the northern 
zone and the Bakkara of the south. The name of 
Fazara, once commonly applied to a group of camel- 
Arabs, is now obsolete. Among the Bakkari tribes, 
the Rizaykat and Ta'aisha may be noted. Individual 
immigrants, coming from the arabized Nubians of 
the Nilotic Sudan, Barabra [q.v.], Danakla [see 
danijali] and Dja c aliyyin [q.v.], have made an im- 
portant contribution to the development in Dar 
Fur of Islamic culture and trade. The present-day 
population of the province amounts to 1,328,559 
(Sudan Almanac, 1959). 



The chronology of the dynasty before the eighth 
sultan, c Abd al-Rahman al-Rashld, is uncertain. 
Browne believed that Sulayman Solong reigned 
c. 130-150 years before his time, i.e., c. 1640-60; 
while al-Tunusi, who makes the foundation of Dar 
Fur contemporary with that of Waddai and Kor- 
dofan, asserts that the event occurred not more than 
200 years previously, i.e., c. 1640 (TOnusi, Ouaddy, 
75). Shukayr's chronology, which refers Sulayman 
Solong to the mid-gth/isth century, by incorporating 
a block of inert names, is a late tradition and clearly 
fictitious. Nachtigal gives the commencement of 
Sulayman Solong's reign as 1596, which seems too 

Sultans with dates of accession. 

1. Sulayman Solong c. 1050/1640 

2. Musa b. Sulayman 

3. Ahmad Bakr b. Musa 

4. Muhammad Dawra b. Ahmad Bakr 

5. c Umar b. Muhammad Dawra c. 1156/1743-4 

6. Abu '1-Kasim b. Ahmad Bakr c. 1 163/1749-50 

7. Muhammad Tayrab b. Ahmad Bakr 

c. 1170/1756-7 

8. c Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid b. Ahmad Bakr 


9. Muhammad Fadl b. c Abd al-Rahman 

10. Muljammad Husayn b. Muhammad Fadl 

n. Ibrahim b. Muhammad Husayn 1290/1873 

(Annexation of Dar Fur to the Egyptian Sudan; 


Shadow-sultans of the Khedivial and Mahdist 

12. Hasab Allah b. Muhammad Fadl 

13. Bush b. Muhammad Fadl 

14. Harun b. Sayf al-Din b. Muhammad Fadl 

15. c Abd Allah Dud Bandja b. Bakr b. Muijammad 


16. Yusuf b. Ibrahim 

17. Abu '1-Khayrat b. Ibrahim 
The revived sultanate: 

18. c Ali Dinar b. Zakariyya b. Muhammad Fadl 

(Annexation of Dar Fur to the Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan; 1916) 

Traditions of the early sultanate. 

In the absence of any native chronicle, we are 
dependent for information on foreign observers. Of 
these, the most important are the Tunisian Arab, 
Mubamma.d b. c Umar al-Tunusi, whose visit of eight 
years began in 1218/1803; the German, Gustav 
Nachtigal, who was in Dar Fur in 1894; the Austrian, 
Rudolf v. Slatin, governor 188 1-3; and the Lebanese, 
Na'um Shukayr, an intelligence official of the 
Condominium, whose principal informant was 
Shaykh al-Tayyib, (d. 1902), formerly imam to 
sultan Ibrahim. 

The discrepancies in the traditional genealogies 
of the Kayra were noticed by al-Tunusi, Nachtigal 
and Shukayr. These genealogies are more or less 
sophisticated attempts to schematize traditions 
associated with folk-heroes, the chief of whom are 
Ahmad al-Ma c kur, Dali, and Sulayman Solong (i.e., 
"the Arab"). The many variants of tradition cannot 
be detailed here. Ahmad al-Ma c kur, an Arab of 
Tunis, of Hilali or c Abbasid descent, is represented 
as the ancestor of the Tundjur rulers who preceded 
the Kayra, or as the link (by marriage) between 
Tundjur and Kayra. His son (or more remote 
descendant), Dali, was the organizer and legislator 
of the Furawi state. A descendant of Dali, Sulayman 
Solong, usually described as the son of an Arab 
woman, is credited with the introduction of Islam, 
and is the first of the historical rulers. Ahmad al- 
Ma'kur may represent a genuine memory of Arab 
with the Tundjur (or Fur) or may be 
antedate the coming of the Arab 
element. The epithet al-Ma'frur, "the Lame" is 
probably the arabicization of a non-Arab name: it 
is explained in Slatin and Shukayr by an obvious 
legend. Dali (or Dalil Bahr) may have been an 
historical individual, or may embody the traditions 
of the Kayra rulers before the coming of Islam. 
Sulayman Solong, a warrior and administrator, is 
Dali's Muslim counterpart and may have absorbed 
traditions originally connected with him. Sulayman 
was probably not the founder of the Kayra dynasty, 
but simply the first Muslim ruler. The claims that 
the royal clan was descended from the Bard Hilal 
or the 'Abbasids are sophistications, reflecting North 
African and Nilotic Sudanese influences respectively. 
The two claims are, of course, incompatible. There 
is more verisimilitude in a tradition that the Kayra, 
together with the Musabba'at and the ruling house 
of Waddai, were descended from the Fazara. This 

is in harmony with the tradition that Sulayman's 
conquests were achieved in alliance with the nomad 

While Sulayman may have begun the introduction 
of Islam into Dar Fur, the full islamization of the 
region was a slow process. The persistence of non- 
islamic customs into the 19th and 20th centuries is 
noted by all observers. The religious teachers (faki 
for /attih; ful}ara> is invariably used as the plural), 
came mainly from the western bilad al-Suddn, and 
from the Nilotic region, both areas where the Malik! 
school predominates. Little is recorded of the sultans 
who immediately followed Sulayman: his second 
successor, Ahmad Bakr, is remembered as the 
father of many sons, five of whom were sultans 
after him. The traditions of both Dar Fur and 
Waddal preserve the recollection of a series of wars 
between the two sultanates, beginning in the time 
of Ahmad Bakr and continuing until Muhammad 
Tayrab, early in his reign, made peace with sultan 
Djawda of Waddal. Both 'Umar and Abu '1-K5sim 
are said to have been killed in these wars, in which 
the advantage generally lay with Waddal. 

Fuller traditions begin with the reign of Muhammad 
Tayrab, who died only 16 years before the visit of 
al-Tunusi. He is represented as luxury-loving and 
pacific, but his reign ended in war against sultan 
Hashim, the Musabba'awi ruler of Kordofan. The 
pretext for hostilities was found in Hashim's 
aggression against the eastern frontier of Dar Fur, 
but al-Tunusi suggests that Tayrab's real motive 
was to secure the succession for his son, Ishak, at 
the expense of the surviving sons of Ahmad Bakr. 
Ishak, entitled al-khalifa, "the successor", was left 
as regent in the capital, while the sultan's brothers 
and ministers accompanied Tayrab on campaign. 
Hashim was expelled from Kordofan and sought 
refuge with the Fundj sultan of Sinnar, while the 
Furawi army occupied his dominions. The legend 
that Tayrab advanced as far as Omdurman (Umm 
Durmdn) and defeated an c Abdallabi army is not 
mentioned by al-Tunusi or Nachtigal, and is a later 
elaboration, probably of the Mahdist period. Tayrab 
died at Bara in Kordofan, poisoned, it is said, by 
his grandees. 

Tayrab's death was followed by a succession 
struggle between the partisans of Ishak and those 
of the sons of Ahmad Bakr. The latter finally chose 
as their sultan the posthumous sou of Ahmad Bakr, 
<Abd al-Rahman al-Rashid, a pious and scholarly 
youth. His election was brought about by Muhammad 
Kurra, a eunuch of the late ruler, whom c Abd al- 
Rahman appointed as his chief minister. Kurra 
subsequently led another expedition into Kordofan, 
which he governed for some years. c Abd al-Rahman's 
reign witnessed the progress of both trade and 
religion, developments which may be ascribed to 
Nubian immigration into Dar Fur at this time, 
in consequence of the decline of Fundj power in the 
Nilotic Sudan. Increased contact with the outside 
world, through trade with Egypt, is indicated by the 
exchange of presents between c Abd al-Rahman and 
the Ottoman sultan, by the visit of the English 
traveller, W. G. Browne, in 1793-6, and by the 
correspondence with Bonaparte in 1799 (French 
text in Piices diverses et correspondence relatives aux 
optrations de Varmle d'Orient en Egypte, Paris, An 
IX; 187, 216-7). A Mamluk refugee from Bonaparte 
was granted asylum in Dar Fur, but was killed for 
plotting against the sultan. 

c Abd al-Rahman's young son, Muhammad Fadl, 
was installed as sultan by Muhammad Kurra in 
1215/1800-1, but a rift grew between the ruler and 
his minister, and Kurra was killed in Radjab 1219/ 
Oct.-Nov. 1804. Fadl's long reign was a period of 
declining power. An expedition sent by Muhammad 
C A1I Pasha of Egypt, under his son-in-law, the 
daftarddr Muhammad Bey Khusraw, defeated the 
Furawi viceroy of Kordofan, the ma^dum Musallim, 
at Bara in 1821, and annexed the province. Revolt 
in the Nile valley, however, deflected the dajtarddr 
from the conquest of Dar Fur. Muhammad c Abd al- 
Karlm Sabun, the sultan of Waddai, devastated the 
vassal state of Dar Tama and laid it under tribute. 
Fadl assisted a brother of Sabun to obtain the throne 
of Waddal after his death, but failed to establish a 
protectorate. The Bakkara, especially the Rizaykat, 
also gave much trouble. 

Fadl's successor, Muhammad Husayn, was threat- 
ened by a pretender, Muhammad Abu Madyan, a son 
of sultan c Abd al-Rahman. Muhammad 'All Pasha, 
who claimed Dar Fur by virtue of a jarman of sultan 
c Abd al-Madjid (13 February 1841; see J. C. Hure- 
witz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East, New 
York, 1956; i, 120), supported Abu Madyan, and an 
expedition was prepared. The project was abandoned 
on the death of the ambitious hukilmddr of the 
Egyptian Sudan, Ahmad Pasha Abu Widan, in 
Ramadan i259/Sept.-Oct. 1843. Relations between 
Husayn and the viceroys Sa c id and Isma'il were 
friendly. In the later years of Husayn's reign, his 
sight failed, and affairs were directed by his sister, 
the iya basi Zamzam. 

His successor, sultan Ibrahim, soon became invol- 
ved in hostilities over the Rizaykat with al-Zubayr 
Rahma Mansur, the Sudanese merchant-prince who 
controlled the western Bahr al-Ghazal. Al-Zubayr 
invaded Dar Fur from the south, in collusion with 
the kukiimddr Isma'il Pasha Ayyub, who brought a 
force from the east. Ibrahim was defeated by al- 
Zubayr, and killed at the battle of Manawashi on 
24 Oct. 1874. Dar Fur was annexed to the Egyptian 

The Khedivial and Mahdist Periods. 

Fur resistance, based on Dj. Marra. continued 
under a series of shadow-sultans. The first, Hasab 
Allah b. Muhammad Fadl, surrendered to al-Zubayr, 
and was sent, with a large number of Furawi princes 
and notables, to Egypt. His brother and successor, 
Bush, raised an alarming revolt, but was killed by 
al-Zubayr's son, Sulayman. A further revolt, in 1877, 
against newly imposed taxation, found a leader in 
Harun, a grandson of Muhammad Fadl. He besieged 
El Fasher, the provincial capital, but was driven 
back to Dj. Marra, and was killed in 1880 by al-Nur 
Bey Muhammad 'Ankara, subsequently a Mahdist 
officer. Another grandson of Muhammad Fadl, c Abd 
Allah Dud Bandja, next assumed the sultanate in 
Dj. Marra. 

The outbreak of the Mahdist revolution in 1881 
produced a critical situation in Dar Fur, since many 
of the military and administrative officers were 
sympathizers with the Mahdi, like them a riverain 
Sudanese, while both the Fur and the Rizaykat 
wished to throw off khedivial rule. After the Mahdi's 
capture of El Obeid and defeat of the Hicks expedi- 
tion (January and November 1883), Slatin, the 
Austrian governor, was isolated, and he surrendered 
in December to Muhammad Bey Khalid, formerly 
sub-governor of Dara, whom the Mahdi had appointed 
as his agent in Dar Fur. 

In 1884, a Mahdist force captured Dud Bandja, 
who subsequently became a Mahdist officer. After 
the Mahdi's death in 1885, Muhammad Khalid 
concerted a plot with the Ashraf (the Mahdi's 
relatives), to oust the new sovereign, the Khalifa 
'Abd Allah b. Muhammad [q.v.]. He marched on 
Omdurman with considerable forces, but was inter- 
cepted and arrested at Bara (April 1886). He had 
left to govern Dar Fur a son of sultan Ibrahim 
named Yflsuf, who in 1887 revived the sultanate. 
A force under 'Uthman Adam, the governor of 
Kordofan, defeated and killed Yflsuf early in 1888. 
'Uthman now assumed the governorship of Dar 
Fflr also. 

A few months later, Mahdist authority in Dar 
Fur crumbled, in consequence of a revolt, originating 
in Dar Tama under a messianic faki, Abu Djum- 
mayza. He was joined by the shadow-sultan of the 
Fflr, Abu '1-Khayrat (a brother of Yflsuf b. Ibrahim) 
with his supporters. The Mahdist forces were 
heavily defeated in two battles, but Abfl Pjum- 
mayza died of smallpox and his followers were 
routed outside El Fasher (February 1889). Abu 
'1-Khayrat fled to Dj. Marra, where he was killed 
by his slaves in 1891. 'Uthman Adam re-established 
his authority in the province, especially over the 
Bakkara, who had supported the Mahdia against 
the khedivial administration, but were now resentful 
of Mahdist control. The Khalifa's tribal policy, 
executed by 'Uthman Adam, rested on three bases; 
the substitution of new nominees for the hereditary 
chiefs, the enforced migration (hidjra) of tribes to 
Omdurman, and the exploitation of tribal rivalries. 
The great migration of the Ta'aisha, the Khalifa's 
own tribe, was set on foot by 'Uthman Adam in 
1888, and had important consequences for the 
Mahdist state. 

'Uthman Adam died in 1891, and was succeeded 
as governor by Mahmfld Ahmad, like himself a 
relative of the Khalifa. In 1894, a Belgian expedition 
from the Congo reached the southern fringe of the 
province and concluded a treaty with the chief of 
the Farflkl tribe, but withdrew shortly afterwards, 
(see A. Abel, Traduction de documents arabes con- 
cernant le Bahr-el-Ghazal, in Bull, de I'Acadimie 
royale des Sciences coloniales, xxv/5, Brussels 1954, 
1385-1409). In 1896, Mahmfld was recalled to 
Omdurman, to command the forces sent against 
the Anglo-Egyptian invasion. 

The reign of 'All Dinar and subsequent 

When the Mahdist state fell in 1898, 'All Dinar, 
a grandson of Muhammad Fadl, who had had a 
chequered career in the Mahdia (see A fragment from 
Ali Dinar, in Sudan notes and records; xxxiv/i, 1953, 
114-6), seized El Fasher and installed himself as 
sultan. Nominally a vassal of the Condominium 
government in Khartoum, he long imitated with 
success the Khalifa's policy of excluding Europeans 
from his dominions. He was challenged by a survivor 
of the Mahdist regime, Sanln Husayn, who had held 
Kabkabiyya since 'Uthman Adam's time and now 
attempted unsuccessfully to obtain the protection 
of the Condominium government. Sanin was not 
finally defeated until 1908. Like his predecessors, 
'All Dinar had difficulty in asserting his authority, 
on the one hand over the Bakkara, on the other, 
over the buffer states between Dar Fur and Waddal. 
This western frontier problem became more serious 
with the French occupation of Waddal in 1909. The 
French, while accepting Dar Fflr proper as within the 

British sphere of influence, wished to occupy the 
buffer states. Although the British, through the 
Condominium government, vigorously supported 
Fflrawl claims, the sultan, after prolonged hostilities, 
succeeded only in holding Dar al-Masallt. Finding 
himself pressed by the extension of French power, 
and exasperated by a series of local grievances 
against the Condominium government, 'All Dlnar 
was sympathetic to the Ottomans in the First World 
War. On the pretext of forestalling an attack from 
Dar Fflr, the Condominium government sent a force 
against him. The sultan's army was defeated near 
El Fasher on 22 May 1916. and he himself was 
killed on 6 November. 

The removal of 'AH Dinar, was followed by a 
settlement of the western frontier with the French. 
The final compromise in 19 19 allowed Dar Fur to 
retain Dar Kimr and two-thirds of Dar al-Masallt, 
part of which had been ceded by its ruler to the 
French in 1912. The delimitation of the boundary 
was completed in 1924. The pacification of Dar Fflr 
did not prove difficult, although there was a belated 
rising under a messianic faki at Nyala in 1921. As 
a consequence of its late annexation, Dar Fur did 
not share in the early phase of development of the 
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: it remained an isolated and 
backward province until the last years of the Con- 
dominium. The opening-up of air communications 
from 1947, the development of schools, and the 
construction of a railway line through southern 
Kordofan to Nyala (completed in April 1959) are 
indicative of the fuller integration of Dar Fur in 
the modern Sudan. 

Administrative history. 

The administrative system under the Kayra 
sultans was described by al-TflnusI and, more 
systematically, by Nachtigal. It had few Islamic 
features. Almost all the titles were Furawi, not 
Arabic; the chief exception being the sultan's 
personal representatives (makdum, pi. mahddim), 
who were usually appointed for a term of years and 
exercised overriding powers in their provinces. The 
royal women (sing., mayram) held a dignified posi- 
tion; the queen-mother was the second person in 
the realm, but more real power was possessed by 
the iya basi, usually the sultan's sister. Slaves and 
eunuchs played an important r61e : the chief minister, 
who was also ex officio governor of the eastern 
province, was a eunuch. The powers of this func- 
tionary were reduced after the death of the king- 
maker, Muhammad Kurra. A tradition that sultan 
Abu '1-Kasim was deserted in battle by his relatives 
because of his inclination to the blacks probably 
marks an increase in the military rdle of the ruler's 
slave-household at the expense of the free clansmen. 
A reorganization of the slave-army was carried out 
by sultan Muhammad Husayn, who equipped his 
troops with firearms. Besides the slave-solidiers, 
the forces included warriors summoned at need by 
the provincial authorities. Islamic influences are 
chiefly seen in the practices of the royal chancery 
and in the reception of the Sharing according to the 
Malikl school. The ancient customary law was not 
however disused: the "Book of Dali", in which it 
was said to be codified, is probably mythical, or 
may be a generic term for attempts to commit 
custom to writing, (cf. A. J. Arkell, The history of 
Darfur: 1200-1700 A.D. Ill, in Sudan notes and 
records, xxxiii/i, 1952, 145-6). 

After the conquest by al-Zubayr, the admini- 
stration was assimilated, as far 


allowed, to that of other parts of the Egyptian 
Sudan. A governor (mudir c umum Ddr Fur) had 
his headquarters at El Fasher, while sub-governors 
(mudirs) were stationed at El Fasher, Shakka (to 
control the Rizaykat territory), Dara (on the route 
from the south to the capital), and Kabkabiyya (on 
the route to Waddai). The governors have been 
listed by R. L. Hill, Rulers of the Sudan, 1820-1885, 
in Sudan notes and records, xxxii/i, 1951, 85-95. 

The Mahdist regime inherited the problems and 
administrative structure of its predecessor. Dar Fur, 
later combined with Kordofan in the Province of 
the West (Hmdlat al-Qharb), was ruled by a military 
governor ( c dmil — originally amir — '■umum Ddr Fur), 
who commanded a force composed of tribal levies 
(awldd al- c Arab) and black troops (diihddiyya). 
Many of the latter, as well as of the military and 
civil officials had previously served the khedivial 
administration. The governor was in frequent 
correspondence with Omdurman, but had his 
provincial treasury (bayt al-mdl). 

The revived sultanate under 'All Dinar repro- 
duced many features of the Khalifa's central ad- 
ministration. Essentially it was a military auto- 
cracy under which the ancient Furawl offices and 
the system of makdums alike became obsolete, 
while special deputies (mandub, plur. manddib) 
gathered the revenue and represented the sultan in 
the provinces. Favourites and slaves had much 
influence at the centre. The influence of the Mahdia 
can be seen in the organization of a hierarchy of 
ltddis, and in the system of taxes, which closely 
resembled that of the Khalifa. 

After the annexation of Dar Fur in 1916, the 
province was administered by a British governor 
and district commissioners, who at first were army 
officers. Experiments in "native administration" 
resulted in some useful devolution, primarily of 
judicial functions, to local notables, but also pro- 
duced an anachronistic attempt to create or revive 
large native authorities. This curious reversal of 
the policy previously followed by successive sultans 
and governors was too artificial to succeed generally. 
In the last decade of the Condominium, Dar Fur 
shared in the rapid constitutional changes. Local 
government councils were formed and representa- 
tives were sent to the various central deliberative 
bodies. The coming of independence on 1 January 
1956 did not affect the administrative structure, in 
which Sudanese officials had already filled the higher 
cadres, previously occupied by British. The military 
coup d'itat of November 1958 did not directly affect 
provincial administration, but the continued exis- 
tence of the local government councils is necessarily 
precarious. For the administration under 'All 
Dinar and the Condominium, see G. D. Lampen, 
History of Darfur, in Sudan notes and records, 
xxxi/2, 1950, 203-8. 

Bibliography: W. G. Browne, Travels in 
Africa, Egypt, and Syria, London 1799, 180-350; 
Muhammad b. c Umar al-Tunusi, Tashhidh al- 
adhhdn bi-sirat bildd aW-Arab wa 'l-Suddn, lith. 
Paris 1850; tr. Perron, Voyage au Darfour par le 
cheykh Mohammed Ebn-Omar El-Tounsy, Paris 
1845; Al-Tunusi, tr. Perron, Voyage au Ouaddy, 
Paris 1851; G. Nachtigal, Sahara und Sudan, iii, 
Leipzig 1889, 355-446; R. C. [von] Slatin, Fire and 
sword in the Sudan, London 1896, 30-278; Na'um 
Shukayr, Ta'rikh al-Sudan, Cairo 1903, ii, 111-48, 
iii, 68-84, 93-6, 185-92, 451-5, 458-65, 533-4, 
546-9, 672; H. A. MacMichael, A history of the 
Arabs in the Sudan, Cambridge 1922, i, 52-128; 

idem, The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, London 1934, 
125-37; R. [LO Hill, A biographical dictionary of 
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Oxford 1951, various 
notices; P. M. Holt, The Mahdist state in the 
Sudan, Oxford 1958; 66-8, 127-30, 132-46; 
Numerous articles in Sudan notes and records, 
Khartoum 1918-. Information supplied by A. B. 
Theobald, whose article, Darfur and its neighbours 
under Sultan l Ali Dinar, is to appear in Sudan 
notes and records. The government archives in 
Khartoum contain a very considerable body of 
material relating to the Mahdia, the rule of C AH 
Dinar and the Condominium period. 

(P. M. Holt) 
DAR al-HADITH. I. Architecture [see 

II. His 


:al de\ 

. The n 

e Ddr 

al-hadith was first applied t 
for the teaching of hadlths in the sixth century 
of the Hidjra. The conclusion that until that 
time hadiths were learned through the journeys 
called talab al-Hlm, there being no special schools 
for the science of hadith (cf. Goldziher, Muh. Stud, ii, 
186), is not consonant with the results of the study 
of materials now available. Hence, among other 
matters connected with hadith, the effects of the 
misunderstanding of the nature and object of the 
talab al-Hlm journeys need to be investigated (cf. 
F. Sezgin, BuhaH'nin kaynaklari hakkmda arashr- 
malar, 23-36; idem, Islam Tetkikleri Enst. dergisi 
1957, H/i, 24). 

In his treatise al-Amsdr dhawdt al-dthdr (MS 
Veliyeddin 463/3, gob-g3a), al-Dhahabi (d. 748/ 
1347-8) gives us comprehensive information about 
the centres for hadlth-study and their distribution 
in different centuries throughout the Muslim world. 
Interest in the science of hadith and the study of it 
had continued for centuries without intermission in 
Syria, where the first Dar al-Hadith was founded, one 
of the centres (with an interruption of 90 years) 
being Jerusalem (op. cit., 93b). 

Until special institutions for the study of hadith 
were set up, the teaching of this, as of other branches 
of religious learning, was carried out in the mosques. 
Muhaddiths, unwilling that such instruction should 
be given to a few people only in private residences, 
encouraged the use of public places (cf. e.g., al- 
Khatib, TaMkh Baghdad, ii, 33). Al-Bukhari 
(d. 256/870), who as a young man came to Basra at 
the beginning of the 3rd/gth century, instituted 
AadftA-lectures in the mosque there, which were 
attended by thousands of students (op. cit., ii, 16-17). 
In Cairo in the 3rd century a pupil of al-Shafi'l was 
giving hadith-lessons in the Mosque of Ibn Tulun 
(Husn al-muhddara. Cairo 1299, i, 182). When later 
the institutions known as ddr al-Hlm or madrasa 
were founded, hadith-studies were, to some extent, 
attracted to them from the mosques and the private 
houses of the teachers. Nevertheless schools reserved 
for the teaching of hadith began to be opened from 
the 4th/ioth century onwards; thus the hadith- 
school set up for Abu c Ali al-Husayni (d. 393/1003) 
in NIshapur had about a thousand students, and 
Aa<2f(A-schools were founded for Ibn al-Furak 
(d. 406/1015-6), Abu '1-Kasim al-Kushayri (d. 465/ 
1072-3) and Rukn al-DIn al-Isfahani (d. 418/1027) 
(cf. Wiistenfeld, Imam SchafiH, i, 156, ii, 229, iii, 
284). In the SunnI Dar al- c ilm which al-Hakim bi- 
amrillah founded at Cairo in 400/1009-10, two 
MalikI professors gathered around them the experts 
in fikh and hadith (al-Dhahabi, Duwal al-Isldm, 
Haydarabad, i, 186). 


The first institution to be called specifically Dar 
al-Hadith was founded by the Atabeg Nur al-DIn 
(d. 569/1 173-4) (al-Nu'aymi, al-Daris ft ta?rihh al- 
maddris, Damascus 1948, i, 99, cf. Muh. Stud, ii, 187). 
Though Nur al-DIn was himself Hanafi, he limited 
this school to Shafi'is (Wiistenfeld, Die Akademien 
der Araber und ihre Lehrer, 69), and set over it the 
historian and muhaddith c Abd Allah b. 'Asakir 
(d. 571/1 175-6) (al-Nu'ayml, op. tit., i, 100). There 
were many wakfs for this institution and the people 
attached to it (Abu Shama, Al-Rawdatayn, Cairo 
1956, i, 23). Ibn 'Asakir was succeeded by his son 
al-Kasim (d. 600/1203-4) (al-Nu'ayml, op. tit., i, 100). 
Al-Nu c ayml gives the names of the rectors of this 
hadith-school down to Ibn Rafi c (d. 718/1318). The 
opening of this first Dar al-Hadith was followed by 
the establishment of numerous similar institutions 
to which leading historians and muhaddiths were 
attached, mostly in Damascus and its neighbourhood 
(for which al-Nu c aymI records the names of 16), 
but spreading immediately all over the Muslim 
world: thus c Abd al-Latlf al-Baghdadl (d. 629/1231-2), 
on going to Mosul in 585/1189, found such a dar al- 
hadlth on the ground floor of the Madrasa of Ibn 
Muhadjir (Ibn AM Usaybi'a, ii, 204); in 622/1225 
al-Malik al-Kamil Nasir al-DIn founded in Cairo a 
dar al-hadlth inspired by the Dar al-Hadith al- 
Nuriyya, setting over it Abu '1-Khattab b. Dihya. 
MakrizI notes that in 806/1403-4 it had so far declined 
as to have as its head an ignorant young man, a mere 
child (Khitat. Cairo 1270, ii, 375). In the time of 
Ibn Dukmak (d. 845/1441-2) two of the 73 madrasas 
in Cairo were dar al-hadlths (Intisdr, Cairo 1299, 99). 

After the establishment of the first dar al-hadiths, 
institutions known as Dar al-Kur'an wa 'l-Hadlth, 
for the teaching of both Kur'Sn and hadith, made 
their appearance: the first institutions of this type 
were set up by Sayf al-DIn al-Malik al-Nasiri 
(d. 741/1340-1) (for this and two other institutions 
cf. al-Nu'ayml, op. tit., i, 123-8). 

The Dar al-hadlth, as an independent institution 
or as one of many departments of a madrasa, survived 
until recent centuries in the Muslim world: thus 
according to Mudjlr al-DIn (d. 927/1521), of the 
madrasas of Jerusalem, over 40 in number, one was 
caUed Dar al-Kur'an and another Dar al-Hadith 
(Sauvaire, Hist, de Jirus. et Hebr., 139). In the 
Ottoman period the teachers of the dar al-hadlth 
opposite the Suleymaniyye Mosque were appointed 
from among the most senior and renowned of all 
the mudarris (Ta'rikh-i Diewdet, 1st. 1309, i, m). In 
the last two or three centuries dar al-hadiths, like 
madrasas in general, have lost their importance as 
centres of learning. (Fuat Sezgin) 

DAR al-^ARB ('the Land of War'). This 
conventional formula derived from the logical 
development of the idea of the djihdd [q.v.] when it 
ceased to be the struggle for survival of a small 
community, becoming instead the basis of the "law 
of nations" in the Muslim State. The Kur'an, in its 
latest texts on the holy war, IX, 38-58, 87, makes 
this "holy war" a major duty, a test of the sincerity 
of believers, to be waged against unbelievers wherever 
they are to be found (IX, 5). This war must be just, 
not oppressive, its aim being peace under the rule of 

The Kur'an does not as yet divide the world into 
territories where peace and the faith of Islam reign, 
(dar al-Islam [q.v.]), territories under perpetual 
threat of a missionary war (dar al-harb), or, of course, 
territories covered by agreements and payment of 
tribute (dar al-'ahd, dar al-sulh [qq.v.]). 

The hadith, it is true, traces back the idea of d&r 
al-harb to the Medina period. In any event, the 
classical practice of so regarding territories immedi- 
ately adjoining the lands of Islam, and inviting their 
princes to adopt this religion under pain of invasion, 
is reputed to date back to the Prophet who invited 
Caesar and Chosroes (and the Jews) to be converted 
(al-Bukharl, Kitdb al-Djihad, §§ 147, 148, 149, 151 
and K. al-Maghazi, § 416; see also al-IJalkashandl, 
Subh, Cairo 1915, 6, 15). Historically, the invitation 
to the people of the Yamama is the prototype (cf. al- 
Baladhuri, Futuh). This traditional concept, which 
ended by committing the Muslim community (or 
State) and its princes to war, either latent or openly 
declared, with all its non-Muslim neighbours (the 
adjective denoting the latter is harbi or, more 
especially, ahl al-harb) is classical and is elaborated 
in the most widely read law books (e.g., the defini- 
tions in the Kitdb al-DJihdd of the Durar al-hukkdm 
fi shark ghurar al-ahkdm of Mulla Khusraw. where 
the ahl al-harb are defined as those who have refused 
to be converted after being duly invited on the best 
terms, and against whom any kind of warfare is 
henceforth permissible in keeping with the rules of 
sura IX). In classical times, the kings of the dar al- 
harb are rebels: the emperor of Byzantium is malik 
al-Tdghiya (a.l-Tabari, Annals, passim). Classically, 
the dar al-harb includes those countries where the 
Muslim law is not in force, in the matter of worship 
and the protection of the faithful and dhimmis. A 
territory of the dar al-Islam, reconquered by non- 
Muslims of any description, thereby becomes a 
territory of the dar al-harb once again, provided 
that (1) the law of the unbelievers replaces that of 
Islam; (2) the country in question directly adjoins 
the dar al-harb; (3) Muslims and their non-Muslim 
dhimmis no longer enjoy any protection there. 
The first of these conditions is the most important. 
Some even believe that a country remains dar al- 
Islam so long as a single provision (hukm) of the 
Muslim law is kept in force there. The definition of 
the dar al-harb, like the idea of djihdd, has in the 
course of time been modified by the progressive loss 
of unity and strength in the Muslim State. The 
conception of hostility to neighbouring countries has 
equally been modified by the evolution of ideas in 
Islamic territories and is tending to be secularized. 
The proclamation of a holy war, at a time of inter- 
national crisis and for psychological reasons, is an 
innovation (cf. Snouck Hurgronje, The Holy war 
"made in Germany", New York 1915, = Verspreide 
Geschriften, iii, 257 ff.). 

Bibliography: Majid Khadduri, War and 

Peace in the law of Islam, Baltimore 1955, 52, 53, 

143, 144, 156-7, 171-4, 224-8 and bibliography; 

L. Gardet, La Cite' musulmane, 95 ff. (A. Abel) 

DAR al-IJIKMA, "house of wisdom", used by 

Arab authors to denote in a general sense the 

academies which, before Islamic times, spread 

knowledge of the Greek sciences, and in a particular 

sense the institute founded in Cairo in 395/1005 by 

the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim. Since the short-lived 

appearance of the Bayt al-Hikma [q.v.] of al-Ma 5 mun, 

several libraries had been founded in 'Irak and 

Persia providing not only information on traditional 

learning, but also an introduction to classical 

sciences C-ulum al-awa'il) (see Dar al- c ilm). 

Such establishments were very successful in 
Egypt under the Fatimids, where ShI'I doctrines 
provided a favourable climate for the development 
of Greek sciences. The Cairo palace soon housed a 
large collection, and one of its librarians was the 


writer al-Shabushti (d. 388/998). The vizier of al- 
'Aziz, Ya'kQb b. Killis (d. 380/990), organized 
meetings of men of letters, jurists, and theologians 
in his own residence, and granted them financial 
allowances, but this initiative was soon over- 
shadowed by the Ddr al-fiikma (sometimes ddr al- 
Hlm) which al-Hakim housed in the north-western 
part of the western Palace. It contained a library 
and reading-room, and served as a meeting-place for 
traditionists, jurists, grammarians, doctors, astro- 
nomers, logicians and mathematicians. The Cairo 
Ddr al-fiikma was administered by the DdH al-du c dt, 
who invited learned men to meet there twice weekly. 
It was closely associated with the propagation of 
ShI'I doctrine, and charged to give instruction in 
Isma'ill doctrine, which has also been called hikma 
since the time of al-Mu c izz (see al-Kadi al-Nu'man, 
K. al-Madjdlis, after Dachraoui, Arabica, i960). 
In 435/1045 a new catalogue was prepared, and it 
listed at least 6500 volumes on astronomy, archi- 
tecture and falsafa. The institute was closed at the 
end of the 5th/nth century by the vizier al-Afdal, 
but al-Ma'mun reopened it in 517/1123 in another 
building, to the south of the eastern Palace. It 
had already been looted in 461/1068, in the reign 
of al-Muntasir during the civil wars, and when the 
Fatimid dynasty came to an end (567/1171) the 
library was once more closed. Salah al-DIn sold the 
palace treasures, including the books, but fortunately 
some of them were re-purchased by enlightened 
men such as al-K&dl al-Fadil. 

Bibliography: Makrizi, KhiM, Bfilak ed., i, 
408-9, 445, 458-60; ii, 342, 363, 481; Cairo ed., 
ii, 253-5, 313. 334-7; iv, 158, 192, 377; Kindi, 
600, 640; al-Kifti, 440; Ibn Khallikan. Cairo ed., 
1949, vi, 28; O. Pinto, Le biblioteche degli Arabi, 
Florence 1928, 16, 25, 26; Mez, Renaissance, 
169-70; M. Canard, Le ceremonial fatimite . . ., in 
Byzantion, xxi (1951), 364 (D. Sourdel) 

DAR al-'ILM, "house of science", the name 
given to several libraries or scientific insti- 
tutes established in eastern Islam in the 3rd/9th 
and 4th/ioth centuries. After the disappearance oi 
al-Ma'mun's Bayt al-flikma [q.v.], a man of letters 
called 'All b. Yahya al-Munadidjim (d. 275/888), 
friend of al-Mutawakkil and, later, al-Mu c tamid, 
built a library at his own expense in his residence 
at Karkar, near Baghdad. It was called Khizdnat al- 
Kutub, and was open to scholars of all countries 
(Yakut, Irshdd, v, 459, 467). Another writer and 
poet, the Shafi'I falbih Dja'far b. Muhammad b. 
Hamdan al-Mawsili (d. 323/934), founded the institute 
named Ddr al-Hlm at Mosul; it was also equipped 
with a library open to everyone (Yakut, Irshdd, ii, 
420). During the Buwayhid era further libraries 
were opened in other towns, and they did much to 
spread Shi'i doctrines. The one in Shlraz was founded 
by 'Adud al-Dawla, and was frequented by the 
geographer al-Mukaddas! (449). Others in al-Basra 
and Ram Hormuz were founded by a certain 
Ibn Sawwar, and were associated with the Mu'ta- 
zilite school. The al-Rayy library (Mukaddasi, 
391, 413; Yakut, Irshdd, ii, 315; Ibn al-pjawzi, 
Muntazam, ix, 53) was later burnt down as a centre 
of heterodoxy upon the orders of Mahmud of 

But the most important establishment was the 
Ddr al-Hlm which the vizier Abu Nasr Sabur b. 
Ardashir founded in Baghdad during the reign of 
Baha 5 al-Dawla. It was housed in a building in the 
al-Karkh quarter, and dated from 381/991 or 383/993. 
It contained more than 10,000 books, some of them 

models of calligraphy, on all scientific subjects. It was 
governed by two sharifs and a bddi, and after 
Sabur's death the Shi'i poet al-gharif al-Murtada is 
thought to have taken over its administration. We 
also have the names of some of those who were 
appointed librarians, such as the grammarian Abu 
Ahmad 'Abd al-Salam, otherwise known as al- 
Wadjika (d. 405/1014) (a friend of Abu 'l- c Ala' al- 
Ma'arri) and the secretary Abu Mansur Muhammad 
b. 'All (d. 418/1027). Sabur's library was used by 
numerous scholars, in particular by Abu 'l-'Ala' 
al-Ma'arri during his short stay in Baghdad (399-400/ 
1009-1010), and it also received the works of con- 
temporary writers such as the Fatimid secretary 
Ahmad b. 'All b. Khavran (d. 431/1039). It was 
finally burnt down when the Saldjuks reached 
Baghdad in 447/1055-56. The vizier 'Amid al-Mulk 
al-Kunduri was able to save only a few books from 

It is thought that a Sunni Ddr al-Hlm was founded 
at Fustat in 400/1010 by the Fatimid caliph al- 
Hakim; it was governed by two Maliki scholars, but 
after three years they were put to death and the 
library was suppressed (Ibn Taghribirdl, ii, 64, 

Bibliography: Ta'rikh Baghdad, iii, 93; Ibn 
al-DjawzI, Muntazam, vii, 172, 273; viii, 205; Ibn 
al-Athlr, ix, 71, 246-7, x, 5; Yakut, i, 799; Yakut, 
Irshdd, i, 242; Ibn Khallikan, Cairo ed. 1949, ii, 
100; Bundari, ed. Houtsma, 18; Ibn al-'Imad, 
Shadhardt, iii, 104 (s.a. 383); Abu 'l-'Ala' al- 
Ma'arri, Risdlat al-Ghufrdn, ed. Yazidji, 73, 184; 
Silkt al-zand, Cairo 1319, 1901, 103, 127; Mez, 
Renaissance, 167-9; O. Pinto, Le biblioteche degli 
Arabi, Florence 1928, 8-9, 14-5, 23; K. 'Awwad, 
KhazdHn kutub al-Irdfr al-'dmma, in Sumer, 1946/2, 
218-23 (in Ar.); H. Laoust, La vie et la philo- 
sophic d'Abou-l-'-Ald', in BEO, x, 1943-4, 127-9; 
idem, La profession de foi d'Ibn Batta, Damascus 
1958, xxii-xxiii; G. Makdisi, The Topography of 
eleventh century Baghdad, in Arabica, vi (1959), 
195-6. (D. Sourdel) 

DAR al-ISLAM, 'the Land of Islam' or, more 
simply, in Muslim authors, ddrund, 'our Country' 
is the whole territory in which the law of Islam 
prevails. Its unity resides in the community of the 
faith, the unity of the law, and the guarantees assured 
to members of the umma [q.v.]. The umma, established 
in consequence of the final revelation, also guarantees 
the faith, the persons, possessions and religious 
organization, albeit on a lower level, of dhimmis, 
the followers of the creeds of Christianity and 
Judaism which sprang from earlier revelations, and of 
the Zoroastrians (Madfus) [cf. dhimma, pjizya]. Until 
the beginnings of contemporary history Islam's oecu- 
menical aspirations were maintained, tfadiths going 
back to the Prophet, e.g., a Ifadith on the capture 
of Rome (al-Bukhari, Djihdd, § 135-139), are the 
source of these aspirations. In the classical doctrine, 
everything outside ddr al-Isldm is ddr al-iiarb [q.v.]. 
However, the historic example of Nadjran (al- 
Baladhuri, Futuh, section fi sulli Nadjran) and, at a 
later date, that of Nubia are proof of the permis- 
sibility of truces (hudna, sulh,) concluded with the 
sovereigns of neighbouring territories, who preserve 
their internal autonomy in exchange for tribute 
which constitutes an external and formal recognition 
of the Muslim sovereign's authority (cf. Dar al- 
'Ahd, Dar al-Sulh). 

Bibliography : Muhammad 'Abduh, Risdlat 
al-Tawftid; L. Gardet, La citi musulmane, 26 and 
note 203 ff.; H. A. R. Gibb, The Evolution of 


Government in Early Islam, in Stud. Isl., 4; 0. 
Turan, The ideal of World Domination among the 
Mediaeval Turks, ibid. (A. Abel) 


Egyptian State Archives, consisting of the 
administrative records of the governments of Egypt 
from the start of the sixteenth century until the 
present time, and stored at the Citadel and in the 
Abdine Palace in Cairo. The extant archives of the 
Ottoman treasury and administration in Egypt from 
the time of its conquest by Sellm I in 922/1517 
until it became autonomous under Muljammad 
'Ali at the start of the nineteenth century are 
located at the Citadel (al-Kal'a) archives, which 
were built by Muhammad 'All in 1242/1827 to store 
the materials remaining after a disasterous fire in 
1235/1820. A very few late-Mamluk documents 
and registers, less important nineteenth-century 
administrative records, and all registers of births 
and deaths in Egypt are also kept at the Citadel, 
but the bulk of the nineteenth and twentieth century 
Egyptian government records are kept at the 
Abdine Palace in Cairo. 

Materials remaining from the Ottoman admini- 
stration fall into two broad classifications — registers 
(dafdtir) and individual documents (awrdk). There 
are two basic types of Ottoman administrative 
registers, those containing copies of orders and 
decrees, written in the Diwdni script, and those 
containing financial data, written in the Siyakai 
script. Most of the registers of Ottoman orders and 
decrees stored in Egypt were destroyed in the fire 
of 1820, and such materials are available only in 
the published collections of Feridun and Hayret 
Efendi (see bibliography) and in the Muhimme-i 
Misr registers kept in the Basvekdlet Arsivi [q.v.] 
in Istanbul. The materials remaining in the Citadel 
archives are principally financial registers and a few 
individual documents. In addition, the archives 
possess numerous private collections seized by the 
State upon the death of their owners. The nineteenth 
and twentieth-century archives kept in the Abdine 
Palace are far more comprehensive and complete 
and include copies made in recent times of materials 
concerning Egypt found in the principal European 

Registers of the deliberations of the Diwdn of 
Ottoman Egypt and of judicial archives since late 
Mamluk times are found in the archives of the 
religious courts (al-Mahkama U 'l-Ahwal al-Shakh- 
siyya) in Cairo. 

Bibliography: S. J. Shaw, Cairo's Archives 
and the History of Ottoman Egypt, in Report on 
Current Research, Spring 1956, Middle East 
Institute, Washington, D.C., 1956, 59-72 ; J. Deny, 
Sommaire des Archives Turques du Caire, Cairo 
1930; Muhammad Ahmad Husayn, al-WathdHk 
al-Ta'rikhiyya, Cairo 1945. 93-4; B. Lewis, The 
Ottoman Archives as a source of History for the 
Arab Lands, in JRAS (1951), 139-155", Michaud 
and Poujoulat, Correspondence d'Orient, 1830-1831, 
vi, Paris 1835, 292-3. For some published collect- 
ions of documents from the archives of Ottoman 
Egypt, see : Recueil de Firmans Impiriaux Ottomans 
adressis aux valis et aux Khidives d'Egypte, 1006 
A.H. 1322 A.H., Cairo 1934; Mustafa Hayret 
Efendi el-Siwasi, Insha>-i Hayret Efendi, Bulak 
1241/1825; Ahmed Feridun, Munsha'dt al-Saldfin, 
2 vol., Istanbul 1274/1857-8; G. Talamas Bey, 
Recueil de la correspondence de Mohamed Ali, 
Khddive d'Egypte, Cairo 191 3. On the palaeography 

and diplomatic of these and other Ottoman 
administrative materials, see diplomatic. 

(S. J. Shaw) 
DAR al-MUSANNIFIN [see dar al-'ulum (d.)]. 
DAR al-NADWA, a kind of town hall in 
Mecca in the time of Muhammad. The building 
was to the north of the Ka'ba, on the other side 
of the square in which the (awdf took place. It 
was the gathering place of the nobles (mala?). The 
Dar al-Nadwa is said to have been built by Kusayy 
[q.v.], who is taken to be the ancestor of the Kuraysh 
and founder of the Ka°ba. He bequeathed it to c Abd 
al-Dar and then to c Abd Manaf and his son Hashim 
and Hashim's descendants. "All matters of import 
to the Kuraysh" are said to have taken place there 
up to the coming of Islam: marriages, councils of 
war, advice on public matters, the clothing of 
marriageable girls, circumcision ( c adhr) of boys, 
bestowing of standards of war. It — or rather, the 
square in front of it — is also regarded as the beginning 
and end of all Meccan trade caravans (Ibn Sa c d, I, 
i, 39). Henri Lammens, following a suggestion by 
Martin Hartmann, reasoned from these and other 
indications that the Dar al-Nadwa in the old days 
was not a profane but a sacred building which served 
for the enactment of social-religious rites (Les 
sanctuaires prtislamites, 27-33; cf. G. Levi Delia Vida, 
art. kusaiy, in EI 1 ). His proof lacks, however, 
sufficient basis. 

To begin with, the Dar al-Nadwa remained after 
the rise of Islam. Mu'awiya bought it, and subse- 
quently it served the Umayyads and the first 
'Abbasids as a residence during their pilgrimages. 
Harun al-Rashid had a different building extended 
as a residence (the .so-called Dar al- c Imara). After 
that, the Dar al-Nadwa fell more and more into 
decay. At the end of the 3rd/gth century, under the 
Caliph al-Mu c tadid, it was given columns, arcades 
and galleries, and incorporated as an annexe to the 
Masdjid al-Haram. 

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 80, 83, 323 f., 
789; Ibn Sa c d, i/i, 39 f.; Wustenfeld, Die 
Chroniken der Stadt Mekka, i, (1858), 65-7 
(Azraki); iv (1861), passim; Tabari, i, 1098 f.; 
al-Fdsi, Shifd al-ghardm, i (Mecca 1956), 226 f., 
234-6; Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur I'histoire 
des Arabes avant VIslamisme, i, (1847), 237, 
250 f.; Caetani, Annali, i (1905), Introduction 
§ 78; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i (1888), 12; 
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Le Pilerinage d la 
Mekke (1923), 151 f.; H. Lammens, La Mecque a 
la veille de VHigire (MFOB, ix, 3, Beirut 1924), 
72-4, 226, 301 ; idem, Les sanctuaires priislamites 
dans VArabie occidentale (ibid., xi, 2, 1926), 39-173; 
Article Kusaiy, in EI 1 (G. Levi Delia Vida). 

(R. Paret) 
DAR al-SA c AdA [see saray]. 
DAR al-SALAM, "Abode of Peace", is in the 
first place a name of Paradise in the Kur'an 
(vi, 127; x, 26), because, says Baydawl, it is a 
place of security (saldma) from transitoriness and 
injury, or because God and the angels salute (sal- 
lama) those who enter it. Hence it was given to 
the city of Baghdad by al-Mansur, as well as 
Madinat al-Salam (cf. Baghdad, and also the 
geographical lexicon of Yakut, ad init.). For the 
capital of Tanganyika see dar-es-salaam. 

(T. H. Weir») 
DAR-ES-SALAAM, capital of the British admi- 
nistered United Nations Trusteeship Territory of 
Tanganyika, formerly German East Africa, lies in 
Lat. 6° 49' S. and Long. 39 16' E. The settlement of 


Mzizima (Swahili: the healthy town) was first made 
in the 17th century A.D. by Wabarawa, of mixed 
Arab-Swahili stock from Barawa, south of Mogadishu. 
The present name, a contraction of Bandar al-Salam 
("haven of welfare") at least dates from 1862, 
when Sayyid Madjid, Sultan of Zanzibar, built a 
palace and other buildings there, of which a few 
survive. So does his main street, "Barra-rasta" 
(Hind, bafa rdstd, lit. 'big road'), now "Acacia 
Avenue". Its modern prosperity dates from 1888, 
when it became a station of the German East 
Africa Company, and, in 1891, the seat of the 
Imperial Government. In 1916, during the First 
World War, it was taken by the British forces, and 
has since been the capital of the British administra- 
tion. In 1957 the population comprised 93,363 
Africans, 2,545 Arabs, 4,479 Europeans, 2,460 
Goans, 23,263 Indians, 1,718 Pakistanis, 11 Somali 
and 903 others. Probably about 85,000 Africans, 
12,500 Indians and Pakistanis, the majority of Arabs 
and all the Somali, are Muslims. 

At first a quiet, if imposing official capital, Dar- 
es-Salaam is now a busy commercial port. A railway 
bifurcating at Tabora connects it with Lakes 
Tanganyika and Victoria, while roads, some 
metalled, reach ^11 parts of the Territory. A complete 
rebuilding of official buildings is in progress. The 
mass of the buildings are modern, and, if the African 
quarter retains its traditional style, as a whole the 
town has an occidental appearance. 

As on the rest of the coast, and in many towns 
inland, Islam is the majority religion. Of a gross 
territorial population of 8V« m., there are probably 
2 m. Muslims and almost as many Christians.' 
Swahili, a Bantu language, has a vocabulary 
approximately 25% Arabic in origin: it is the coastal 
tongue from near Mogadishu to the Rovuma and 
the lingua franca far inland into the Belgian Congo. 
Except for a small number of Ahmadiyya, who 
have published a Swahili translation of the Kur'an, 
East African Muslims are Sunnis of the Shafi c i 
rite. The shari'a is administered for them in 
Dar-es-Salaam by a Liwali, with appeal to the 
civil courts. Since earlier than the 1st century 
A.D. there has been a constant drift of Arab migration 
along the coast, and possibly Islam reached it in the 
7th century. There were already Shafi'is when Ibn 
Battuta visited the coast in 731/1331. Most of the 
present Arabs are from Shihr, but some derive from 
other parts of the Hadramawt and Maskat, the 
latter being Ibadis. There are a few from the 
Comoros. The wealthiest inhabitants of Dar-es- 
Salaam are Indians, of whom probably half are 
Muslims. Khodjas (Isma'ilis of the Nizari branch) 
predominate, and their head, Agha Khan IV, was 
ceremonially enthroned there in 1957. Other Shl c is 
are the Ithna 'Asharis and the Bohoras. There is a 
small group of Mayman, and of Sunnis from Pakistan. 
There are numerous mosques. Some thirty Kur'anic 
schools are conducted by Africans. The followers of 
the Agha Khan conduct their own secular schools, 
one reaching secondary level, and certain charitable 
institutions. Apart from private lectures, there is 
no advanced Islamic religious instruction. 

Bibliography: C. H. Becker in EI 1 ; Materialien 
zur Kenntnis des Islam in Deutsch Ost-Afrika, in 
Isl., ii, 1 ff. ; C. Velten, Prosa und Poesie der Suaheli, 
Berlin 1907; B. Krumm, Words of oriental origin 
in Swahili, 1940; E. C. Baker, Dar-es-Salaam, i860 
to 1940, in Tanganyika Notes and Records no. 20, 
1945; 1957 Census Report, Government Printer, 
Dar-es-Salaam. (G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville) 
Encyclopaedia of Islam, II 

DAR al-SHIFA' Tsee bimaristan in]. 

DAR al-SINA c A (also, but more rarely: Ddr al- 
san c a). Etymologically, this compound can be 
translated "industrial establishment, workshop". 
In fact it is always applied to a State work- 
shop: for example, under the Umayyads in 
Spain to establishments for gold and silver work 
intended for the sovereign, and for the manufacture 
and stock-piling of arms. But the sense most widely 
used is that of "establishment for the construction 
and equipment of warships": ddr sind'-a li-inshd' al- 
sufun; or simply ddr al-inshd', which also occurs. 
This does not include the arsenals which we are to 
consider later, while the construction of private 
merchant ships is not dealt with. See baijriyya, 


From the Arabic compounds ddr al-sina'a, ddr 
al-san'-a the words for "arsenal" and "wet-dock" in 
the "mediterranean" languages are derived: Castilian 
ataruzana, arsenal, darsena; Catalan darsanale, dra- 
sena; Italian arsenate, darsena; Maltese tarzna, tarz- 
nar. It is probably from an Italian dialect that 
Ottoman Turkish borrowed its tersdne (sometimes 
"returkicized" as terskhdne, on the analogy of top- 
khdne "arsenal for artillery") ; the word passed into 
several languages from the early Ottoman Empire: 
modern Greek repaava?, Syrian Arabic tarskhdne, 
Egyptian Arabic tarsdne and tarsakhdne. 

Eastern Mediterranean. It was naturally in 
the eastern Mediterranean that the first arsenals in 
the service of the Muslims operated, partly inherited 
from the romano-byzantine Empire. Victorious on 
land, the Arabs remained exposed to reprisals by 
sea, which they tried to prevent by making use of 
the experience of the indigenous populations until, 
before long, they themselves took the offensive. 
Mu'awiya, when still only governor of Syria, was the 
first to organize an arsenal at Acre, in 28/649, f°r 
the Cyprus expedition; the arsenal was later trans- 
ferred to Tyre, where it was combined with a fortified 
dock, closed at night with a chain, in which vessels 
took refuge. Nevertheless, al-Mutawakkil thought it 
expedient to restore the arsenal to Acre, and Ibn 
Tulun, when he was put in charge of it, had it 
fortified (by the grandfather of the geographer al- 
Mukaddasi) on the model of the one at Tyre. It is 
possible that smaller establishments also existed at 
times at Tripoli and Ladhikivva (Latakia); however, 
apart from the sea they were eclipsed, in the extreme 
north, by the riverside works at Tarsus which 
combined the activities of the holy war on land and 
sea until, as the result of a revolt, the Caliph al- 
Muktadi had its fleet burnt in 287/900 and, fifty years 
later, the Byzantines regained possession of it. The 
Crusades gave the final blow to these establishments 
which were probably already weakened by disorders 
and political divisions, and it does not seem that 
the Mamluks subsequently restored them even at 
Beirut, which had become the chief town on the 

Egypt. It was also Mu'awiya, when Caliph, who 
was responsible for the reopening of the Egyptian 
arsenals which the autonomous rulers of Egypt were, 
from the 3rd/9th century onwards, to bring to their 
fullest and most lasting development. The first to 
operate were those which the Byzantines had owned, 
at Kulzum (Clysma) — later to be replaced by Suez — 
which, thanks to the restoration of the canal linking 
it with the Nile, served both the Red Sea and the 
Mediterranean, and at Alexandria. Other naval 
centres were later established at Rosetta, Damietta 
and Tinnis on the mouths of the Nile, and to protect 

them from Byzantine raids the <Abbasids (al- 
Mutawakkil in particular) had them fortified and 
equipped with enclosed harbours like those in Syria. 
Numerous papyri provide evidence of requisitions of 
men and materials, made from the Umayyad period 
onward, to meet the needs of these arsenals. Never- 
theless, the most secure, and consequently most 
highly developed, arsenal was the one established 
on the Nile near Fustat (later Cairo), at first on the 
island of Rawda, in 54/674; probably damaged by 
Marwan II who had the ships burnt to prevent the 
c Abbasids from pursuing him (132/750), it was 
reorganized during the naval struggles of the 3rd/gth 
century with the Byzantines by al-Mutawakkil 
(238/853); the island at that time was called 
J2iazirat al-sina c a. The fortifications which it 
had possessed in the time of the Byzantines (under 
the name of Babylon), and which had fallen into 
disrepair since the conquest, were restored by Ibn 
TulQn, who also carried out the work of rebuilding 
the fleet. The decisive effort was however made by 
the Ikhshldids in the following century, to meet the 
Fatimid threat. As it was at that time impossible to 
defend the arsenal from attack owing to its insular 
position, Ibn Tughdj had the island made into a 
garden, and gave orders for another arsenal to be 
set up on the river bank at Fustat at the place then 
called Dar bint al-Fath. It seems however that under 
the Fatimids the two arsenals operated alternately 
or simultaneously; the wazir al-Ma'miin al-Bata 3 ihi 
in 516/1122 tried to rationalize shipbuilding by 
making the arsenal at Misr (Fustat), now enlarged, 
specialize in shawdni and "State vessels", and the 
Island arsenal in shalandiyydt and tiarbiyydt. A third 
arsenal operated in the quarter known as al-Maks, 
north of the town, at the time of the early Fatimids, 
but we know nothing more about it; a fleet fitted out 
against Byzantium was burnt there in 386/996. The 
events of the Crusades and the troubles at the end 
of the dynasty proved fatal to the fleet and to the 
Cairo arsenals which disappeared in flames. Saladin 
attempted to re-establish shipbuilding at Alexandria, 
and in the Mamluk period we once again hear of a 
fleet fitted out at the time of the Cyprus expedition; 
but these were sporadic efforts occurring at long 
intervals and, roughly speaking, although there had 
been sudden fluctuations in shipbuilding even 
earlier, it is safe to say that the Egyptian arsenals 
disappeared in face of the Italian domination over 
the Mediterranean. 

The Muslims in Crete had an autonomous naval 
base at Khandak in the 3rd-4th/gth-ioth centuries. 

The West. The oldest arsenals in the West were 
necessarily somewhat newer than those in the East, 
but some of them were perhaps to survive longer, 
and the East at times tried to make use of the West 
in this respect as a reserve of materials and equip- 

Ifrikiya. The oldest arsenal in the West was at 
Tunis [q.v.]. It was founded in about 75/694 by the 
governor Hassan b. al-Nu c man on the orders of the 
Umayyad Caliph in the East, c Abd al-Malik b. 
Marwan. A thousand Copts, together with their 
families, were brought from Egypt to undertake the 
work of building and arming a fleet intended to 
guard the coast of Ifrikiya and, in particular, to 
conquer Sicily. 

Other maritime arsenals were recorded at Al- 
Mahdiyya, Sousse (= Susa) and Bougie (= Bidjaya). 

Al-Andalus. It was only in the first quarter of 
the 4th/ioth century that the Umayyads in Spain 
built arsenals. In fact they needed fleets, firstly to 

resist the Norman attacks, and subsequently to 
support their policy of intervention in North Africa 
against the Fatimids. The most important arsenal 
was at Almeria (= al-Mariyya). Others are recorded 
at Tortosa (= TurtQsha), Denia (= Daniya), 
Almuflecar (= al-Munakkab), Malaga (= Malaka), 
Gibraltar, Saltes (= Shaltlsh), Santa Maria de 
Algarve (= Shantamariyya), Silves (= Shilb), Al- 
cacer do Sal. There was, perhaps, one at Cadiz 
(= Kadis), a fief of the Banu Maymfin, whose 
family provided several kd'ids for the Almoravid 
fleets, and also in the Balearics. 

Western Maghrib. The two oldest are those at 
Ceuta and Tangier, on the straits of Gibraltar, 
intended at first for merchant ships. With the advent 
of the three great Berber-Moroccan dynasties, the 
Almoravids, Almohads and Marinids, these arsenals 
became military establishments. They supplied 
warships and transport vessels, making it possible 
to keep command of the straits and to allow the 
passage of armies sent to defend Muslim Spain. 

The other principal arsenals known in the Middle 
Ages were at Algiers (this was to be particularly 
developed later, after the Ottoman occupation), 
Oran, Hunayn, Badis, al-Ma c mflra (now al-Mahdiyya 
at the mouth of the Subu), Sale and Anfa (now 

Sicily. We cannot say if the Muslims established 
arsenals in the places they occupied on the island or 
the Italian mainland in the 3rd/9th and 4th/ioth 
centuries. It is probable that there were some in 
Sicily, at Palermo and Messina. 

Indian Ocean and neighbouring seas. In 
general, the Indian Ocean with its Muslim branches 
the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf were peaceful 
areas compared with the Mediterranean; many 
pirates were to be found there, but no hostile naval 
power. Police forces consequently proved sufficient, 
and it is probable that merchant ships, built as we 
know without nails, were often used by them; there 
seems to have been no true arsenal of the Mediter- 
ranean type. However, apart from Kulzum which 
has already been referred to, it is certain that the 
Fatimids maintained a fleet with 'Avdhab as its 
base, to safeguard pilgrims and merchants in the 
Red Sea on their way to the Yemen. There is little 
doubt that shipbuilding was carried out in the large 
eastern commercial ports: Aden, at an earlier period 
Basra (or rather its outer harbour and precursor 
Ubulla), SirSf, later replaced by Kish, Suhar then 
Mascat in c Uman, and perhaps also in Muslim towns 
on the coast of west India and east Africa; apart 
from Ubulla, it is difficult to be certain of their 
status and political character, and even there the 
dockyards were not able to remain in operation 
after the 5th/nth century when the maritime 
activity of Basra and Siraf began to decline con- 

The Timber-Supply. The arsenals were na- 
turally set up either within a short distance of 
districts producing timber for shipbuilding (pine 
and cedar, oak, acacia labahh or sant in Egypt, 
sycamore and to some extent palm and fig) or 
else in a favourable situation for importing it 
from Italian, Indian (teak, coconut palm) and East 
African merchants, not to mention the raiders of the 
Anatolian coasts. Of the various causes of the decline 
in ship-building after the 5th/nth century, one may 
be the increasing shortage of timber. 

Bibliography: A. H. Fahmy, Muslim sea- 
power in theEastern Mediterranean, jth-ioth century, 
1950; Ekk. Eickhoff, SeekriegundSeepolitikzwischen 

DAR al-SINA c A — DAR al- c ULUM 

Islam und Abendland (650-1040), Univ. Saarland 
1954; M. Lombard, A rsenaux et bois de marine 
dans la Mlditerranie musulmane (ye-ue siecles), in 
"Le Navire, etc." (Travaux du 2e Colloque 
d'histoire maritime, 1957), Bibl. Gen. Ec. Htes. fit., 
Vie sect.; W. Hoenerbach, Araber und Mittelmeer, 
Anfdnge und Probleme arabischer Seegeschichte, in 
Zeki Velidi Togan Armaiam, 1955; G. Wiet, 
in CIA Egypte, 2, 165-9 (Memoires publ. Inst. 
Franc, archeol. or. 52); E. Levi-Provencal, L'Es- 
pagne musulmane au Xe s., 152; idem, Hist. Esp. 
Mus. i, 244, 367; idem, ha pininsule ibirique au 
Moyen Age, 271; R. Brunschwig, Deux ricits de 
voyage inldits en Afrique du Nord, 189; idem, La 
Berbirie orientate sous les Haf sides, i, 347, 382; 
H. Terrasse, Les portes de Varsenal de Sali, in 
Hesp., 1922, 357; G. S. Colin, Fes, Port de mer, in 
Bull, de I'Ens. Public du Maroc, no. 183 (1945); 
G. F. Hourani, Arab seafaring in the Indian 
Ocean, 1951. — A diploma of nomination to com- 
mand of a sea-town with arsenal is contained in 
Kudama, K. al- Kharddi, ms. Istanbul 13V ff., 
(ms. Paris I7v° ff.). For the Ottoman Empire, not 
treated here, I. H. Uzuncarsili, Osmanh devletinin 
merkez ve bahriye teskil&h, 1947, and tersane. 
(G. S. Colin and Cl. Cahen) 
DAR al-SUHI 'the House of Truce', territories 
not conquered by Muslim troops but by buying 
peace by the giving of tribute, the payment of 
which guarantees a truce or armistice (hudna, 
sulh). The two historic examples of such a situa- 
tion, which were evidently the starting-point 
for the whole theory, are Nadjran and Nubia. 
Muhammad himself concluded a treaty with the 
Christian population of Nadjran, guaranteeing their 
security and imposing on them certain obligations 
which were later looked on as kharddi [q.v.] by 
some, and as diizya [q.v.] by others (for the whole 
question see Baladhuri, Futiih, 63 ff. ; Sprenger, Leben 
Mohammads, 3, 502 ff.; M. Hamidullah, Documents 
sur la diplomatic musulmane, 78 ff., Corpus, no. 79 ff.). 
In the course of events this protectorate proved to be 
of no use to the inhabitants of Nadjran on account 
of their geographical situation. For Nubia it was 
somewhat different. Thanks to their skill in archery 
the Nubians were able for centuries to defend 
themselves against Muslim attack and to preserve 
their independence. As a result, 'Abd Allah b. Sa c d 
in 31/652 concluded a treaty ('ahd) with them 
imposing not a poll-tax {diizya) but merely a 
certain tribute in slaves (bakt [q.v.]). On the other 
hand, some were not prepared to admit that, besides 
the Ddr al-Isldm and Ddr al-harb, [qq.v.], there 
existed a third category of territories excluded from 
Muslim conquest, and they held that in this in- 
stance it was in reality a question, not of a sulh or 
c ahd, but merely of an armed truce (hudna) and 
the implementation of reciprocal undertakings (see 
Baladhuri, Futiih, 236 ft.; al-MakrizI, Khi(at, ed. 
Wiet, iii, 290 f.; Ibn c Abd al-Hakam, Futiih Misr, ed. 
Torrey, 189). This somewhat vague theory also 
provided a basis upon which it seemed possible to 
establish contractual relations with Christian 
countries; presents sent by the latter were conse- 
quently looked on as a kharddi. The legal theory 
was expounded as follows by al-Mawardl. All the 
territories more or less directly under Muslim control 
can be divided into three categories; (1) those which 
have been conquered by force of arms; (2) those 
which have been occupied without battle after the 
flight of their rulers; (3) those which have been 
acquired by treaty, this third category including two 

hich depend on whether the property 
(a) becomes common property (wakj) of the Muslim 
community, or whether (b) it remains in the hands 
of the former proprietors; in the first instance the 
former proprietors can in fact remain on their land 
and become dhimmis; they pay kharadj and diizya 
and their country becomes Ddr al-Isldm; in the 
second instance, the proprietors of the land keep 
their estates by contract and from their revenues 
pay a kharddi which is considered as a diizya, and 
collected until they are converted to Islam; their 
territory is considered neither as Ddr al-Isldm nor 
Ddr al-harb but as Ddr al-sulh or Ddr al- c ahd [q.v.], 
and their estates can always be alienated or mort- 
gaged without restriction; if the property is trans- 
ferred to a Muslim, the land is no longer liable for 
kharddf; this state of affairs wih continue so long as 
the proprietors observe the clauses of the treaty, 
and the diizya for which they are liable cannot be 
increased since they are not in the Ddr al-Isldm. 
However, according to Abu Hanifa, if their territory 
became Ddr al-Isldm they would then be dhimmis 
and subject to diizya. As regards the situation 
created by a rupture of the treaty, the various 
schools are not in agreement. According to al- 
Shafi c i, the country, if it is then conquered, belongs 
to the first category, that is to say, territories 
acquired by force; and if it is not conquered, it 
becomes Ddr al-harb. According to Abu Hanifa, the 
the land becomes Ddr al-Isldm if there are Muslims 
there or if it is separated from the Ddr al-harb by 
Muslim territory, and its non-Muslim inhabitants are 
themselves considered as rebels (bughdt) ; if neither of 
these conditions applies, the land becomes Ddr al- 
harb. Others, on the contrary, claimed that in both 
cases it becomes Ddr al-harb (see al-Ahkdm al- 
sultdniyya, Cairo 1298, 131 ff.). It is evident that 
the position was irregular and ambiguous. Al- 
Mawardl himself (150 and 164) includes this Ddr 
al-sulh in his enumeration of Muslim territories 
(bildd al-Isldm) and al-Baladhuri does not observe 
this distinction when discussing kharddi. 

In the period immediately following the Crusades 
numerous treaties, the details of which we possess, 
were concluded with Christian princes or princelings 
(treaties with the king of Armenia, the princess of 
Tyre, the Templars of Antartus, etc.; cf. al-Makrizi, 
Histoire des Sultans Mameluks, trans. Quatremere, ii, 
201 ff., 206 ff., 218 ff.). For details and forms, and the 
traditional justifications of truce agreements con- 
cluded between Muslim sovereigns and non-Muslim 
princes, see al-Kalkashandl, Subh, xiii, 321 ff.; 
xiv, 7 ff. 

Bibliography: Yahyab. Adam, K . al-Kh ard M, 
ed. Juynboll, 35 ff. ; al-Tabarl, K. Ikhtildf al-Fu- 
kaha>, ed. Schacht. I4ff ; Juynboll, Handbuch, 240, 
344 ff . ; 348 ; M. Khadduri, War and peace in the law 
of Islam, Baltimore 1955 ; A. Abel, in Revue inter- 
national des droits del' antiquiti, ii, 1949, i-i7;idem, 
in Societe Jean Bodin, Session de 1958 (Bruxelles) 
sur la Paix: La Paix dans I'Islam; H. Kruse, The 
Islamic doctrine of international treaties (in prepara- 
tion; cf. Islamic Quarterly, i, 1954, 152 ff.). 

(D. B. Macdonald-[A. Abel]) 
DAR al-TAIJRIB [see ikhtilaf]. 
DAR al-TIBA'A [see matba'a]. 
DAR al-TIRAZ [see tiraz]. 
DAR al-'ULCM or the"House of Sciences", (a) an 
establishment for higher instruction founded 
in 1872 by C A1I Pasha Mubarak [q.v.]. Its aim was 
to introduce a certain number of students of al- 
Azhar [q.v.] to modern branches of learning by means 

I 3 2 


of a five year course, in order to fit them for teaching 
in the new schools. In fact, as other centres were 
created in Cairo for the teaching of science, its 
curriculum was remodelled a number of times and 
the exact sciences were relegated to the background. 
The length of the course was reduced to four years. 
Attached as a Faculty since 1946 to the University 
of Cairo (formerly Fu'ad), Dar al-'Ulum endeavours 
to be at the same time Arabic and Islamic, and is 
proud to be the great Muslim Teachers' Training 
College of Egypt, influential through the teachers 
and inspectors who have been trained there. The 
students are divided into sections: four for Arabic 
language and three for Islamic studies. The diploma 
given on completion of the course is equivalent to a 
Bachelor's degree, and can be followed by a Master's 
degree or a Doctorate. Since 195 1-2, apart from the 
students of al-Azhar, men who have passed the 
government secondary schools' 'Baccalaureat' (taw- 
djlh) have been admitted, and since 1953-4, a certain 
number of women students. Formerly, as at al- 
Azhar, the teaching was free and a modest sum was 
given to the students monthly, but now teaching 
fees are charged, with special concessions for those 
who undertake to become teachers. In 1957-8, there 
were 1,715 students as well as some scholarship 
holders completing their education in European 

Bibliography: Muhammad 'Abd al-Diawwad. 
Tattwim Dar al-'Ulum, al-'adad al-masi (1872- 
1947), Cairo 1952; the same, Mulhak al-'adad al- 
masi (1946-1959). Cairo [1959]- (J- Jomier) 

(b) the religious institution at Deoband 

(c) FarangI Mahall. In a house known as the 
Farangi Mahall in Lucknow, granted by Awrangzlb 
to his family as compensation for loss of property 
on the murder of his father in 1103/1691, Nizam 
al-DIn started two years later a madrasa which 
came to be known as Dar al-'Ulum FarangI 
Mahall. Mulla Nizam al-DIn's fame rests mainly 
on the introduction of a syllabus of religious in- 
struction called dars-i Nizdmiyya, an improvement 
on the syllabus said to have been originally 
drawn up by Fath Allah al-ShlrazI, a well-known 
scholar of Akbar's court. Much stress is laid in 
this syllabus on the rules of Arabic grammar, logic, 
and philosophy, while practically no attention is 
given to modern disciplines. There has more recently 
been a persistent demand for a change in the 
curriculum, so far unsuccessfully. 

With the establishment of the Dar al-'Ulum at 
Deoband the FarangI Mahall institution lost the 
pre-eminence it had enjoyed since the time of 
Awrangzlb, and has now receded into the background ; 
in recent times it has been politically active: in the 
early 1920s the 'ulamd'' of the Farangi Mahall 
championed the cause of the Ottoman Khilafa, and 
played a prominent rdle during Muslim League 
agitation in the late 1930s for the creation of 

Bibliography: Wall Allah FarangI Mahalli, 
al-Aghsdn al-Arba'a li 'l-Shadiardt al-Tayyiba dar 
Ahwdl-i 'Ulamd'-i Farangi Mahall . . ., Lucknow 
1298/1881; Altaf al-Rahman, Ahwdl-i 'Ulamd'-i 
Farangi Mahall, Lucknow (?) 1907; 'Abd al-Bari, 
Athdr al-Uwal (not available to me); S. M. Ikram, 
Rud-i Kawthar, Karachi n.d., 582-92; 'Inayat 
Allah, Tadhkira-i 'Ulamd'-i Farangi Mahall (not 
available to me); Shibll Nu'manl, Ma^dlat-i 
Shibli, iii, A'zamgafh 1351/1932, 102-5; 'Abd al- 
'Ala>, Risdla Kutbiyya (ms.); Wall Allah Farangi 

Mahalli, 'Umdat al-Wasa'il (ms.); RadI al-DIn 
Mahmud Ansari, Aghsdn al-Ansdb (ms.). 
(d) The Nad-wat al-'Ulama 3 , Lucknow, was 
founded in 1312/1894 by a band of progressive 
'■ulamd'' who nominated Mawlawl Sayyid Muhammad 
'AH Kanpuri as the first ndzim, with the declared 
object of reforming the current system of religious 
education and effecting a rapprochement between 
the various factions of the '■ulamd'' by the establish- 
ment of an Islamic dar al-'ulum which would not 
only provide education in both religious and temporal 
sciences but would also offer technical training. In 
1316/1898 the primary classes were started, and a 
year later the great library was founded, round which 
later grew up the Dar al-Mus annifin, also 
known as the Shibll Academy, an institute of 
Islamic research with the monthly Ma'drif as its 
organ. In 1322/1904 Shibll Nu'manl [q.v.] joined the 
Nadwat al-'Ulama 1 as its secretary, and in 1326/1908 
the present buildings were opened. Its periodical 
al-Nadwa appeared first in 1322/1904 under Shibll's 
editorship. Under Shibll's guidance the Nadwa 
became the first institution in India to adopt modern 
methods of critical research; it was, however, a 
synthesis of the Deoband and 'Allgafh ideologies, 
and failed to' imbibe either the spirit of orthodoxy 
characteristic of Deoband or the purely rationalistic 
attitude of 'Allgafh. Its foremost scholar was 
Sayyid Sulayman Nadwl, whose completion of the 
Urdu biography of the Prophet, started by Shibll. 
is a blending of the seemingly divergent views of 
East and West in the field of historical research. 
The Nadwa, however, was not successful in the 
religious sphere; its leaders were not orthodox, and 
could not instil into their students the spirit of 
classical Islam. The result was that the Nadwa came 
to be known merely as an educational institution 
with Arabic as the medium of instruction, and its 
reputation as a seat of learning and Islamic research 
is now on the decline. 

Bibliography: Sayyid Sulayman Nadwl, 
liaydt-i Shibli, A'zamgafh 1362/1943, 301-19, 352, 
396 ff., 412-59, 539; S. M. Ikram, Mawdi-i 
Kawthar, Karachi n.d., 206-18; Ma'drif (Sulayman 
Number), A'zamgafh Ramadan 1374/May 1955, 252- 
83; W. Cantwell Smith, Modern Islam in India, 
London 1946, 294, 296. (A. S. Bazmee Ansari) 
DARA, DARAB, Persian forms (adopted by 
Arab writers) of the name of the Achaemenian king 
familiarly known under the hellenized form Dareios 
(Darius). Darab, and its abbreviation Dara, are 
directly derived from the ancient Persian Darayah- 
vahav- (Bartholomae, Altiranisches Worterbuch, 738; 
the different grammatical cases attested by Persian 
inscriptions, in Tolman, Ancient Persian Lexicon and 
Texts, 1908, s.v. darayavau; for the ancient histor- 
ians of these kings, Gr. I. Ph., ii, index, s.v. Dareios). 
The sources of information about these princes 
collected by Arab and Persian writers are legendary 
rather than historical (cf. preface by J. Mohl, Livre 
des Rois, I2 m ° ed., v, 1877). The Persian poet 
Firdawsi (op, cit., v), of later date than the Arab 
historians, was inspired by their accounts particularly 
in regard to the reign of Alexander (Iskandar), but he 
combined them with elements from Persian legends. 
His account, even when stripped of poetic elabora- 
tions, is fuller than those of the Arab historians, even 
the earliest in date, al-Tabari. A short summary 
follows (Darab and Dara are Darius II and Darius III 

Goshtasp (Vishtaspa, the Greek Hystaspe), king 
of Persia, named as his successor his grandson Bah- 


man, son of Isfandyar (Vahman, derived from the 
Avestan Vohu Manah, "Good Thought"), in whom we 
recognize Artaxerxes (Artakhshatra) Longhand. In 
accordance with the khetuk-das (kvaetvadaQa) prac- 
tice, Bahman married his own daughter Homay 
("who appears to represent in popular legend 
Parysatis", historically the wife of Darius II, to 
quote J. Mohl); Bahman got her with child; before 
his death, he declared her to be queen of Persia, 
and named as his successor the child whom she was 
to bear. From the time of its birth, the mother 
entrusted her child to a nurse who reared it secretly; 
when it was eight months old, the queen placed it 
in a box filled with treasure and committed it to the 
waters of the Euphrates; two spies set by the queen 
to keep watch brought her news that a washerman 
had rescued the baby. He and his wife, having lost 
their son, adopted the child and named it Darab 
(Persian : dar db, "in the water", popular etymology) ; 
he grew up and questioned his parentage. A war 
broke out; he took part in it, came to the notice of 
the queen, then won great renown; the Persian 
commander-in-chief spoke to the queen of him and 
led her to recognize a jewel which she had fastened 
on her infant's arm. On Darab's return she had him 
proclaimed king. He founded Darabgird, defeated 
first the Arabs and then king Faylakus (Philip of 
Macedon); he compelled him to pay tribute and 
married his daughter. He was however repelled by 
her foul breath and sent her back, pregnant, to her 
father. She gave birth to a son whom she named 
Iskandar, after the plant iskandar (iskandarus, gr. 
(JxopoSov) which had cured her complaint. Philip 
had Iskandar recognized as his own son. Darab for 
his part had had by another wife a son named Dara. 
Then the two young princes becames kings. Iskandar, 
refusing to give Dara the requisite tribute, conquered 
Egypt and invaded Persia which he hoped to take 
over from his half-brother ; disguised as an ambassa- 
dor he came to Dara's camp and was received with 
great pomp; he was, however, recognized, took to 
flight and succeeded in escaping, subsequently in- 
flicting four defeats on Dara. Dara was assassinated 
by his ministers who informed Iskandar; horrified 
by the news, the latter hurried to his half-brother 
whom he found on his death-bed. Dara spoke with 
nobility of God's almighty power, and asked Iskandar 
to marry his daughter Rushanak (Roxane) and to 
treat the Persians well. Iskandar who became king of 
Persia made further conquests. (The Deeds of 
Alexander, Iskandar-ndma, written by the Persian 
poets NizamI, Amir Khusraw, Djaml, only describe 
Dara's defeat, with further moralizing upon the 
fickleness of fortune. 

Accounts given by the Arab historians differ only 
in certain details from that of Firdawsi. In the 
Chronicle by al-Tabari (Persian version, trans. 
Zotenberg, i, 508 ff.), the infant Darab was saved 
from the water by a miller; Homay, when told of 
this, entrusted her son to him with the words (in 
Persian): dar ("look after him!"), whence the name 
Dara (another popular etymology); "it is also said 
that he was called Darab because he had been found 
in the water" (dar db); Homay voluntarily told her 
son the secret of his birth when he reached his. 
twentieth year; on Iskandar's refusal to give tribute, 
Dara had a symbolical message sent to him (racket, 
ball, sack of sesame) very similar to that sent by the 
Scythians to Darius I (Herodotus, iv, 131-33; and 
cf. E. Doblhofer, Le dechiffrement des icritures, 
French trans. 1959, 24); as a result of Dara's in- 
justice and wickedness, his soldiers deserted and his 

two chamberlains murdered him with the complicity 
of Iskandar who was hypocrite enough to be present 
at Dara's death-bed and then to punish his assassins. 
Hamza of Ispahan is very brief (Annals, ed.-trans. 
Gottwaldt, 28-9), as is al-Mas c udI (Muriidi, ii, 127) 
who gives the same name (Dara) to both Darius II 
and III. In al-Tha'alibi's History of the kings of the 
Persians (ed. and trans. Zotenberg, 393 ff.), there 
is the same fanciful derivation of the name Darab, an 
account practically identical with al-Tabari's, also 
insisting on Dara's wickedness and Iskandar's 
duplicity. The same account appears in al-Makdisi's 
Book of the Creation (ed. and trans. CI. Huart, iii, 
154-9), w ith the exception that Iskandar, after 
refusing to pay tribute, thought better of it and 
sent it with an apology: Dara gave him his daughter's 

Just as the Pseudo-Callisthenes had made Alex- 
ander heir to the kings of Egypt, so the legendary 
history of Persia made Iskandar a half-brother 
of Darius III with whom he disputed the throne 
(possibly a confused allusion to Cyrus the Younger's 
revolt against his brother Artaxerxes II in 401). 
Dara (or Daras-Anastasiopolis) is a fortress 
situated between Mardin and Nasibin, captured from 
the Greeks by Chosroes I during the campaign in 
540 (Noldeke, Gesch, der Perser . . . zur Zeit der 
Sasaniden, 239, and A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les 
Sassanides', 372 and 445). 

Bibliography: In addition to the references 
given in the article: Firdawsi, Shdhndma, ed.- 
trans. J. Mohl, in fo!., v and trans, in 12, v; ed. 
Teheran 1934-35 (pub. Beroukhim), vi; Tabari, 
index. (B. Carra de Vaux-[H. Masse]) 

DAR'A [see adhri'at]. 

DAR C A. This is the name both of a river of 
south Morocco which rises on the southern slope of 
the High Atlas and flows into the Atlantic south of 
the Djebel Bani, and of a Moroccan province 
which stretches along the two cultivated banks of 
this water-course from Agdz as far as the elbow 
of the river Dar'a, for a distance of about 120 miles 
in a generally north-west to south-east direction. 
This province is traditionally divided into eight 
districts corresponding with the wider parts of the 
valley which are separated by mountain barriers 
forming narrows. From north to south these are: 
Mazgita, Ayt Saddrat, Ayt Zarri, Tinzfilln, Tamata, 
Fazwata, Ktawa and Mhammid. 

It is populated by generally Berber-speaking 
tribes and by coloured people who can be divided 
into c abid, slaves imported from the Sahara and 
negro countries, and hardtin, who have a dark skin 
but whose features are not negroid, and who are 
thought to be the most ancient occupants of the 
region. Jews, apparently of Berber origin, complete 
the sedentary population of more than 100,000. At 
least up to the submission of Dar'a to the French 
Protectorate in 1932, the sedentary population lived 
in subjection to the sometimes Arab, but mainly 
Berber, nomad tribes of the surrounding mountains. 
Dar'a has been inhabited from a very early date 
and must certainly have had an eventful history 
since it is a productive region in the midst of areas 
which are almost desert. Traditions lead us to 
believe that the Jews played an important part 
politically up to the 10th century and that Islam 
was brought there by a descendant of the founder 
of Fez in the first half of the 3rd/9th century. Later, 
at the end of the 4th/ioth century, Dar'a came under 
the domination of the Maghrawa (belonging to the 
Zenata) who had settled in Sidjilmasa. 


With the Almoravids, Dar'a really enters on to 
the historical scene, for it served as an advance post 
for their penetration into Atlantic Morocco, as is 
witnessed by the ruins of a fortress which dominates 
Zagora. From the second half of the 5th/nth 
century on, Dar'a was part of the Moroccan empire 
created by the Almoravids, then by the Almohads 
and the Marinids. The Ma'kil Arabs infiltrated there 
towards the end of the 7th/i3th century and exer- 
cised a dominating influence. 

In the ioth/i6th century, this province was the 
cradle of the first Sharlfian dynasty of the Sa'dis 
[q.v.] and was the place from which the sultan Ahmad 
al-Mansflr started on his expedition to the Sudan 
(1591). This shows, in a very striking manner, the 
role of Dar c a as a point of contact between Morocco 
and the Sahara. Thanks to the trade with Gao and 
Timbuctoo at the beginning of the nth/i7th century, 
this region enjoyed a brief period of prosperity. 

Held more or less by the 'Alawi sultans, Dar'a 
was the centre of an important religious brotherhood, 
the Nasiriyyln, which spread widely at the beginning of 
the nth/i7th century around the zawiya of Tamgrut. 
It was practically independant when Ch. de Foucauld 
crossed it in April 1884; its history then was 
essentially one of tribal and clan rivalries. The 
region was occupied by French troops between 
1930 and 1932, almost without any fighting. 

To-day, this overpopulated and poor region 
provides Casablanca and various other towns with 
a considerable number of workers, for its almost 
stagnant agriculture is very far from being able to 
support its growing population. This emigration is 
usually a temporary one, linked with the vicissitudes 
of its climate and agriculture (Naissance du prole"- 
tariat marocain, Paris, n.d., 67-9). 

Bibliography : Bakri, Descr. de VAfrique 
sept., tr. de Slane, 338, 343; IdrisI,, 70-1; 
Leo Africanus, tr. Epaulard, i, 30-2, ii, 422-4; 
Marmol, De VAfrique, tr. Perrot d'Ablancourt, 
Paris 1667, iii, ch. ixff.; Rohelfs, Mein erster in Marokko, Norden, 1885; Ch. de 
Foucauld, Reconnaissance au Maroc, Paris 1888, 
208-n, 285-95; H. de Castries, Notice sur la 
region de I'oued Draa, in Bull. Soc. Giogr., Paris, 
Dec. 1880; de Segonzac, Au coeur de V Atlas, Paris 
1910; Dj. Jacques-Meunte, La nicropole de Foum 
le-Kjam, tumuli du Maroc prisaharien, in Hesp. 
xlv (1958), 95-142; J. Meunie and Ch. Allain, La 
forieresse almoravide de Zagora, in Hesp., xliii 
(i95f>)> 305-23; Villes et tribus de Maroc, ix, 
Tribus berberes, ii, Districts et tribus de la haute 
valUe du Dra*, by G. Spillmann, Paris 1931, 
1-201 ; G. Spillmann, La zaouia de Tamgrout et les 
Nasiriyine, in Ajr. Fr., Aug.-Sept. 1938, and Les 
Ait Atta du Sahara et la pacification du Haut Dra, 
Rabat 1936; F. de la Chapelle, Une citi de I'oued 
Dra sous le protectorat des nomades, in Hesp., ix 
(1929), 29-42; Dj. Jacques-Meunie, Les oasis des 
Laktaoua et des Mehamid, in Hesp. xxxiv (1947). 
397-429, and Hiirarchie sociale au Maroc pri- 
saharien, in Hesp., xlv (1958), 239-69). 

(R. Le Tourneau) 
DARA SHUKOH, eldest son of Shah Djahan and 
Mumtaz Mahall, was born near Adjmer on 19 Safar 
1024/20 March 1615. He received his first mansab 
[q.v.] of 12,000 dhdtl6ooo sawdr in 1042/1633, as also 
the djdgir of Hisar-Firuza, regarded as the appendage 
of the heir-apparent. The same year he was given 
the nominal command of an army despatched to 
defend Kandahar which was threatened by the 
Persians, and again in 1052/1642 when the threat was 

renewed. The attack, however, did not materialize. 
In 1055/1645, he was given the governorship of the 
suba of Ilahabad to which were added the silbas of 
Lahore in 1057/1647, and Gudjarat in 1059/1649. 
Though he took some interest in Lahore and con- 
structed a number of buildings and market-places, 
he left the other subas to be governed by deputies, 
himself remaining at the court. By 1058/1648, he had 
attained the mansab of 30,000/20,000 (which in- 
cidentally was the highest rank attained by Shah 
Djahan before his accession). 

Following the failure 6f two attempts to recover 
Kandahar from the Persians (who had captured it 
in 1059/1649), Dara was deputed to lead a third 
expedition for its recapture in 1062/1652. Although 
the siege was vigorously pressed, and forts in Zamin- 
dawar taken, Kandahar itself defied capture. The 
failure of the campaign, due partly to a division in 
Dara's camp as also his lack of experience, adversely 
effected his prestige as a political and military leader. 

On his return, Shah Djahan associated him more 
closely than ever with the affairs of the state, 
bestowing upon him unprecedented honours, and 
the rank of 60,000/40,000 (1067/1657). It seems that 
Shah Djahan, having clearly marked out Dara as 
his successor, wanted to avoid a struggle for the 
throne on his death, a position which his younger 
sons were not prepared to accept. In 1067/1657, 
when Shah Djahan fell ill, his younger sons, fearing 
that Dara might use the opportunity to seize power, 
advanced towards Agra on a plea of meeting the 
Emperor, thereby precipitating a war of succession 
(see AwrangzIb). Awrangzlb and Murad raised the 
slogan of D3ra being a heretic (mulhid) and the 
orthodox faith being in danger from his constant 
association with Hindu yogis and sanydsis. However, 
the slogan of religion does not seem to have influenced 
significantly the actual alignment of the nobles. 
Dara was defeated, first at the battle of Samugafh 
near Agra (7 Ramadan 1068/8 June 1658), and then 
at Deoral near Adjmer (28 Djumada II 1069/23 
March 1659). Shortly afterwards he was captured 
by an Afghan noble, Malik Djiwan, with whom he 
had taken shelter. He was brought to Dihll and 
executed (22 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1069/10 Sept. 1659), 
a formal charge of heresy being laid against him. 
Dara's elder son, Sulayman Shukoh, soon followed 
him to the grave, a younger son, Sipihr Shukoh, 
being imprisoned at Gwaiiyar. 

Although Dara had an undistinguished political 
and military career, he was one of the most remark- 
able figures of his age. A keen student of sufism and 
of tawhid, he came into close contact with leading 
Muslim and Hindu mystics, notably Miy3n Mir 
(d. 1045/1635) and Mulla Shah (d. 1071/1661) of the 
Kadiri order (becoming a disciple of the latter in 
1050/1640), Shah Muhibb Allah Ilahabadi, Shah 
Dilruba, Sarmad the famous heterodox monist, and 
Baha Lai Das Bayragi, a follower of Kablr. A 
number of contemporary paintings showing Dara in 
the company of sufis and sanydsis have been 

Dara was a prolific writer. His works include: 
Safinat al-awliyd* (1050/1640) and Sakinat aUawliya' 
(1052/1642), dealing with the lives of suji saints, 
the latter with those of the Kadiri order; Risdla-i 
Hakk nurnd (1056/1646) and the rather rare Tarikat-i 
hakikat, both based on well known sufi works; 
his Diwdn, also known as Iksir-i a'zam, recently 
brought to light, containing verses and quatrains in 
a pantheistic strain; Hasandt al-'drifin (1062/1652) 
containing the aphorisms of suji saints belonging to 



various orders; Mukalama-i Bdbd Lai wa Ddrd 
ShukSh. a record of his discussions with Baba LSI in 
1063/1653; Majma? al-bahrayn, (1065/1655), perhaps 
his most remarkable work, being a comparative 
study of the technical terms used in Veddnta and 
Sufism; and the Sirr-i akbar (1067/1657), his most 
ambitious work, being a translation of fifty-two 
principal Upanishads which Dara claims to have 
completed in six months with the aid of learned 
pandits and sanydsis. In addition to this, with Dara's 
patronage and support, fresh translations into 
Persian were made of a number of Hindu religious 
works such as YBga-Vashishta, the Gltd and the 
mystic drama Prabodha-CandrBdaya. Dara was 
also a good calligraphist, and patronized the arts: 
an album (Murakka'-) of calligraphic specimens and 
Mughal miniatures was presented by him to his wife 
Nadira Begam (d. of Parwiz) in 1051/1641-42 with 
a preface written by him. 

In some of his later writings, Dara shows consi- 
derable acquaintance with Hindu philosophy and 
mythology. He was attracted by a number of ideas 
which have obvious parallels in Hindu philosophy, 
such as the triune aspect of God, the descent of spirit 
into matter, cycles of creation and destruction, etc. 
However, he was opposed to the practice of physical 
austerities advocated by the exponents of ydga and 
favoured by many s«/»s, arguing that God desired 
not to inflict punishment but that He should be 
approached with love. Like a number of eminent 
Muslim thinkers (cf. Mir <Abd al-Wahid, Hakd'ik-i 
Hindi, 1566) Dara came to the conclusion that there 
were no differences except purely verbal in the way 
in which Vedanta and Islam sought to comprehend 
the Truth. Dara's translation of the Upanishads 
which he regarded as "the fountain-head of the 
ocean of Unity", was a significant contribution in 
the attempt to arrive at a cultural synthesis between 
the followers of the two chief faiths in the country, 
being the first attempt to comprehend and to make 
available to the educated Muslims these fundamental 
scriptures of the Hindus. 

It may be doubted if Dara's interest in gnosticism 
was motivated by political considerations. From an 
early age, Dara felt that he belonged to the circle of 
the select who were marked out for the attainment 
of divine knowledge. Though some sections of 
orthodox opinion had accused him of heresy and 
apostasy as early as 1062/1652, it does not seem that 
Dara ever gave up his belief in the essential tenets 
of Islam, affirming them at more than one place. 
Nor does the undoubted pantheistic strain in his 
writings go beyond what had been considered 
permissible for s a/is. The opposition of these orthodox 
elements to Dara stemmed from a deeper conviction, 
viz., that emphasis on the essential truth of all 
religions would in the long run weaken the position 
of Islam as the state religion, and effect their privi- 
leges. It was thus closely related to Dara's position 
as an aspirant for the throne. 

Dara occupies a pre-eminent place among those 
who stood for the concept of universal toleration 
and who desired that the state should be based on 
the support of both Muslims and Hindus, and remain 
essentially above religion. His defeat in the war of 
succession did not, by any means, imply the defeat 
of the trend he represented. 

Bibliography : J. N. Sarkar, History of 
Aurangzeb 2 , i, ii, Calcutta 1925; K. R. Qanungo, 
Dara Shukoh*, Calcutta 1952; Bikrama Jit Hasrat, 
Ddrd Shikuh: Life and Works, Vishwabharati 1953 
(contains full list of mss. and editions of Dara's 

works); Risdla-i Hakk Numd, Mama' al-Bahrain 
and Mandak Upanishad (ed. by S. M. Rida Djalall 
Nalnl with introduction by T. Chandj, Tehran 
1957; T. Chand, Dara Shikoh and the Upanishads, 
in IC, 1943; S. K. Rahman, Sarmad and his 
Quatrains, in Calcutta Review, 1943; C. B. Tripathi, 
Mirza Raja Jai Singh (unpublished thesis), 
Allahabad University, 1953; I. A. Ghauri, Re- 
sponsibility of the Ulema for the Execution of Dara 
Shikoh, in /. Pak. H. S., 1959; M. Athar Ali, 
Religious Issue in the War of Succession: 1658-59, 
in Ind. Hist. Cong. Proc. 1960; Hakd'ik-i Hindi, 
Hindi tr. by S. A. A. Rizvi, Banaras 1957. 

(Satish Chandra) 
DARABDJIRD (modern Darab), a town in the 
province of Fars in the district of Fasa, situated 
280 kilometres east of Shiraz at an altitude of 11 88 
metres and with a population of 6,400 people (1950). 
In Iranian legend the foundation of this town is 
ascribed to Darab, father of Dara (Darius III 
Codomannus). The Sasanid ruler Ardashir rose to 
power by revolt from his post as military commander 
at Darabdjird. The stone-strewn remains of the 
Sasanid town lie 8 kilometres south-west of the 
modern village. The outline of the fortification walls 
exist as does the debris of a fire temple, located at 
the centre of the site. Six kilometres south-east of the 
modern village is a Sasanid rock-cut relief known as 
the Naksh-i Rustam or as the Naksh-i Shapur. In 
the immediate vicinity is a spacious cruciform hall 
hewn into a rocky hillside, known as the Masdjid-i 
Sangi. Although it bears inscriptions dated 652/1254 
and the title of the Sultan Abu Bakr, the hall is 
probably of the approximate period of the rock-cut 

Bibliography: Muhammad Naslr Mirza Aka 
Fursat Husaynl ShirazI, Athdr-i c Adiam, Bombay 
1314/1896, 97-9, pis. 7-9; Le Strange, 288 ff.; 
A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides, Copen- 
hagen 1944, 86-7; Farhang-i Djughrdfiyd-yi Iran, 
Tehran 1330/1951, vol. 7, 95. (D. N. Wilber) 
DARABUKKA, a vase-shaped drum, the 
wider aperture being covered by a membrane, with 
the lower aperture open. The body is usually of 
painted or incised earthenware, but carved and 
inlaid wood, as well as engraved metal are also used. 
In performance it is carried under the arm horizon- 
tally and played with the fingers. The name has 
regional variants: dardbukka (or darabukka), dirbakki 
and darbuka. Dozy and Brockelmann derive the 
word from the Syriac ardabkd, but the Persian 
dunbak is the more likely, although the lexicographers 
mistakenly dub the latter a bagpipe. The name 
darabukka, and its variants, is quite modern although 
a SL jj (a copyist's error for SSCjJ is mentioned in 
the A If layla wa layla. The type is to be found in an- 
cient Egypt. The dirridi is mentioned by Al-Mufaddal 
b. Salama (d. 319/930) although he wrongly thought 
that it was a kind of tunbur, as do many Arabic 
lexicographers, but we know that it was a drum 
from Al-Maydani (d. 518/1124). Ibn Mukarram 
(d. 710/1311: says that the correct vocalization is 
durraydj, and that form — with variants — is to be 
found in the Maghrib. The ^ijS~ and ~j jS~ found 
in Al-Makkarl, are doubtless misreadings of £i_p. 
Al-Shakundl (d. 628/1231) uses the Berber name 
agwdl for this drum, and that is still the name used 
in the Maghrib, although Host calls it akwdl, whilst 
it is the galldl of Algeria. In Tripolitania the name 
tabdaba is popularly used, and in Egypt tabla. 

Bibliography: EI 1 , Suppl., s.v. tabl, 215-6; 



J. Robson, Collection of Oriental writers on music, 
iv, 14, Bearsden 1938; Farmer, Studies in Oriental 
musical instruments, 1st Series, 86-7, London 
1931; G. A. Villoteau, Description de I'Egypte. 
Etat moderne, i, 996, Paris 1813; E. W. Lane, 
Modern Egyptians, 366-7, London i860; A. 
Lavignac, Encyclopidie de la Musique, v, 2794, 
2932, 3076, Paris 1922 ; Delphin et Guin, Notes sur 
la poesie et la musique arabes, 43-4, Paris 1886; Al- 
Makkari, Analectes, i, 143, Leiden 1955-61; Host, 
Nachrichten von Marokos und Fes, 262, tab. 
xxxi, 9, Copenhagen 1787; H. Hickmann, La 
Daraboukkah, in BIE, xxxiii, 229-45, Cairo 1952. 
Specimens are exhibited at New York (Crosby 
Brown, Nos. 335, 345), Brussels (Conservatoire, 
nos. 112, 330-4, 680), and Paris (Conservatoire, 
nos. 954-7, 1457)- (H. G. Farmer) 

al-DARASUTNI, Abu 'l-Hasan <Ali b. <Umar 
b. Ahmad b. MahdI b. Mas'ud b. al-Nu'man b. 
DInar b. 'Abdallah, was born in Dar al-Kutn, a 
large quarter of Baghdad, whence he got his nisba, 
in 306/918. He was a man of wide learning who 
studied under many scholars. His studies included 
the various branches of Hadith learning, the reci- 
tation of the Kur'an, iih,h and belles-lettres. He is 
said to have known by heart the diwdns of a number 
of poets, and because of his knowing the diwdn of 
al-Sayyid al-Himyari he was accused of being a 
Shi'i. His learning was so wide that many people 
felt there was no one like him. His biographers 
speak in fulsome terms of him. For example, al- 
Khatib al-Baghdadl calls him "the imam of his 
time". Abu '1-Tayyib al-Tabari (d. 450/1058) called 
him Amir al-Mu'minfn in Hadith. This was the 
subject for which he was specially famous. He 
had studied it under many masters in Baghdad, 
al-Basra, al-Kufa and Wasit, and when he was of 
mature age he travelled to Egypt and Syria. He 
became so famous as a traditionist that every ftdfiz 
who came to Baghdad visited him and acknowledged 
his pre-eminence. Among the many who studied 
Hadith under him were al-Hakim al-Naysaburi (d. 
405/1014) and Abu Hamid al-Isfara'inl (d. 406/1015). 
He died towards the end of 385/995 and was buried 
in the cemetery of Bab al-Dayr near the grave of 
Ma c ruf al-Karkhi. 

He contributed greatly to the advance of the 
critical study of Muslim traditions. His works, not 
all of which have survived, therefore deal primarily 
with the science of Tradition. His Kitab al-Sunan 
(publ. Dihll, 1306 and 1310) covers the normal 
ground of works of this nature. Al-Khatlb al-Bagh- 
dadi says it could have been produced only by one 
who was versed in /t'/sft and acquainted with the 
conflicting views of the schools. It is said that he 
went to stay with Dja c far b. al-Fadl, Kafur's wazir, 
in Egypt because he heard that Dja c far wished to 
compile a musnad. Al-Darakutni is said to have 
helped him, or to have complied it for him. Whichever 
it was, he was richly paid for his trouble. His Kitab 
al-askhiyd 3 wa 'l-adjwad has been edited by S. 
Wajahat Husain and published in JASB, n.s., xxx, 
1934. It consists of stories of generosity. His Kitab 
Hlal al-fiadith, on weaknesses in traditions, was 
dictated from memory to al-Barkani. His Kitab al- 
afrdd, on traditions from one man or from one 
district only, is noted by Weisweilsr as possibly the 
earliest book on the subject. other books on 
hadith he wrote Ilzdmdt 'aid 7 Sahihayn, in which 
he collected sound traditio.. - not given by al- 
Bukhari and Muslim which f Hilled their conditions. 
One other book which ma\ be mentioned here is 

his Kitab al-Kird?dt, on Kur'an readings, in which 
he began by stating the principles of the subject. 
He was the first writer to do so. 

Bibliography: Ta'rikh Baghdad, xii, 34-40; 
Sam'ani, 217a; Dhahabi, Huffdz, iii, 186-90; al- 
Subki, Tabafrdt al-ShdfiHyya al-kubra, ii, 310-12; 
Yakut, ii, 523; Yakut, Udabd', ii, 406; vi, 8; Ibn 
Khallikan, Bulak, i, 470; Yafi% Mir'dt al-Qjandn, 
ii, 424-6; Hadjdji Khalifa, ed. Flugel, 23 times- 
see index ; al-Djazari, Ghdyat al-nihdya fi tabakdt 
al-burra (Bibl. 7s/., viiia), i, 558f., no. 2281; 
Ibn al-Salah, c Ulum al-hadith (Aleppo, 1350/ 
1931), 213, 241; Sarkis, Diet, encyc. de bibl. 
arabe, 856 f.; M. Weisweiler, Istanbuler Hand- 
schriften zur arabischen Traditionsliteratur {Bibl. 
7s/. x), nos. 54, 7m., 92; Brockelmann, I, 173 f., 
S I, 275. (J. Robson) 

DARAN (deren) [see the article atlas]. 
al-DARAZI, Muhammad b. Isma'Il, was one of 
a circle of men who founded the Druze religion 
(see duruz]. He was not an Arab, and is called 
Nashtakin in the Druze scriptures; according to 
Nuwayri (who calls him Anushtakin), he was part 
Turkish and came from Bukhara. He is said to have 
come to Egypt in 407 or 408/1017-18 and to have 
been an Ismafill ddH [see da c i and isma c Iliyya], in 
high favour with the Caliph al-Hakim, allegedly to 
the point that high officials had to seek his good 
graces. He may have held a post in the mint 
(Hamza accuses him of malpractices with coinage). 
He is said to have been the first who proclaimed 
publicly the divinity of al-Hakim; he is also accused, 
as heretics commonly were, of teaching tandsukh 
(reincarnation) and ibdha (antinomianism) regarding 
the rules against wine and incest, though this latter 
is most unlikely. It is possible that his doctrine was a 
popularizing version of Isma'ilism such as the ddHs 
often warned against. His key treatise is said to have 
taught that the (divine) spirit embodied in Adam 
was transmitted to 'All and (through the imams) 
to al-Hakim. This would differ from orthodox 
Isma'ilism presumably in exalting 'All over Muham- 
mad, imamate over prophecy; and then in making 
public the secret ta'wll (inner meaning of scripture) 
and probably denying the continued validity of the 
letter of revelation, tanzil. For the commentator of 
Hamza's letters calls his followers TaVIlis, who are 
accused by the Druzes of altogether rejecting the 
tanzil. Hamza himself deems it necessary to remind 
al-Darazi that the inner truth and its outer form are 
always found together. He also accuses him of 
recognizing only the humanity of al-Hakim, not his 
divinity; which would follow, in Hamza's eyes, 
from his identifying al-Hakim with c Ali, the asds, 
who is a mere imam, leader of men, and far from the 
indefinable One, to Whom as such no functions can 
be assigned. 

Al-Darazi seems to have gained a number of 
followers among al-Hakim's admirers, evidently 
with the approval of al-Hakim himself. Hamza, 
evidently claiming priority with al-Hakim, regarded 
al-Darazi as insubordinate and acting rashly on his 
own initiative; for instance, publicly attacking the 
Sahaba though warned against this. Hamza refused 
to let him see his doctrinal writings; he criticized the 
symbolism of the title al-Darazi first assumed, 
"sword of the faith", only to be worse offended 
when al-Darazi assumed instead a title, sayyid al- 
Hddiyyin, "chief of the guided", which overreached 
Hamza's own title, al-Hddi, "the guide". He claims 
that some of al-Darazi's followers had at one time 
acknowledged Hamza's claims to leadership in the 



movement, and that al-Darazi himself had done so, 
having been converted by an agent of Hamza, 'A